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Une saga palpitante sur les derniers mois de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.Juillet 1944. Tandis qu'à l'Est, l'Armée rouge casse définitivement les reins de la Wehrmacht (opération " Bagration") et qu'à l'Ouest, Américains et Britanniques qui piétinaient depuis le Débarquement, percent enfin les défenses allemandes (opération " Cobra"), les chefs alliés sont optimistes : la guerre en Europe sera finie à Noël. Tous se trompent. Elle durera dix mois encore. Les plus coûteux en vies humaines de tout le conflit. Comment l'Allemagne, dont les forces vives – hommes, matériels, infrastructures industrielles, ressources énergétiques – ont été saignées à blanc, a-t-elle pu tenir aussi longtemps ? Pourquoi Hitler, au contraire de Mussolini ou du dictateur roumain Antonescu, n'a-t-il pas été renversé ? Comment l'Union soviétique, dont plus de 20 millions de citoyens ont été exterminés en trois ans, est-elle parvenue, en quelques mois, à recouvrer le terrain perdu et à planter le drapeau rouge au sommet du Reichstag ? Pourquoi les États-Unis passent-ils pour le pays ayant le plus contribué à la victoire sur l'Allemagne alors que sur les 48 millions de morts provoqués par la guerre en Europe, 73 % sont des Russes (16 millions de civils et 9 millions de combattants soit 15 % de la population de l'URSS) et 0,3% seulement des Américains (140 000 morts) ? Même illusion d'optique s'agissant des accords de Yalta (février 1945) et du prétendu " partage du monde " qui en a résulté. Sait-on que ce n'est pas Roosevelt – trop rapidement taxé de complaisance avec Staline – qui a entériné les visées territoriales soviétiques sur l'Europe centrale, mais le très anticommuniste Churchill, cinq mois plus tôt à Moscou, pour préserver la sphère d'influence britannique sur la Grèce et la Méditerranée orientale ? Après tant d'ouvrages écrits sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale, raconter l'histoire de son achèvement européen était nécessaire pour tordre le cou à beaucoup d'idées reçues. C'est l'objet de ce livre dont l'originalité repose sur les angles morts qu'il a choisi d'éclairer, et la force au rare talent d'écriture de son auteur.L'auteur Eric Branca est notre invité en studioDistribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Les experts et journalistes de RFI répondent aussi à vos questions sur la demande de levée d'immunité de Joseph Kabila en examen, la victoire du candidat pro-européen en Roumanie et le rapprochement de la Chine avec l'Amérique latine. Tchad : que sait-on de l'audio qui met en cause Succès Masra ?  Accusé d'être à l'origine d'un audio qui a déclenché un massacre dans le village de Mandakao, dans le sud du Tchad, l'opposant et ancien Premier ministre Succès Masra a été arrêté pour « incitation à la haine ». Pourquoi ses avocats font-ils référence à un audio datant de 2023 ? Que disait cet enregistrement ? Quelle sera maintenant la stratégie de la défense ?Avec Victor Mauriat, correspondant de RFI à N'Djamena.  RDC : vers une levée de l'immunité de Joseph Kabila ?  La commission spéciale du Sénat chargée d'examiner la demande de levée d'immunité de l'ancien président Joseph Kabila a commencé ses travaux. Quelle est sa composition politique ? Quelles seraient les conséquences pour l'ancien chef de l'Etat si le Sénat décidait de lui retirer son immunité ?Avec Patient Ligodi, journaliste au service Afrique de RFI.  Roumanie : défaite surprise du candidat d'extrême-droite  Le maire de Bucarest pro-Europe, Nicosar Dan, a remporté la présidentielle avec 54% des voix. Pourtant, le candidat d'extrême-droite George Simion s'était largement imposé au premier tour. Comment expliquer ce revirement de situation ? Y a-t-il eu des ingérences lors de ce second tour comme ce fut le cas en novembre dernier lors de l'élection annulée par la Cour constitutionnelle ?Avec Catherine Durandin, professeure émérite à l'Inalco.  Amérique latine : nouveau champ de bataille entre Pékin et Washington ?  Pékin et Bogota ont conclu un accord visant à intégrer la Colombie dans le mégaprojet commercial des « nouvelles routes de la soie » lancé en 2013. Pourquoi la Chine se rapproche-t-elle autant de l'Amérique latine ? Est-ce une manière de concurrencer l'économie américaine dans ce contexte de guerre commerciale entre Pékin et Washington ?Avec Marie-Françoise Renard, professeure d'économie émérite à l'université Clermont-Auvergne, spécialiste de la Chine.

Sait-on vraiment ce qu'il se passe lorsque nous ouvrons l'application TikTok sur nos téléphones ?... Le réseau social chinois préféré des adolescents est accusé, non seulement de zombifier les plus jeunes utilisateurs, mais aussi de les mettre en danger en les exposant à des contenus violents, ou en les encourageant à des comportements qui pourraient menacer leur réputation, voire leur vie. Sommes-nous condamnés à voir nos enfants accros au scrolling ?

  Last time we spoke about the February 26th incident. Within the turbulent “ government of assassination” period of 1936 Japan, a faction of discontented junior officers, known as the Kodoha, believed that their emperor, Hirohito, was being manipulated by corrupt politicians. In a desperate bid for what they termed a "Showa Restoration," they meticulously plotted a coup d'état. On February 26, they launched a rebellion in Tokyo, attempting to assassinate key figures they deemed responsible for undermining the emperor's authority. The young officers executed coordinated attacks on prominent leaders, resulting in several deaths, while hoping to seize control of the Imperial Palace. However, their plan unraveled when their actions met with unexpected resistance, and they failed to secure strategic locations. Dark snow blanketed the city as Hirohito, outraged by the violence, quickly moved to suppress the uprising, which ultimately led to the downfall of the Kodoha faction and solidified the military's grip on power, ushering in a new era marked by militarism and radicalism.   #151 The Suiyuan Operation Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So we last left off with the February 26th incident breaking out in Japan, but now I would like to return to China. Now we spoke a little bit about some influential Japanese politicians in the previous episode. Prime Minister Satio Makoto oversaw Japan from May 1932 to July 1934, succeeded by Prime Minister Keisuke Okada from July 1934 to March 1936. The foreign policy of Japan towards China during the Saitō and Okada administrations exhibited a notable paradox, characterized by two conflicting elements. On one hand, Foreign Minister Hirota championed a diplomatic approach that emphasized friendship, cooperation, and accommodation with China. On the other hand, the military actively undermined the authority of the Nationalist government in northern China, creating a significant rift between diplomatic rhetoric and military action.    The Okada cabinet then endorsed the Army Ministry's "Outline of Policy to Deal with North China" on January 13, 1936. This policy document explicitly proposed the eventual detachment of five provinces, Hubei, Chahar, Shanxi, Suiyuan, and Shandong from the Nationalist government in Nanking. The approval of this outline marked a pivotal moment, as it represented the first official government endorsement of the military's longstanding agenda and underscored the army's evolution from a mere rogue entity operating in the region to the de facto authority dictating the course of Japan's policy towards China. Despite this, on January 22, during the 68th Diet session, Hirota reaffirmed his dedication to fostering better ties with China, to which a representative from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded positively. The Nationalist government in Nanjing also expressed interest in engaging in formal negotiations. However, this diplomatic initiative quickly faltered, and the expected discussions in Nanjing never took place. Shortly thereafter, a mutiny by young army officers on February 26, 1936, led to the fall of the Okada cabinet. Following Prince Konoe Fumimaro's refusal of the imperial mandate to form a new government, Hirota stepped in to establish a cabinet on March 9. General Terauchi Hisaichi was appointed as the Minister of the Army, Admiral Nagano Osami took charge of the Navy Ministry, and Baba Eiichi became the finance minister. Hirota briefly served as foreign minister until Arita Hachirö, who had just submitted his credentials as ambassador to China on March 6, returned to Japan. The Hirota Koki cabinet, established immediately following the February 26 incident further entrenched military influence in politics while allowing interservice rivalries to impede national objectives. In May 1936, Hirota, influenced by army and navy ministers, reinstated the practice of appointing military ministers solely from the ranks of high-ranking active-duty officers. He believed this would prevent associations with the discredited Imperial Way faction from regaining power. By narrowing the candidate pool and enhancing the army's power relative to the prime minister, Hirota's decision set the stage for army leaders to leverage this advantage to overthrow Admiral Yonai's cabinet in July 1940. Arita began his new job by meeting with Foreign Minister Chang Chen while hearing views from the Kwantung Army chief of staff General, Itagaki Seishiro. Yes, our old friend received a lot of promotions. Itagaki had this to say about the Kwantung Army's policy in China "The primary aim of Japan's foreign policy, is the sound development of Manchukuo based upon the principle of the indivisibility of Japan and Manchukuo. If, as is probable, the existing situation continues, Japan is destined sooner or later to clash with the Soviet Union, and the attitude of China at that time will gravely influence operations [against the Soviet Union]." The Kwantung Army's was growing more and more nervous about the USSR following its 7th comintern congress held in July and August of 1935. There it publicly designated Japan, Germany and Poland as its main targets of comintern actions. Japanese intelligence in the Red Army also knew the Soviets were gradually planning to expand the military strength so they could face a simultaneous west and east front war. This was further emboldened by the latest USSR 5 year plan. Alongside the growing Red northern menace, the CCP issued on August 1st a declaration calling upon the Nationalist Government to end their civil war so they could oppose Japan. By this time the CCP was reaching the end of its Long March and organizing a new base of operations in Yenan in northern Shanxi. The developments by the USSR and CCP had a profound effect on Japan's foreign policy in China. The Kwantung Army believed a war with the USSR was imminent and began to concentrate its main force along the border of Manchukuo. The Kwantung Army's plan in the case of war was to seize Vladivostok while advancing motorized units towards Ulan Bator in Outer Mongolia, hoping to threaten the Trans-Siberian Railway near Lake Baikal. Their intelligence indicated the USSR could muster a maximum of 250,000 troops in eastern Siberia and that Japan could deal with them with a force two-thirds of that number. The IJA at that point had inferior air forces and armaments, thus urgent funding was needed. The Kwantung Army proposed that forces in the home islands should be reduced greatly so all could be concentrated in Manchuria. To increase funding so Kwantung leadership proposed doing away with special allowances for Japanese officials in Manchuria and reorganizing the Japanese economic structure. The Kwantung leaders also knew the submarine base at Vladivostok posed a threat to Japanese shipping so the IJN would have to participate, especially against ports and airfields. All said and done, the Kwantung Army planned for a war set in 1941 and advised immediate preparations. On July 23, 1936, Kanji Ishiwara presented the army's document titled “Request Concerning the Development of Industries in Preparation for War” to the Army Ministry. He asserted that in order to prepare for potential conflict with the Soviet Union, Japan, Manchukuo, and North China must have the industries critical for war fully developed by 1941. Ishiwara emphasized the urgent need for rapid industrial growth, particularly in Manchukuo. He followed this request on July 29 with a draft of a “Policy on Preparations for War” regarding the Soviet Union, advocating for immediate reforms to Japan's political and economic systems to facilitate economic expansion and lay the groundwork for future fundamental changes. However, he cautioned that if significant turmoil erupted in economic sectors, Japan must be ready to execute a comprehensive overhaul without delay. At the same time, the Hirota cabinet initiated a review of its policy towards China. In the spring of 1936, a secret committee focused on the Current Situation was formed, consisting of officials from the Army, Navy, and Foreign ministries. Their discussions led to the adoption of the "Measures to Implement Policy toward China" by the Four Ministers Conference on August 11, along with the "Second Outline of Policy to Address North China," which the cabinet approved as part of the "Fundamentals of National Policy" on the same day. The first of these documents outlined the following actionable steps: “1. Conclusion of an anti-Communist military pact. a) To prepare for the conclusion of such a pact, a special secret committee of military experts from both countries should be organized. b) Their discussions should cover the scope and substance of the pact and ways and means of realizing the objectives of the pact.  2. Conclusion of a Sino-Japanese military alliance. A special secret committee, composed of an equal number of delegates from each nation, should be organized to prepare for the conclusion of an offensive and defensive alliance against attack by a third country.  3. Acceleration of solutions of pending questions between China and Japan. a) Engagement of a senior political adviser: The Nationalist government should engage a senior Japanese political adviser to assist in the conduct of the domestic and foreign affairs of the Nationalist government. b) Engagement of military advisers: The Nationalist government should engage military advisers, along with military instructors. c) Opening of airline services between China and Japan: Airline services between China and Japan should be opened immediately. To realize such a service, various means should be used to induce the Nanking authorities to establish an airline corporation in North China, to begin flights between Formosa and Fukien province, and to start test flights between Shanghai and Fukuoka. d) Conclusion of a reciprocal tariff treaty: A reciprocal tariff treaty should be concluded promptly between China and Japan, on the basis of the policy approved by the ministries concerned, with regard to the abolition of the special trade in eastern Hopei province and the lowering of the prohibitively high tariffs. For this purpose Japan should, if necessary, propose the creation of a special committee composed of Japanese and Chinese representatives.  4. Promotion of economic cooperation between China and Japan. Japan should promote cooperation with the common people of China to establish realistic and inseparable economic relations between China and Japan that will promote coexistence and co-prosperity and will be unaffected by changes in the Chinese political situation. “ The document also included suggestions for Japan's economic expansion into South China. This included tapping into the natural resources of the provinces of Fujian, Guangdong, and Guangxi, building a railway between Guangzhou and Swatow, and establishing air routes between Fuchoz and Taipei, which would connect to services in Japan and Thailand. It also called for survey teams to be dispatched to explore the resources of Sichuan, Gansu, Xinjiang, and Qinghai provinces, and for support to be provided to the independence movement in Inner Mongolia. However, these initiatives presented significant challenges. The preface to the "Second Outline of Policy to Deal with North China" cautioned, "In implementing this policy, we must carefully consider the Nanking government's prestige and avoid actions that could prompt it to adopt an anti-Japanese stance in response to the desires of the Chinese people."  On September 19th, six fundamental points for a settlement in North China were dictated to China to “establish a common defense against communism, promoting economic cooperation, lowering tariffs, initiating an airline service between the two nations, employing Japanese advisers, and controlling subversive Koreans." September 22 was set as the deadline for a response from China. While agreeing to some Japanese requests, the Chinese included several counter-demands that the Japanese found completely unacceptable. These demands required Japan to “(a) refrain from using armed intervention or arbitrary actions in its dealings with China, (b) recognize China as an equal and sovereign state, (c) avoid leveraging antigovernment groups or communist elements, and (d) remove any derogatory references to China from Japanese textbooks. The Chinese also insisted that any agreement regarding North China “must precede the annulment of the Tanggu and Shanghai cease-fire agreements, the disbanding of the East Hopei regime, a prohibition on unauthorized Japanese flights over North China, a ban on smuggling activities by Japanese, the restoration of China's right to control smuggling, and the disbandment of the illegal East Hopei government along with the armies of Wang Ying and Prince De in Suiyuan”. Now that mention of a Prince De in Suiyuan brings us to a whole new incident. This podcast series should almost be called “the history of Japanese related incidents in China”. Now we've spoken at great lengths about Japan's obsession with Manchuria. She wanted it for resources, growing space and as a buffer state. Japan also had her eyes set on Inner Mongolia to be used as a buffer state between Manchukuo, the USSR and China proper. Not to mention after the invasion of North China, Inner Mongolia could be instrumental as a wedge to be used to control Northern China. Thus the Kwantung Army began fostering a Mongolian independence movement back in August of 1933. They did so through a special organ led by chief of the general staff Koiso Kuniaki. He began work with the Silingol League led by Prince Sonormurabdan or “Prince So” and another influential Mongol, Prince Demchukdongrob or “Prince De”. Prince De was the West Sunid Banner in Northern Chahar. Likewise the Kwantung Army was grooming Li Xuxin, a Mongol commoner born in southern Manchuria. He had been a bandit turned soldier absorbed into Zhang Xueliangs army. Li had distinguished himself in a campaign against a group of Mongols trying to restore the Qing dynasty to further establish an independent Mongolia. During Operation Nekka Li had served in a cavalry brigade under Zu Xingwu, reputed to be the best unit in Zhang Xueliangs Northeastern border defense army. He led the army's advance unit into western Shandong. Afterwards Li suddenly became friends with Major Tanaka Hisashi, the head of the Special Service Agency at Dungliao where he defected to the Kwantung Army. He soon was leading a force too strong to be incorporated into the Manchukuo Army, thus it was disbanded, but his Kwantung Army buddies encouraged him to move to Tolun in Rehe province. At one point during the Nekka campaign, Li's army was threatened by a strong Chinese counterattack, but they had Manchukuo air support allowing them to capture Tolun. This victory launched what became the East Chahar Special Autonomous District with Li becoming a garrison commander and chief administrator.  Back in time, upon the founding of the Chinese Republic, the affairs of Inner Mongolia fell upon the Bureau of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. This was reorganized in 1930 into the Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs when the provinces of Chahar, Suiyuan and Ningxia were organized. Prince De had been a member of a nationalist group known as the Young Mongols, although his aim was self-determination for Inner Mongolia within China, not independence. The Nationalist government's support for Chinese settlement in Mongol territories and its disregard for Mongol perspectives quickly triggered a rise in Mongol nationalism and anti-Chinese feelings. This was exacerbated by the government's introduction of a law on October 12, 1931, requiring local Mongolian administrative units to consult with hsien officials on matters concerning their administration. The nationalist sentiment was further fueled by the presence of the neighboring Mongolian People's Republic in Outer Mongolia and the establishment of Xingan province in western Manchuria by Manchukuo authorities in March 1932. This new province included the tribes of eastern Inner Mongolia and granted them greater autonomy than other Manchukuo provinces while banning Chinese immigration into it. When Nanjing did not react to these developments, Prince De and his supporters took steps toward gaining autonomy. On July 15th, 1933, Mongol leaders from western Inner Mongolia gathered at Pailingmiao for two weeks to deliberate on a declaration for regional independence. Although many princes were initially hesitant to take this step, they reconvened on August 14 and sent a cable to Nanjing announcing their decision to create an autonomous Mongolian government. The cable was signed by Prince So and Prince De. Over the following two months, additional conferences at Pailingmiao were held to organize the new government, which would operate under Nanking's guidance but without involvement from provincial chairmen. On October 22, Prince Yun, head of the Ulanchap League and a close ally of Prince De, was elected to lead the new regime, with Prince De assuming the role of chief of its political affairs bureau. After receiving a cable from the Mongolian leaders in August, Nanjing quickly sent Minister of the Interior Huang Shao-hung and Xu Qingyang, head of the Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs, to halt the movement. However, the Mongols declined to travel to Kalgan or Kueisui to meet Huang. In November, as the leader of a special commission appointed by Nanjing, Huang reached an agreement with Yun De and other Mongolian leaders concerning a proposal that abandoned the Mongols' demand for an autonomous government. This agreement was later altered by Nanjing, and its essential points were excluded from a measure approved by the Central Political Council of the Kuomintang on January 17, 1934. The dispute reignited, fueled by the Nationalist government's rising concerns over the anticipated enthronement of Pu Yi in Manchukuo. On February 28, the Central Political Council enacted a measure that outlined "eight principles of Inner Mongolian autonomy" and created the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Council. Since these principles did not grant authority over foreign and military affairs, powers explicitly reserved for the central government in the January measure, they were seen as a concession to the Mongols and were accepted. On March 7, the central government issued regulations to establish a semi autonomous regime for Inner Mongolia, which was officially launched at Pailingmiao on April 23. Although the council was led by three moderate princes, Prince Yun, supported by Princes So and Sha, the real administrative authority was held by Prince De, who served as the secretary-general. Most of the twenty-five council members were of Mongolian royalty, through whom Prince De aimed to fulfill his objectives. Nevertheless, the Nationalist government seemed to consider the council merely a token gesture to placate De, as Nanking never provided the promised administrative funds outlined in the "eight principle declaration." Was not much of a shock Prince De sought support from the Kwantung Army, which had established contact with him as early as June 1934. Japanese pressures in North China were starting to alter the power dynamics, and after the first Western incident in Jehol in February 1935, it compelled the relocation of Sung Queyuan's army from Chahar to Hopei, providing encouragement to Prince De. In May, he met with Kwantung Army Vice Chief of Staff Itagaki Seishirö, Intelligence Section Chief Kawabe Torashirö, and staff officer Tanaka Ryükichi, where he was officially informed for the first time about the Kwantung Army's intention to assist him. On July 25, the Kwantung Army drafted its "Essentials of Policy toward Inner Mongolia," which regarded Japanese support for cooperation between De and Li Xuxin as part of their strategic preparations for a potential conflict with the Soviet Union. Shortly after this policy was adopted, a conflict arose over who had the authority to appoint the head of the Mongol Xukung banner, situated north of the Yellow River and Paot'ou. Following the death of the previous administrator, Prince Xu declared that he had taken control of the position. In response to a request from the local abbot, Prince Yun, acting in his capacity as chairman of the Mongolian Political Council, dismissed Xu. Xu then turned to Nanking through Suiyuan Provincial Chairman Fu Zuoyi, arguing that the central government held the authority to appoint heads of administrative units. In retaliation, Prince De dispatched troops to Xukung. On November 10, Fu presented a mediation proposal, which was rejected since it not only failed to acknowledge Shih's dismissal but also demanded the withdrawal of De's forces. De refused to pull back, further intensifying his hostility toward the Nanking government. In December, the Kwantung Army attempted to move Li's forces from eastern Chahar into the six Xun to the north of Kalgan, which serves as Chahar's granary. Following the Qin-Doihara agreement, Matsui Gennosuke from the Kalgan Special Service Agency secured a deal to separate these six districts from the southern region predominantly populated by Chinese; a Mongolian peace preservation corps was tasked with maintaining order in the northern area, while a Chinese corps was responsible for the south. During the discussions for an autonomous regime centered around Song Queyuan in North China in November 1935, Kwantung Army troops were concentrated around Gubeikou. To exert pressure on Song's rear, the Kwantung Army proposed replacing the Chinese peace preservation unit in the area north of Kalgan with Li Xuxin's army, which would establish this territory as its base.   The operation commenced on December 8. In a surprise attack just before dawn, Li captured Paochang. By December 12, despite facing strong Chinese resistance and the heaviest snowfall in sixty years, Li, aided by Kwantung Army planes disguised as those of the Manchukuo Airline Corporation, had taken control of Kuyuan. Further advances were halted by an order from Kwantung Army headquarters, and on December 13, it was reported that, had the operation not been stopped, Tokyo would have issued an imperial command. The operation had faced opposition from the Tientsin army, which feared it would weaken Song Queyuan's position just as they were informing Tokyo that the autonomy movement was going smoothly. Additionally, both Britain and the United States publicly expressed strong opposition to the Kwantung Army's involvement in the autonomy movement. However, the directive was ultimately prompted by the emperor's anger upon discovering that a unit of the Kwantung Army led by Colonel Matsui Takurö had advanced to Tolun to support Li's progress. Although Li's advance was halted, the operation undeniably contributed to the formation of the Hopei-Chahar Political Council.   Although the operation was halted, the Kwantung Army remained committed to its objectives. They contended that Li's army's advance into the six districts north of Kalgan was merely a peace preservation unit moving into territory within the truce line established by the Tanggu Agreement. Consequently, on December 29, they ordered Li to advance southward. Li peacefully occupied Changpei the following day and entered Shangtu on December 31. Manchukuo civil officials were appointed to oversee the six districts, and the currency of Manchukuo was introduced, although the existing tax system initially remained unchanged. The Kwantung Army allocated silver worth 6 million yuan to support administrative expenses. This outcome, known as the Eastern Chahar incident, marked a complete success for the Kwantung Army, which then redirected its focus toward Suiyuan Province. Each year, the Kwantung Army developed a secret plan for covert operations for the following year. The 1936 plan included strategies to secure air bases for routes connecting Europe and Asia, targeting Tsinghai and Sinkiang provinces, Outer Mongolia, Western Mongolia, and even remote areas of Ningxia province. In January 1936, staff officer Tanaka Ryūkichi formulated a document titled "Essentials of Policy Toward (Northwestern) Inner Mongolia." This document advocated for the establishment of a Mongolian military government to facilitate Japanese operations in northwestern Mongolia and suggested pushing Fu Tso-yi out of Suiyuan into Shansi province. Tanaka's proposals were incorporated into the final plan of the Kwantung Army, ultimately leading to the Suiyuan incident of November 1936. In February 1936, a meeting at Pailingmiao, where Prince De proposed the independence of Inner Mongolia, resulted in the departure of Prince So and several other Mongolian leaders from the coalition. They sought to establish a rival political council at Kueisui under the protection of Fu Zuoyi. By April, De and his supporters decided to form a military government at Tehua in Chahar, which was officially inaugurated in June as the Inner Mongolian government, headed by De with Li Shou-hsin as his deputy. This new government quickly signed a mutual assistance treaty with Manchukuo, and the emperor granted De the title of prince.   In July, at a conference in Tehua, Tanaka was appointed as the head of the Special Service Agency for Inner Mongolia with the mission of implementing the army's Intelligence Section plans. He traveled to Pingtiqüan alongside Chief of Staff Itagaki and Intelligence Chief Mutō Akira to propose a local anti-Communist agreement to Fu. After failing to convince Fu, he attempted to persuade Sun Tien-ying to form a puppet army but managed to recruit only a bandit from Suiyuan, Wang Ying. The February 26 mutiny in Tokyo heightened anti-Japanese sentiments in China, resulting in increased violence. By August, the construction of an airplane hangar in Paot'ou was halted due to riots by local Chinese residents. On August 13, a group of fifteen Japanese, led by Nakajima Manzo, was ambushed while delivering ammunition to a pro-Japanese leader who was shortly thereafter assassinated. Chinese soldiers from Wang Qingkuo's 70th Division carried out the attack, and tensions escalated as the arrival of ammunition and Japanese laborers in Kalgan prompted border villages to strengthen their defenses.   By late September, Tanaka's "Guidelines for the Execution of the Suiyuan Operation" received approval, with operations set to commence in early November. The plan evolved from a covert mission into a personal initiative by Tanaka, financed largely through funds from the Kwantung Army's secret services and profits from special trading in eastern Hopei. Tanaka claimed to have transported 600,000 yen to Tehua in October and later sent 200,000 yuan into Inner Mongolia, estimating total expenses at approximately 6 million yen. He acquired new weaponry from the disbanded Northeast Army and established three clandestine forces: Wang Ying led 500 men, including artillery; Qin Xiashan commanded 3,000 from Sun Tienying's army; and Chang Futang also led 3,000 specialized units. During strategic meetings, Tanaka dismissed proposals for unified command and refusing to integrate secret units into the Mongolian army. He advocated for the slogan "Overthrow Chiang Kai-shek," while Matsui managed to include "Independence for Inner Mongolia."   The Japanese had developed the entire battle strategy. The 1st Army, commanded by Li Xuxin, would serve as the left flank, while the 2nd Army, led by Demchugdongrub, would be positioned on the right. Wang Ying's forces were designated as the central force. Their initial targets would be Hongort, Xinghe, Tuchengzi, and Guisui city, followed by a division to seize Jinging, Baotou, and Hetao. On November 13, Prince Demchugdongrub's and Wang Ying's forces left Shandu in two columns to assault Xinghe and Hongort. By the 15th, 1,500 troops reached Hongort, where they engaged the 1st Cavalry Division led by Peng Yubin. The next day, Ryukichi Tanaka, Demchugdongrub's chief advisor, sent two cavalry brigades and one infantry brigade to capture the town, effectively overrunning its defenders. Meanwhile, Wang Ying dispatched a smaller group to secure Tuchengzi.   Fu Zuoyi established his headquarters in Jining that same day. After assessing the situation, he concluded that if the enemy secured Hongort, it would diminish his defenders' morale. Consequently, he launched a counterattack. Peng Yubin led a joint force of the 1st Cavalry Division and Dong Qiwu's 218th Brigade to confront around 400 of Wang Ying's men defending Hongort and Tuchengzi. By 7 AM on the 18th, Tuchengzi was reclaimed, and at 8:30 AM, the 1st Cavalry Division entered Hongort, charging through 500 of Wang Ying's soldiers. The struggle for Hongort persisted for over three days, resulting in nearly 1,000 casualties before Fu Zuoyi regained control.   As the tide shifted against the invaders, Fu Zuoyi initiated an offensive toward the Bailing Temple, the rear base of the enemy, well-stocked and defended by 3,000 men under Prince Demchugdongrub. Fu Zuoyi ordered the 2nd Cavalry Division, along with the 211th and 315th Brigades, the 21st Artillery Regiment, and a convoy of 20 trucks and 24 armored vehicles to assault the Bailing Temple as quickly as possible. Taking advantage of the Mongolian chaos, Fu Zuoyi's 35th Brigade executed a flanking maneuver west of the Bailing Temple amid a severe snowstorm.   At 1 AM on the 24th, the battle for the Bailing Temple commenced as the Chinese engaged the Mongolians for the fortified positions around the temple. From 2 to 4 AM, the Chinese advanced closer to the temple walls, facing artillery and machine-gun fire. They launched desperate frontal assaults against the city gates, suffering heavy losses. A fierce stalemate ensued, with Japanese aerial bombardments causing significant casualties to the Chinese forces. Fu Zuoyi subsequently ordered all armored vehicles to converge at the main city gate. Despite intense fire, the armored cars managed to breach the gate, allowing Chinese infantry to flood into the temple area. The resulting carnage within the temple walls led to 900 Mongol deaths, with 300 captured as the rest fled. The Chinese suffered 300 casualties but secured the strategically vital rear base, along with a substantial stockpile of provisions, including 500 barrels of petrol, 600 rifles, 10 machine guns, vehicles, and field guns. Following the devastating defeat at Bailing Temple, the invaders regrouped at Xilamuleng Temple. On the 28th, the Japanese sent 100 vehicles to transport 3,000 troops to prepare for a significant counteroffensive to recapture Bailing Temple. On the 29th, Wang Ying personally led 2,000 cavalry north of Shangdu to Taolin in an attempt to contain the enemy. However, after he left the bulk of his forces at Xilamuleng Temple, officers from the Grand Han Righteous Army secretly began negotiating to defect to the Chinese side, undermining the forces needed for the counterattack against Bailing Temple.   The counteroffensive commenced on December 2nd, with 10 armored vehicles and 1,000 Mongol troops leading the charge at 6 AM. They were pushed back by the heavily fortified 211th Brigade, which was well-supplied with machine guns and artillery. The following day, at 3 AM, the Mongols attempted a surprise attack but faced an ambush as they crept toward the temple. They incurred hundreds of casualties, with 230 men either captured or having defected. After this, the counterattack stalled, as the Mongol forces couldn't approach within 3 miles of the temple. Subsequently, the Chinese 2nd Cavalry Division launched a pincer maneuver, causing significant casualties among the invaders. By 9 AM, the enemy had suffered 500 casualties and was in retreat. At 7 PM, Fu Zuoyi ordered another counteroffensive. By the next morning, hundreds more had been lost, and several hundred soldiers were captured. With such heavy losses, the defense of Xilamuleng Temple weakened significantly, prompting more officers to defect to the Chinese. Late on the 4th, Fu Zuoyi assembled a force comprising two cavalry regiments, one infantry regiment, one artillery battalion, four armored vehicles, and a squadron of cars to launch a nighttime assault on Xilamuleng Temple.   Meanwhile, the 2nd Cavalry Division clashed with Wang Ying's cavalry 30 miles northeast of Wulanhua. Wang Ying's 2,000 cavalry had been raiding nearby villages to create diversions, drawing enemy forces away from the Bailing-Xilamuleng theater. By the 9th, Wang Ying's cavalry were encircled in Xiaobei, where they were nearly annihilated, with Wang escaping with around a hundred guards toward Changpei. On the 7th, some Grand Han Righteous Army officers set in motion plans to defect to the Chinese side. Early on the 9th, these officers led their men to invade the residence of Japanese advisors, killing all 27 Japanese officers under Colonel Obama. Simultaneously, Fu Zuoyi's forces executed a flanking maneuver against the Xilamuleng Temple amidst the chaos. With mass defections, the Chinese forces surged into the temple area, resulting in the invader army disintegrating in confusion and surrender. After seizing the temple, the invaders were routed, their lines of communication severed, and only isolated pockets continued to resist. Taking advantage of the confusion, Fu Zuoyi launched simultaneous attacks, attempting to capture Shangdu. However, Yan Xishan sent him a telegram, ordering him to halt, stating that Shangdu fell under the jurisdiction of Shanxi and not Suiyuan.   In response to the loss, Tanaka planned a counteroffensive with Qin's troops, but Chiang kai-shek commanded a strong defense of Pailingmiao, successfully outmaneuvering Tanaka's strategies. The resurgence of Chinese forces led to the disintegration of Qin's troops, who revolted and eventually joined the Nationalist army. The Kwantung Army aimed to redeploy its forces for recovery but faced opposition from Tokyo, which criticized the situation. After Chiang kai-shek was kidnapped by Zhang Xueliang on December 12, Tanaka and Prince De seized the opportunity to reassess their strategy. Ultimately, the Kwantung Army decided to abandon efforts to reclaim Pailingmiao, marking the official end of hostilities on December 21. The Suiyuan incident ultimately strengthened Chinese resolve against Japan and increased international distrust.   The defeat of Japan's proxy forces inspired many Chinese to advocate for a more vigorous resistance against the Japanese. The triumph in Suiyuan was celebrated throughout China and surprised the international media, marking the first occasion where the Chinese army successfully halted a Japanese unit. Delegations traveled from as distant as southern Chinese provinces to encourage the defenders to continue their fight. Captured Japanese weapons and equipment served as proof of Japan's involvement in the conflict, despite Japan's Foreign Minister Hachirō Arita claiming that "Japan was not involved in this conflict in Suiyuan at all." After his defeat, Prince Demchugdongrub and his Inner Mongolian troops retreated to northern Chahar, where he had to reconstruct his army due to significant losses. The Japanese implemented new regulations for the Mongolian Army to enhance its effectiveness, and efforts to recruit new soldiers commenced.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. More incidents and more battles to seize territory raged in North China. However things did not go according to plan for the Japanese and their puppets. The tides had turned, and now a more angry and invigorating China would begin lashing out against the encroachment. It was only a matter of time before a full blown war was declared. 

In this episode of the Building HVAC Science Podcast, Eric Kaiser and Bill Spohn welcome Ben Hildebrandt, a passionate advocate for building science and green technology education at the Southern Alberta Institute of Technology (SAIT). Ben shares his winding career path—from automotive mechanics to aircraft maintenance to architectural technology—and how that journey has shaped his deep commitment to sustainable building practices. Ben discusses the role of applied research at SAIT, highlighting its focus on real-world implementation of green technologies in residential and commercial buildings. He covers the challenges of deep energy retrofits, labor shortages, and siloed efforts within the industry, and offers insights into training programs aimed at bridging those gaps. The conversation also explores comfort, thermal resilience, and the importance of integrating mechanical systems with building envelopes to avoid costly failures. Whether you're a contractor, designer, educator, or just curious about the future of high-performance buildings, this episode delivers a comprehensive look at what's working—and what still needs work—in the green building movement. Some great quotes from the episode: You can't have a green building if you ignore building science—it's the foundation for comfort, health, and durability." "The real challenge isn't technology—it's training enough people to use it right." "We don't need more silos in this industry. We need bridges."   Ben's LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/brhildebrandt/ Residential Deep Energy Retrofit Guide (Free PDF Download): https://www.enbix.ca/document/a-guide-to-deep-energy-retrofits/   SAIT Applied Research and Innovation Services Hub: https://www.sait.ca/research-and-innovation-services   Retrofit Canada (some great completed Canadian Retrofit Case studies here): https://retrofitcanada.com/       This episode was recorded in May 2025.  

Claire de Mézerville López is joined by co-host, Executive Director of IIRP Canada, Pat Lewis, for a special IIRP Canada series, highlighting the use of restorative practices and restorative justice across Canada. In this episode, they welcome dedicated community leader, Nicole Chouinard, to the Restorative Works! Podcast. Nicole joins us to share how she and her team collaborate with schools across seven communities and over 30 schools to embed restorative practices early on—training teachers, engaging parents, and creating safe, supportive spaces for students. In a region deeply shaped by transient workforces and past emergencies, these efforts are helping young people build lasting relationships, cultural pride, and emotional safety. Sharing her journey into restorative justice and the stories of youth who were positively affected by their involvement in restorative justice processes, she highlights the emotional depth of her work—navigating the unpredictability of human experience while advocating for victims' voices and supporting accused youth on their healing journeys. Nicole and her husband have called the Regional Municipality of Wood Buffalo (RMWB) home since 2009, where they live, work, and play.  In 2012, Nicole transitioned into her role as a leader within the RCMP Support Services Branch, where she became involved with Victim Services and Restorative Justice. The exposure to these programs opened a passion to advocate for change in how justice is viewed, amplification of victims' voices, better understanding of why a client causes harm, and improvement of community connections and supports. In 2020, Nicole started the process to grow Restorative Justice within the RMWB and has been instrumental in its success, including continued collaboration with stakeholders and the community. Since completing her Legal Assistant Diploma through SAIT in 2007, Nicole has been embedded in careers with legal backgrounds through work with quasi-judicial boards including the National Energy Board, Alberta Energy Regulator, Assessment Review Board, and the Subdivision and Development Appeal Board.  Tune in to understand how restorative practices can prevent violence, promote healing, and empower youth.

Franz-Olivier Giesbert analyse l'audition du Premier ministre par la commission d'enquête de l'Assemblée. Mention légales : Vos données de connexion, dont votre adresse IP, sont traités par Radio Classique, responsable de traitement, sur la base de son intérêt légitime, par l'intermédiaire de son sous-traitant Ausha, à des fins de réalisation de statistiques agréées et de lutte contre la fraude. Ces données sont supprimées en temps réel pour la finalité statistique et sous cinq mois à compter de la collecte à des fins de lutte contre la fraude. Pour plus d'informations sur les traitements réalisés par Radio Classique et exercer vos droits, consultez notre Politique de confidentialité.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

durée : 00:10:40 - L'invité de 7h50 - par : Sonia Devillers - Le maire de Béziers Robert Ménard était l'invité de France Inter, au lendemain de l'interview d'Emmanuel Macron sur TF1. - invités : Robert Ménard - Robert Ménard : Maire de Béziers

durée : 00:10:40 - L'invité de 7h50 - par : Sonia Devillers - Le maire de Béziers Robert Ménard était l'invité de France Inter, au lendemain de l'interview d'Emmanuel Macron sur TF1. - invités : Robert Ménard - Robert Ménard : Maire de Béziers

L'ancienne présidente d'Areva et présidente de ALP est l'auteure du livre « Un secret si bien gardé » aux éditions GrassetMention légales : Vos données de connexion, dont votre adresse IP, sont traités par Radio Classique, responsable de traitement, sur la base de son intérêt légitime, par l'intermédiaire de son sous-traitant Ausha, à des fins de réalisation de statistiques agréées et de lutte contre la fraude. Ces données sont supprimées en temps réel pour la finalité statistique et sous cinq mois à compter de la collecte à des fins de lutte contre la fraude. Pour plus d'informations sur les traitements réalisés par Radio Classique et exercer vos droits, consultez notre Politique de confidentialité.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

La 78e édition du Festival de Cannes s'ouvre mardi 13 mai. Présentation complète avec Stéphane Boudsocq, monsieur cinéma de RTL. Ecoutez Laissez-vous tenter - Première avec Stéphane Boudsocq du 13 mai 2025.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

On a tous tendance à accumuler des tonnes de choses dans nos placards. Parfois même, on ne sait même pas où les mettre. Justement, la liste des choses qu'on ne sait jamais où ranger !

On a tous tendance à accumuler des tonnes de choses dans nos placards. Parfois même, on ne sait même pas où les mettre. Justement, la liste des choses qu'on ne sait jamais où ranger !

Last time we spoke about Operation Chahar. In the turbulent year of 1935, tensions surged in North China as the Kwantung Army defied Tokyo's orders, encroaching deeper into Chahar province. This period was marked by widespread anti-Japanese sentiments, fueled by local revolts and the assassination of pro-Japanese figures, which infuriated Japanese authorities. On May 20, the Kwantung Army launched an offensive against a bandit group led by Sun Yungqin, seeking to exert control over the demilitarized regions established by earlier agreements. Their swift victory forced the resignation of local officials opposing Japanese interests. As chaos escalated, the Chinese government, under pressure to appease Japan, dismantled anti-Japanese factions and dismissed key leaders. The climax in this saga came with the signing of the He-Umezu Agreement, stripping China of authority in Hubei and Chahar, signaling Japan's increasing dominance and setting the stage for further exploitation of the region.   #150 The February 26 Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While this podcast is supposed to be given through the Chinese perspective, I apologize but yet again I need to jump over to the Japanese side. You see, a very pivotal moment during the Showa era would occur in the year of 1936. I think it's crucial to understand it, and the underlying issues of it, to better understand what we will be stuck in for the unforeseeable future, the Second Sino-Japanese War. I've briefly mentioned the two factions within the Japanese military at this time, but now I'd really like to jump into them, and a major incident that made them collide. In the aftermath of WW1, 2 prominent factions emerged during this tumultuous period: the Kodoha, or Imperial Way Faction, and the Toseiha, or Control Faction. Each faction represented distinct visions for Japan's future, deeply influencing the nation's course leading up to World War II. The Kodoha rose to prominence in the 1920s, driven by a fervent belief in Japan's divine destiny and its right to expand its imperial reach across Asia. This faction was characterized by its adherence to traditional Japanese values, rooted in the samurai ethos. They viewed the Emperor as the embodiment of Japan's spirit and sought to return to the moral foundations they believed had been eroded by “Western influence”. The Kodoha was often critical of the West, perceiving the encroachment of Western thought and culture as a threat to Japan's unique identity. Their ideology emphasized a robust military force, advocating for aggressive campaigns in regions like Manchuria and China to assert Japan's dominance. Contrasting sharply with the Kodoha, the Toseiha began to emerge as a more dominant political force in the late 1930s. The Toseiha embraced a pragmatic approach, advocating for a disciplined military that could engage effectively with the complexities of modern warfare. They recognized the importance of retaining some traditional values while also integrating Western military techniques. Rather than rejecting Western influence entirely, the Toseiha believed in adapting to global shifts to ensure Japan's strength and security. The Toseiha's moderation extended to their governance strategies, as they prioritized political stability and control over radical ideology. They saw this approach as crucial for creating a robust state capable of managing Japan's expansionist ambitions without provoking the backlash that Kodoha tactics elicited. Their more calculated approach to military expansion included securing partnerships and pursuing diplomatic solutions alongside military action, thereby presenting a less confrontational image to the world. Now after Manchuria was seized and Manchukuo was ushered in, many in the Japanese military saw a crisis emerge, that required a “showa restoration' to solve. Both factions aimed to create military dictatorships under the emperor. The Kodoha saw the USSR as the number one threat to Japan and advocated an invasion of them, aka the Hokushin-ron doctrine, but the Toseiha faction prioritized a national defense state built on the idea they must build Japans industrial capabilities to face multiple enemies in the future. What really separated the two, was the Kodoha sought to use a violent coup d'etat to make ends meet, whereas the Toseiha were unwilling to go so far. The Kodoha faction was made up mostly of junior and youthful officers, typically country boys as we would call them. These were young men whose families were not the blue bloods, farmer types. They viewed the dramatic changes of Japan in light of their own family experiences, many were impoverished by the dramatic changes. A very specific thing these Kodoha boys hated were the Zaibatsu. The Zaibatsu were large Japanese business conglomerates, primarily active from the Meiji period until WW2. They combined various industries, including banking, manufacturing, and trading. Prominent examples included Mitsubishi and Sumitomo. The reason they hated the Zaibatsu was because they believed they were influenced by western thought and that they super succeeded the authority of the emperor. More or less you can think of it as “we hate the fat cats who are really running things”.   Now the Toseiha faction were willing to work with the Zaibatsu to make Japan stronger. Basically they believed them to just be a necessary evil, you had to play ball to get things rolling. Random note, Hirohito's brother Prince Chichibu sympathized with the Kodoha faction and repeatedly counseled his brother that he should implement direct imperial rule even if it meant suspending the constitution, aka a show restoration. Hirohito believed his brother who was active in the IJA at the time was being radicalized. Now I cant go through the entire history of it, but this time period is known as the “government by assassination” period for Japan. Military leaders in the IJA, IJN and from within the Kodoha and Toseiha factions kept assassinating politicians and senior officers to push envelopes forward. Stating all of that, I now want to talk about the February 26th incident and I will add I am using a specific source, simply because it's my favorite. That is Herbert P Bix's Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. In late 1934, several officers from the Imperial Way faction at the Army Cadet School were arrested for plotting a coup. Although there were no immediate repercussions, the following year, two of the same Kodoha officers, named Isobe Asaichi and Muranaka Takaji were arrested again for distributing a document accusing Toseiha faction officers, like Major General Nagata Tetsuzan, of previously drafting coup plans against the government. This time, the army's upper echelons responded firmly, condemning Isobe and Muranaka's accusations as acts of disloyalty, resulting in both officers losing their commissions. Meanwhile, other Imperial Way officers sought retaliation against Nagata, who was rumored to be planning a major purge to eliminate factionalism within the army. Tatsukichi Minobe was a Japanese statesman and scholar of constitutional law and in the 1930s he began a movement bringing up the very real issue with the Meiji constitution in relation to the role of the emperor. In August 1935, amid a populist movement denouncing Minobe's interpretation of the constitution, Lt colonel Aizawa Saburo from Kodoha faction entered Nagata's office and fatally attacked him with his katana. This marked a significant escalation in the military struggle over state reform and the push for increased military funding, which was intertwined with the movement against Minobe. Meanwhile anti- Prime Minister Okada factions within the army, continuing to use slogans like “kokutai clarification” and “denounce the organ theory,” intensified their attacks on the emperor's advisers and hereditary peers. Senior generals from the Kodoha faction arranged a public court-martial for Aizawa, held by the 1st Division, a group heavily populated by Kodoha officers based in Tokyo. When Aizawa's trial commenced on January 12, 1936, his defense team transformed it into an emotional condemnation of the Okada cabinet, the court entourage, and Minobe's constitutional theories. This strategy garnered support across the nation, even reaching unexpected places like the imperial palace, where Dowager Empress Teimei Kogo, a staunch rightist, expressed sympathy for Aizawa. However, before the trial could progress, a military mutiny disrupted proceedings in the capital. Shockwaves rippled through the army after Army Minister Hayashi dismissed Kodoha member General Mazaki from his position overseeing military education and ordered the transfer of the 1st Division to Manchuria, which ignited the largest army uprising in modern Japanese history. The uprising was orchestrated through a series of meetings held from February 18 to 22 by key individuals including Nishida, Yasuhide Kurihara, Teruzō Andō, Hisashi Kōno, Takaji Muranaka, and Asaichi Isobe. Their plan was relatively straightforward: the officers would assassinate the most prominent adversaries of the kokutai, seize control of the administrative center of the capital and the Imperial Palace, and present their demands, which included the dismissal of certain officials and the establishment of a new cabinet led by Mazaki. They did not establish long-term goals, believing that those should be determined by the Emperor. However, it is suspected that they were prepared to replace Hirohito with Prince Chichibu if necessary. The young Kodoha officers felt they had at least implicit support from several influential Imperial Japanese Army officers after making informal inquiries. This group included figures such as Araki, Minister of War Yoshiyuki Kawashima, Jinzaburō Mazaki, Tomoyuki Yamashita, Kanji Ishiwara, Shigeru Honjō, as well as their immediate superiors, Kōhei Kashii and Takeo Hori. Later, Kawashima's successor as Minister of War remarked that if all the officers who had endorsed the rebellion were forced to resign, there would not have been enough high-ranking officers left to replace them. To articulate their intentions and grievances, the young officers prepared a document titled "Manifesto of the Uprising" “Kekki Shuisho”, which they intended to present to the Emperor. Although the document was authored by Muranaka, it was written under the name of Shirō Nonaka, the highest-ranking officer involved in the plot. The document aligned with Kokutai Genri-ha ideals, criticizing the genrō, political leaders, military factions, zaibatsu, bureaucrats, and political parties for jeopardizing the kokutai with their selfishness and disregard for the Emperor, and emphasized the need for direct action: “Now, as we face immense foreign and domestic challenges, if we do not eliminate the disloyal and unjust who threaten the kokutai, if we do not remove the villains obstructing the Emperor's authority and hindering the Restoration, the Imperial vision for our nation will come to naught [...] Our duty is to purge the malevolent ministers and military factions surrounding the Emperor and eradicate their influence; we shall fulfill this mission.” Seven targets were selected for assassination for "threatening the kokutai". Keisuke Okada served as Prime Minister, where he notably advocated for the London Naval Treaty and supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai. His actions reflect a commitment to international agreements and specific ideological principles at the time. Saionji Kinmochi, a Genrō and former Prime Minister, also supported the London Naval Treaty. However, his influence extended further, as he played a role in prompting the Emperor to establish inappropriate cabinets, impacting political stability. Makino Nobuaki, the former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and Foreign Minister, was another key figure who supported the London Naval Treaty. He notably prevented Prince Fushimi from voicing protests to the Emperor during this period, and he established a court faction in collaboration with Saitō, further entrenching political alliances. In his capacity as Grand Chamberlain, Kantarō Suzuki supported the London Naval Treaty but faced criticism for "obstructing the Imperial virtue," suggesting tensions between political decisions and traditional values. Saitō Makoto, who served as Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and former Prime Minister, was involved in advocating for the London Naval Treaty and played a significant role in Mazaki's dismissal. He, too, formed a court faction with Makino, indicating the intricacies of court politics. Takahashi Korekiyo, as Finance Minister and former Prime Minister, engaged in party politics with the aim of diminishing military influence. His approach was focused on maintaining the existing economic structure amid the shifting political landscape. Finally, Jōtarō Watanabe, who replaced Mazaki as Inspector General of Military Education, supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai yet faced criticism for refusing to resign, despite being considered unsuitable for his position. On the night of February 25, Tokyo experienced a heavy snowfall, which uplifted the rebel officers as it evoked memories of the 1860 Sakuradamon Incident. During this event, political activists known as shishi assassinated Ii Naosuke, the chief advisor to the Shōgun, in the name of the Emperor. The rebel forces, organized into six groups, began mobilizing their troops and departing from their barracks between 3:30 and 4:00 AM. At 5:00 AM, they launched simultaneous attacks on key targets, including Okada, Takahashi, Suzuki, Saito, the Ministry of War, and the headquarters of the Tokyo Metropolitan Police. At around five o'clock on the morning of February 26, 1936, a rebellion erupted, fueled by the long-standing tensions surrounding the kokutai issues that had plagued 1935. Twenty-two junior officers led over 1,400 armed soldiers and non-commissioned officers from three regiments of the 1st Division and an infantry unit of the Imperial Guards in a mutiny in snow-covered Tokyo. The attack on Okada involved a contingent of 280 men from the 1st Infantry Regiment, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Yasuhide Kurihara. The troops encircled the Prime Minister's Residence and compelled its guards to open the gates. Upon entering the compound, they attempted to locate Prime Minister Okada but were met with gunfire from four policemen stationed there. All four policemen were killed, wounding six rebel soldiers in the process. However, the shots served as a warning for Okada, prompting his brother-in-law, Colonel Denzō Matsuo, to help him find refuge. Matsuo, who closely resembled Okada, was eventually discovered by the soldiers and killed. After comparing Matsuo's wounded face to a photograph of the prime minister, the attackers mistakenly believed they had accomplished their mission. Okada managed to escape the following day, but this information was kept confidential, and he did not play any further role in the events. After Matsuo's death, Kurihara's men took up guard positions around the compound, reinforced by sixty soldiers from the 3rd Imperial Guard. In another key operation, Captain Kiyosada Kōda led a group of 160 men to seize control of the Minister of War's residence, the Ministry of War, and the General Staff Office. Upon entering the Minister's residence at 6:30 AM, they demanded to see Minister Kawashima. Once admitted, they read their manifesto aloud and presented a document detailing several demands, including: A prompt resolution to the situation that would further "advance the cause of the Restoration." A call to prevent the use of force against the Righteous Army. The arrest of Kazushige Ugaki (Governor-General of Korea), Jirō Minami (commander of the Kwantung Army), Kuniaki Koiso (commander of the Korean Army), and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa for their roles in undermining military command. The immediate dismissal of Lieutenant Colonel Akira Mutō, Colonel Hiroshi Nemoto, and Major Tadashi Katakura from the Imperial Japanese Army for promoting "factionalism." The appointment of Araki as the new commander of the Kwantung Army. Ugaki, who served as Minister of War during two separate terms, had overseen significant reductions and modernization efforts within the army. He had also failed to support the March Incident plotters, who had hoped to install him as Prime Minister. Minami, Mutō, Nemoto, and Katakura were all influential members of the Tōsei-ha faction; Katakura had been partly responsible for reporting on the Military Academy Incident. Later that morning, Isobe encountered Katakura outside the Ministry of War and shot him non-fatally in the head. During this tumultuous period, several officers sympathetic to the rebels, including General Mazaki, General Tomoyuki Yamashita, and General Ryū Saitō, joined the uprising. Saitō praised the young officers' spirit and encouraged Kawashima to accept their demands. Shortly before 9:00 am, Kawashima indicated he needed to speak with the Emperor and left for the Imperial Palace. Meanwhile, Captain Hisashi Kōno led a team of seven, comprised mostly of civilians, to attack Makino Nobuaki, who was staying at Kōfūsō, part of the ryokan Itōya in Yugawara, Kanagawa Prefecture, with his family. Arriving at 5:45 am, they stationed two men outside while entering the inn with weapons drawn. Inside, policemen opened fire, leading to a lengthy exchange of gunfire. A policeman managed to alert Makino and his party of the danger, guiding them to a rear exit. Although the assassins fired at the escaping group, Makino successfully evaded capture. Kōno sustained a gunshot wound to the chest, and one policeman, Yoshitaka Minagawa, was killed. As Kōno was evacuated from the scene, the assailants set fire to the building. Hearing a gunshot, Kōno assumed that Makino had shot himself inside. After his recovery at a nearby military hospital, Kōno and his team were arrested by military police. Around 10:00 am, Kurihara and Nakahashi loaded a fleet of three trucks with sixty men and drove from the Prime Minister's Residence to the offices of the Asahi Shimbun, a significant liberal newspaper. They stormed the building, ordering the evacuation of employees and declaring their actions as "divine retribution for being an un-Japanese newspaper." The rebels then overturned and scattered the newspaper's type trays, containing 4,000 different characters, temporarily halting its publication. Following this attack, the men distributed copies of the uprising's manifesto to nearby newspapers before returning to the Prime Minister's Residence. On another front, 1st Lieutenant Motoaki Nakahashi of the 3rd Imperial Guard gathered 135 men and, under the pretext of paying respects at Yasukuni Shrine, marched to Takahashi Korekiyo's residence. There, he divided his forces, sending one group to attack while the other remained to guard the entrance. After breaking into the compound, Nakahashi and Lieutenant Kanji Nakajima found Takahashi in bed, where Nakahashi shot him while Nakajima delivered a fatal sword strike. Takahashi died without waking. Once his target was eliminated, Nakahashi regrouped with the soldiers and proceeded to the Imperial Palace, aiming to secure it. Entering through the western Hanzō Gate at 6:00 am, Nakahashi informed Major Kentarō Honma, the palace guard commander, that he had been dispatched to reinforce the gates due to earlier attacks. Honma, already aware of the uprisings, accepted Nakahashi's arrival. He was assigned to help secure the Sakashita Gate, the primary entrance to the Emperor's residence. Nakahashi planned to signal nearby rebel troops at police headquarters once he controlled access to the Emperor. However, he struggled to contact his allies, and by 8:00 am, Honma learned of his involvement in the uprising and ordered him, at gunpoint, to vacate the palace grounds. Nakahashi complied and returned to join Kurihara at the Prime Minister's Residence, while his soldiers remained at the gate until relieved later that day, preventing their inclusion in the government's official count of rebel forces. Elsewhere, 1st Lieutenant Naoshi Sakai led a detachment of 120 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to Saitō Makoto's home in Yotsuya. After surrounding the policemen on guard, five soldiers entered the residence and found Saitō and his wife, Haruko, in their bedroom. They shot Saitō dead, prompting Haruko to plead for her life, saying, "Please kill me instead!" While they pulled her away, she was unwittingly wounded by stray gunfire. Following Saitō's assassination, two officers directed another group to target General Watanabe, while the remaining men moved to strategically position themselves northeast of the Ministry of War. In Kōjimachi, Captain Teruzō Andō commanded 200 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to assault Suzuki's residence across from the Imperial Palace. After disarming the police on duty, they located Suzuki in his bedroom and shot him twice. When Andō moved to deliver the coup de grâce with his sword, Suzuki's wife implored to be allowed to do it herself, believing her husband to be fatally wounded. Andō obliged and, apologizing for the act, explained it was for the nation's sake. After saluting Suzuki, the soldiers left to guard the Miyakezaka junction north of the Ministry of War. Following the assault on Saitō, a party of twenty men, led by 2nd Lieutenants Tarō Takahashi and Yutaka Yasuda, headed to Watanabe's residence in Ogikubo after 7:00 AM. Despite the two-hour delay since previous attacks, no measures had been taken to alert Watanabe. As they attempted to storm the front entrance, military police inside opened fire, wounding Yasuda and another soldier. The troops then gained entry through the rear, confronting Watanabe's wife outside their bedroom. After shoving her aside, they found Watanabe using a futon as cover. He opened fire, prompting one soldier to retaliate with a light machine gun. Takahashi then rushed in and fatally stabbed Watanabe, witnessed by his nine-year-old daughter, Kazuko, who hid nearby. The soldiers departed, taking their wounded to a hospital before positioning themselves in northern Nagatachō. In a significant move, Captain Shirō Nonaka led nearly a third of the rebel forces, comprising 500 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment, to assault the Tokyo Metropolitan Police headquarters. Their objective was to secure communication equipment and prevent dispatch of the police's Emergency Service Unit. Meeting no resistance, they quickly occupied the building, possibly due to a strategic decision to leave the situation in the military's hands. After securing the police headquarters, 2nd Lieutenant Kinjirō Suzuki led a small group to attack Fumio Gotō's residence, the Home Minister's, but found that Gotō was not home, thus allowing him to escape. This attack appeared to result from Suzuki's independent decision, rather than a coordinated effort among the officers. Despite all of these actions, the Kodoha boys had failed to secure the Sakashita Gate to the palace, which allowed the palace to maintain communication with the outside world, and they neglected to address potential naval interventions. At the Yokosuka naval base, Rear Adm. Yonai Mitsumasa and his chief of staff, Inoue Shigeyoshi, positioned marines to defend the Navy Ministry and prepared warships in Tokyo Bay to suppress the rebellion. By the morning of February 28, after unsuccessful negotiations through sympathetic officers at army headquarters, the commander under martial law transmitted an imperial order to disperse. Most troops returned to their barracks, one officer committed suicide, and the remaining leaders surrendered, resulting in the uprising ending with minimal further violence. Nevertheless, martial law in Tokyo continued for nearly five months. The rebel officers had initially planned for General Kawashima, a staunch ally of the Kodoha, to relay their intentions to the emperor, who they assumed would issue a decree for a “Showa restoration.” Despite their radical objectives of overthrowing the political order, the mutineers, like other military and civilian extremists of the 1930s, sought to operate within the imperial framework and maintain the kokutai. They believed the emperor was under the control of his advisers and lacked a genuine will of his own. Once the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and the Grand Chamberlain were removed, they expected the emperor to appoint General Mazaki as prime minister, a leader they believed would reinforce the military and effectively address the China issue. At the onset of the insurrection, they had a real chance of success. The Tokyo military police commander, General Kashii Kohei, sympathized with their cause, and the emperor's chief aide, General Honjo, was related to rebel officer Capain Yamaguchi Ichitaro. Support for the mutineers was present at military bases nationwide. Historian Hata Ikuhiko notes that the rebels contacted General Honjo by both phone and written message before attacking the Okada cabinet. As the first in the imperial entourage to learn of the mutiny, Honjo could have warned the intended targets but chose not to do so. By the time he arrived at court at 6:00 am. on the 26th, key advisors like Chief Secretary Kido, Imperial Household Minister Yuasa Kurahei, and Vice Grand Chamberlain Hirohata Tadakata were already aware of the potential danger. Suzuki was murdered, and the emperor was deeply affected, awakening to the news at 5:40 am from the chamberlain on night duty, Kanroji Osanaga. He learned that his old ministers had been attacked and a coup was underway. Upon receiving this information, Hirohito resolved to suppress the uprising. He was outraged by the killing of his ministers and feared that the rebels might use his brother, Prince Chichibu, to force him to abdicate. He donned his army uniform and summoned Honjo, ordering him to “end it immediately and turn this misfortune into a blessing.” Hirohito adopted a strategy proposed by Kido, who had acted swiftly earlier that morning, instructing Honjo to assess the Imperial Guard Division's potential actions if the mutineers advanced on the Palace. Kido aimed to prevent the establishment of a new provisional cabinet until the mutiny was fully quelled. At 9:30 am Army Minister Kawashima, who had previously met with one of the rebel officers, arrived at court. He urged the emperor to form a cabinet that would “clarify the kokutai, stabilize national life, and fulfill national defense.” Surprised by Kawashima's tone, Hirohito reprimanded him for not prioritizing the suppression of the mutiny. He also expressed his frustration to Chief of the Navy General Staff Prince Fushimi, dismissing him when he inquired about forming a new cabinet. Later that day, Kawashima met with the Supreme Military Council, consisting mainly of army officers sympathetic to the rebels. The council decided to attempt persuasion before relaying the emperor's orders a move contrary to Hirohito's directive. According to historian Otabe Yuji, an “instruction” was issued to the rebel officers at 10:50 am, acknowledging their motives and suggesting the emperor might show them leniency. This message was communicated to the ringleaders by martial law commander General Kashii. That evening, when members of the Okada cabinet came to submit their resignations, Hirohito insisted they remain in power until the mutiny was resolved. On February 27, the second day of the uprising, Hirohito announced “administrative martial law” based on Article 8 of the Imperial Constitution. This invoked his sovereign powers to address the crisis while freeing him from needing cabinet approval for his actions. Hirohito displayed remarkable energy throughout the subsequent days, sending chamberlains to summon Honjo for updates and threatening to lead the Imperial Guard Division himself when dissatisfied with the reports. Honjo, however, resisted the emperor's demands and exhibited sympathy for the rebels. During the uprising, Hirohito met with Prince Chichibu, who had recently returned from Hirosaki. Their discussions reportedly led Chichibu to distance himself from the rebels. However, rumors of his sympathy for them persisted, leading to concerns about potential conflicts within the imperial family. On the second day, Rear Admiral Yonai and his chief of staff demonstrated their loyalty to Hirohito. By February 29, the fourth day of the uprising, Hirohito had reasserted his authority, troops were returning to their barracks, and most rebel leaders were captured. Seventeen of these leaders were court-martialed and executed in July without legal representation. Shortly after, during the obon festival, Hirohito allegedly instructed a military aide to secure seventeen obon lanterns for the palace. This action, though secret, may have provided him some personal comfort amidst the turmoil. An investigation following the mutiny revealed that the rebels' sense of crisis was amplified by the recent general elections, which had shown an anti-military sentiment among voters. Despite their populist rhetoric, most ringleaders were not motivated by the agricultural depression; their goal was to support the kokutai by advocating for increased military rearmament. During this period, military spending steadily rose from 3.47% of GNP in 1931 to 5.63% in 1936. Intriguingly, the ringleaders and their senior commanders shared a desire for state control over production to mobilize resources fully for total war. While united in this goal, their ideas about how to achieve a “Showa restoration” varied greatly, with some leaders, like Isobe, calling for complete economic consolidation and a return to strong state power. The February mutiny reinforced Hirohito's belief in the constitutional framework that underpinned his military authority. He became increasingly cautious about decisions that could compromise his command and developed closer ties to the army's Control faction, justifying military spending increases. Yet, the memory of the mutiny left him feeling uncertain about the throne's stability. Now you know me, whenever I can bring up Hirohito's involvement in the war related times I gotta do. After WW2, in an apparent effort to downplay his role as supreme commander, Hirohito provided a deliberately distorted account of the February events. “I issued an order at that time for the rebel force to be suppressed. This brings to mind Machida Chuji, the finance minister. He was very worried about the rebellion's adverse effect on the money market and warned me that a panic could occur unless I took firm measures. Therefore I issued a strong command to have [the uprising] put down. As a rule, because a suppression order also involves martial law, military circles, who cannot issue such an order on their own, need the mutual consent of the government. However, at the time, Okada's whereabouts were unknown. As the attitude of the Army Ministry seemed too lenient, I issued a strict order. Following my bitter experiences with the Tanaka cabinet, I had decided always to wait for the opinions of my advisers before making any decision, and not to go against their counsel. Only twice, on this occasion and at the time of the ending of the war, did I positively implement my own ideas. Ishiwara Kanji of the Army General Staff Office also asked me, through military aide Chojiri [Kazumoto], to issue a suppression order. I don't know what sort of a person Ishiwara is, but on this occasion he was correct, even though he had been the instigator of the Manchurian Incident. Further, my chief military aide, Honjo, brought me the plan drafted by Yamashita Hobun, in which Yamashita asked me to please send an examiner because the three leaders of the rebel army were likely to commit suicide. However, I thought that sending an examiner would imply that they had acted according to their moral convictions and were deserving of respect. . . . So I rejected Honjo's proposal, and [instead] issued the order to suppress them. I received no report that generals in charge of military affairs had gone and urged the rebels to surrender.”  On February 26, when Hirohito ordered the immediate suppression of the rebels, his anger was directed not only at the insurgents who had assassinated his closest advisors but also at senior army officers who were indecisive in executing the crackdown. The following day, in addition to his role as Minister of Commerce and Industry, Machida took on the responsibilities of finance minister. Concerns over economic panic and confusion contributed to the emperor's sense of urgency, despite not being the primary motivation for his actions. Hirohito believed that every hour of delay tarnished Japan's international reputation. Since the Manchurian Incident, the emperor had frequently clashed with the military regarding encroachments on his authority, though never about fundamental policy issues. At times, he had managed to assert his political views during policy discussions, similar to his earlier influence under the Hamaguchi cabinet. The February 26 mutiny highlighted to Hirohito and Yuasa his privy seal from March 1936 to June 1940, and the first lord keeper of the privy seal to attend court regularly the necessity of fully exercising the emperor's supreme command whenever the situation demanded it. Even when faced with opposition from Honjo, Hirohito managed to gain support and assert his authority through a decisive approach. His resolution marked the end of a period during which alienated “young officers” attempted to leverage his influence as a reformist figure to challenge a power structure they could not manipulate effectively. However, Hirohito learned how to adeptly manage that establishment in most situations. The decision-making process within the government was characterized by secrecy, indirect communication, vague policy drafting, and information manipulation, creating a landscape of confusion, misunderstanding, and constant intrigue aimed at achieving consensus among elites. This was the modus operandi in Tokyo and a reflection of how the emperor operated. Once again, Hirohito reminded the tightly-knit elite that he was essential to the functioning of the system. On May 4, 1936, during his address at the opening ceremony of the Sixty-ninth Imperial Diet, while Tokyo remained under martial law, Hirohito closed the chapter on the February mutiny. Initially, he contemplated sending a strong message of censure to the military, but after considerable deliberation over three months, he ultimately chose to issue a brief, innocuous statement: “We regret the recent incident that occurred in Tokyo.” The response from his audience of Diet members and military officials was one of startled awe, with some privately expressing disappointment. Once again, at a critical juncture, Hirohito avoided an opportunity to publicly rein in the military through his constitutional role. Nonetheless, due to his behind-the-scenes actions, the drift in domestic policy that had characterized Japan since the Manchurian Incident came to an end. In the following fourteen months, the emperor and his advisors largely aligned with the army and navy's demands for increased military expansion and state-driven industrial development. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. So some very unruly young Japanese officers got the bright idea of forcing a showa restoration by killing all the culprits they believed held their emperor hostage. Little did they know, this event spelt the end of the Kodoha faction and rise of the Toseiha faction. Henceforth the military was even more in charge and would get even more insane.   

Au cœur de la nuit, les auditeurs se livrent en toute liberté aux oreilles attentives et bienveillantes de Valérie Darmon. Pas de jugements ni de tabous, une conversation franche, mais aussi des réponses aux questions que les auditeurs se posent. Un moment d'échange et de partage propice à la confidence pour repartir le cœur plus léger.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

durée : 00:22:09 - L'invité de 8h20 - Aujourd'hui dans le grand entretien, nous recevons Ariane Chemin, écrivain et grand reporter au Monde et Yves Jeuland, réalisateur, pour le documentaire “Zelensky,” diffusé le mardi 13 mai 2025 à 21h sur Arte et déjà disponible sur arte.tv. - invités : Ariane CHEMIN, Yves Jeuland - Ariane Chemin : Écrivain, grand reporter au Monde, Yves Jeuland : Réalisateur

Tous les vendredis, samedis et dimanches soirs, Pascale de la Tour du Pin reçoit deux invités pour des débats d'actualité. Avis tranchés et arguments incisifs sont au programme.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Tous les vendredis, samedis et dimanches soirs, Pascale de la Tour du Pin reçoit deux invités pour des débats d'actualité. Avis tranchés et arguments incisifs sont au programme.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Jérôme Rothen se chauffe contre un autre consultant, un éditorialiste ou un acteur du foot.

durée : 00:04:12 - Le Polar sonne toujours 2 fois - par : Michel ABESCAT - Peut-on réellement connaître les personnes avec qui l'on vit ? Cette question est au cœur du nouveau livre de Fabrice Tassel, un drame intimiste et troublant. Il explore les faux semblants et les non-dits d'un couple qui va voler en éclat.

Pas de baisse, pas de hausse, juste du flou, de l'incertitude… et un Président américain qui souffle sur les braises tarifaires comme un pyromane sous amphètes.

Retrouvez dans cet épisode de LeaderCast comment on nous baratine sans arrêt. La vérité est que personne ne sait rien. Les liens du Podcast : - Pour accéder au Podcast des Patreotes et à la Revue de Presse - https://www.patreon.com/leadercast - Pour se procurer mon LIVRE "The Leader Project" - https://www.leadercast.fr/leader-project/ - Pour COMMANDER "THE LIFE" - https://www.leadercast.fr/the-life/ - Pour me contacter - https://www.leadercast.fr/contact/

L'avocate Sophie Obadia et l'Académicien Marc Lambron commentent le conclave qui doit donner lieu à la nomination du prochain pape Mention légales : Vos données de connexion, dont votre adresse IP, sont traités par Radio Classique, responsable de traitement, sur la base de son intérêt légitime, par l'intermédiaire de son sous-traitant Ausha, à des fins de réalisation de statistiques agréées et de lutte contre la fraude. Ces données sont supprimées en temps réel pour la finalité statistique et sous cinq mois à compter de la collecte à des fins de lutte contre la fraude. Pour plus d'informations sur les traitements réalisés par Radio Classique et exercer vos droits, consultez notre Politique de confidentialité.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

durée : 00:28:28 - Les Midis de Culture - par : Marie Labory - Frédéric Pierrot n'a jamais vraiment lâché la clarinette qu'il a commencé à apprendre, seul, à l'adolescence ; avec "Les Musiciens" de Grégory Magne, l'acteur remet un pied dans les croches et les notes avec son rôle de compositeur. - réalisation : Laurence Malonda - invités : Frédéric Pierrot Comédien

Mathieu Bihet, ministre de l'Energie, était l'invité de Thomas Gadisseux. Il s'est exprimé sur la possibilité d'un black-out en Belgique suite à celui survenu en Espagne. Il souligne que le réseau belge est différent et mieux interconnecté avec les pays voisins, offrant plus de stabilité. Le ministre assume le retour du nucléaire, avec l'abrogation prochaine de la loi de sortie. Il affirme que l'idéologie antinucléaire s'est heurtée à la réalité des besoins énergétiques et climatiques. Concernant la sécurité des centrales, Bihet assure qu'aucune prolongation ne se fera sans mise aux normes. Pour lui, le nucléaire et le renouvelable ne sont pas opposés, mais complémentaires. Enfin, le ministre évoque le projet d'île énergétique en mer du Nord, dont les coûts ont fortement augmenté. Il annonce une réévaluation du projet pour éviter un impact trop important sur la facture des consommateurs. Merci pour votre écoute N'hésistez pas à vous abonner également aux podcasts des séquences phares de Matin Première: L'Invité Politique : https://audmns.com/LNCogwPL'édito politique « Les Coulisses du Pouvoir » : https://audmns.com/vXWPcqxL'humour de Matin Première : https://audmns.com/tbdbwoQRetrouvez tous les contenus de la RTBF sur notre plateforme Auvio.be Retrouvez également notre offre info ci-dessous : Le Monde en Direct : https://audmns.com/TkxEWMELes Clés : https://audmns.com/DvbCVrHLe Tournant : https://audmns.com/moqIRoC5 Minutes pour Comprendre : https://audmns.com/dHiHssrEt si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Les experts et journalistes de RFI répondent aussi à vos questions sur les bombardements israéliens à Damas et les accusations de haute trahison à l'encontre de Joseph Kabila. Ukraine/États-Unis : que sait-on de l'accord sur les minerais ?   Après de longues négociations, les États-Unis et l'Ukraine ont signé un accord sur l'exploitation des ressources naturelles ukrainiennes. De quelles richesses minières parle-t-on ? Cet accord est-il «gagnant-gagnant» ? Comment réagit la population ukrainienne ?Avec Kseniya Zhornokley, journaliste spécialisée pour la rédaction ukrainienne de RFI. Syrie : pourquoi Israël prend la défense de la communauté druze ?   En représailles aux violents affrontements confessionnels prenant pour cible les druzes dans la banlieue de Damas, Israël a bombardé vendredi autour du palais présidentiel. Pourquoi l'État hébreu se positionne-t-il en protecteur de cette communauté ? Quels sont leurs liens ? Quelle est l'origine de ces violences religieuses ?Avec Pierre Olivier, journaliste au service international de RFI.   RDC : Joseph Kabila pourrait-il perdre son immunité ?  Soupçonné de liens avec l'Alliance Fleuve Congo, la branche politique du M23, l'ancien président Joseph Kabila est accusé de haute trahison. Le Sénat a été saisi pour demander la levée de son immunité. Des preuves ont-elles été présentées pour étayer cette accusation ? Quelles sont les prochaines étapes du processus de levée d'immunité ? Avec Bob Kabamba, professeur de Sciences politiques à l'Université de Liège. 

Aujourd'hui, Zohra Bitan, Antoine Diers et Bruno Poncet débattent de l'actualité autour d'Alain Marschall et Olivier Truchot.

Pour écouter mon podcast Choses à Savoir Culture Générale:Apple Podcast:https://podcasts.apple.com/fr/podcast/choses-%C3%A0-savoir-culture-g%C3%A9n%C3%A9rale/id1048372492Spotify:https://open.spotify.com/show/3AL8eKPHOUINc6usVSbRo3?si=e794067703c14028----------------------------Parmi les milliers d'exoplanètes détectées ces dernières années, K2-18b se distingue comme l'un des mondes les plus prometteurs dans la quête de vie extraterrestre. Située à environ 120 années-lumière de la Terre, dans la constellation du Lion, cette planète intrigue par ses caractéristiques physico-chimiques uniques. Classée comme une planète « hycéenne », elle posséderait un océan liquide sous une atmosphère riche en hydrogène, un environnement inédit mais potentiellement habitable.Le 17 avril 2025, l'excitation autour de K2-18b a franchi un nouveau cap. Une équipe de chercheurs de l'université de Cambridge, grâce au télescope spatial James Webb, a annoncé avoir détecté les "indices les plus prometteurs à ce jour" d'une potentielle activité biologique sur cette exoplanète. Deux composés chimiques ont particulièrement attiré l'attention des scientifiques : le sulfure de diméthyle (DMS) et le disulfure de diméthyle (DMDS). Sur Terre, ces molécules sont produites presque exclusivement par le phytoplancton marin, et n'existent pas en grande quantité dans la nature sans activité biologique.Cette détection s'ajoute à d'autres observations précédentes tout aussi fascinantes : de la vapeur d'eau, du méthane et du dioxyde de carbone avaient déjà été repérés dans l'atmosphère de K2-18b en 2019 et 2023. La combinaison de ces gaz, particulièrement dans un environnement tempéré, suggère des réactions chimiques compatibles avec la vie, bien que des origines non-biologiques soient également possibles.Il convient néanmoins de rester prudent. Les résultats actuels ont une signification statistique de 3 sigmas, soit une probabilité de 99,7 % que ces détections ne soient pas dues au hasard. Or, pour qu'une découverte soit considérée comme scientifiquement confirmée, le seuil de confiance usuel est de 5 sigmas (99,99994 %). Les chercheurs estiment qu'entre 16 et 24 heures d'observation supplémentaires seront nécessaires pour atteindre cette rigueur.K2-18b, dont la masse est huit fois supérieure à celle de la Terre, n'est pas une planète rocheuse, mais pourrait abriter des formes de vie adaptées à un environnement riche en gaz et en liquide sous haute pression. C'est une nouvelle frontière dans la recherche de vie, différente des mondes terrestres classiques.En somme, K2-18b représente l'un des candidats les plus sérieux à ce jour pour l'identification de vie extraterrestre. Les indices détectés ne constituent pas encore une preuve, mais ils témoignent des progrès spectaculaires de l'astronomie moderne et ouvrent une ère passionnante dans l'exploration des mondes lointains. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

C dans l'air l'invité du 29 avril 2025 avec Erwan Benezet, journaliste au service Economie du Parisien – auteur de Nucléaire : une catastrophe française, paru aux éditions Fayard.Après des heures de chaos, la situation s'améliore : ce mardi à 00h30, plus de 60 % de l'électricité était de nouveau disponible en Espagne continentale. Si la péninsule ibérique commence à sortir de l'ombre, l'origine de cette gigantesque panne, survenue lundi dans le pays et au Portugal (également brièvement dans le sud-ouest de la France), qui a paralysé transports, communications et infrastructures, reste un mystère.Malgré les efforts pour rétablir la situation, l'origine exacte de la panne reste à déterminer. Plusieurs hypothèses à l'étude : cyberattaque, choc thermique …. Notre invité le journaliste Erwan Bénezet reviendra sur cette panne inédite, par son ampleur et sa durée.

La séance d'hier aura été une séance qui n'aura servi strictement à rien – à rien si l'on se base sur le fait que les indices n'ont pratiquement pas bougé, ce qui nous change la vie par rapport à ce que l'on a vécu lors des 100 premiers jours de Donald Trump. On dirait très … Continued

Au cœur de la nuit, les auditeurs se livrent en toute liberté aux oreilles attentives et bienveillantes d'Olivier Delacroix. Pas de jugements ni de tabous, une conversation franche, mais aussi des réponses aux questions que les auditeurs se posent. Un moment d'échange et de partage propice à la confidence pour repartir le cœur plus léger.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Julien Courbet, parfait imitateur de l'accent du sud, met Céline Collonge au défi de le faire tout aussi bien que lui. Tous les jours, retrouvez en podcast les meilleurs moments de l'émission "Ça peut vous arriver", sur RTL.fr et sur toutes vos plateformes préférées. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

In this episode, host Tyler Chisholm reconnects with returning guest Jennie Gilbert, a Calgary-based leadership development specialist and long-time SAIT facilitator, to explore the real meaning of feedback at work. Together, they unpack what makes feedback difficult, how power and ego often get in the way, and why leaders need to move from feedback to feedforward. Jennie shares practical strategies for reframing performance conversations and highlights the importance of building social capital and psychological safety in teams. This episode is for people leaders who want to lead with clarity, curiosity, and care.This episode is brought to you by clearmotive marketing. When it comes to marketing that truly matters to your business, clearmotive is your go-to partner. With a proven track record of more than 15 years, they understand what makes your business tick. Learn more at https://www.clearmotive.ca and discover how clearmotive can help your marketing thrive.We're on social media! Follow us for episodes you might have missed and key insights on Western Canada directly on your feeds.Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/collisionsyycLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/collisions-yycYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@collisionsyycWebsite: https://www.collisionsyyc.comThank you for tuning into Collisions YYC!Remember to subscribe and follow us on Spotify and Apple Podcasts so you never miss an episode.If you loved the episode, please leave us a 5-star review and share the show with your friends! These things really help us reach more potential fans and share everything that's amazing about Western Canada.We sincerely appreciate your support of our local podcast.Host links:Tyler's website: https://www.tylerchisholm.comTyler's LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/tylerchisholmGuest links:Jennie Gilbert's LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/jenniengilbertSAIT's Website: https://www.sait.caSAIT's LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/edu/southern-alberta-institute-of-technology-20153SAIT's Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/saitSAIT's Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/saitSAIT's Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/SAITSAIT's YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCVAqa3U8cTowb92y4NgLQVgCollisions YYC is a Tyler Chisholm original production // Brought to you by clearmotive marketing

Ressembler à Jésus

Pâques offre un vide plein de promesses

Au cœur de la nuit, les auditeurs se livrent en toute liberté aux oreilles attentives et bienveillantes de Roland Perez. Pas de jugements ni de tabous, une conversation franche, mais aussi des réponses aux questions que les auditeurs se posent. Un moment d'échange et de partage propice à la confidence pour repartir le cœur plus léger.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Quand Stanislas Vignon prend la parole, ses interventions sont comme une comptine un peu trop longue... Par conséquent, Julien Courbet s'endort. Tous les jours, retrouvez en podcast les meilleurs moments de l'émission "Ça peut vous arriver", sur RTL.fr et sur toutes vos plateformes préférées. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

durée : 00:08:03 - La Question du jour - par : Marguerite Catton - Alors que les affaires Bétharram et Le Scouarnec remettent la lumière sur les violences sexuelles infligées aux enfants, on s'intéresse ce matin aux agresseurs, du point de vue de la psychiatrie. Que peut-elle dire de leurs perversions ? Sait-elle soigner ? Prévenir la récidive ? - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Florence Thibaut Professeure de psychiatrie et d'addictologie à l'hôpital Cochin à Paris, spécialiste des questions de pédophilie.

En avion, Maître De Caumont ne sait pas se tenir et fait vivre un enfer aux hôtesses de l'air ! Tous les jours, retrouvez en podcast les meilleurs moments de l'émission "Ça peut vous arriver", sur RTL.fr et sur toutes vos plateformes préférées. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Au cœur de la nuit, les auditeurs se livrent en toute liberté aux oreilles attentives et bienveillantes d'Olivier Delacroix. Pas de jugements ni de tabous, une conversation franche, mais aussi des réponses aux questions que les auditeurs se posent. Un moment d'échange et de partage propice à la confidence pour repartir le cœur plus léger.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

La nouvelle reine du roman à suspense s'appelle Freida McFadden. Sa saga "La femme de ménage" est n°1 des ventes en France depuis des semaines. Son nouveau livre "La Prof" paraît dans quelques jours. Le cinéaste français Régis Wargnier, à qui l'on doit le classique "Indochine" est de retour en salles avec "La séparation". Laurent Marsick vous fait visiter "Disney 100", une exposition féérique consacrée à Walt Disney qui vient d'ouvrir à la Porte de Versailles à Paris. L'édito télé de Isabelle Morini-Bosc : les émissions "Numéros 1" de Maritie et Gilbert Carpentier ont 50 ans. Coup de cœur pour le nouvel album de Jeanne Cherhal et "Cavale" le nouveau single de Cœur de Pirate. Ecoutez Laissez-vous tenter avec Le Service Culture du 13 avril 2025.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Julien Courbet en sait un peu trop sur la vie privé de Hervé Pouchol : sa routine matinale, son bain... quelle sera la suite !? Tous les jours, retrouvez en podcast les meilleurs moments de l'émission "Ça peut vous arriver", sur RTL.fr et sur toutes vos plateformes préférées. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Les experts et journalistes de RFI répondent à vos questions sur le gisement de Simandou, des frappes israéliennes en Syrie et la défaite du Real Madrid contre Arsenal. Gaza : que sait-on de la mort des secouristes palestiniens ?Les corps des 15 humanitaires palestiniens tués le 23 mars ont été retrouvés dans une fosse commune près de Rafah. Depuis, une vidéo récupérée sur le portable d'un des secouristes contredit la version de l'armée israélienne qui affirme avoir tiré sur des « terroristes » et des « véhicules suspects ». Que sait-on des circonstances de leur mort ? Le Croissant-Rouge réclame une enquête internationale indépendante, mais une telle demande a-t-elle des chances d'aboutir ?Avec Pierre Olivier, journaliste au service international de RFI.Guinée : le gisement de Simandou, un miracle économique ?Selon les autorités de la transition, l'exploitation des réserves de fer des monts de Simandou, estimées à près de 8 milliards de tonnes de minerai, devrait commencer avant la fin de cette année. Pourquoi ont-elles attendu aussi longtemps pour exploiter ce gisement découvert il y a plus d'un demi-siècle ? Si le projet se concrétise, quelles pourraient être les retombées économiques pour la Guinée ?Avec Alexis Bédu, journaliste au service économie de RFI.À écouter aussiSimandou: miracle ou mirage pour l'économie guinéenne?Syrie : des frappes israéliennes pour contrer la TurquieDepuis la chute du régime Bachar al-Assad en décembre dernier, l'armée israélienne multiplie les frappes en Syrie dans l'objectif d'affaiblir l'influence de la Turquie. Pourquoi Israël bombarde-t-elle la Syrie pour atteindre la Turquie ? Que reproche l'État hébreu à Ankara ?Avec Adel Bakawan, chercheur associé à l'IFRI, spécialiste du Moyen-Orient. Arsenal-Real Madrid : la claque pour les MerenguesBattu 3-0 à l'Emirates Stadium contre Arsenal en quart de finale aller, le Real Madrid devra faire beaucoup mieux lors du match retour à domicile s'il veut se qualifier pour la suite de la compétition. Comment expliquer une telle déroute du tenant du titre ? Une remontada des Madrilènes est-elle envisageable ?Avec Antoine Grognet, journaliste au service des sports de RFI.À lire aussiLigue des champions: Arsenal corrige le Real Madrid et prend une belle option pour les demies

durée : 00:06:52 - Le Masque et la Plume - Les critiques du Masque n'ont pas été séduits par cet énième polar de Michael Connelly à l'écriture paresseuse et qui n'honore pas la mystérieuse affaire du Dahlia Noir.

Marine Le Pen, condamnée lundi à cinq ans d'inéligibilité, compte bien riposter judiciairement et dans la rue. À son appel, les fidèles du Rassemblement national sont attendus dimanche à Paris pour manifester et dénoncer ce qu'elle qualifie de "scandale démocratique".Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Ecoutez 2 minutes pour comprendre avec Aymeric Parthonnaud du 03 avril 2025.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Aujourd'hui, Élina Dumont, Étienne Liebig et Emmanuel de Villiers débattent de l'actualité autour d'Alain Marschall et Olivier Truchot.

AnimeJapan2025 just had their annual event and that means we've got news to cover. This episode consists of all the news from the biggest series that were covered in the event from Jujutsu Kaisen to Chainsaw Man to so much more!Join us as Aray & Aunn go over this weeks news and everything that Anime Japan 2025 covered!Anime+ is a new pod that embodies everything anime and anime related.We're available anywhere that you listen to your podcasts:Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Google Podcast, Stitcher, and so much more!Youtube: The East Coast Brown CastTwitter: @Anime_Plus_PodIG/Tiktok: @animepluspodcastJoin Our Community on Discord: https://discord.gg/YZQUZQAKWaWebsite: https://animeplusnetwork.comSupport us on Patreon - patreon.com/user?u=90088772Make sure you check out all the other cool podcasts that our podcast network has!Geek Freak Network:https://linktr.ee/GeekFreaksNetworkhttps://discord.com/invite/anime-plusArticles used in this episode:Aniplex, Crunchyroll Establish Joint Venture for Anime Productionhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-17/aniplex-crunchyroll-establish-joint-venture-for-anime-production/.222499Pokémon Franchise Gets LEGOs in 2026https://www.animenewsnetwork.com/interest/2025-03-18/pokemon-franchise-gets-legos-in-2026/.222530MLB Tokyo Series Plays Up Shohei Ohtani's Mega Pokémon Connectionhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/interest/2025-03-19/mlb-tokyo-series-plays-up-shohei-ohtani-mega-pokemon-connection/.222565Trigun Stargaze Anime Reveals Revised Staff, Visual, 2026 Premierehttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-19/trigun-stargaze-anime-reveals-revised-staff-visual-2026-premiere/.222587AI-Powered Webtoon Platform 'RealToon' Officially Launcheshttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-19/ai-powered-webtoon-platform-realtoon-officially-launches/.222546My Happy Marriage Anime's 25th Episode Delayed to March 31https://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-20/my-happy-marriage-anime-25th-episode-delayed-to-ma rch-31/.222609Moonrise Anime Reveals Trailer, More Casthttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-21/moonrise-anime-reveals-trailer-more-cast/.222678Tokyo Revengers Anime Reveals New Arc's Santen Sensō-hen Title, Staff, Visualhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-21/tokyo-revengers-anime-reveals-new-arc-santen-senso-hen-title-staff-visual/.222685New Panty & Stocking Anime Reveals More Cast, July Debuthttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-21/new-panty-and-stocking-anime-reveals-more-cast-july-debut/.222682Kaiju No. 8 Anime Previews 2nd Season in New Teaser Trailerhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-21/kaiju-no-8-anime-previews-2nd-season-in-new-teaser-trailer/.222689The Summer Hikaru Died Anime's Trailer Unveils 3 More Cast Members, TOOBOE's Ending Songhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-21/the-summer-hikaru-died-anime-trailer-unveils-3-more-cast-members-tooboe-ending-song/.222688I Was Reincarnated as the 7th Prince 2nd Season Anime Streams New Teaser Promo Videohttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/i-was-reincarnated-as-the-7th-prince-2nd-season-anime-streams-new-teaser-promo-video/.222665Rent-A-Girlfriend Season 4 Anime's Teaser Trailer Highlights Resort Hawaiianshttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/rent-a-girlfriend-season-4-anime-teaser-trailer-highlights-resort-hawaiians/.222701Oshi no Ko Anime's 3rd Season Reveals Aqua Visual, Videohttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/oshi-no-ko-anime-3rd-season-reveals-aqua-visual-video/.222695My Hero Academia Anime's Final Season Unveils Trailer, Visual, Crunchyroll Stream, October Premierehttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/my-hero-academia-anime-final-season-unveils-trailer-visual-crunchyroll-stream-october-premiere/.222671Tougen Anki Anime Reveals New Trailer, New Key Visual, More Casthttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/tougen-anki-anime-reveals-new-trailer-new-key-visual-more-cast/.222702Sakamoto Days Anime Reveals More Cast, Visual for Show's 2nd Parthttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/sakamoto-days-anime-reveals-more-cast-visual-for-show-2nd-part/.222707I Got a Cheat Skill in Another World Franchise's New Anime Is TV Specialhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/i-got-a-cheat-skill-in-another-world-franchise-new-anime-is-tv-special/.222708Silent Witch Anime's Video Reveals More Cast, Staff, July Premierehttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/silent-witch-anime-video-reveals-more-cast-staff-july-premiere/.222704Wind Breaker Season 2 Anime Casts Sōma Saitō, Kazuki Urahttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/wind-breaker-season-2-anime-casts-soma-saito-kazuki-ura/.222703New Rurouni Kenshin Anime Gets 3rd Seasonhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/new-rurouni-kenshin-anime-gets-3rd-season/.222710Koisuru One Piece Spinoff Gets Net Anime While Main Anime Airs Egghead Recap Before 1st New Episode on April 5https://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/koisuru-one-piece-spinoff-gets-net-anime-while-main-anime-airs-egghead-recap-before-1st-new-episode-/.222711Disney Twisted-Wonderland Anime's 1st Animated Teaser Unveils New Cast Member, More Staff, Opening Songhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/disney-twisted-wonderland-anime-1st-animated-teaser-unveils-new-cast-member-more-staff-opening-song/.222709Jujutsu Kaisen Season 2 Compilation Film's Trailer Reveals Theme Songhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/jujutsu-kaisen-season-2-compilation-film-trailer-reveals-theme-song/.222734Classroom of the Elite Season 4 Anime Reveals Teaser Trailerhttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-22/classroom-of-the-elite-season-4-anime-reveals-teaser-trailer/.222736Tojima Tanzaburo Wants to be a Masked Rider Unveils Main Cast, Staff, TV Format, 2025 Premiere in 1st Promo Videohttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-23/tojima-tanzaburo-wants-to-be-a-masked-rider-unveils-main-cast-staff-tv-format-2025-premiere-in-1st-/.222749'Mikadono San Shimai wa Angai, Choroi' TV Anime Reveals July Debut in 1st Promo Videohttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-23/mikadono-san-shimai-wa-angai-choroi-tv-anime-reveals-july-debut-in-1st-promo-video/.222747Chainsaw Man – The Movie: Reze Arc Anime Announces September 19 Debuthttps://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2025-03-23/chainsaw-man-the-movie-reze-arc-anime-announces-september-19-debut/.222762