Podcasts about Pol Pot

The latest film releases include Elio, The Damned, Meeting with Pol Pot, and Scarecrow in a Garden of Cucumbers. Weighing in are Alonso Duralde and Dave White, film critics and co-hosts of the movie podcast Linoleum Knife.

In a 6-3 ruling today, the Supreme Court upheld a Tennessee law banning some medical treatments for transgender minors. The decision could have broad implications nationwide. C-SPAN is facing an existential crisis as more people cut the cable cord. Longtime CNN journalist Sam Feist took the reins of CSPAN last year with a mandate to turn things around. Critics review the latest film releases: “Elio,” “The Damned,” “Meeting with Pol Pot,” and “Scarecrow in a Garden of Cucumbers.” Each summer, tomatoes arrive in a kaleidoscope of shapes and colors. Ripe tomatoes are so good that most ways to prepare them are very simple. Here are unusual recipes to try.

The latest film releases include Elio, The Damned, Meeting with Pol Pot, and Scarecrow in a Garden of Cucumbers. Weighing in are Alonso Duralde and Dave White, film critics and co-hosts of the movie podcast Linoleum Knife.

In a 6-3 ruling today, the Supreme Court upheld a Tennessee law banning some medical treatments for transgender minors. The decision could have broad implications nationwide. C-SPAN is facing an existential crisis as more people cut the cable cord. Longtime CNN journalist Sam Feist took the reins of CSPAN last year with a mandate to turn things around. Critics review the latest film releases: “Elio,” “The Damned,” “Meeting with Pol Pot,” and “Scarecrow in a Garden of Cucumbers.” Each summer, tomatoes arrive in a kaleidoscope of shapes and colors. Ripe tomatoes are so good that most ways to prepare them are very simple. Here are unusual recipes to try.

Foi um dos grandes torcionários do século XX: Pol Pot matou dois milhões de cambojanos nos anos 70. Nasceu há 100 anos e os khmer vermelhos conquistaram o poder no Camboja há 50. Esta é a sua históriaSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

It's been 50 years since the Khmer Rouge, led by Pol Pot, took control of Cambodia in 1975, following a five-year civil war. Australia accepted several thousand Cambodian refugees from the late 1970s to the mid 1980s. As SBS marks its 50th anniversary, some say the broadcaster's in-language programs helped them feel at home in Australia. - អស់ពេល 50 ឆ្នាំហើយ ចាប់តាំងពីរបបខ្មែរក្រហម ដឹកនាំដោយ ប៉ុល ពត បានកាន់កាប់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាក្នុងឆ្នាំ 1975 បន្ទាប់ពីសង្គ្រាមស៊ីវិលរយៈពេលប្រាំឆ្នាំ។ ប្រទេសអូស្ត្រាលីបានទទួលយកជនភៀសខ្លួនកម្ពុជាជាច្រើនពាន់នាក់ ពីចុងទសវត្សរ៍ឆ្នាំ 1970 ដល់ពាក់កណ្តាលទសវត្សរ៍ឆ្នាំ 1980 ។ ខណៈដែល SBS ប្រារព្ធខួបលើកទី 50 របស់ខ្លួន អ្នកខ្លះនិយាយថាកម្មវិធីដែលផ្សាយជាភាសាកំណើតរបស់ពួកគេនេះ បានជួយឱ្យពួកគេមានអារម្មណ៍ថាហាក់ដូចជានៅផ្ទះនៅក្នុងប្រទេសអូស្ត្រាលីនេះ។

TESTO DELL'ARTICOLO ➜ https://www.bastabugie.it/8197CINQUANT'ANNI FA INIZIAVA L'INCUBO DEI KHMER ROSSI IN CAMBOGIA di Stefano Magni Il 17 aprile di 50 anni fa, cadeva Phnom Penh. La capitale della Cambogia finiva nelle mani dei Khmer Rossi, il movimento comunista, maoista, più letale della storia. Nei tre anni successivi, il regime retto con pugno di ferro da Pol Pot, eliminerà un terzo della sua stessa popolazione. Suo obiettivo dichiarato era quello di realizzare l'utopia comunista entro il 1990, non importava con quali metodi e con quanti morti.L'ascesa al potere dei Khmer Rossi avvenne dopo otto anni di guerra civile. A distruggere il già precario equilibrio di quella regione dell'Asia sudorientale, che aveva ottenuto l'indipendenza nel 1953 dalla Francia, fu soprattutto la guerra del Vietnam. Il principe Sihanouk, succeduto pacificamente al dominio francese, si era barcamenato fra il comunismo (in espansione in tutta la regione) e l'alleanza con gli Stati Uniti, protettori del Vietnam del Sud. Quando il Vietnam del Nord, comunista, nel 1959, incominciò a invadere il Vietnam del Sud (nazionalista) infiltrandovi i suoi militari e guerriglieri, Sihanouk non riuscì o non volle opporsi. Nel 1965, primo anno dell'intervento americano in Vietnam, la Cambogia era già diventata il principale terreno di transito dei nordvietnamiti. Essendo un paese neutrale, lì non potevano essere colpiti dagli americani e dai sudvietnamiti. Sihanouk represse violentemente il comunismo all'interno del suo paese. Nella sola rivolta contadina nel distretto di Samlaut (scoppiata a seguito di espropri arbitrari), dal 1967 al 1970, fece uccidere 12mila persone. I militari tagliavano le teste dei contadini e le mandavano a Phnom Penh, come prova del lavoro eseguito. Fu in quel periodo, in opposizione al regime, che crebbe il movimento armato dei Khmer Rossi, ispirato al maoismo più intransigente. Ma in politica estera, lo stesso Sihanouk si avvicinò alla Cina di Mao e all'Urss di Brezhnev e ruppe con gli americani.REPUBBLICA KHMERNel 1970, quando Sihanouk era a Mosca in visita di Stato, i militari presero il potere. Lon Nol, uno dei peggiori macellai della repressione di Samlaut, divenne presidente, di fatto il dittatore, della nuova "Repubblica Khmer". Promise lotta alla corruzione e cacciata dei vietnamiti e chiese subito agli Usa di intervenire in suo aiuto. In meno di un mese, Nixon autorizzò un intervento di terra, segreto, in territorio cambogiano. Militarmente fu un successo: i nordvietnamiti vennero cacciati dalle aree di confine. Politicamente fu un disastro: i comunisti di Ho Chi Minh si dispersero nel paese e insegnarono ai Khmer Rossi come si combatteva contro un esercito regolare. Lon Nol si alienò ulteriormente la popolazione, prima di tutto perché si dimostrò ancora più corrotto del predecessore. Poi perché fu ancora più violento, perseguitò tutti i vietnamiti del paese, i cattolici e le altre minoranze religiose e represse nel sangue ogni manifestazione di dissenso. Contro di lui si allearono monarchici e comunisti: Sihanouk e i Khmer Rossi formarono un Fronte di Unità Nazionale. Nel 1973 controllavano già metà del paese e Lon Nol chiese di nuovo l'aiuto degli americani. Nixon autorizzò una campagna di bombardamenti aerei (anche questa segreta), in cui perirono decine di migliaia di civili, oltre ai guerriglieri. Fu un successo effimero: l'avanzata dei comunisti venne solo temporaneamente arginata, ma come reazione ai bombardamenti le popolazioni contadine si arruolarono in massa nei Khmer Rossi, anche se ormai era chiaro, nelle aree che avevano occupato, che il loro regime fosse molto più letale di quello nazionalista di Lon Nol.LA KAMPUCHEA DEMOCRATICANell'aprile del 1975, quando il Vietnam del Sud era in procinto di essere sopraffatto dal Nord e gli americani se ne erano ormai andati, i Khmer Rossi vinsero la guerra civile. Sihanouk rimase ufficialmente il capo di Stato ancora per un anno, poi venne costretto agli arresti domiciliari. Nasceva la Kampuchea Democratica, Khieu Samphan era il presidente, ma il vero uomo al comando era il primo ministro, leader del movimento armato comunista, Saloth Sar, detto Pol Pot. Educato a Parigi (aveva Jean Paul Sartre quale mentore), volle creare l'utopia comunista dal giorno uno del suo regno. Tutte le città, a partire da Phnom Penh, vennero evacuate con urgenza. Anche i malati e i feriti ricoverati negli ospedali furono gettati in strada. Agli evacuati le nuove autorità dissero che si trattava di una misura temporanea e di portarsi dietro il minimo indispensabile. In realtà erano destinati a partecipare a un gigantesco esperimento sociale: trasformare i cittadini in contadini. Le evacuazioni, effettuate con metodi da deportazione, costarono decine di migliaia di vittime. Ed era solo l'inizio della sofferenza.Tutta la popolazione cambogiana venne riorganizzata in comunità contadine. Non era possibile alcuna libertà di movimento: di fatto erano prigionieri di campi di lavoro. I turni andavano dalle 12 alle 14 ore al giorno, senza pause se non per subire il lavaggio del cervello ideologico nelle sessioni di rieducazione. Tutti i membri del vecchio regime e le loro famiglie vennero sterminati. Tutti i religiosi, a qualunque religione appartenessero, vennero uccisi. Per il resto, ogni comandante e funzionario locale aveva diritto di vita e di morte sui suoi contadini. I più sadici e sospettosi uccidevano anche chi solo portava gli occhiali, simbolo di degenerazione borghese. Poteva essere ucciso anche chi fosse considerato "pigro" nel lavoro dei campi, chi non aveva abbastanza calli sulle mani, chi non rispondeva in modo appropriato nelle sessioni di rieducazione, chi conosceva lingue straniere, chi esercitava professioni liberali prima dell'anno zero della nuova era.GESTI D'AMORE VIETATI E PUNITINon era permesso parlare in prima persona singolare: l'Io era bandito. Non era permesso l'affetto personale: parole dolci e gesti d'amore erano vietati e puniti. Doveva essere amato solo il partito. Dall'inizio del 1977, i matrimoni furono solo combinati dai quadri del partito, fra uomini e donne che fra loro non si conoscevano. I figli furono separati dai genitori, educati dal partito. Tutto era in comune, le coltivazioni destinate al catasto, il cibo razionato e consumato in mense collettive. La morte per fame divenne la regola e i contadini che cercavano di rubare il cibo o di consumarlo mentre lo coltivavano erano condannati a morte.Nemmeno i quadri e i dirigenti dei Khmer erano esenti dalla paura. I tentativi di colpi di Stato furono molto numerosi, almeno nove in tre anni. Pol Pot rispose con purghe periodiche. Le vittime principali erano i comunisti rientrati dall'estero, invogliati dalla propaganda di Phnom Penh. Quasi tutti finirono sotto la scure della repressione. Il carcere di Tuol Sleng, destinato agli epurati, divenne il simbolo dello sterminio cambogiano, l'unico luogo in cui l'identità delle vittime e la data della loro esecuzione venne documentata minuziosamente. La quasi totalità degli internati a Tuol Sleng venne uccisa, dai plotoni d'esecuzione o nelle camere di tortura.Il regime Khmer era anche profondamente razzista. Nonostante l'alleanza con Pechino, sterminò la quasi totalità dei cinesi residenti in Cambogia (circa 200mila perirono in questo genocidio nel genocidio), la minoranza musulmana Cham e decine di migliaia di vietnamiti. E fu proprio per salvare questi ultimi dall'annientamento che, alla fine del 1978, il Vietnam invase la Cambogia. In poco più di un mese spazzò via l'infernale regime. Ma nel paese non tornò la libertà, si instaurò un altro regime comunista, guidato da Samrin (un ex Khmer Rosso fuggito in Vietnam) e solo meno repressivo e letale del precedente. Per questo è così difficile, ancora oggi, fare luce sul crimine immenso dei Khmer Rossi e punire i suoi responsabili. Il colpo di spugna sul passato, comunque, non cancella i due milioni di morti, assassinati in appena tre anni, con un'intensità senza precedenti. Uccisi nel nome di un'utopia, di un paradiso in terra che garantì l'inferno a un popolo intero. 

Đã 50 năm trôi qua kể từ khi Khmer Đỏ do Pol Pot lãnh đạo, nắm quyền kiểm soát Campuchia vào năm 1975, sau cuộc nội chiến kéo dài 5 năm. Úc đã tiếp nhận hàng ngàn người tị nạn Campuchia, từ cuối những năm 1970 đến giữa những năm 1980. Khi SBS kỷ niệm 50 năm thành lập, một số người cho biết các chương trình bằng ngôn ngữ của đài phát thanh này, đã giúp họ cảm thấy như ở nhà tại Úc.

It's been 50 years since the Khmer Rouge, led by Pol Pot, took control of Cambodia in 1975, following a five-year civil war. Australia accepted several thousand Cambodian refugees from the late 1970s to the mid 1980s. As SBS marks its 50th anniversary, some say the broadcaster's in-language programs helped them feel at home in Australia.

Vor 50 Jahren kamen der "Steinzeitkommunist" Pol Pot und seine Clique in Kambodscha an die Macht. Sie löschten fast ein Viertel der Bevölkerung aus. Die Folgen sind bis heute spürbar. Die Reportage von Jennifer Johnston.

Jack Posobiec is back to discuss all the latest threats facing America's future. They discuss the Ukraine-Russia war, NATO's potential involvement, and Vladimir Putin's leadership. Posobiec shares insights from his recent trips to Poland and Hungary, discussing the geopolitical dynamics and rising nationalism in Europe. The conversation also delves into U.S. fiscal policies, with criticism of the budget bill from both Rand Paul and Elon Musk. Referencing historical figures like Pol Pot and Chairman Mao, they discuss the threat of radical left wing movements. Looking ahead to the midterms, Posbiec and Savage discuss how the Administration's current actions may impact the midterm elections.

This week we're excited to present a conversation from the 2025 edition of Rendez-Vous with French Cinema with Meeting with Pol Pot director Rithy Panh and journalist Elizabeth Becker, moderated by FLC's Vice President, Programming, Florence Almozini. Meeting with Pol Pot will open at Film at Lincoln Center next Friday, June 13 with in-person Q&As at select screenings opening weekend. Get tickets at filmlinc.org/polpot In 1978, three French journalists arrive in Cambodia to survey the country and interview its leader, Pol Pot—but after a picture-perfect arrival, cracks begin to emerge in the murderous regime's facade of respectability. For Cambodian-born Rithy Panh, the damage inflicted upon his homeland by the Khmer Rouge has fueled a lifetime of innovative work in the vein of 2013's The Missing Picture, which reconstructed the period's events in part through clay-figurine dioramas. This real-life journalistic excursion, based on true events detailed in Elizabeth Becker's nonfiction book When the War Was Over: Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge Revolution, is brought to life thanks to exemplary lead performances from Irène Jacob, Grégoire Colin, and Cyril Gueï, meticulously conjuring the sights and sounds of 1978 Cambodia with the assistance of archival footage and more clay figurines. The result is a unique admixture—historical horror paired with a rich meditation on the impossibility of portraying it—that only Panh could make. A Strand Releasing release.

1975 was a time of change in global politics. There was the horror of the Pol Pot genocide, the end of the Vietnam War - while in Australia there was the dismissal of the Labor Whitlam government. It was also a time when Australia was rapidly changing into the multicultural society we see today, coinciding with the birth of the nation's multilingual broadcaster: SBS. - 1975年是全球政治格局发生重大变革的一年。柬埔寨发生了红色高棉大屠杀，越南战争宣告结束——与此同时，惠特拉姆政府工党被解散。这也是澳大利亚迅速转型为今日多元文化社会的关键时期，恰逢我国多语言广播机构SBS的诞生。

In Kambodscha löschten die kommunistischen Roten Khmer unter der Führung von Pol Pot zwischen 1975 und 1979 fast ein Viertel der Bevölkerung aus. Die Menschen verhungerten, starben an Überarbeitung oder wurden auf brutalste Weise hingerichtet. Die Roten Khmer wollten einen Neustart, sozusagen im Jahr Null; einen Agrarstaat, in dem Besitz keine Rolle spielt. Lehrer, Ärzte, Rechtsanwälte waren der Feind. Die Folgen der Schreckensherrschaft sind bis heute im Land zu spüren. Ein tief verwurzeltes kollektives Trauma prägt Generationen, die demografische Struktur wurde nachhaltig verändert und die wirtschaftliche so wie soziale Entwicklung blieb jahrzehntelang hinter den Möglichkeiten zurück. Unsere ARD-Südostasien-Korrespondentin Jennifer Johnston berichtet.

1975 was een tijd van grote veranderingen in de wereldpolitiek. Er vond genocide plaats onder Pol Pot, er kwam een einde van de Vietnamoorlog en in Australië werd de Labour-regering van Gough Whitlam afgezet. Het was ook een tijd waarin Australië zich snel begon te ontwikkelen tot de multiculturele samenleving die we vandaag de dag kennen, wat samenviel met het ontstaan van de meertalige omroep van het land: SBS.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit smokeempodcast.substack.comBrooke Siem is the author of the 2022 memoir, May Cause Side Effects, about the decade and a half she spent on anti-depressants (prescribed after her father died when she was 15) and what happened when she ditched them. Sarah is currently on anti-depressants, though she wonders whether she needs them. Nancy is not on SSRIs, though she was part of a gentle brigade who nudged Sarah to increase her dosage last year. This is a complicated knot! The ladies talk about over-medication, how cultural taboos migrate, and the problem with treating sadness, anger, frustration — very human emotions — with a pill. Also discussed:* Nancy suddenly cares about the Navy; Sarah questions this* That time Brooke wore a foxy denim jumper* “Chemical imbalance” is a hoodwink* The “Come Out of the Dark Campaign” meant to eradicate depression stigma leads to an explosion of SSRI prescriptions* SSRIs and orgasm* The opiate epidemic tracks with the anti-depressant era * “Chemical castration” didn't start with puberty blockers …* 70s-80s Ritalin vogue* Related: Does Ritalin suppress male growth?* Hold up: a link between transitioning genders and SSRIs?* Drinking and depression, a tangled saga* “Headaches are caused by an Advil deficiency”* Beware Wellbutrin* Gothic SSRI withdrawal* “I never boned a cabbie … that I'm aware of.”* That time Sarah went hypomanic …* 1 in 4 American women are on anti-depressants* The hormones and menopause of it all* “Fuck you, person at Whole Foods!”* Big Pharma / Big Food = same playbook, different expression* “Do you bake with yeast?”* WTF with Pol Pot?Plus, boozy cupcakes, a coyote sighting, was Tom Cruise right about pharmaceuticals — and much more!This one's a banger! Listen to the whole shebang when you become a paid subscriber.

1975 was a time of change in global politics. There was the horror of the Pol Pot genocide, the end of the Vietnam War - while in Australia there was the dismissal of the Labor Whitlam government. It was also a time when Australia was rapidly changing into the multicultural society we see today, coinciding with the birth of the nation's multilingual broadcaster: SBS.

1975, küresel çapta bir değişim dönemiydi. Pol Pot soykırımının dehşeti ve Vietnam Savaşı'nın sona ermesi takip ediliyordu. Avustralya'da ise İşçi Partisi'nden Whitlam hükümeti görevden alındı. Aynı zamanda, Avustralya'nın bugün tanık olduğumuz çok kültürlü topluma hızla dönüştüğü dönem başlıyordu. Bu da ülkenin çok dilli yayıncısı SBS'nin doğuşuyla aynı zamana denk geliyordu.

1975 foi um ano marcado por transformações na política global. Foi o período do horror do genocídio promovido por Pol Pot, o fim da Guerra do Vietnã, e, na Austrália, a destituição do governo trabalhista de Gough Whitlam. Também foi uma época em que a Austrália passava por uma rápida transição rumo à sociedade multicultural que conhecemos hoje, marcada pelo nascimento da emissora pública multilíngue do país: a SBS.

1975 was a time of change in global politics. There was the horror of the Pol Pot genocide, the end of the Vietnam War - while in Australia there was the dismissal of the Labor Whitlam government. It was also a time when Australia was rapidly changing into the multicultural society we see today, coinciding with the birth of the nation's multilingual broadcaster: SBS.

USEFUL IDIOTS #1 Malcolm Caldwell Meets Pol Pot And Then Ceases To ExistBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/radio-baloney-the-richie-baloney-show--4036781/support.

In today's episode, we're pulling back the veil on a doctrine that may sound loving, but leads to destruction: universalism. We will define and trace the origins of universalism, expose its ancient heretical roots, and contrast it with the early church's faithful witness. It is hard to believe that this critically damaging heresy (false teaching) gets any traction today, especially with recent historical figures Adolf Hitler, Pol Pot, Joseph Stalin, and Mussolini, but it is rearing its deadly head, and we need to talk about it.DONATE You can help support this podcast by clicking our secure PayPal account. For donation by check, make payable to Transform This City, P.O. Box 1013, Spring Hill, Tennessee, 37174. “gwot.rocks” is a ministry of Transform This City, a registered 501(C)(3) The Four Spiritual Laws - how you can be born again and have eternal life?The Spirit Filled Life- how you can live each day in the power of God'd Holy Spirit!Voices From The Past Volume 1 & 2"Other Things with... " YouTube ChannelCut & Paste Personal Invitation to invite your friends to check out “gwot.rocks” podcast: I invite you to check out the podcast, “gwot.rocks: God, the World, and Other Things!” It is available on podcast players everywhere! Here is the link to the show's home base for all its episodes: http://podcast.gwot.rocks/ (Ctrl+click to follow the link) LIFE HELPSgwot.rocks home page Transform This City Transform This City Facebook gwot.rocks@transformthiscity.org Thank you for listening! Please tell your friends about us! Listen, share, rate, subscribe! Empowering Encouragement Now segments are based in part on C.H. Spurgeon's Morning & Evening Devotions (public domain.)ChatGPT and/or Bard may be used at times to expedite research material for this podcast.Unless otherwise noted, all Scripture quotations are taken from the Christian StandardBible®, Copyright © 2016 by Holman Bible Publishers. Used by permission. ChristianStandard Bible® and CSB® is a federally registered trademark of Holman Bible Publishers.At times, I also quote from the NIV version of the Bible - Scriptures taken from the Holy Bible, New International Version®, NIV® Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.”  In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left's own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground. Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.”  In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left's own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground. Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

Die kommunistischen Roten Khmer unter Pol Pot löschten zwischen 1975 und 1979 fast ein Viertel der kambodschanischen Bevölkerung aus. Ihr Ziel war ein besitzloser Agrarstaat. Bis heute leidet das Land unter dem Trauma, Aufarbeitung findet kaum statt. Jennifer Johnston, Katrin Materna www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Weltzeit

What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.”  In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left's own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground. Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.”  In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left's own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground. Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.”  In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left's own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground. Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory

What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.”  In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left's own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground. Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

durée : 00:20:01 - Cultures Monde - par : Mélanie Chalandon, Julie Gacon - Le journaliste Arnaud Vaulerin rentre du Cambodge, où l'on commémore les 50 ans du génocide perpétré par les hommes de Pol Pot. Il y raconte les souvenirs douloureux des survivants mais aussi l'impunité dont bénéficient encore la majorité des anciens Khmers rouges. - réalisation : Vivian Lecuivre - invités : Arnaud Vaulerin Journaliste pour Libération

The Bathhouse is a live call-in show from the green room of The Stand one of New York City's best comedy clubs.FOLLOW THE GUESTS: MARITO LOPEZ, RYAN O'TOOLE AND DOUG URAM.Call 1-888-949-2969 to join the hang.Chapters:3:00 - Air canada sucks6:30 - Lag10:27 - E-Coli13:15 - Kruger calls in / Denver airport21:47 - How do I make it as a musician?!29:17 - Sean from Pittsburgh - Question for Doug31:30 - Rafe calls / India v. Pakistan38:44 - Slav calls but Marito puts the hammer down41:45 - Pablo calls - He's seeing aliens / Alex Jones was right about chemtrails55:26 - James the Irishman calls - Hitler's nephew / Dictator Dating Game1:05:56 - Mark - Very colorful episode1:13:30 - Rubestar the Ratings Man1:33:57 - Retarded cat wants to talk about aliens1:39:35 - Jared calls - UFO's are junk - Jews1:50:00 - Joe The Lawyer Calls In

Il y a cinquante ans, entre 1975 et 1979, le Cambodge sombrait dans l'un des épisodes les plus tragiques du XXe siècle : le génocide perpétré par les combattants communistes cambodgiens, les Khmers rouges, sous la direction de Pol Pot, soutenus par leurs alliés vietnamiens, et pas seulement eux. En moins de quatre ans que dura cette révolution maoïste devenue totalitaire, génocidaire et ultranationaliste, près de deux millions de personnes – un quart de la population – ont péri, victimes d'exécutions, de famine, de travaux forcés ou de purges idéologiques. Le 17 avril, c'est la date choisie par le président chinois Xi pour fouler le sol cambodgien dans le cadre de sa toute récente tournée en Asie du Sud-Est. Le 17 avril marquant le jour anniversaire de l'entrée des Khmers rouges dans Phnom Penh et le début de leur campagne agraire de terreur appuyée par le Parti communiste chinois.L'étape cambodgienne du président chinois a été l'occasion de la signature de 37 accords, couvrant des domaines tels que les infrastructures, la santé et la finance. La coopération militaire a par ailleurs été renforcée, notamment avec l'expansion des infrastructures de la base navale de Ream, suscitant des interrogations quant à une éventuelle utilisation militaire chinoise. Plus grand partenaire commercial du Cambodge, la Chine est le premier investisseur étranger dans le pays et détient plus du tiers de la dette extérieure cambodgienne, soit 11 milliards de dollars. Phnom Penh compte aussi parmi les soutiens les plus fiables de Pékin en Asie.Pays très dépendant de l'aide étrangère, le Cambodge a vécu comme un très rude choc la fermeture par Donald Trump des programmes de l'USAID sans compter l'impact des barrières douanières. Les États-Unis étant le plus grand marché pour les exportations cambodgiennes. Regard sur les défis de ce petit État de 17 millions d'habitants pris en tenaille entre ses deux grands voisins vietnamien et thaïlandais, surplombé par le géant chinois.Invités : Marie-Sybille de Vienne, professeure émérite à l'Inalco, membre de l'Académie des sciences d'Outre-Mer, directrice de la revue Péninsule.  Anne-Yvonne Guillou, anthropologue, directrice de recherche au CNRS, en poste au Laboratoire d'ethnologie et de sociologie comparative à l'Université Paris Nanterre. Auteure de Puissance des lieux, présence des morts. Sur les traces du génocide khmer rouge au Cambodge, éd. Société d'ethnologie. Co-rédactrice en chef de la revue Mousson.  Raul-Marc Jennar, docteur en science politique et en études khmères de l'Inalco, conseiller diplomatique du ministre cambodgien des Affaires étrangères, auteur de La Politique étrangère du Cambodge, éditions Yu Feng.À lire aussiIl y a 50 ans, la chute de Phnom Penh et l'ascension des Khmers rouges

Howard Goldenthal hostingIn the countryside across Cambodia, mass graves known as the killing fields, haunt the landscape. They are reminders of the reign of Pol Pot, one of the 20th century's most violent political leaders. He was the leader of the Khmer Rouge. When they seized power they undertook a radical experiment to create a pure Communist utopia.The plan was called "Year Zero."Pol Pot's communist utopia led to the murder of approximately two million Cambodians. Cities were emptied and citizens were forced into rural labour camps. Only the lucky survived. In Howard Goldenthal's documentary, Year Zero Plus 50, he follows the stories of survivors of that era. For them, the quest for justice remains. Produced by Howard Goldenthal and Joan Webber, originally aired on Sunday Magazine.Storylines is part of the CBC Audio Doc Unit

La cuisine a le pouvoir singulier d'incarner ce qui n'est plus, les lieux, les moments, les histoires, les êtres aimés. Les goûts et les parfums abolissent le temps et l'espace, ils transportent et résonnent. La cuisine est un arbre contre lequel s'appuyer quand les silences ont pris toute la place et qu'il faut bien une béquille, un goût, un geste, doublé d'une grande et ample respiration pour raconter et transmettre. L'évocation de la cueillette des liserons d'eau, d'une bouillie de riz, du parfum du galanga camphré, de la feuille de kaffir, des buissons de citronnelle juste là, à portée de main, dans le jardin à Phnom Penh, les parfums des cuisines des voisins de notre quartier, la petite louche de maman, la rondelle crantée pour gratter l'intérieur des noix de coco, les graines de papaye. Bopha avait 11 ans quand elle fuit le Cambodge avec sa famille, ses parents et quatre de ses frères et sœurs, à l'arrivée des Khmers rouges, le 17 avril 1975. Elle était la plus petite, « préservée par sa famille », raconte-t-elle, mais de l'exode, elle se souvient de la peur, de la longue marche, de la mort, de la survie, de sa mère s'acharnant à trouver de quoi nourrir ses enfants, de la cuisine de sa mère. D'origine vietnamienne, née au Cambodge, c'est d'abord de l'autre côté de la frontière, à Sadec, le village maternel, que la famille s'est réfugiée avant d'arriver en France, trois années plus tard. Le lien de Bopha à la France, toujours là, y compris dans l'enfance ; son père travaillait à l'ambassade à Phnom Penh, et c'est en poste au ministère des Affaires étrangères à Paris qu'il a terminé sa vie professionnelle. Bopha Deshaye raconte la vie là-bas, le chemin, sa vie ici. Au-delà du delta du Mékong, une histoire de vie au parfum doux amer du citron kaffir.► Instagram Bopha DeshayeCette émission est dédiée aux enfants de Bopha, à ses frères et sœurs, à sa famille de sang, à celle de cœur, à ceux qui ne sont plus, à la transmission, à la mémoire.Mon enfant, notre enfance est restée dans la maison de Phnom Penh, les photos dans les boites rondes, les souvenirs, je n'ai rien de tangible. Ce qu'il me reste, c'est tout ce que j'ai en mémoire.Pour aller plus loin Niam baï, par la cuisine, la voix des absents, le goût de la transmission Malika Nguon est cuisinière, franco-khmer, autrice de Cuisine et fermentation aux éditions Ulmer, sœur et nièce de cœur. ► Instagram RFI au Cambodge Films et livres de Rithy Panh : le documentaire L'image manquante , adaptation du récit L'élimination, le livre La paix avec les morts, ainsi que les films Les gens de la rizière et S21. Le village flottant de Long Xuyên au Vietnam et la ville Sadec sur le Mekong Le projet Fragments KH50  : « Au gré de l'histoire du Cambodge, la population s'est fragmentée pour fuir la guerre civile puis le régime de Pol Pot entre avril 1975 et janvier 1979. Seuls des bribes de vie restent, conséquence d'un exil forcé et de la disparition d'environ deux millions de parents, grands-parents, enfants, oncles, tantes, cousins, nièces et neveux. Muet de douleur, la transmission auprès de la deuxième génération et les suivantes ne se fait pas ou filtre peu. Fragments KH50 a donc pour objectif de rassembler et récolter les fragments d'histoires personnelles pour reconstituer une mémoire collective. » Charles Calvino est cuisinier et photographe, son compte est une plongée au Cambodge, dans la culture et les goûts khmers. ► InstagramÀ lire aussiIl y a 50 ans, la chute de Phnom Penh et l'ascension des Khmers rougesProgrammation musicale « If Nothing is Real » de Piers Faccini et Balaké Sissoko« You've Got a Friend » de Pou Vannary issue de l'album Don't think I've Forgotten : Cambodia's Lost Rock and Roll

Pol Pot and his friends are now in charge of Cambodia and in a remarkably short period of time they manage to kill two million people. Including a leftist academic from the UK who thought the Khmer Rouge was rad. Here's how!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Robert continues the story with young Pol Pot's years in France where he and his friends radicalize themselves in what has to have been the deadliest book club of all time.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Robert sits down with Andrew Ti for three episodes in one week about the bizarre life of Pol Pot, a man who spent too much time reading books and bullshitting with his friends and for convinced he could save his country by destroying it. (3 Part Series)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

De 1975 à 1979, les Khmers rouges ont exterminé deux millions de femmes, d'hommes et d'enfants. Mais 50 ans après, qui s'en souvient ? Prétextant un futur bombardement américain, les Khmers rouges ordonnent d'évacuer Phnom Penh lorsqu'ils entrent dans la capitale du Cambodge le 17 Avril 1975. En réalité, la ville est vidée, et sa population déportée vers les campagnes devenues camps de travail et de rééducation. C'est le début du génocide cambodgien dans le nouveau Kampuchéa Démocratique où les mots de la langue khmère sont revus et corrigés. Kamtech ne signifie plus seulement tuer, mais détruire ou réduire en poussière sans laisser de trace.Alors comment faire pour se souvenir du passé et apaiser les morts ? Avec le témoignage du cinéaste Rithy Panh dont les films sont projetés dans le cycle « Qui se souvient du génocide cambodgien ? » au Forum des images à Paris.« Qui se souvient du génocide cambodgien ? » : la bande annonce.Et la participation de :- Soko Phay, professeure en Histoire et théorie de l'art à l'Université Paris 8, dont le livre, Cambodge, l'art devant l'extrême est à paraître aux éditions Naïma.Au Cambodge, environ deux millions de personnes – soit près du quart de la population – ont péri entre 1975 et 1979, à la suite de déportations, de meurtres de masse et de famines. Face au génocide perpétré par les Khmers rouges, l'art est un défi que les artistes doivent surmonter. Rithy Panh, Vann Nath, Séra, Svay Sareth ou encore, dans la seconde génération, Davy Chou, Vandy Rattana, Guillaume Suon, Jenny Teng n'ont eu de cesse de faire œuvre de mémoire, pour s'élever contre le déni et l'effacement des morts sans sépulture.Cinquante ans après le début des massacres dans son pays, Soko Phay revisite les relations entre le témoignage et la fiction et montre comment les œuvres mémorielles donnent à penser les séquelles profondes au sein de la société cambodgienne. La création, par ses ressources symboliques, permet de dévoiler ce qui a été dérobé au regard, tout en assurant le travail de transmission des événements non-inscrits dans l'histoire officielle.- Jean-Baptiste Phou, écrivain, metteur en scène, auteur du livre « 80 mots du Cambodge »,  à L'asiathèque. 80 mots qui sont autant d'histoires qui racontent le Cambodge et qui, en plus des racines des mots et de leur résonance dans le coeur des femmes et des hommes qui les utilisent, évoquent le lien particulier qu'entretient l'auteur avec le Cambodge, ses habitants et leur langue. La famille de Jean-Baptiste Phou est d'origine chinoise de l'ethnie Teochew, et a émigré au Cambodge. Les attaches chinoises de la mère restent fortes et Jean-Baptiste, qui a choisi de pratiquer la danse khmère et de s'installer au Cambodge, s'attache à approfondir les traditions du pays auquel il a décidé d'appartenir et en même temps nous fait part des difficultés qu'il rencontre pour comprendre le mode de vie et les réactions des gens et pour s'acclimater et s'insérer. Les mots sont souvent choisis en référence à son histoire personnelle. - Anne-Laure Porée, journaliste, anthropologue, pour son livre « La langue de l'Angkar, leçons khmères rouges d'anéantissement », aux éditions La Découverte. Comment bien torturer pour réussir un interrogatoire en bon révolutionnaire ? Comment présenter un dossier d'aveux qui satisfasse les dirigeants ? Voilà ce qu'enseigne Duch, le chef khmer rouge du centre de mise à mort S-21, aux interrogateurs qu'il forme de 1975 à 1978 à Phnom Penh. Ses leçons, qui dictent comment penser et agir au service du Parti communiste du Kampuchéa, ont été consignées avec soin dans un cahier noir à petits carreaux d'une cinquantaine de pages.Anne-Laure Porée décrypte ce document capital, plongeant le lecteur dans le quotidien des génocidaires cambodgiens. Elle identifie trois mots d'ordre au service de l'anéantissement : cultiver – la volonté révolutionnaire, l'esprit guerrier et la chasse aux « ennemis » –, trier – les « ennemis » à travers diverses méthodes, de la rédaction d'une biographie sommaire à la torture physique, en passant par la réécriture de l'histoire – et purifier – les révolutionnaires comme le corps social.Ces notions reflètent la politique meurtrière orchestrée par le régime de Pol Pot, au pouvoir à partir du 17 avril 1975, qui, en moins de quatre ans, a conduit un quart de la population cambodgienne à la mort. En prenant les Khmers rouges au(x) mot(s), La Langue de l'Angkar rend plus sensibles la logique organisatrice et les singularités d'un régime longtemps resté en marge des études sur les génocides.« En partenariat avec RFI, le numéro hors-série Historia retrace toute l'histoire du Cambodge, des rois bâtisseurs d'Angkor au régime de terreur de Pol Pot, en passant par le protectorat français et la déclaration d'indépendance.Pour en savoir plus : Cambodge : de la grandeur d'Angkor à la terreur khmère rouge ».

Read Bad Lieutenants for FREE here: (use promo code 09POD to save 30% on the print edition):
 https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9781501781025/bad-lieutenants/#bookTabs=1 Transcript: https://otter.ai/u/a8G8EDW_TZoMrgdZUjox_q2LKt4?utm_source=copy_url Andrew Mertha is the George and Sadie Hyman Professor of China Studies and Director of the School of Advanced International Studies China Research Center at Johns Hopkins University. He is the author of three other books from Cornell University Press—Brothers in Arms, China's Water Warriors, and The Politics of Piracy. We spoke to Andrew about how the Khmer Rouge remained a force to be reckoned with long after the fall of Pol Pot's government, how they were able to keep their political power intact, and the three key Khmer Rouge leaders who were instrumental in the movement's strange durability.

Max Pearson presents a collection of the week's Witness History interviews from the BBC World Service. It's 50 years since soldiers of the communist Khmer Rouge party stormed into the capital, Phnom Penh. It was the start of a four year reign of terror which resulted in up to two million people being killed. We hear two stories from people affected by the regime. Our guest is journalist and author, Elizabeth Becker. She is one of the foremost authorities on the history of Cambodia, and one of the few westerners to have interviewed Pol Pot.The scientist who invented the white LED lightbulb in 1993 tells his story.Plus, the Bali Nine: young Australians facing the death penalty for drug smuggling and, Spain's historic link to World Book Day.Contributors:Youk Chang – lived through the Khmer Rouge regime Aki Ra - child soldier of Cambodia Elizabeth Becker – journalist and author Professor Shuji Nakamura – inventor of the white LED lightbulb Bishop Tim Harris – friend of one of the Bali Nine families Pere Vicens - book publisher and one of the creators of World Book Day(Photo: The fall of Phnom Penh in 1975. Credit: Roland Neveu/LightRocket via Getty Images)

Camboya conmemora los 50 años de la toma de Pnom Penh por parte de los Jemeres Rojos. El 17 de abril de 1975 iniciaba lo que el régimen de Pol Pot llamó "el año cero", el punto de partida de una era de persecución, torturas y trabajos forzados que cobró la vida de un cuarto de la población camboyana. Medio siglo después, la sociedad camboyana sigue reconstruyéndose. Muy pocos sobrevivieron al centro S-21, también conocido como la prisión de Tuol Sleng, una escuela convertida en centro de tortura. Cuando llegó el ejército de liberación en enero de 1979, solo 12 personas fueron encontradas con vida, incluidos cuatro niños, de los 20.000 prisioneros.Norng Chan Phat es uno de ellos. Tenía 8 años cuando a su madre, a su hermano y a él, los arrestaron y llevaron a la S-21."Se abrió la puerta y aparecieron a cada lado de la entrada cuatro o cinco hombres armados. Ordenaron gritando a mi madre que bajara del camión. Estaba muy enferma en ese momento y no podía caminar rápido. Entonces, la empujaron al suelo. Me aterrorizó lo que veía", cuenta a RFI.Luego empezaron los interrogatorios. "Mi madre no entendía las preguntas, entonces comenzaron a torturarla, a darle patadas frente a mis ojos. Corrí hacia ella y la abracé para protegerla, pero me dieron patadas en la espalda. Cinco o seis años después, en el orfanato donde estaba, mi espalda seguía doliéndome", recuerda Norng, quien tiene ahora 55 años.Fue uno de los pocos sobrevivientes del régimen genocida en haber presentado una demanda contra los antiguos líderes de los Jemeres Rojos. En 2009, testificó en su juicio. El Tribunal especial de Camboya, activo desde 2006, solo ha condenado a tres dirigentes, incluido a Kaing Guek Eav (alias Duch), quien controlaba la prisión de Tuol Sleng."El resultado del juicio no me dejó plenamente satisfecho, pero el veredicto permitió que mi madre descansara en paz. Su alma pudo dejar este lugar y reencarnarse en una nueva vida, según la creencia budista. Era necesario que se hiciera justicia para mi madre. De lo contrario, su alma habría permanecido encerrada aquí, esperando desde la ventana de su celda obtener justicia", asegura Norng.Han pasado 50 años, pero el trauma psicológico sigue muy presente, debido a la extrema violencia que sufrieron víctimas como Norng. El régimen de los Jemeres Rojos duró cuatro años, hasta su caída cuando las tropas de Vietnam se tomaron Camboya. Pero su política genocidaria se cree causó 2 millones de muertes, o sea un cuarto de la población total. Muchos sobrevivientes huyeron."El que sabía era castigado"El obispo español Kike Figaredo llegó a Camboya en los años 80 tras haber trabajado con los refugiados."Como misionero, los ayudaba a aprender un oficion, de carpintería o mecánica. Que su vida se cargara de sentido, que tenía sentido seguir adelante", dice al micrófono de RFI. "Tengo un amigo que tenía 15 años durante el régimen. Recuerda que para los Jemeres Rojos la vida humana no tenía ningún valor". Lo que más lo impactó al llegar a Camboya después de la caída de Pol Pot fueron las ansias de los jóvenes de aprender. "Su vida se quedó truncada y lo que buscaban eran oportunidades para estudiar y tener libros, porque durante esa experiencia horrible todo aquel que sabía era castigado". Monseñor Figaredo fundó en Camboya la ONG Sauce. Lo apodan el “obispo de las sillas de ruedas” por su trabajo proporcionando movilidad a miles de mutilados del conflicto. Camboya cuenta 40.000 amputados y ha batidos récords en accidentes de minas antipersona. 30 años de conflicto han convertido el país en un campo de minas a cielo abierto."Vemos que muchas personas con discapacidad incluso están falleciendo a edades tempranas, a los 50 o 60 años, porque su cuerpo está destrozado. Camboya es un país llano y se inunda con facilidad, entonces las minas corren de un sitio para otro. Fueron colocadas desde los años 70 hasta el año 1998", detalla Figaredo. Hoy en día destaca que "ahora Camboya es líder en desminaje y exporta equipos al mundo entero".Las ONGs camboyanas quieren poner fin definitivo a las minas antipersonas este 2025, en el 50 aniversario de la caída de Pnom Penh. "Estamos ahí pronto", asegura el obispo de Battambang.

Vous écoutez le podcast "Les interviews Histoire", notre émission hebdomadaire gratuite pour tous. Abonnez-vous à "5.000 ans d'Histoire" et accédez à environ 400 podcasts d'1 heure pour seulement 2€ par mois sans Pub ! Avec une nouvelle émission chaque semaine : https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Une nouvelle édition revue, actualisée et largement augmentée d'un formidable succès de librairie paru en 2000, et plus que jamais d'actualité. La France, comme tous les pays occidentaux, est une nation intellectuellement et politiquement partagée, mais qui se targue avec fierté d'être une société de liberté. Or, dans le domaine des idées, ce principe reste à démontrer. Car tout se passe comme si un petit milieu, essentiellement parisien et situé au carrefour de la vie intellectuelle et politique et du monde médiatique, s'était donné le pouvoir de dire le bien et le mal, de distribuer des bons et des mauvais points et de décider des sujets qui sont autorisés dans le débat public ou au contraire interdits. Ce même milieu s'est ainsi attribué une sorte de pouvoir de police. De police de la pensée, de police du vocabulaire, de police du comportement, notamment du comportement politique. Ceux qui contreviennent à l'idéologie dominante risquent par conséquent l'injure, l'anathème, le mensonge, l'exclusion sociale, parfois un procès ou, plus grave encore, la menace physique et la pression psychologique. Le phénomène ne date pas d'aujourd'hui. Dans les années 1950, les élites culturelles exaltaient Staline et le paradis soviétique ; dans les années 1960 et 1970, les prodiges de Fidel Castro, de Mao ou de Pol Pot - jusqu'à ce qu'on s'aperçoive que ces dictateurs avaient mis en place un système criminel et totalitaire ; en 1981, elles croyaient quitter la nuit pour la lumière ; dans les années 1990, ces mêmes élites affirmaient que le temps des nations, des familles et des religions était achevé. Depuis les années 2000, le terrorisme intellectuel n'a pas faibli et s'est même aggravé. Témoin, ce tableau de notre vie des idées et de notre vie politique particulièrement édifiant : projet européen dénaturé et détourné quand il devient une machine oublieuse de la personnalité de chaque peuple ; culture de l'excuse qui désarme l'autorité face à l'explosion de la délinquance ; encouragement au communautarisme et développement de l'islamisme ; perte de contrôle de l'immigration ; bouleversements anthropologiques interprétés comme des progrès de la modernité ; censure médiatique et parfois judiciaire à l'égard des opposants à l'idéologie dominante ; wokisme et racialisme d'extrême gauche ; attribution extensive de l'étiquette d'" extrême droite ", qualificatif infamant, à toute personne ou toute pensée dissidente, etc. L'auteur, Jean Sévillia, est notre invité, et il raconte trois quarts de siècle de terrorisme intellectuel : une synthèse indispensable pour ceux qui aiment vraiment la liberté de penser !Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

The Gaslit Nation Media Committee, a watchdog against access journalism and regime propaganda, has developed this essential guide. We urge all members of the media to reject complicity in the erosion of democracy.   The American crisis is a global struggle between democracy and fascism—one that threatens the entire world. Each of us has a role in defending freedom. If you work in media, use this guide to safeguard your integrity, your liberty, and the values we cherish—before it's too late. Doing your job well can save lives and democracy.   1. Don't Bury the Lede: Call It an Illegal Tech-Backed Coup To build trust, stick to the facts. When Trump's administration acts illegally, say it—especially in the headline. Call it what it is: a tech-backed coup that exposes Americans' most sensitive data and replaces federal workers with unsecured A.I. to establish a new surveillance state. 2. Make Private Prison Execs Famous Investigate the financial interests behind Trump's immigration system—expose executives, board members, and their connections. Pursue them with cameras; they can't hide behind profits while lives are ruined and civil liberties eroded. 3. Fascism Needs Ignorance From dismantling the Department of Education to the “War on Woke” in universities, Trump continues delegitimizing education. This isn't about competition with other countries—it's about giving everyone the chance to grow as independent thinkers who reject fascism. 4. Follow the Money Investigate Trump's major donors and their role in Musk's illegal purge of government services. Hold them accountable—ask how they view their investments amid the chaos. Track their contracts and regulatory benefits. 5. Expose National Security Threats Trump removed key military officials who prevented unlawful actions. Without them, who will stop him? Trump holds the nuclear football, cozying up to adversaries, sending bombs to Israel, and threatening wars against Canada and Greenland. Focus on how our adversaries are taking advantage. 6. Kleptowatch Focus on how companies exploit customers through greedflation and Amazon's payola for search visibility. While the Biden administration has much to answer for, the media must spotlight the absence of enforcement of investigations brought by Lina Khan and Tim Wu, leaving corporate kleptocrats unchecked. 7. Media Must Thoroughly Cover Media Journalists must cover media attacks, including blocked access to info and censorship (e.g., Ann Telnaes at WaPo). Report on media ecosystem shifts, address bias, and clarify distinctions between reporting, opinion, and lies. Provide context on media ownership. 8. Draw Historical Parallels Trump, Musk, and allies are enacting policies similar to dictators like Hitler, Mussolini, and Stalin. The media must challenge their unfounded assertions. They are attacking the press and critics, reminiscent of regimes like Pol Pot's and Rwanda's genocide. 9. Trump is Trying to Turn America into an Autocracy: Act Like It Columbia Journalism Review shared 10 essential tips for journalists reporting from autocracies. Share these with your teams, including your company's lawyers—killing big stories and obeying in advance is self-destructive. 10. Shine a Light on Private Prisons The private prison industry needs scrutiny, especially with Trump's lack of oversight. Innocent people are caught in reckless immigration raids as the system grows unchecked. Regular coverage of Guantanamo Bay is crucial due to its history of unlawful detention and Trump's plan for a prison camp there for 30,000 people. 11. Gilead is Here The media has abandoned calling out Trump's toxic masculinity regarding reproductive rights and civil rights. Raise awareness of the deadly consequences for women, including trans women, and all nonwhite people. 12. Access Journalism is Betrayal Fascism's history includes journalists from major outlets becoming "masters of euphemism," (to quote Gareth Jones), downplaying atrocities and broken laws to protect access. History will remember you for doing your job or being bought. Doing your job well can save lives and democracy. 13. Family Members Deserve Special Attention Trump's administration is granting lucrative positions to family members of allies and donors, giving them undue influence over policy. These self-dealing networks must be mapped and exposed. 14. Unmask Voter Suppression Election analysis must address gerrymandering, unfair Senate representation favoring "red states," the Electoral College designed to protect elites, and the gutting of the Voting Rights Act. Don't treat our voter suppression crisis like "horse race" politics. 15. Focus on the 1% Expose extreme wealth inequality—how the 1% dodge taxes and exploit loopholes to preserve their wealth. Put a spotlight on how inequality fuels authoritarianism and is a direct threat to democracy. 16. Cover Protests Highlight actions challenging the White House's destructive crimes. People need to see that citizens care about the laws being broken by Trump's administration and that they're not alone. 17. They're Testing Boundaries: Say It When something is "unprecedented," that means they're testing boundaries, to see what they can get away with. Say it. 18. The Weird Fights Matter Trump renaming the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America may seem "weird," but it's part of the fascist pageantry, like Mussolini's famous eyeliner and Putin's shirtless photos. Look to experts in autocracy to see which stories are being used as a distraction and which stories are important to cover.  An expanded version of the Gaslit Nation Media Guide can be found here: https://www.gaslitnationpod.com/media-guide   For More: Ten Tips for Reporting in an Autocracy American journalists have much to learn from colleagues in countries where democracy has been under siege. https://www.cjr.org/political_press/ten-tips-for-reporting-in-an-autocracy.php   Want to enjoy Gaslit Nation ad-free? Join our community of listeners for bonus shows, ad-free episodes, exclusive Q&A sessions, our group chat, invites to live events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Sign up at Patreon.com/Gaslit!   Music Credit: "Tafi Maradi no voice" Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com). Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 4.0 License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/  

Karaoke, todos juntos, vamos: No eres guapo pero con abrigo bien. Qué look Sean Baker te ha quedado. Librería, peli rara y un café.Molas bastante, licenciado. Síiiiii, ooooh. Eres tendencia. Tu podcast es La Cultureta.Eres la fucking referencia, entérate. Tú planchas con La Cultureeeeeeeeta. Frente al mainstream, tú eres más cine iraní: Asghar Farhadi, Kiarostami. Flaubert, Verdi, Dickens, Frida y Marilyn Gauguin, Kandinsky, Joe Satriani. Tu molas todo. Tu podcast es La Cultureta. Tu running y La Cultureeeeeeeta.Yo digo John Wayne, qué bien. Yo digo Bad Bunny para un poco y pon Schopin. Yo digo Van Gogh, Hitchcock, Woodstock, Pollock, Pol Pot. O sea Pol Pot, no. Adelante Shostakovic. Vamos. Dale. Tu podcast es La Cultureta.Cultureeeeeeeeta. Tu podcast es La Cultureta.

The communist Khmer Rouge marched into Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia, on April 17, 1975. Radha Manickam, a new Christian, watched them arrive from the balcony of his parents' apartment. It was Radha's first exposure to the Khmer Rouge. The leader of the Khmer Rouge was Pol Pot, led the most violent and brutal government in modern history. In its doomed attempt to create an agrarian utopia, between 1975 and 1979 Pol Pot's regime murdered over 1.7 million people. Many were beaten to death or executed. Others starved to death or died of fatigue or some wretched disease. Mao and Stalin's Communist regimes killed far more people. But no other government has destroyed nearly a quarter of its own citizens.Today Pol Pot is largely forgotten. But he and the Khmer Rouge are well worth remembering. Because the ideas that formed the Khmer Rouge are still with us today. Also worth remembering are the stories of those who survived. People like Radha Manickam. We'll be telling his story over the next three episodes. It is in many ways a brutal story. One of loss and grief and terror. But it's also a story of hope and grace. And ultimately, redemption.This series is based on my recent interviews with Radha, along with my 2016 book about his experiences. The book and this series are titled “Intended for Evil” by Les Sillars.Audio from:The Associated PressNBC NewsABC NewsSupport WORLD News Group at wng.org/donate