Podcasts about Viet Minh

In 1940, when France fell to the Nazi invasion its colonies became Vichy satellites and in Asia, Vietnam rapidly fell under Japanese control. The French colonial elites saw their power gradually stripped away from them but it was the Vietnamese people that suffered terribly from Japanese rule with over a million dying in a famine created by the occupiers. The American OSS shipped arms to the Vietminh, the national liberation movement, but by 1945 they were far more concerned about the returning French colonisers than the Japanese. Newsflash: You can find everything Explaining History on Substack, join free hereHelp the podcast to continue bringing you history each weekIf you enjoy the Explaining History podcast and its many years of content and would like to help the show continue, please consider supporting it in the following ways:If you want to go ad-free, you can take out a membership hereOrYou can support the podcast via Patreon hereOr you can just say some nice things about it here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last time we spoke about the Soviet Victory in Asia. After atomic bombings and Japan's surrender, the Soviets launched a rapid Manchurian invasion, driving toward Harbin, Mukden, Changchun, and Beijing. Shenyang was taken, seeing the capture of the last Emperor of China, Pu Yi. The Soviets continued their advances into Korea with port captures at Gensan and Pyongyang, and occupation of South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands, ahead of anticipated American intervention. Stalin pushed for speed to avoid US naval landings, coordinating with Chinese forces and leveraging the Sino-Soviet pact while balancing relations with Chiang Kai-shek. As fronts closed, tens of thousands of Japanese POWs were taken, while harsh wartime reprisals, looting, and mass sexual violence against Japanese, Korean, and Chinese civilians were reported.  This episode is the Surrender of Japan Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  With the Manchurian Campaign over and Japan's surrender confirmed, we've reached the end of the Pacific War and the ushering of a new era. This journey took us 3 years, 8 months, and 27 days and it's been a rollercoaster. We've gone over numerous stories of heroism and horror, victory and defeat, trying to peel back a part of WW2 that often gets overshadowed by the war in Europe. Certainly the China War is almost completely ignored by the west, but fortunately for you all, as I end this series we have just entered the China war over at the Fall and Rise of China Podcast. Unlike this series where, to be blunt, I am hamstrung by the week by week format, over there I can tackle the subject as I see fit, full of personal accounts. I implore you if you want to revisit some of that action in China, jump over to the other podcast, I will be continuing it until the end of the Chinese civil war. One could say it will soon be a bit of a sequel to this one. Of course if you love this format and want more, you can check out the brand new Eastern Front week by week podcast, which really does match the horror of the Pacific war. Lastly if you just love hearing my dumb voice, come check out my podcast which also is in video format on the Pacific War Channel on Youtube, the Echoes of War podcast. Me and my co-host Gaurav tackle history from Ancient to Modern, often with guests and we blend the dialogue with maps, photos and clips. But stating all of that, lets get into it, the surrender of Japan. As we last saw, while the Soviet invasion of Manchuria raged, Emperor Hirohito announced the unconditional surrender of the Japanese Empire on August 15. Public reaction varied, yet most were stunned and bewildered, unable to grasp that Japan had surrendered for the first time in its history. Many wept openly as they listened to the Emperor's solemn message; others directed swift anger at the nation's leaders and the fighting services for failing to avert defeat; and some blamed themselves for falling short in their war effort. Above all, there was a deep sympathy for the Emperor, who had been forced to make such a tragic and painful decision.  In the wake of the Emperor's broadcast, war factories across the country dismissed their workers and shut their doors. Newspapers that had been ordered to pause their usual morning editions appeared in the afternoon, each carrying the Imperial Rescript, an unabridged translation of the Potsdam Declaration, and the notes exchanged with the Allied Powers. In Tokyo, crowds of weeping citizens gathered all afternoon in the vast plaza before the Imperial Palace and at the Meiji and Yasukuni Shrines to bow in reverence and prayer. The shock and grief of the moment, coupled with the dark uncertainty about the future, prevented any widespread sense of relief that the fighting had ended. Bombings and bloodshed were over, but defeat seemed likely to bring only continued hardship and privation. Starvation already gripped the land, and the nation faced the looming breakdown of public discipline and order, acts of violence and oppression by occupying forces, and a heavy burden of reparations. Yet despite the grim outlook, the Emperor's assurance that he would remain to guide the people through the difficult days ahead offered a measure of solace and courage. His appeal for strict compliance with the Imperial will left a lasting impression, and the refrain “Reverent Obedience to the Rescript” became the rallying cry as the nation prepared to endure the consequences of capitulation. Immediately after the Emperor's broadcast, Prime Minister Suzuki's cabinet tendered its collective resignation, yet Hirohito commanded them to remain in office until a new cabinet could be formed. Accordingly, Suzuki delivered another broadcast that evening, urging the nation to unite in absolute loyalty to the throne in this grave national crisis, and stressing that the Emperor's decision to end the war had been taken out of compassion for his subjects and in careful consideration of the circumstances. Thus, the shocked and grief-stricken population understood that this decision represented the Emperor's actual will rather than a ratified act of the Government, assuring that the nation as a whole would obediently accept the Imperial command. Consequently, most Japanese simply went on with their lives as best they could; yet some military officers, such as General Anami, chose suicide over surrender. Another key figure who committed seppuku between August 15 and 16 was Vice-Admiral Onishi Takijiro, the father of the kamikaze. Onishi's suicide note apologized to the roughly 4,000 pilots he had sent to their deaths and urged all surviving young civilians to work toward rebuilding Japan and fostering peace among nations. Additionally, despite being called “the hero of the August 15 incident” for his peacekeeping role in the attempted coup d'état, General Tanaka felt responsible for the damage done to Tokyo and shot himself on August 24. Following the final Imperial conference on 14 August, the Army's “Big Three”, War Minister Anami, Chief of the Army General Staff Umezu, and Inspectorate-General of Military Training General Kenji Doihara, met at the War Ministry together with Field Marshals Hata and Sugiyama, the senior operational commanders of the homeland's Army forces. These five men affixed their seals to a joint resolution pledging that the Army would “conduct itself in accordance with the Imperial decision to the last.” The resolution was endorsed immediately afterward by General Masakazu Kawabe, the overall commander of the Army air forces in the homeland. In accordance with this decision, General Anami and General Umezu separately convened meetings of their senior subordinates during the afternoon of the 14th, informing them of the outcome of the final Imperial conference and directing strict obedience to the Emperor's command. Shortly thereafter, special instructions to the same effect were radioed to all top operational commanders jointly in the names of the War Minister and Chief of Army General Staff. The Army and Navy authorities acted promptly, and their decisive stance proved, for the most part, highly effective. In the Army, where the threat of upheaval was most acute, the final, unequivocal decision of its top leaders to heed the Emperor's will delivered a crippling blow to the smoldering coup plot by the young officers to block the surrender. The conspirators had based their plans on unified action by the Army as a whole; with that unified stance effectively ruled out, most of the principal plotters reluctantly abandoned the coup d'état scheme on the afternoon of 14 August. At the same time, the weakened Imperial Japanese Navy took steps to ensure disciplined compliance with the surrender decision. Only Admiral Ugaki chose to challenge this with his final actions. After listening to Japan's defeat, Admiral Ugaki Kayō's diary recorded that he had not yet received an official cease-fire order, and that, since he alone was to blame for the failure of Japanese aviators to stop the American advance, he would fly one last mission himself to embody the true spirit of bushido. His subordinates protested, and even after Ugaki had climbed into the back seat of a Yokosuka D4Y4 of the 701st Kokutai dive bomber piloted by Lieutenant Tatsuo Nakatsuru, Warrant Officer Akiyoshi Endo, whose place in the kamikaze roster Ugaki had usurped, also climbed into the same space that the admiral had already occupied. Thus, the aircraft containing Ugaki took off with three men piloted by Nakatsuru, with Endo providing reconnaissance, and Ugaki himself, rather than the two crew members that filled the other ten aircraft. Before boarding his aircraft, Ugaki posed for pictures and removed his rank insignia from his dark green uniform, taking only a ceremonial short sword given to him by Admiral Yamamoto. Elements of this last flight most likely followed the Ryukyu flyway southwest to the many small islands north of Okinawa, where U.S. forces were still on alert at the potential end of hostilities. Endo served as radioman during the mission, sending Ugaki's final messages, the last of which at 19:24 reported that the plane had begun its dive onto an American vessel. However, U.S. Navy records do not indicate any successful kamikaze attack on that day, and it is likely that all aircraft on the mission with the exception of three that returned due to engine problems crashed into the ocean, struck down by American anti-aircraft fire. Although there are no precise accounts of an intercept made by Navy or Marine fighters or Pacific Fleet surface units against enemy aircraft in this vicinity at the time of surrender. it is likely the aircraft crashed into the ocean or was shot down by American anti-aircraft fire. In any event, the crew of LST-926 reported finding the still-smoldering remains of a cockpit with three bodies on the beach of Iheyajima Island, with Ugaki's remains allegedly among them. Meanwhile, we have already covered the Truman–Stalin agreement that Japanese forces north of the 38th parallel would surrender to the Soviets while those to the south would surrender to the Americans, along with the subsequent Soviet occupation of Manchuria, North Korea, South Sakhalin, and the Kurile Islands. Yet even before the first atomic bomb was dropped, and well before the Potsdam Conference, General MacArthur and his staff were planning a peaceful occupation of Japan and the Korean Peninsula. The first edition of this plan, designated “Blacklist,” appeared on July 16 and called for a progressive, orderly occupation in strength of an estimated fourteen major areas in Japan and three to six areas in Korea, so that the Allies could exercise unhampered control over the various phases of administration. These operations would employ 22 divisions and 3 regiments, together with air and naval elements, and would utilize all United States forces immediately available in the Pacific. The plan also provided for the maximum use of existing Japanese political and administrative organizations, since these agencies already exerted effective control over the population and could be employed to good advantage by the Allies. The final edition of “Blacklist,” issued on August 8, was divided into three main phases of occupation. The first phase included the Kanto Plain, the Kobe–Osaka–Kyoto areas, the Nagasaki–Sasebo area in Kyushu, the Keijo district in Korea, and the Aomori–Ominato area of northern Honshu. The second phase covered the Shimonoseki–Fukuoka and Nagoya areas, Sapporo in Hokkaido, and Fusan in Korea. The third phase comprised the Hiroshima–Kure area, Kochi in Shikoku, the Okayama, Tsuruga, and Niigata areas, Sendai in northern Honshu, Otomari in Karafuto, and the Gunzan–Zenshu area in Korea. Although the Joint Chiefs of Staff initially favored Admiral Nimitz's “Campus” Plan, which envisioned entry into Japan by Army forces only after an emergency occupation of Tokyo Bay by advanced naval units and the seizure of key positions ashore near each anchorage, MacArthur argued that naval forces were not designed to perform the preliminary occupation of a hostile country whose ground divisions remained intact, and he contended that occupying large land areas was fundamentally an Army mission. He ultimately convinced them that occupation by a weak Allied force might provoke resistance from dissident Japanese elements among the bomb-shattered population and could therefore lead to grave repercussions. The formal directive for the occupation of Japan, Korea, and the China coast was issued by the Joint Chiefs of Staff on August 11. The immediate objectives were to secure the early entry of occupying forces into major strategic areas, to control critical ports, port facilities, and airfields, and to demobilize and disarm enemy troops. First priority went to the prompt occupation of Japan, second to the consolidation of Keijo in Korea, and third to operations on the China coast and in Formosa. MacArthur was to assume responsibility for the forces entering Japan and Korea; General Wedemeyer was assigned operational control of the forces landing on the China coast and was instructed to coordinate his plans with the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek; and Japanese forces in Southeast Asia were earmarked for surrender to Admiral Mountbatten. With the agreement of the Soviet, Chinese, and British governments, President Truman designated MacArthur as Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers on August 15, thereby granting him final authority for the execution of the terms of surrender and occupation. In this capacity, MacArthur promptly notified the Emperor and the Japanese Government that he was authorized to arrange for the cessation of hostilities at the earliest practicable date and directed that the Japanese forces terminate hostilities immediately and that he be notified at once of the effective date and hour of such termination. He further directed that Japan send to Manila on August 17 “a competent representative empowered to receive in the name of the Emperor of Japan, the Japanese Imperial Government, and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters certain requirements for carrying into effect the terms of surrender.” General MacArthur's stipulations to the Japanese Government included specific instructions regarding the journey of the Japanese representatives to Manila. The emissaries were to leave Sata Misaki, at the southern tip of Kyushu, on the morning of August 17. They were to travel in a Douglas DC-3-type transport plane, painted white and marked with green crosses on the wings and fuselage, and to fly under Allied escort to an airdrome on Lejima in the Ryukyus. From there, the Japanese would be transported to Manila in a United States plane. The code designation chosen for communication between the Japanese plane and US forces was the symbolic word “Bataan.” Implementation challenges arose almost immediately due to disagreements within Imperial General Headquarters and the Foreign Office over the exact nature of the mission. Some officials interpreted the instructions as requiring the delegates to carry full powers to receive and agree to the actual terms of surrender, effectively making them top representatives of the Government and High Command. Others understood the mission to be strictly preparatory, aimed only at working out technical surrender arrangements and procedures. Late in the afternoon of August 16, a message was sent to MacArthur's headquarters seeking clarification and more time to organize the mission. MacArthur replied that signing the surrender terms would not be among the tasks of the Japanese representatives dispatched to Manila, assured the Japanese that their proposed measures were satisfactory, and pledged that every precaution would be taken to ensure the safety of the Emperor's representatives on their mission. Although preparations were made with all possible speed, on August 16 the Japanese notified that this delegation would be somewhat delayed due to the scarcity of time allowed for its formation. At the same time, MacArthur was notified that Hirohito had issued an order commanding the entire armed forces of his nation to halt their fighting immediately. The wide dispersion and the disrupted communications of the Japanese forces, however, made the rapid and complete implementation of such an order exceedingly difficult, so it was expected that the Imperial order would take approximately two to twelve days to reach forces throughout the Pacific and Asiatic areas. On August 17, the Emperor personally backed up these orders with a special Rescript to the armed services, carefully worded to assuage military aversion to surrender. Suzuki was also replaced on this date, with the former commander of the General Defense Army, General Prince Higashikuni Naruhiko, becoming the new Prime Minister with the initial tasks to hastily form a new cabinet capable of effecting the difficult transition to peace swiftly and without incident. The Government and Imperial General Headquarters moved quickly to hasten the preparations, but the appointment of the mission's head was held up pending the installation of the Higashikuni Cabinet. The premier-designate pressed for a rapid formation of the government, and on the afternoon of the 17th the official ceremony of installation took place in the Emperor's presence. Until General Shimomura could be summoned to Tokyo from the North China Area Army, Prince Higashikuni himself assumed the portfolio of War Minister concurrently with the premiership, Admiral Mitsumasa Yonai remaining in the critical post of Navy Minister, and Prince Ayamaro Konoe, by Marquis Kido's recommendation, entered the Cabinet as Minister without Portfolio to act as Higashikuni's closest advisor. The Foreign Minister role went to Mamoru Shigemitsu, who had previously served in the Koiso Cabinet. With the new government installed, Prince Higashikuni broadcast to the nation on the evening of 17 August, declaring that his policies as Premier would conform to the Emperor's wishes as expressed in the Imperial mandate to form a Cabinet. These policies were to control the armed forces, maintain public order, and surmount the national crisis, with scrupulous respect for the Constitution and the Imperial Rescript terminating the war. The cabinet's installation removed one delay, and in the afternoon of the same day a message from General MacArthur's headquarters clarified the mission's nature and purpose. Based on this clarification, it was promptly decided that Lieutenant General Torashiro Kawabe, Deputy Chief of the Army General Staff, should head a delegation of sixteen members, mainly representing the Army and Navy General Staffs. Kawabe was formally appointed by the Emperor on 18 August. By late afternoon that same day, the data required by the Allied Supreme Commander had largely been assembled, and a message was dispatched to Manila informing General MacArthur's headquarters that the mission was prepared to depart the following morning. The itinerary received prompt approval from the Supreme Commander. Indeed, the decision to appoint a member of the Imperial Family who had a respectable career in the armed forces was aimed both at appeasing the population and at reassuring the military. MacArthur appointed General Eichelberger's 8th Army to initiate the occupation unassisted through September 22, at which point General Krueger's 6th Army would join the effort. General Hodge's 24th Corps was assigned to execute Operation Blacklist Forty, the occupation of the Korean Peninsula south of the 38th Parallel. MacArthur's tentative schedule for the occupation outlined an initial advance party of 150 communications experts and engineers under Colonel Charles Tench, which would land at Atsugi Airfield on August 23. Naval forces under Admiral Halsey's 3rd Fleet were to enter Tokyo Bay on August 24, followed by MacArthur's arrival at Atsugi the next day and the start of the main landings of airborne troops and naval and marine forces. The formal surrender instrument was to be signed aboard an American battleship in Tokyo Bay on August 28, with initial troop landings in southern Kyushu planned for August 29–30. By September 4, Hodge's 24th Corps was to land at Inchon and begin the occupation of South Korea. In the meantime, per MacArthur's directions, a sixteen-man Japanese delegation headed by Lieutenant-General Kawabe Torashiro, Vice-Chief of the Army General Staff, left Sata Misaki on the morning of August 19; after landing at Iejima, the delegation transferred to an American transport and arrived at Nichols Field at about 18:00. That night, the representatives held their first conference with MacArthur's staff, led by Lieutenant-General Richard Sutherland. During the two days of conference, American linguists scanned, translated, and photostated the various reports, maps, and charts the Japanese had brought with them. Negotiations also resulted in permission for the Japanese to supervise the disarmament and demobilization of their own armed forces under Allied supervision, and provided for three extra days of preparation before the first occupying unit landed on the Japanese home islands on August 26. At the close of the conference, Kawabe was handed the documents containing the “Requirements of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers,” which concerned the arrival of the first echelons of Allied forces, the formal surrender ceremony, and the reception of the occupation forces. Also given were a draft Imperial Proclamation by which the Emperor would accept the terms of the Potsdam Declaration and command his subjects to cease hostilities, a copy of General Order No. 1 by which Imperial General Headquarters would direct all military and naval commanders to lay down their arms and surrender their units to designated Allied commanders, and the Instrument of Surrender itself, which would later be signed on board an American battleship in Tokyo Bay. After the Manila Conference ended, the Japanese delegation began its return to Japan at 13:00 on August 20; but due to mechanical problems and a forced landing near Hamamatsu, they did not reach Tokyo until August 21. With the scheduled arrival of the advanced party of the Allied occupation forces only five days away, the Japanese immediately began disarming combat units in the initial-occupation areas and evacuating them from those areas. The basic orders stated that Allied forces would begin occupying the homeland on 26 August and reaffirmed the intention ofImperial General Headquarters "to insure absolute obedience to the Imperial Rescript of 14 August, to prevent the occurrence of trouble with the occupying forces, and thus to demonstrate Japan's sincerity to the world." The Japanese government announced that all phases of the occupation by Allied troops would be peaceful and urged the public not to panic or resort to violence against the occupying forces. While they sought to reassure the population, they faced die-hard anti-surrender elements within the IJN, with ominous signs of trouble both from Kyushu, where many sea and air special-attack units were poised to meet an invasion, and from Atsugi, the main entry point for Allied airborne troops into the Tokyo Bay area. At Kanoya, Ugaki's successor, Vice-Admiral Kusaka Ryonosuke, hastened the separation of units from their weapons and the evacuation of naval personnel. At Atsugi, an even more threatening situation developed in the Navy's 302nd Air Group. Immediately after the announcement of the surrender, extremist elements in the group led by Captain Kozono Yasuna flew over Atsugi and the surrounding area, scattering leaflets urging the continuation of the war on the ground and claiming that the surrender edict was not the Emperor's true will but the machination of "traitors around the Throne." The extremists, numbering 83 junior officers and noncommissioned officers, did not commit hostile acts but refused to obey orders from their superior commanders. On August 19, Prince Takamatsu, the Emperor's brother and a navy captain, telephoned Atsugi and personally appealed to Captain Kozono and his followers to obey the Imperial decision. This intervention did not end the incident; on August 21 the extremists seized a number of aircraft and flew them to Army airfields in Saitama Prefecture in hopes of gaining support from Army air units. They failed in this attempt, and it was not until August 25 that all members of the group had surrendered. As a result of the Atsugi incident, on August 22 the Emperor dispatched Captain Prince Takamatsu Nabuhito and Vice-Admiral Prince Kuni Asaakira to various naval commands on Honshu and Kyushu to reiterate the necessity of strict obedience to the surrender decision. Both princes immediately left Tokyo to carry out this mission, but the situation improved over the next two days, and they were recalled before completing their tours. By this point, a typhoon struck the Kanto region on the night of August 22, causing heavy damage and interrupting communications and transport vital for evacuating troops from the occupation zone. This led to further delays in Japanese preparations for the arrival of occupation forces, and the Americans ultimately agreed to a two-day postponement of the preliminary landings. On August 27 at 10:30, elements of the 3rd Fleet entered Sagami Bay as the first step in the delayed occupation schedule. At 09:00 on August 28, Tench's advanced party landed at Atsugi to complete technical arrangements for the arrival of the main forces. Two days later, the main body of the airborne occupation forces began streaming into Atsugi, while naval and marine forces simultaneously landed at Yokosuka on the south shore of Tokyo Bay. There were no signs of resistance, and the initial occupation proceeded successfully.  Shortly after 1400, a famous C-54  the name “Bataan” in large letters on its nose circled the field and glided in for a landing. General MacArthur stepped from the aircraft, accompanied by General Sutherland and his staff officers. The operation proceeded smoothly. MacArthur paused momentarily to inspect the airfield, then climbed into a waiting automobile for the drive to Yokohama. Thousands of Japanese troops were posted along the fifteen miles of road from Atsugi to Yokohama to guard the route of the Allied motor cavalcade as it proceeded to the temporary SCAP Headquarters in Japan's great seaport city. The Supreme Commander established his headquarters provisionally in the Yokohama Customs House. The headquarters of the American Eighth Army and the Far East Air Force were also established in Yokohama, and representatives of the United States Pacific Fleet were attached to the Supreme Commander's headquarters. The intensive preparation and excitement surrounding the first landings on the Japanese mainland did not interfere with the mission of affording relief and rescue to Allied personnel who were internees or prisoners in Japan. Despite bad weather delaying the occupation operation, units of the Far East Air Forces and planes from the Third Fleet continued their surveillance missions. On 25 August they began dropping relief supplies, food, medicine, and clothing, to Allied soldiers and civilians in prisoner-of-war and internment camps across the main islands. While the advance echelon of the occupation forces was still on Okinawa, “mercy teams” were organized to accompany the first elements of the Eighth Army Headquarters. Immediately after the initial landings, these teams established contact with the Swiss and Swedish Legations, the International Red Cross, the United States Navy, and the Japanese Liaison Office, and rushed to expedite the release and evacuation, where necessary, of thousands of Allied internees.  On September 1, the Reconnaissance Troop of the 11th Airborne Division conducted a subsidiary airlift operation, flying from Atsugi to occupy Kisarazu Airfield; and on the morning of September 2, the 1st Cavalry Division began landing at Yokohama to secure most of the strategic areas along the shores of Tokyo Bay, with Tokyo itself remaining unoccupied. Concurrently, the surrender ceremony took place aboard Halsey's flagship, the battleship Missouri, crowded with representatives of the United Nations that had participated in the Pacific War.  General MacArthur presided over the epoch-making ceremony, and with the following words he inaugurated the proceedings which would ring down the curtain of war in the Pacific “We are gathered here, representatives of the major warring powers, to conclude a solemn agreement whereby peace may be restored. The issues, involving divergent ideals and ideologies, have been determined on the battlefields of the world and hence are not for our discussion or debate. Nor is it for us here to meet, representing as we do a majority of the people of the earth, in a spirit of distrust, malice or hatred. But rather it is for us, both victors and vanquished, to rise to that higher dignity which alone befits the sacred purposes we are about to serve, committing all our peoples unreservedly to faithful compliance with the understandings they are here formally to assume. It is my earnest hope, and indeed the hope of all mankind, that from this solemn occasion a better world shall emerge out of the blood and carnage of the past — a world dedicated to the dignity of man and the fulfillment of his most cherished wish for freedom, tolerance and justice. The terms and conditions upon which surrender of the Japanese Imperial Forces is here to be given and accepted are contained in the instrument of surrender now before you…”.  The Supreme Commander then invited the two Japanese plenipotentiaries to sign the duplicate surrender documents : Foreign Minister Shigemitsu, on behalf of the Emperor and the Japanese Government, and General Umezu, for the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters. He then called forward two famous former prisoners of the Japanese to stand behind him while he himself affixed his signature to the formal acceptance of the surrender : Gen. Jonathan M. Wainwright, hero of Bataan and Corregidor and Lt. Gen. Sir Arthur E. Percival, who had been forced to yield the British stronghold at Singapore. General MacArthur was followed in turn by Admiral Nimitz, who signed on behalf of the United States. Alongside the recently liberated Generals Wainwright and Percival, who had been captured during the Japanese conquest of the Philippines and Singapore respectively, MacArthur then signed the surrender documents, followed by Admiral Nimitz and representatives of the other United Nations present. The Instrument of Surrender was completely signed within twenty minutes. Shortly afterwards, MacArthur broadcast the announcement of peace to the world, famously saying, “Today the guns are silent.” Immediately following the signing of the surrender articles, the Imperial Proclamation of capitulation was issued, commanding overseas forces to cease hostilities and lay down their arms; however, it would take many days, and in some cases weeks, for the official word of surrender to be carried along Japan's badly disrupted communications channels. Various devices were employed by American commanders to transmit news of final defeat to dispersed and isolated enemy troops, such as plane-strewn leaflets, loudspeaker broadcasts, strategically placed signboards, and prisoner-of-war volunteers. Already, the bypassed Japanese garrison at Mille Atoll had surrendered on August 22; yet the first large-scale surrender of Japanese forces came on August 27, when Lieutenant-General Ishii Yoshio surrendered Morotai and Halmahera to the 93rd Division. On August 30, a British Pacific Fleet force under Rear-Admiral Cecil Harcourt entered Victoria Harbour to begin the liberation of Hong Kong; and the following day, Rear-Admiral Matsubara Masata surrendered Minami-Torishima. In the Marianas, the Japanese commanders on Rota and Pagan Islands relinquished their commands almost simultaneously with the Tokyo Bay ceremony of September 2. Later that day, the same was done by Lieutenant-General Inoue Sadae in the Palaus and by Lieutenant-General Mugikura Shunzaburo and Vice-Admiral Hara Chuichi at Truk in the Carolines. Additionally, as part of Operation Jurist, a British detachment under Vice-Admiral Harold Walker received the surrender of the Japanese garrison on Penang Island. In the Philippines, local commanders in the central Bukidnon Province, Infanta, the Bataan Peninsula, and the Cagayan Valley had already surrendered by September 2. On September 3, General Yamashita and Vice-Admiral Okawachi Denshichi met with General Wainwright, General Percival, and Lieutenant-General Wilhelm Styer, Commanding General of Army Forces of the Western Pacific, to sign the formal surrender of the Japanese forces in the Philippines. With Yamashita's capitulation, subordinate commanders throughout the islands began surrendering in increasing numbers, though some stragglers remained unaware of the capitulation. Concurrently, while Yamashita was yielding his Philippine forces, Lieutenant-General Tachibana Yoshio's 109th Division surrendered in the Bonins on September 3. On September 4, Rear-Admiral Sakaibara Shigematsu and Colonel Chikamori Shigeharu surrendered their garrison on Wake Island, as did the garrison on Aguigan Island in the Marianas. Also on September 4, an advanced party of the 24th Corps landed at Kimpo Airfield near Keijo to prepare the groundwork for the occupation of South Korea; and under Operation Tiderace, Mountbatten's large British and French naval force arrived off Singapore and accepted the surrender of Japanese forces there. On September 5, Rear-Admiral Masuda Nisuke surrendered his garrison on Jaluit Atoll in the Marshalls, as did the garrison of Yap Island. The overall surrender of Japanese forces in the Solomons and Bismarcks and in the Wewak area of New Guinea was finally signed on September 6 by General Imamura Hitoshi and Vice-Admiral Kusaka Jinichi aboard the aircraft carrier Glory off Rabaul, the former center of Japanese power in the South Pacific. Furthermore, Lieutenant-General Nomi Toshio, representing remaining Japanese naval and army forces in the Ryukyus, officially capitulated on September 7 at the headquarters of General Stilwell's 10th Army on Okinawa. The following day, Tokyo was finally occupied by the Americans, and looking south, General Kanda and Vice-Admiral Baron Samejima Tomoshige agreed to travel to General Savige's headquarters at Torokina to sign the surrender of Bougainville. On September 8, Rear-Admiral Kamada Michiaki's 22nd Naval Special Base Force at Samarinda surrendered to General Milford's 7th Australian Division, as did the Japanese garrison on Kosrae Island in the Carolines. On September 9, a wave of surrenders continued: the official capitulation of all Japanese forces in the China Theater occurred at the Central Military Academy in Nanking, with General Okamura surrendering to General He Yingqin, the commander-in-chief of the Republic of China National Revolutionary Army; subsequently, on October 10, 47 divisions from the former Imperial Japanese Army officially surrendered to Chinese military officials and allied representatives at the Forbidden City in Beijing. The broader context of rehabilitation and reconstruction after the protracted war was daunting, with the Nationalists weakened and Chiang Kai-shek's policies contributing to Mao Zedong's strengthened position, shaping the early dynamics of the resumption of the Chinese Civil War. Meanwhile, on September 9, Hodge landed the 7th Division at Inchon to begin the occupation of South Korea. In the throne room of the Governor's Palace at Keijo, soon to be renamed Seoul, the surrender instrument was signed by General Abe Nobuyuki, the Governor-General of Korea; Lieutenant-General Kozuki Yoshio, commander of the 17th Area Army and of the Korean Army; and Vice-Admiral Yamaguchi Gisaburo, commander of the Japanese Naval Forces in Korea. The sequence continued with the 25th Indian Division landing in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan on Malaya to capture Port Dickson, while Lieutenant-General Teshima Fusataro's 2nd Army officially surrendered to General Blamey at Morotai, enabling Australian occupation of much of the eastern Dutch East Indies. On September 10, the Japanese garrisons on the Wotje and Maloelap Atolls in the Marshalls surrendered, and Lieutenant-General Baba Masao surrendered all Japanese forces in North Borneo to General Wootten's 9th Australian Division. After Imamura's surrender, Major-General Kenneth Eather's 11th Australian Division landed at Rabaul to begin occupation, and the garrison on Muschu and Kairiru Islands also capitulated. On September 11, General Adachi finally surrendered his 18th Army in the Wewak area, concluding the bloody New Guinea Campaign, while Major-General Yamamura Hyoe's 71st Independent Mixed Brigade surrendered at Kuching and Lieutenant-General Watanabe Masao's 52nd Independent Mixed Brigade surrendered on Ponape Island in the Carolines. Additionally, the 20th Indian Division, with French troops, arrived at Saigon as part of Operation Masterdom and accepted the surrender of Lieutenant-General Tsuchihashi Yuitsu, who had already met with Viet Minh envoys and agreed to turn power over to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.  When the Japanese surrendered to the Allies on 15 August 1945, the Viet Minh immediately launched the insurrection they had prepared for a long time. Across the countryside, “People's Revolutionary Committees” took over administrative positions, often acting on their own initiative, and in the cities the Japanese stood by as the Vietnamese took control. By the morning of August 19, the Viet Minh had seized Hanoi, rapidly expanding their control over northern Vietnam in the following days. The Nguyen dynasty, with its puppet government led by Tran Trong Kim, collapsed when Emperor Bao Dai abdicated on August 25. By late August, the Viet Minh controlled most of Vietnam. On 2 September, in Hanoi's Ba Dinh Square, Ho Chi Minh proclaimed the independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. As the Viet Minh began extending control across the country, the new government's attention turned to the arrival of Allied troops and the French attempt to reassert colonial authority, signaling the onset of a new and contentious phase in Vietnam's struggle.  French Indochina had been left in chaos by the Japanese occupation. On 11 September British and Indian troops of the 20th Indian Division under Major General Douglas Gracey arrived at Saigon as part of Operation Masterdom. After the Japanese surrender, all French prisoners had been gathered on the outskirts of Saigon and Hanoi, and the sentries disappeared on 18 September; six months of captivity cost an additional 1,500 lives. By 22 September 1945, all prisoners were liberated by Gracey's men, armed, and dispatched in combat units toward Saigon to conquer it from the Viet Minh, later joined by the French Far East Expeditionary Corps, established to fight the Japanese arriving a few weeks later. Around the same time, General Lu Han's 200,000 Chinese National Revolutionary Army troops of the 1st Front Army occupied Indochina north of the 16th parallel, with 90,000 arriving by October; the 62nd Army came on 26 September to Nam Dinh and Haiphong, Lang Son and Cao Bang were occupied by the Guangxi 62nd Army Corps, and the Red River region and Lai Cai were occupied by a column from Yunnan. Lu Han occupied the French governor-general's palace after ejecting the French staff under Sainteny. Consequently, while General Lu Han's Chinese troops occupied northern Indochina and allowed the Vietnamese Provisional Government to remain in control there, the British and French forces would have to contest control of Saigon. On September 12, a surrender instrument was signed at the Singapore Municipal Building for all Southern Army forces in Southeast Asia, the Dutch East Indies, and the eastern islands; General Terauchi, then in a hospital in Saigon after a stroke, learned of Burma's fall and had his deputy commander and leader of the 7th Area Army, Lieutenant-General Itagaki Seishiro, surrender on his behalf to Mountbatten, after which a British military administration was formed to govern the island until March 1946. The Japanese Burma Area Army surrendered the same day as Mountbatten's ceremony in Singapore, and Indian forces in Malaya reached Kuala Lumpur to liberate the Malay capital, though the British were slow to reestablish control over all of Malaya, with eastern Pahang remaining beyond reach for three more weeks. On September 13, the Japanese garrisons on Nauru and Ocean Islands surrendered to Brigadier John Stevenson, and three days later Major-General Okada Umekichi and Vice-Admiral Fujita Ruitaro formally signed the instrument of surrender at Hong Kong. In the meantime, following the Allied call for surrender, Japan had decided to grant Indonesian independence to complicate Dutch reoccupation: Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta signed Indonesia's Proclamation of Independence on August 17 and were appointed president and vice-president the next day, with Indonesian youths spreading news across Java via Japanese news and telegraph facilities and Bandung's news broadcast by radio. The Dutch, as the former colonial power, viewed the republicans as collaborators with the Japanese and sought to restore their colonial rule due to lingering political and economic interests in the former Dutch East Indies, a stance that helped trigger a four-year war for Indonesian independence. Fighting also erupted in Sumatra and the Celebes, though the 26th Indian Division managed to land at Padang on October 10. On October 21, Lieutenant-General Tanabe Moritake and Vice-Admiral Hirose Sueto surrendered all Japanese forces on Sumatra, yet British control over the country would dwindle in the ensuing civil conflict. Meanwhile, Formosa (Taiwan) was placed under the control of the Kuomintang-led Republic of China by General Order No. 1 and the Instrument of Surrender; Chiang Kai-shek appointed General Chen Yi as Chief Executive of Taiwan Province and commander of the Taiwan Garrison Command on September 1. After several days of preparation, an advance party moved into Taihoku on October 5, with additional personnel arriving from Shanghai and Chongqing between October 5 and 24, and on October 25 General Ando Rikichi signed the surrender document at Taipei City Hall. But that's the end for this week, and for the Pacific War.  Boy oh boy, its been a long journey hasn't it? Now before letting you orphans go into the wild, I will remind you, while this podcast has come to an end, I still write and narrate Kings and Generals Eastern Front week by week and the Fall and Rise of China Podcasts. Atop all that I have my own video-podcast Echoes of War, that can be found on Youtube or all podcast platforms. I really hope to continue entertaining you guys, so if you venture over to the other podcasts, comment you came from here! I also have some parting gifts to you all, I have decided to release a few Pacific War related exclusive episodes from my Youtuber Membership / patreon at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel. At the time I am writing this, over there I have roughly 32 episodes, one is uploaded every month alongside countless other goodies. Thank you all for being part of this long lasting journey. Kings and Generals literally grabbed me out of the blue when I was but a small silly person doing youtube videos using an old camera, I have barely gotten any better at it. I loved making this series, and I look forward to continuing other series going forward! You know where to find me, if you have any requests going forward the best way to reach me is just comment on my Youtube channel or email me, the email address can be found on my youtube channel. This has been Craig of the Pacific War Channel and narrator of the Pacific war week by week podcast, over and out!

Agradece a este podcast tantas horas de entretenimiento y disfruta de episodios exclusivos como éste. ¡Apóyale en iVoox! Acceso anticipado para Fans - *** VIDEO EN NUESTRO CANAL DE YOUTUBE **** https://youtube.com/live/rUPM4RsA3VA +++++ Hazte con nuestras camisetas en https://www.bhmshop.app +++++ #historia #historiamilitar Entre 1946 y 1954, Francia libró en Indochina una guerra larga, brutal y olvidada. Ocho años de combates en selvas y montañas, de emboscadas, asedios, operaciones aerotransportadas y heroísmo bajo el fuego. Fue la antesala de Vietnam, el prólogo del conflicto entre Oriente y Occidente, y uno de los capítulos más sangrientos en la historia de la Legión Extranjera. En este episodio de Bellumartis Historia Militar nos acompaña el historiador Joaquín Mañes Postigo ** https://amzn.to/4iXhf19 ** , una de las máximas autoridades en la historia de la Legión y autor de numerosos trabajos sobre las guerras coloniales francesas. A través de un análisis documentado y con mirada estratégica, repasamos los momentos clave del conflicto: desde la insurrección del Viet Minh hasta la batalla decisiva de Dien Bien Phu, pasando por la tragedia de la RC-4, las operaciones en Hoa Binh, Na San, y el papel esencial de la Legión en condiciones extremas. Una historia de valor, errores de cálculo y geopolítica, marcada por la Guerra Fría, el ascenso del comunismo en Asia y la decadencia del colonialismo europeo. ️ Un programa imprescindible para entender por qué la Guerra de Indochina fue mucho más que un conflicto colonial: fue la guerra donde Francia perdió un imperio y donde empezó el infierno de Vietnam. Sigue Bellumartis en nuestras plataformas: Blog: https://bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com/ Historia Militar: https://www.youtube.com/@BELLUMARTISHISTORIAMILITAR Actualidad y Geopolítica: https://www.youtube.com/@BELLUMARTISACTUALIDADMILITAR Redes sociales: [añadir enlaces] ️ Suscríbete, comenta y comparte. La historia militar necesita memoria. COMPRA EN AMAZON CON EL ENLACE DE BHM Y AYUDANOS ************** https://amzn.to/3ZXUGQl ************* Si queréis apoyar a Bellumartis Historia Militar e invitarnos a un café o u una cerveza virtual por nuestro trabajo, podéis visitar nuestro PATREON https://www.patreon.com/bellumartis o en PAYPALhttps://www.paypal.me/bellumartis o en BIZUM 656/778/825 Escucha este episodio completo y accede a todo el contenido exclusivo de BELLUMARTIS PODCAST. Descubre antes que nadie los nuevos episodios, y participa en la comunidad exclusiva de oyentes en https://go.ivoox.com/sq/618669

durée : 00:59:59 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Antoine Dhulster - Le nom de Dien Bien Phu est entré dans l'histoire coloniale de la France en marquant la fin d'une guerre menée depuis sept ans dans l'indifférence générale à 13 000 kilomètres de la métropole. Une guerre que la France cherche à finir de façon honorable face à l'insaisissable Vietminh. - réalisation : Thomas Jost

durée : 01:02:03 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Antoine Dhulster - "L'histoire en direct" revient en 1991 sur les camps vietminh pendant la guerre d'Indochine, où des milliers de soldats français sont morts en captivité en raison des conditions de vie insalubres et affaiblis par la rééducation politique des chefs de camps dont un Français, Georges Boudarel. - réalisation : Thomas Jost - invités : Pierre Vidal-Naquet; Alain Ruscio Historien, spécialiste de l'histoire de la colonisation française

durée : 01:01:00 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Antoine Dhulster - L'affaire Boudarel en 1991, du nom de Georges Boudarel, un stalinien français passé par le Vietminh, a révélé un aspect ignoré de la guerre d'Indochine : les camps vietminh où étaient retenus prisonniers des combattants de l'armée française dès 1950 et où ils ont subi une rééducation politique. - réalisation : Thomas Jost

Nous sommes en septembre 1932. Après plusieurs années passées en France, Bao Dai, le jeune empereur du Viêt-nam est de retour. Plus exactement il revient à Hué, capitale de l'Annam, la région du centre du pays, sous protectorat français. Malgré des efforts de modernisation et un désir d'indépendance, le règne de Bao Dai est fortement contraint par la réalité coloniale et souvent discrédité par sa personnalité perçue comme dilettante. On le dit talentueux mais manquant de volonté. Et pourtant, durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, après l'entrée des Japonais, il proclama l'indépendance en mars 1945. Mais face à la Révolution d'Août qui voit les communistes prendre le pouvoir, il choisit d'abdiquer. Devenu Conseiller suprême du Viet Minh, il est isolé mais les Français le ramènent au pouvoir en 1949. A la fin de la guerre d'Indochine, qui aboutit à la partition du « Vietnam », son rêve d'unité s'évanouit. Il part alors pour un long exil en France, menant une vie privée de jet-setteur qui fera les délices de la presse people de l'époque. Que faut-il retenir de ce personnage au double visage, ballotté par les tumultes de l'histoire ? Partons sur les traces de Bao Dai, dernier empereur du Viêt-nam… Avec nous : Daniel Grandclément, journaliste, réalisateur, écrivain. Bao Dai – Le dernier empereur du Viêt-nam » éditions Perrin. Sujets traités : Bao Dai, empereur, Viêt-nam, Annam, protectorat, colonial, indépendance , révolution, Viet Minh, Indochine, Vietnam Merci pour votre écoute Un Jour dans l'Histoire, c'est également en direct tous les jours de la semaine de 13h15 à 14h30 sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez tous les épisodes d'Un Jour dans l'Histoire sur notre plateforme Auvio.be :https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/5936 Intéressés par l'histoire ? Vous pourriez également aimer nos autres podcasts : L'Histoire Continue: https://audmns.com/kSbpELwL'heure H : https://audmns.com/YagLLiKEt sa version à écouter en famille : La Mini Heure H https://audmns.com/YagLLiKAinsi que nos séries historiques :Chili, le Pays de mes Histoires : https://audmns.com/XHbnevhD-Day : https://audmns.com/JWRdPYIJoséphine Baker : https://audmns.com/wCfhoEwLa folle histoire de l'aviation : https://audmns.com/xAWjyWCLes Jeux Olympiques, l'étonnant miroir de notre Histoire : https://audmns.com/ZEIihzZMarguerite, la Voix d'une Résistante : https://audmns.com/zFDehnENapoléon, le crépuscule de l'Aigle : https://audmns.com/DcdnIUnUn Jour dans le Sport : https://audmns.com/xXlkHMHSous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppvN'oubliez pas de vous y abonner pour ne rien manquer.Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Un ejército insurgente que practica la guerra de guerrillas, utilizará cualquier arma que esté a su alcance dado que no es capaz de tener una producción regular de armamento ligero, y muy difícilmente artillería. Los guerrilleros del Viet Minh se armarán con una amalgama de armamento capturado a los japoneses durante la rendición, o robado al ejército colonial, y armamento chino de procedencia soviética a partir del 49, cuando el Ejército Popular controla las fronteras. También es curioso, pero no anecdótico, el armamento producido localmente por los vietnamitas, que pasa por recalibrar fusiles antiguos, fabricar morteros y bazucas, además de crear munición en diferentes talleres improvisados. Te lo cuenta Sergio Murata, Esaú Rodríguez y Antonio Gómez. Ha comenzado la Guerra de Indochina. Casus Belli Podcast pertenece a 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Casus Belli Podcast forma parte de 📀 Ivoox Originals. 📚 Zeppelin Books (Digital) y 📚 DCA Editor (Físico) http://zeppelinbooks.com son sellos editoriales de la 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Estamos en: 👉 X/Twitter https://twitter.com/CasusBelliPod 👉 Facebook https://www.facebook.com/CasusBelliPodcast 👉 Instagram estamos https://www.instagram.com/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Canal https://t.me/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Grupo de Chat https://t.me/casusbellipod 📺 YouTube https://bit.ly/casusbelliyoutube 👉 http://casusbelli.top ⚛️ El logotipo de Casus Belli Podcasdt y el resto de la Factoría Casus Belli están diseñados por Publicidad Fabián publicidadfabian@yahoo.es 🎵 La música incluida en el programa es Ready for the war de Marc Corominas Pujadó bajo licencia CC. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/ El resto de música es propia, o bajo licencia privada de Epidemic Music, Jamendo Music o SGAE SGAE RRDD/4/1074/1012 de Ivoox. 🎭Las opiniones expresadas en este programa de pódcast, son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las trasmiten. Que cada palo aguante su vela. 📧¿Queréis contarnos algo? También puedes escribirnos a casus.belli.pod@gmail.com ¿Quieres anunciarte en este podcast, patrocinar un episodio o una serie? Hazlo a través de 👉 https://www.advoices.com/casus-belli-podcast-historia Si te ha gustado, y crees que nos lo merecemos, nos sirve mucho que nos des un like, ya que nos da mucha visibilidad. Muchas gracias por escucharnos, y hasta la próxima. Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Francia piensa que es capaz de una victoria rápida si captura la capital y hace prisionero al gobierno del Viet Minh. Francia todavía no sabe en qué guerra pretende luchar. El Viet Mihn es cualquier cosa menos un ejército convencional, y está preparado para una guerra de guerrilla prolongada. Es una lucha entre el tigre y el elefante. Si el tigre se mantiene firme, el elefante lo aplastará con su masa. Pero, si conserva su movilidad, finalmente vencerá al elefante, que sangra por una multitud de cortes. El elefante francés se estrellará hasta el año 50 en inútiles embestidas y operaciones contra los escurridizos vietnamitas, y solo ocupará poblaciones y llanuras, dejando débiles fuertes aislados. Mientras tanto, el Viet Minh no lo pasa bien, pero en el 49 consigue un poderoso aliado: la China de Mao. Esto es la Guerra de Indochina, con María Vázquez, Antonio Gómez y Dani CarAn. El tema musical "Indochina, the Tiger and the Elephant" es propiedad de Dani CarAn. Casus Belli Podcast pertenece a 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Casus Belli Podcast forma parte de 📀 Ivoox Originals. 📚 Zeppelin Books (Digital) y 📚 DCA Editor (Físico) http://zeppelinbooks.com son sellos editoriales de la 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Estamos en: 👉 X/Twitter https://twitter.com/CasusBelliPod 👉 Facebook https://www.facebook.com/CasusBelliPodcast 👉 Instagram estamos https://www.instagram.com/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Canal https://t.me/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Grupo de Chat https://t.me/casusbellipod 📺 YouTube https://bit.ly/casusbelliyoutube 👉 http://casusbelli.top ⚛️ El logotipo de Casus Belli Podcasdt y el resto de la Factoría Casus Belli están diseñados por Publicidad Fabián publicidadfabian@yahoo.es 🎵 La música incluida en el programa es Ready for the war de Marc Corominas Pujadó bajo licencia CC. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/ El resto de música es propia, o bajo licencia privada de Epidemic Music, Jamendo Music o SGAE SGAE RRDD/4/1074/1012 de Ivoox. 🎭Las opiniones expresadas en este programa de pódcast, son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las trasmiten. Que cada palo aguante su vela. 📧¿Queréis contarnos algo? También puedes escribirnos a casus.belli.pod@gmail.com ¿Quieres anunciarte en este podcast, patrocinar un episodio o una serie? Hazlo a través de 👉 https://www.advoices.com/casus-belli-podcast-historia Si te ha gustado, y crees que nos lo merecemos, nos sirve mucho que nos des un like, ya que nos da mucha visibilidad. Muchas gracias por escucharnos, y hasta la próxima. Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

durée : 00:54:34 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Antoine Dhulster - Empereur du Vietnam alors qu'éclate la guerre de décolonisation de l'Indochine, Bao Daï est un acteur éminent de cette période troublée de l'histoire de son pays. Soumis aux décisions de la France et du Japon, puissances colonisatrices et du Vietminh d'Ho Chi Minh, il est in fine contraint à l'exil. - réalisation : Thomas Jost

De 1940 a 1954, la perla del imperio colonial francés se incendió. El colonizador francés y comunista Viet Minh transformó la península de Indochina en un infierno sangriento llevándose consigo a un pueblo entero, a un mundo entero. Porque detrás de cada bomba, de cada munición disparada, se esconde la ayuda de las grandes potencias occidentales y comunistas, que hicieron del resultado de este conflicto una cuestión estratégica importante para el resto de la Guerra Fría... Por primera vez, este evento documental pretende contar en su totalidad este conflicto olvidado, el primer acto de la Guerra de Vietnam. Lejos del heroísmo del combate, la multiplicidad de testimonios y el poder de las imágenes de época revelan una guerra total, despiadada y decisiva: una Guerra Sucia.

La guerra de Indochina, llamada también primera guerra de Indochina, y conocida en Vietnam como guerra de resistencia contra Francia fue un conflicto colonial que enfrentó a Francia contra el denominado Viet Minh de Hồ Chí Minh que reclamaban la independencia de la Indochina Francesa. El conflicto duró de 1946 a 1954.

Explore the pivotal Battle of Dien Bien Phu, a key moment in the decline of French colonialism in Indochina that reshaped Southeast Asia's geopolitical landscape. This episode examines the conflict's origins, the strategic miscalculations of the French, and the Viet Minh's decisive victory, which galvanized anti-colonial movements globally and altered U.S. involvement in the region. Discover how this battle's legacy continues to influence military strategy and foreign policy today.

Vietnam, or Indochina as it was known, had been under French colonial rule since the nineteenth century. This was until the Vietnamese nationalist group, the Viet Minh, took on the French in 1946. Ho Chi Minh, son of a Confucian scholar, former chef in Boston, and lover of French literature, was at their head. The fighting came to an end in 1954 with the Geneva convention splitting the country in two. The northern side was to be ruled by the Viet Minh, with close links to the Chinese Communist party and the Soviet Union whilst the South, then known as the Republic of Vietnam, was to remain loyal to America. However, by summer 1963, America is taking an increasingly active role, tensions are rising and a second war is on the horizon. Listen as William and Anita are joined by Fredrik Logevall to discuss the lead up to the Vietnam War. Twitter: @Empirepoduk Email: empirepoduk@gmail.com Goalhangerpodcasts.com Assistant Producers: Anouska Lewis and Alice Horrell Producer: Callum Hill Exec Producer: Neil Fearn Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

durée : 01:02:01 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Albane Penaranda - "L'histoire en direct" revient en 1991 sur les camps vietminh pendant la guerre d'Indochine, où des milliers de soldats français sont morts en captivité en raison des conditions de vie insalubres et affaiblis par la rééducation politique des chefs de camps dont un Français, Georges Boudarel. - invités : Pierre Vidal-Naquet; Alain Ruscio Historien, spécialiste de l'histoire vietnamienne contemporaine et de la décolonisation indochinoise

durée : 00:54:32 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Albane Penaranda - Empereur du Vietnam alors qu'éclate la guerre de décolonisation de l'Indochine, Bao Daï est un acteur éminent de cette période troublée de l'histoire de son pays. Soumis aux décisions de la France et du Japon, puissances colonisatrices et du Vietminh d'Ho Chi Minh, il est in fine contraint à l'exil.

durée : 00:59:57 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Albane Penaranda - Le nom de Dien Bien Phu est entré dans l'histoire coloniale de la France en marquant la fin d'une guerre menée depuis sept ans dans l'indifférence générale à 13 000 kilomètres de la métropole. Une guerre que la France cherche à finir de façon honorable face à l'insaisissable Vietminh.

durée : 01:00:58 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Albane Penaranda - L'affaire Boudarel en 1991, du nom de Georges Boudarel, un stalinien français passé par le Vietminh, a révélé un aspect ignoré de la guerre d'Indochine : les camps vietminh où étaient retenus prisonniers des combattants de l'armée française dès 1950 et où ils ont subi une rééducation politique.

Ronald H. Spector sits down with John Sherwood and guest host Randy Papadopoulos to discuss his book, A Continent Erupts: Decolonization, Civil War, and Massacre in Postwar Asia, 1945-1955

durée : 00:01:49 - L'Humeur du matin par Guillaume Erner - par : Quentin Lafay - Alors le 8 mai est l'occasion chaque année de célébrer la victoire des Alliés sur l'Allemagne d'Hitler, le 7 mai est également un jour de commémoration souvent oublié. On célébrait pourtant hier les 70 ans du conflit en Indochine, qui a vu s'opposer les forces françaises au Viet Minh.

Il y a 70 ans, au mois de mai 1954, les forces françaises retranchées dans la cuvette de Dien Bien Phu, au Vietnam, s'apprêtaient à céder devant les attaques du Vietminh. Du lundi au vendredi, Lorànt Deutsch vous donne rendez-vous dans la matinale de RTL. Chaque jour, l'animateur de "Entrez dans l'histoire" revient sur ces grands moments qui ont façonné notre pays.

Il y a 70 ans, au mois de mai 1954, les forces françaises retranchées dans la cuvette de Dien Bien Phu, au Vietnam, s'apprêtaient à céder devant les attaques du Vietminh. Du lundi au vendredi, Lorànt Deutsch vous donne rendez-vous dans la matinale de RTL. Chaque jour, l'animateur de "Entrez dans l'histoire" revient sur ces grands moments qui ont façonné notre pays.

Il y a 70 ans, le 8 mai 1954, l'armée française était défaite à Diên Biên Phu, au nord Viêt Nam par les troupes du Viet Minh menées par le général Giap. Cette défaite, qui a marqué la fin de la présence française en Indochine, a été vécue comme un traumatisme national, 14 ans seulement après la défaite de 1940. Que s'est-il passé à Diên Biên Phu ? Quelles leçons peut-on en tirer ? Frédéric Mounier reçoit Pierre Servent, officier de réserve, journaliste, ancien conseiller ministériel et porte-parole du ministère de la Défense et enseignant à l'École de guerre. Il publie "Diên Biên Phu, les leçons d'une défaite - Connaître hier pour comprendre aujourd'hui" (éd. Perrin, 2024).  

Dien Bien Phu foi uma batalha que ocorreu há 70 anos entre o exército francês e as forças do Viet Minh. A derrota francesa mudou o mapa do sudeste asiático e esteve na origem da Guerra do VietnameSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On November 20th, 1953 thousands of French paratroopers dropped into a place called Dien Bien Phu.  Dien Bien Phu is a small valley in the northern part of Vietnam close to Laos.  The French plan was to establish a base at Dien Bien Phu, keep it resupplied by air, and then use it as a place to launch operations against the Viet Minh.  The French underestimated the scale of the force the Viet Minh would concentrate around Dien Bien Phu.  Before long, the French were besieged and doomed to defeat.  This battle ended French rule in Indochina.  Bernard Fall explains what happened at Dien Bien Phu and why in “Hell in a Very Small Place”.  

Wars are never solely military questions. They always involve politics and the will of the people. This episode outlines America's war in Vietnam and explains why the U.S. lost, including the limitations imposed by the American public and the realities of the Cold War. 

The story of the Vietnam War usually starts with President John Kennedy being assassinated and new President Lyndon Johnson getting the U.S. into a long, unwinnable war from 1964 through 1973. This episode explores what happened before that war: the collapse of the French colony of Indochina, why Vietnam was split into 2 countries of North Vietnam and South Vietnam, why the communists tried to take over the South, and how did America become involved in the quagmire of Vietnam.

In this episode of The Real ResQ, Charles Evans joins the show. Evans is author of Helicopter Heroine: Valérie André - Surgeon, Pioneer Rescue Pilot, and Her Courage Under Fire. He sits down with host Jason Quinn to provide a history lesson on Valerie André.   André is a surgeon and pioneer rescue helicopter pilot who flew 128 rescue missions from 1951 to 1953, primarily in Vietnam, during the French-Indochina War. She saved the lives of 168 wounded French soldiers. During the war, André volunteered to be an airdropped medic, parachuting into remote French outposts. On one mission she parachuted into Laos, where she not only treated French soldiers, but also native Lao people, and captured enemy Viet Minh soldiers. She became known as “the woman who came from the sky” by the Lao people who knew her. André also served as both a rescue helicopter pilot and chief medical officer during the French war in Algeria. She was also a major force in bringing gender equality to the French military medical corps in the 1960s and 1970s. She was promoted to the rank of brigadier general (U.S. equivalent) in 1975 and full general in 1981, the first woman in the French Army to attain that rank.  She also became a force for change in the French military by addressing the lack of women in the French Army's medical corps (Service de Santé). She worked tirelessly within the French military system and through the French legislature to increase the number of females in the service. André celebrated her 100th birthday on April 21, 2022. The civilian heliport that serves the entire region of Paris was named in her honor on March 8, 2022, which was also International Women's Day. She lives in Issy-les-Moulneaux, which has been her home for over 50 years. Enjoy!   https://verticalhelicasts.com/the-real-resq-podcast/ https://www.facebook.com/therealresq https://www.instagram.com/therealresq   This episode is brought to you by Vertical Helicasts Thank you for sponsoring this episode of The Real ResQ; Breeze-Eastern, https://www.breeze-eastern.com/

Kambodża, tajemnicza kraina o bogatej historii, przyciąga uwagę jak magnes. Zaglądając się w przeszłość tego kraju, odkrywamy fascynujący świat, gdzie imperium Khmerów rozkwitało niczym kwiat lotosu, świadcząc o potędze i kreatywności starożytnych społeczeństw. Następnie, przemierzając mroczne korytarze kolonializmu, dostrzegamy strugę zmian, jaką pozostawili za sobą kolonizatorzy, przekształcając Kambodżę we francuski protektorat. Dalej, widzimy ostrożny taniec króla Sihanouka, który przez lata starał się zachować neutralność i nie zwaśnić z żadną ze stron Zimnej Wojny. Wreszcie, na scenie pojawia się tragiczny dramat Czerwonych Khmerów i Pol Pota, przynosząc wieści, które zszokowały świat. Historia Kambodży to fascynujące połączenie chwały i tragedii, pełne życiowych lekcji, które powinniśmy cenić i zrozumieć. Dlatego dziś zapraszam was na podróż przez wieki. Odkryjemy fascynującą historię Kambodży w tym kompleksowym, wielowątkowym odcinku podcastu historycznego. Przeniesiemy się od czasów potężnego Imperium Khmerów, dalej przez wpływ francuskiego protektoratu, aż po współczesność. Zanurzymy się w życie króla Sihanouka, Lon Nola i niesławne rządy Czerwonych Khmerów pod wodzą Pol Pota. Wspólnie zobaczymy, jak te wydarzenia ukształtowały Kambodżę i jej mieszkańców oraz jak wpłynęły na jej dziedzictwo kulturowe. Uwagi: 1/ Odcinek nie zawiera trudnych w odbiorze opisów ani wizerunków czy fotografii. Wszystko jest przyjazne dla młodszych pasjonatów historii. 2/ To nie odcinek o samym Pol Pocie i Czerwonych Khmerach – to odcinek, w którym wychodzę z odległych wieków i tłumaczę, jak splot wydarzeń poskutkował latami 1975-1979. Tylko tak możemy zrozumieć i zaangażować się w historię kraju Khmerów. Dziękuję moim Patronom: https://pastebin.com/zyswBWcy Jeśli Ci się podoba -dołącz :) https://patronite.pl/podcasthistoryczny Muzyka/Music by - Whitesand; Kupno/buy: https://whitesand.bandcamp.com Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/artist/3GXunV3wsCpSdKp0L5tcNH YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCe96JG5gdgSRtmqStx0isXA Whitesand songs: Adventure Begins https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yj7g27GDVrY Kingdom https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EFWo5hl4h3g Brand New World https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=udZdqsrMLoo Airborne https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bdNULFOawlU Humanity https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SwEK59aLXj4 Eternity https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X5c83Uixoj8 Spaceman https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i27sSTYnKdo Voidbringer https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0TfL_8uu270 The Way of Kings https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dJJ75n1yAV4 Adamantine https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cVsQ8Ly6xfs Last of It's Kind https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wqjAr_UmhUs Into the Unknown https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F4eAAYSaqmo Legend of the Sword https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=62j6VWu-9VI Legends Anthem https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSAcPWYbwPI The Giant https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cKrrFQ1j4Qs Unbreakable https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZRLpr_v714Q Undiscovered https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KbmJPgXkljU Fallen Leaves of Old https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NwZK4dITPw0 Worth Fighting For https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e6Gx7V7mDsg Worthy https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bQE4_fazzys Ancient Mastery https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vBn-QfxrelU Legends https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yMOz5Ssd6EE Open Music Revolution (www.openmusicrevolution.com) Zrodla: https://pastebin.com/ZEdzwQKG TT: https://twitter.com/sadowski_rafal IG: https://www.instagram.com/rafal_sadowskii 0:00 Wstęp 8:18 Podziękowanie dla Patronów 10:20 Rozpoczęcie opowieści – preludium 16:24 Kolonializm i Industrializm – dwie siły, które ukształtowały nowożytność 22:53 Rewolucja przemysłowa 26:51 Rewolucja przemysłowa zasila Nowy Imperializm 30:33 Karabin Maxim 32:13 Medycyna kolonialna 33:50 Czarne aspekty kolonizacji w XIX i XX wieku 39:31 Zagadka 45:20 Kambodża – początek 47:40 Khmerowie – ludność Kambodży 53:40 Francuski Protektorat 59:13 Kolonialna Gospodarka Kambodży 1:02:51 Zew Nacjonalizmu 1:07:18 II WŚ, Francja i Kambodża 1:14:38 Podsumowanie – od antyku, do 1945 1:17:25 Sihanouk i początek walki o niepodległość. Khmer Issarak, Viet Minh. 1:27:20 Sihanouk i próby pogodzenia sprzecznych interesów 1:32:28 Jakim władcą był Sihanouk? 1:40:48 Lewica w Kambodży 1:46:43 Paryska Grupa Studencka 1:53:42 Poznajcie Pol Pota 1:59:23 Powrót Pol Pota do Kambodży 2:03:05 Dlaczego Czerwoni Khmerzy walczyli z Sihanoukiem? 2:06:19 1970, Lon Nol i Zamach stanu 2:11:06 Bombardowanie dywanowe Kambodży 2:17:21 Podsumowanie – Kambodża od antyku, do przedednia Czerwonych Khmerów 2:21:49 Poglądy Czerwonych Khmerów 2:29:05 Czerwoni Khmerzy wkraczają do Phnom Penh 2:32:19 Pola Śmierci 2:35:17 Choeung Ek 2:39:25 Rok Zero, Okulary 2:43:47 Życie codzienne pod rządami Pol Pota 2:48:29 Tarcia wewnątrz partii 2:51:32 Wewnętrzna czystka: Tuol Sleng 2:56:18 Upadek Czerwonych Khmerów 3:03:09 Ostatnie dni Pol Pota 3:06:42 Ostatni rozdział historii 3:13:49 Zakończenie

NOUVEAU - Abonnez-vous à Minuit+ pour profiter Espions - Histoires Vraies et de milliers d'histoires vraies sans publicité, d'épisodes en avant-première et en intégralité. Vous aurez accès sans publicité à des dizaines de programmes passionnants comme Crimes - Histoires Vraies, Paranormal - Histoires Vraies ou encore Catastrophes - Histoires Vraies.

NOUVEAU - Abonnez-vous à Minuit+ pour profiter Espions - Histoires Vraies et de milliers d'histoires vraies sans publicité, d'épisodes en avant-première et en intégralité. Vous aurez accès sans publicité à des dizaines de programmes passionnants comme Crimes - Histoires Vraies, Paranormal - Histoires Vraies ou encore Catastrophes - Histoires Vraies.

Agradece a este podcast tantas horas de entretenimiento y disfruta de episodios exclusivos como éste. ¡Apóyale en iVoox! Volvemos con este segundo episodio de QPSM, nuevo programa de Casus Belli donde 🎙️ Juan Pastrana y 🚴 Esaú Rodríguez analizan los desastres y cagadas más relevantes de la historia de los conflictos. Esta vez, en pleno conflicto de descolonización de la Indochina, las tropas francesas necesitaban una gran victoria que presentar en la mesa de negociaciones. Dien Bien Phu parecía el lugar ideal como base avanzada, que amenazaba las comunicaciones en medio del territorio del Viet Minh, contaba con una pista aérea con la que abastecerse, y un acceso defendible. El mando francésestaba convencidod e que que las tropas comandadas por Giap ni tenían ni podían desplazar artillería pesada o armamento de gran calibre. Produce 👨‍🚀 Dani CarAn ⭐ Casus Belli Podcast forma parte de 📀 Ivoox Originals. ⭐ Casus Belli Podcast pertenece a 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. 👉https://podcastcasusbelli.com 👉En Facebook, nuestra página es @casusbellipodcast https://www.facebook.com/CasusBelliPodcast 👉En Instagram estamos como @casusbellipodcast https://www.instagram.com/casusbellipodcast 👉En Twitter estamos como @casusbellipod @CasusBelliPod 👉Telegram, nuestro canal es @casusbellipodcast https://t.me/casusbellipodcast 👨‍💻Nuestro chat del canal es https://t.me/aviones10 La música aparecida en este episodio lo hacen bajo la licencia privada de Jamendo Music, Epidemic Sound, o licencia global contratada y gestionada por IVOOX (SGAE RRDD/4/1074/1012), para el uso de "música comercial" del repertorio de la Sociedad de Gestión. El resto de música es bajo licencia Creative Commons 3.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/ ⚛️ El logotipo de Casus Belli están diseñados por Publicidad Fabián publicidadfabian@yahoo.es 📧¿Queréis contarnos algo? También puedes escribirnos a casus.belli.pod@gmail.com Si te ha gustado, y crees que nos lo merecemos, nos sirve mucho que nos des un like, ya que nos da mucha visibilidad. Muchas gracias por escucharnos, y hasta la próxima. Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Ho Chi Minh is a man of many mysteries and many names (including the Kissing President…). But to most, he's the man who midwifed a nation and kicked out the colonisers. He's the revolutionary head of the Viet Minh who lead Viet Nam to independence in 1945. And through it all he found time to be a ferry pastry chef! In 1969, Billy is struck by his death, so it's time for us to reflect on the life of Uncle Ho, the Vietnamese Revolution, and course, the Vietnam War. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

learn about Ho Chi Minh, his role in the nation's independence and adoption of communism, and his globe-spanning travels and eclectic work experience before becoming the leader of the Viet Minh

Las delegaciones china y soviética que asistían en Ginebra a las negociaciones entre Francia y el Vietminh para llegar a un acuerdo de paz no pudieron reprimir su alegría, la tarde del 7 de mayo de 1954, cuando tuvieron noticia de la derrota francesa en la decisiva Batalla de Dien Bien Phu. La posición política de Hanói era ahora más fuerte para frenar las exigencias que pretendían imponer París y Washington para alcanzar un alto el fuego en Vietnam.Suscríbete a nuestra revista MUY HISTORIA con un descuento del 50% accediendo a este link y usando el código descuento especial para podcast - PODCAST1936https://suscripciones.zinetmedia.es/mz/divulgacion/muy-historia?a=1Comparte nuestro podcast en tus redes sociales, puedes realizar una valoración de 5 estrellas en Apple Podcast o Spotify.Gracias por escuchar nuestros 'Grandes Reportajes de Muy Historia'Dirección, locución y producción: Iván Patxi Gómez GallegoGuión: Marta González Pérez-Iñigo

John Paul Vann was a career Army officer.  He served in combat during the Korean War and was an advisor to the South Vietnamese Army's IV Corps fighting the Viet Cong for a year from 1962 to 1963.  Vann retired from the Army a few months after completed that assignment.  He returned to Vietnam in 1965.  First he worked as an official for the Agency for International Development.  Vann was then made the Deputy for Civil Operations and Rural Development Support for the Third Corps Tactical Zone in the twelve provinces north and west of Saigon.  In 1968 he was assigned to the same position for the Fourth Corps Tactical Zone in the provinces south of Saigon.  Vann died in a helicopter crash in Vietnam on June 16, 1972.  During his years in Vietnam, he developed some strong views about what the United States was doing versus what he thought it should be doing. 

In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship". In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War. Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House's International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship". In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War. Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House's International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship". In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War. Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House's International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship". In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War. Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House's International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/southeast-asian-studies

In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship". In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War. Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House's International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship". In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War. Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House's International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship". In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War. Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House's International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This episode tells the story of the the Vietnam War at sea, of the most intense air battles of the Cold War, of bombardments against the Vietnamese coastline, and the politics and history behind a war that was unpopular from day one and split the nation in two. Right after the end of World War Two, the Viet Minh, a communist-led anti imperialist party and army led by Ho Chi Minh claimed control of almost all of the country in the power vacuum immediately after the Japanese surrender. A year later, in 1946 the revived French government sent troops back to occupy its former colony of Vietnam and crushed Ho Chi Minh's new government, forcing his military to abandon the cities for the jungles, mountains, and countryside. Based on anticolonial principles the United States had initially opposed the French recolonization of Indochina but the victory of the communist just north of Vietnam in the Chinese civil war drove the Truman and Eisenhauer administrations to support the French in their war against the Viet Minh. The French were defeated, but we soon took their place. This is that story... IG/Twitter: @USNavyPodcast Email: usnavalhistorypodcast@gmail.com

It's the beginning of a two-part series on the world's dumbest dictator: Pol Pot! This week we dive into Pot's origin story in all of its glorious stupidity, all the way up to the moment he and his Khmer Rouge took over Cambodia and enacted a bunch of dumb shit policies that would have a devastating impact on Cambodia. I think this episode is an important reminder of how one man, aided by circumstance and chance, can have a gargantuan impact on history. Because this moron was able to fail up for such a long time, anywhere from 1.7 to 3 million people perished under his rule. History is full of great men and women, and Salath Sâr (AKA Pol Pot) is most DEFINITELY not one of them. Enjoy comrades!

The Vietnam War is one of the twentieth century's most well-known conflicts. It has become a buzzword for military failure, synonymous with the most horrific aspects of irregular warfare between states and guerilla forces, and has had a profound impact on politics and popular culture in the United States and around the world. But why did America get involved in the first place? Who were the Viet Cong and the Viet Minh? Why were there mass peace protests back in the US? And what lessons, if any, can be learned from the conflict?  In this episode we were joined by Cerys Matthews - singer, songwriter, author, and BBC Radio 6 broadcaster, alongside Phan Thi Kim Phuc, better known as the ‘Napalm Girl', and renowned photographer Don McCullin.  —------ CREDITS:  Excerpt from ‘Eisenhower Two Vietnams' https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lPet4zFh4sI&ab_channel=M.D.Jones   Excerpt from Lyndon B. Johnson-Speech on Vietnam (September 29, 1967) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Tf2xGb5Nsg&ab_channel=MCamericanpresident   Excerpt from Kennedy Speaks On Vietnam (1962): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Iph_KkKLfcA&ab_channel=BritishPath%C3%A9   Excerpt from Behind The Viet Cong Lines (1965) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s6sPC1YLIdM&ab_channel=NuclearVault Excerpt from NBC News Special Report, January 31, 1968 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wA8n114eYXc&ab_channel=NewsActive3   Excerpt from President Richard Nixon Address to the Nation on the War in Vietnam, November 3, 1969 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RPpOBu2LNCo&ab_channel=RichardNixonPresidentialLibrary   Exerpt from 50 years ago: Walter Cronkite calls for the U.S. to get out of Vietnam https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dn2RjahTi3M&ab_channel=CBSEveningNews

Keeping our promise that this will be a truly international podcast. People from places - talking about places. Today we're joined by someone most of you already know - Youtuber and US/UK human rights watcher from Vietnam - Luna Oi.Let's learn more about Vietnamese Socialism, and Vietnam in general.Check out her work here:Her youtube channel: https://youtube.com/c/LunaoiHer twitch: https://twitch.tv/Luna_oiBook:INCOMINGEpisode 26 - Deprogramming Boomers is available 1 week early on Patreon! Support The show, get benefits, and help us keep telling sponsors to f*ck off by donating: https://www.patreon.com/TheDeprogramSupport the show (https://www.patreon.com/TheDeprogram)

This episode is now available 1 week early on Patreon! Support The show, get benefits, and help us keep telling sponsors to f*ck of by donating: https://www.patreon.com/TheDeprogramSupport the show (https://www.patreon.com/TheDeprogram)

The conflict we know today as the Vietnam War–involving the United States and the Viet Cong–was actually the second of the Indochina Wars, the first having been fought shortly after WW2 between France and the Viet Minh.In this episode James is joined by Dr Pablo de Orellana of King's College London, whose new book focuses on the often forgotten conflict that he calls the First Vietnam War. Dr Pablo's book The Road to Vietnam: America, France, Britain, and the First Vietnam War, is available here.For more Warfare content, subscribe to our Warfare newsletter here.If you'd like to learn even more, we have hundreds of history documentaries, ad free podcasts and audiobooks at History Hit - subscribe today!To download, go to Android or Apple store. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.