Podcasts about irbil

The U.S. has condemned Iran's missile strike on Iraq's northern city of Irbil. Fromer President Donald Trump goes after Nikki Haley on Truth Social, referring to her by her first name, Nimarata. Kate Middleton recently reveals her ‘nerve-wracking' hospital trips for her three children. #TerrorInTheSkies.

TONIGHT: The show begins on Wall Street where the smart money expects rate cuts but in May not March.  To Washington where the Green New Deal seems suspended as the US is producing more oil than before the pandemic. To Berlin, to London, to Perth and to Fiji, to the Red Sea and to Buckingham Palace. To Kyiv and Tehran and Irbil, to the Red Sea and to Somalia. Finally to Low Earth Orbit. 1927 John Carter of Mars, Edgar Rice Burroughs

Good afternoon, I'm _____ with today's episode of EZ News. Tai-Ex opening The Tai-Ex opened down 23-points this morning from yesterday's close, at 17,523 on turnover of $2.5-billion N-T. Shares in Taiwan closed slightly higher Monday after investors rebuilt their positions with political uncertainties removed following the presidential election over the weekend. The bellwether electronics sector led the upturn as investors resumed buying after the election, while power development-related developers and biotech stocks also moved higher on expectations that the ruling DPP, which won the presidential vote, would continue to lend them support. 2 men indicted for signature buying in Pingtung County Two suspects, including a Pingtung ward chief, were indicted Monday by prosecutors for buying signatures for business tycoon Terry Gou to help him reach the level of endorsement (揹書) needed to run in Taiwan's Jan. 13-th presidential election. The Pingtung District Prosecutors Office says the ward chief, identified by his last name Chiu, was found to have paid his wife, and another man $200 NT apiece for their signatures late last year, Chiu and the other man then worked with four others to gather over 30 signatures. The two men are facing charges of "arranging bribes to compel a person to sign the candidacy petition of a specified individual." Iran Launches Strikes Against Iraq Iran says it launched strikes against a “spy headquarters and the gathering of anti-Iranian terrorist groups” shortly after missiles hit an area near the U.S. consulate in Irbil, the seat of Iraq's semi-autonomous Kurdish region. Regional political figures said one of the strikes killed a prominent (著名的、重要的) local businessman with a portfolio that included real estate and security services companies, along with members of his family. Soon after, Iran's Revolutionary Guards said they had struck “terrorist operations,” including Islamic State targets in Syria “and destroyed them by firing a number of ballistic missiles.” Another statement said they had hit a headquarters of Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, in the Kurdish region of Iraq. Poland PM Announces Elections Poland's new Prime Minister Donald Tusk said crucial elections to choose city mayors and provincial and county administration leaders would be held April 7, with a runoff April 21. The elections, announced Monday, will test the new pro-European Union coalition government's popular support, just six months after it won parliamentary elections. Tusk and his Cabinet took office last month, vowing to restore the importance and powers of city mayors and local governments which the previous right-wing government sought to limit. Local administrations suffered slashed (削減) funding and stalled projects and investments. Tensions between the new government and the previously ruling Law and Justice party have escalated with the latter blocking proposed bills in parliament. Pope Not Planning on Retirement Pope Francis insists that he is not thinking about retiring at the moment. With the 87-year-old suffering from (遭受) a number of health issues last year, there has been speculation that he could step back from his role, as his predecessor Benedict the Sixteenth did in 2013. Giles Gibson has more from Rome. That was the I.C.R.T. news, Check in again tomorrow for our simplified version of the news, uploaded every day in the afternoon. Enjoy the rest of your day, I'm _____. －－－－以下訊息由 SoundOn 動態廣告贊助商提供－－－－ 降息列車要出發了！想贏「債」起跑點！就快搜尋中信美國公債20年（00795B），持有成本相對低，長期投資CP值高，美國公債配息較穩定，還享個人海外所得最低稅負制優勢。

PREVIEW: Excerpt from a conversation with Gregory Copley of Defense & Foreign Affairs about the report that Iran has fired missiles into Iraqi Kurdistan near Irbil in order to destroy what is alleged to have been an Israeli Mossad Headquarters -- and how this could lead to major difficulties for the Tehran Regime now that it has tangled direstly and unambiguously with Jerusalem and Washington. More later for what this alos may mean for Russia. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2024/01/16/iran-allegedly-attack-mossad-israeli-spy-hq-iraq/  1925 Persia

S4E04: Challenging the Norm Overcoming challenges which many companies in the Western world would not even contemplate has been a hallmark of the Rudaw Media Network in Kurdistan. But now, twelve years after launch, they are continuing to expand. In this episode of the Making the Media Podcast, Hejar Berenji, the CTO of the Rudaw Media Network, which is based in Irbil in Iraq, has spoken of how they stayed on air in the face of power cuts, the fight against ISIS, recruiting and training staff to deliver high-quality news, and remaining fiercely independent. Our Guest This Episode Hejar Berenji Chief Technical Officer at Rudaw Media Network,   With over eleven years of experience, Hejar excels in managing technical departments, specializing in broadcast technology, project management, and business development. He is dedicated to enhancing news and media production and delivery while ensuring network security and reliability. Hejar fosters a creative work environment, empowers his team, and forges strategic partnerships with other media outlets and stakeholders.    More Resources For more on this topic, check out Avid MediaCentral and AI webinar – Watch a demonstration of Avid Ada AI tech previews  Fosterning Creativity through the use of AI – Read about AI innovations Contact Us Questions? Comments? Cool ideas? Get in touch: makingthemedia@avid.com or @craigaw1969. Follow Avid at @avid. Credits Host: Craig Wilson Producer: Matt Diggs Social: Wim Van den Broeck Theme Music: Greg “Stryke” Chin

Today's HeadlinesTurkey eyes Syrian refugee returnStudy: Millennials give more frequently to missions than any generationScarves lead to church planting in southern Africa

On COI #247, Kyle Anzalone and Connor Freeman cover the latest Ukraine news, a potential deal to end the war, this weekend's Iranian missile attack in northern Iraq, as well as recent Israeli drone strikes inside Iran. Kyle updates the war and the situation on the ground in Ukraine. There are increasing signals that Kiev and Moscow are approaching a deal to end the war. However, speaking to Canadian and American lawmakers, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has continued to demand a NATO-imposed No Fly Zone in Ukraine. Zelensky's speech to the U.S. Congress invoked Pearl Harbor, 9/11, and even Martin Luther King Jr.'s “I have a dream” speech. Kyle also talks about the Russian claims that they have received written assurances from the U.S. that the West's sanctions will not impede Moscow's business with Iran per the nuclear deal. Connor reports on the status of talks in Vienna, it appears that the above Russian requested guarantees have been included in the written agreement being finalized now. In Iraqi Kurdistan, the Iranians launched ballistic missiles against what they say was a Mossad site in Irbil. Though Kurdish officials deny this and say only civilian sites were hit. The “strategic center” was allegedly responsible for strikes on drone factories and buildings in two western Iranian cities. Tehran's Irbil strike was also retaliation for the Israelis' bombing in Damascus that killed two IRGC members.

On COI #247, Kyle Anzalone and Connor Freeman cover the latest Ukraine news, a potential deal to end the war, this weekend's Iranian missile attack in northern Iraq, as well as recent Israeli drone strikes inside Iran. Kyle updates the war and the situation on the ground in Ukraine. There are increasing signals that Kiev and Moscow are approaching a deal to end the war. However, speaking to Canadian and American lawmakers, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has continued to demand a NATO-imposed No Fly Zone in Ukraine. Zelensky's speech to the U.S. Congress invoked Pearl Harbor, 9/11, and even Martin Luther King Jr.'s “I have a dream” speech. Kyle also talks about the Russian claims that they have received written assurances from the U.S. that the West's sanctions will not impede Moscow's business with Iran per the nuclear deal. Connor reports on the status of talks in Vienna, it appears that the above Russian requested guarantees have been included in the written agreement being finalized now. In Iraqi Kurdistan, the Iranians launched ballistic missiles against what they say was a Mossad site in Irbil. Though Kurdish officials deny this and say only civilian sites were hit. The “strategic center” was allegedly responsible for strikes on drone factories and buildings in two western Iranian cities. Tehran's Irbil strike was also retaliation for the Israelis' bombing in Damascus that killed two IRGC members. Odysee Rumble  Donate LBRY Credits bTTEiLoteVdMbLS7YqDVSZyjEY1eMgW7CP Donate Bitcoin 36PP4kT28jjUZcL44dXDonFwrVVDHntsrk Donate Bitcoin Cash Qp6gznu4xm97cj7j9vqepqxcfuctq2exvvqu7aamz6 Patreon Subscribe Star YouTube Facebook  Twitter  MeWe Apple Podcast  Amazon Music Google Podcasts Spotify iHeart Radio Support Our Sponsor Visit Paloma Verde and use code PEACE for 20% off our CBD

Russian missiles hit a Ukrainian military base near the border with Poland -- killing at least 35 people. The base is just 15 miles from NATO territory where U.S. troops are located. A Russian airstrike also struck a residential building in the capital city of Kyiv. At least two people were killed there, according to a Ukrainian official. "CBS Evening News" anchor Norah O'Donnell is in Poland, as millions flee the violence. U.S. officials are concerned that Russia may get military hardware from China to help fight the war in Ukraine. This morning, the White House is condemning an Iranian missile attack that hit a building near the U.S. consulate in Irbil, Iraq over the weekend. Iran's revolutionary guard claimed responsibility, saying it was in retaliation for an Israeli strike that Tehran says killed two guard members last week. Police in New York City and Washington, D.C are working with federal authorities to search for a suspect linked to multiple shootings of homeless people in the two cities.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

MpMA banned slasher sixty-something seriously deranged slasher got away because police and security no longer are allowed to use chokeholds or get physical in subduing even perp like this one covered in Blood of his victims two young ladies he stabbed for just informing him membership was revoked BioLabs exist - not for weapons but medial research Ukraine being outside of the USA, UK, and EU make it a convenient place where animal tests ate allowed and dangerous pathogens can be researched. Its a danger zone. BiBi Nethanyahu comments on the rush to get a deal done with Iran even as it lobs missiles as Irbil and US consolates in Iraq. And Kamala seems even more clueless - rehab alert needed but serving under Joe Biden maybe she needs to get stoned? --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/mike-k-cohen/support

W Wiedniu od kilku miesięcy trwają rozmowy mające na celu wskrzeszenie tzw. porozumienia nuklearnego z Iranem. Delegacje informują, że to już ostatnia prosta negocjacji. Niestety, proces wciąż się przedłuża, choć w interesie zarówno  Teheranu jak i Zachodu jest nawiązanie porozumienia, między innymi po to, by umożliwić Iranowi sprzedaż magazynowanej ropy, co pomogłoby w ustabilizowaniu wciąż rosnących globalnych cen. Nie wszystko jest usłane różami - 13 marca doszło do ataku rakietowego na Irbil, do którego przyznał się Korpus Strażników Rewolucji Islamskiej. Celem miało być domniemane „centrum strategiczne” Izraela w regionie, którym wg Irańczyków jest budowany właśnie amerykański konsulat w stolicy irackiego Kurdystanu. Na jakim etapie są obecnie wiedeńskie negocjacje i czy są one torpedowane przez Rosję i Izrael? Czy rezerwy irańskiej ropy rzeczywiście mogą ocalić sytuację gospodarczą Zachodu? Jak do tego postępującego procesu dyplomatycznego mają się spadające na Irbil irańskie rakiety? Na nasze pytania odpowiada Marcin Krzyżanowski, ekspert Warsaw Institute ds. Bliskiego Wschodu. Tymczasem Jerozolima znów wrze. W mediach głównego nurtu sprawa eksmisji w dzielnicy Szajch Dżarrach praktycznie już nie istnieje, ale dla mieszkańców i środowisk osadniczych jest ona wciąż punktem zapalnym. Ciągle dochodzi do prowokacji i starć między dwiema stronami sporu, których nie łagodzi postawa polityków. I mimo, że Sąd Najwyższy Izraela postanowił na razie zawiesić eksmisje, to wiele innych trudnych kwestii sprawia, że na jerozolimskich ulicach trudno o spokój. Jakie są korzenie sprawy Szajch Dżarrach i dlaczego tak trudno rozstrzygnąć spór, który swoimi korzeniami sięga momentu powstania Państwa Izrael, a nawet czasów jeszcze wcześniejszych? Co właściwie oznacza dla Palestyńczyków i osadników fakt, że Sąd Najwyższy zawiesza eksmisje mieszkańców dzielnicy? Jakie narzędzia ma w swoich rękach rząd Izraela, by na dobre załagodzić sprawę i zadbać o bezpieczeństwo publiczne? Naszą rozmówczynią jest dr Karolina Zielińska z Ośrodka Studiów Wschodnich. Stosunkowo Bliski Wschód to podcast wspierany przez słuchaczy za pośrednictwem Patronite.pl. To właśnie dzięki Waszej pomocy możemy trzymać rękę na pulsie i co tydzień przyglądać się wydarzeniom na Bliskim Wschodzie.  Serdecznie Wam za to dziękujemy!

Former President Donald Trump goes after the deep state in a rally in South Carolina on Saturday. Are we really getting the truth out of Ukraine? Elon Musk may need to use Space X to get an American Astronaut back from the International Space Station. Iran fires ballistic missiles at US consulate in Erbil, Iraq. Former President Barack Obama has Covid after the vaccine and the booster and Pfizer CEO says we need more boosters.

vvv vvv Roman Abramovich Rabbi investigated over Portuguese citizenship Ukraine war Protests after Russians abduct Melitopol mayor Missiles From Iran Struck in Vicinity of U.S. Consulate in Northern Iraq, Officials Say Disney suspends political donations in Florida after bill restricting LGBTQ discussion Russia Ukraine live updates Russia pounds military range near Poland border, makes gains near Kyiv Ukraine war UK households offered 350 a month for hosting refugees U.S. rushing 200 million in weapons for Ukraines defense Man wanted after childs body found in California home 5 West Point cadets overdose on fentanyl during spring break, police say Oil, sanctions, jets How Congress pushes Biden on Ukraine Xenotransplantation Are pigs the future of organ transplants Wood knocks out Conlan to retain title Bafta Awards 2022 Stars prepare to return to in person ceremony War in Ukraine What happened on day 17 of Russias invasion Irbil attack Missiles from Iran hit northern Iraqi city, US says Chicago St. Patricks Day Parade steps off following 2 year hiatus, Chicago River now dyed green Texas judge halts child abuse probes of trans kids parents AG Paxton appeals, claims halt frozen Battle for Mykolaiv We are winning this fight, but not this war Saudi Arabia executes 81 men in one day MoMA Patron, Denied Entry, Stabs Two Employees

vvv vvv Roman Abramovich Rabbi investigated over Portuguese citizenship Ukraine war Protests after Russians abduct Melitopol mayor Missiles From Iran Struck in Vicinity of U.S. Consulate in Northern Iraq, Officials Say Disney suspends political donations in Florida after bill restricting LGBTQ discussion Russia Ukraine live updates Russia pounds military range near Poland border, makes gains near Kyiv Ukraine war UK households offered 350 a month for hosting refugees U.S. rushing 200 million in weapons for Ukraines defense Man wanted after childs body found in California home 5 West Point cadets overdose on fentanyl during spring break, police say Oil, sanctions, jets How Congress pushes Biden on Ukraine Xenotransplantation Are pigs the future of organ transplants Wood knocks out Conlan to retain title Bafta Awards 2022 Stars prepare to return to in person ceremony War in Ukraine What happened on day 17 of Russias invasion Irbil attack Missiles from Iran hit northern Iraqi city, US says Chicago St. Patricks Day Parade steps off following 2 year hiatus, Chicago River now dyed green Texas judge halts child abuse probes of trans kids parents AG Paxton appeals, claims halt frozen Battle for Mykolaiv We are winning this fight, but not this war Saudi Arabia executes 81 men in one day MoMA Patron, Denied Entry, Stabs Two Employees

Nick Davies, peace activist and author of "Blood on Our Hands: The American Invasion of Iraq," joins us to discuss the Texas power outage. A devastating winter storm has revealed that the Texas power grid is unable to withstand heavy demands. Five million people are in danger as a life-threatening cold looms tonight and they have no power. The Texas governor has blamed the power outage on the Green New Deal and other renewable energy-related projects. Dr. Linwood Tauheed, associate professor of economics at the University of Missouri- Kansas City, joins us to discuss the economy. Dr. Tauheed discusses the future of an American economy wherein millions of jobs have disappeared and will never return. The US must deal with millions of people who need retraining, as industries such as travel and leisure may have crashed forever. Chris Sorensen, author of "Understanding the War Industry," joins us to discuss war profiteering. In his latest article, he argues that Wall Street is the ultimate beneficiary of the military-industrial complex's stranglehold on Congress, and that their insider manipulation should be outlawed. Sorenson details the connections between banking and war, and explains how this dangerous relationship turns death into profit.Scott Ritter, a former UN weapons inspector in Iraq, joins us to discuss NATO. The chief of NATO sees a new relationship between the EU and the US with Joe Biden in the driver's seat of Western neoconservative policy. This can be observed in their recent moves to increase the military presence near Russia, stay in Afghanistan, and move to expand NATO's finances. Also, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin said that the US can't meet its responsibilities alone, indicating that he views NATO as a junior partner in a global struggle between good and evil.Laith Marouf, a broadcaster and journalist based in Beirut, Lebanon, joins us to talk about Iraq. A recent rocket attack in Iraq killed one contractor and wounded a US soldier. The usual neoconservative suspects are blaming Iran and President Biden is mulling a response. A little-known group named Awliya al-Dam took credit for the attack, but it is not yet clear if they were responsible.Kweku Lamumba, external relations coordinator for KOSSSA, joins us to discuss Haiti. Haiti is experiencing major protests as the people revolt against the US-backed dictator. The protests in Haiti have been largely ignored by the Western press because strongman leader Jovenel Moïse is controlled by Western imperial powers. Mr. Lamumba explains the current situation and why these next few months are critical in determining the future of the impoverished Caribbean nation. Alexander Mercouris, editor-in-chief at TheDuran.com and host of "The Duran" on YouTube, joins us to discuss changing geostrategic relationships in Europe and Asia. Recent comments by Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov made it clear that Russia has had enough of the constant bashing and accusations from the EU. This shows that Russia will not unilaterally cut off relations with the EU, but that Lavrov will consider a strategic divorce if they impose further sanctions.KJ Noh, peace activist, writer and teacher, joins us to discuss China. We discuss an interesting article about the evolution of the Chinese political model. In 2008, the Chinese took note of the Western financial disaster, and determined that they did not want to follow the lead of imperialism cloaked in a democratic veneer. The Chinese deduced that the US system was unworkable, and moved towards a more centralized power with an economy that is openly controlled by the state.

In the dusty flood plain, 100,000 men and many times that in horses surround the walls of Baghdad. Catapults lob stones relentlessly into the city walls, hauled from great distance. Here, towers collapse under the barrage; there, ladders bring Mongol and subject peoples onto the fortifications, seizing them from the disorganized and panicking garrison. Arrows, some bearing messages, bring both confusion and injury where they land. The mighty Tigris River, the city’s lifeblood, is now part of the trap; pontoon bridges, from them dangling nets embedded with iron hooks, rest both north and south of the city to catch those trying to flee. The final ‘Abbasid Caliph sits frightened and overwhelmed in his palace, as the grasp of Hulegu Khan closes around him. Today, we discuss the fall of Baghdad, 1258. But first, we’d like to remind you that for those of you who enjoy the podcast, your support would be highly appreciated and would help us keep going. We have a patreon available for monthly or even one-time donations or, if you aren’t able to support us financially, positive reviews on Apple Podcasts or other review sites really helps us out. And now, I’m your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.   We left our previous episode off with Hulegu destroying the Nizari Ismaili state, better known at the Order of Assassins, who had controlled a series of fortresses across eastern and northern Iran. By the end of 1256, Hulegu had reduced them to but a few holdouts, and he could begin to look to his next target. Considered heretics of the worst variety by most Sunni Muslims, the Persian writer Juvaini, a member of Hulegu’s retinue, described his victory over the Nizaris in glowing terms, Hulegu as a sword of Islam carrying out God’s will. Juvaini presents Hulegu’s war as a more ‘civilized’ form of conquest compared to that of his grandfather, Chinggis Khan. Destruction was limited to Ismaili territories and the towns and fortresses that failed to submit, as opposed to the veritable tsunami of bloodshed Chinggis Khan wrought on the Khwarezmian empire over thirty years prior. What Hulegu was soon to do in Baghdad and to the titular head of Sunni Islam would not be so praised, and it is perhaps no coincidence that Juvaini’s own chronicle ends with the fall of the Ismailis. As Hulegu left Ismaili territory in the final month of 1256, his eye was drawn to the ‘Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad.   In Islam, the spiritual leader of the religion was whoever was considered the successor to the Prophet Muhammad. For Shi’a Muslims, this was the imam- for Nizari Ismailis, the Imam was the ruler of Alamut, who had just been put to death on Mongol orders. For the majority of Muslims, known as Sunnis, the head of their faith was the Caliph, literally meaning ‘successor.’The first four Caliphs to succeed the Prophet were the “Rightly Guided,” the Rashidun, whose legitimacy is generally unquestioned by most Muslims. The Rashidun were succeeded by the Umayyads, who greatly extended Muslim rule east and west, across North Africa into Spain and across Eastern Iran into Central Asia. In 750, the Umayyad Caliphs were overthrown in the ‘Abbasid revolution. Claiming descent from the Prophet’s uncle ‘Abbas, it was under the early ‘Abbasids that the Caliphal capital was moved from Damascus to the newly established Baghdad along the Tigris River. Never comparable to the power of the Umayyads at their height, from the 9th century onwards the still vast ‘Abbasid empire fragmented with threat from all directions: the Fatimids in Egypt, the Samanids, Buyids and Saffarids of Iran and finally from the steppes, the Great Seljuqs, all of which ground the ‘Abbasids down until their state hardly stretched past the walls of Baghdad. The weakening of the Seljuqs after Sultan Malik-Shah’s death in 1092 allowed the ‘Abbasids to gradually reclaim independence and some authority, even repulsing a Seljuq army attacking Baghdad in 1157. The long reigns of Caliph al-Nasir and al-Mustansir, from 1180 until 1242, saw the ‘Abbasids reclaim much of central and southern Iraq. A far cry from the sweeping power they had held in the 8th century, by the 13th century they still remained influential and held prestige. For 500 years they had been the heads of Islam, and had long cultivated an useful image as invioable and holy, above temporal affairs though they were more often than not mired in them.    For instance, in the late 12th century Caliph al-Nasir was in conflict with the Seljuqs who continued to rule in Iran. He allied with the rising power northeast of the Iranian Seljuqs, the Khwarezmian Empire. Once vassals of the Great Seljuqs, the Khwarezm-shahs now butted heads with them as they expanded southwards, and the reigning Khwarezm-Shah, Tekesh bin Il-Arslan, was happy to ally himself with the Caliph. In 1194 at Rayy, modern Tehran, Tekesh defeated and killed the last Seljuq Sultan in Iran, Toghrul III, ending the dynasty and sending the Sultan’s severed head to al-Nasir in Baghdad. Rather than provide freedom for the Caliphate, Tekesh now wanted to step into the place of Seljuqs. The Seljuqs’ territory in Iran was largely annexed by Tekesh Khwarezm-shah, who soon began making aggressive motions to the Caliph. Al-Nasir encouraged the Khwarezmians’ eastern neighbours, the Ghurids, in their war with Tekesh. Tekesh died in 1200, succeeded by his son Muhammad II as Khwarezm-shah who, through luck, timely assassinations and military victories, overcame the Ghurids, consolidated power over Iran and in 1217 tried to march on Baghdad itself. Muhammad’s march on Baghdad was halted by a vicious snowstorm as he crossed the Zagros mountains, forcing him back. Returning to the northeast of his empire, Muhammad would there make the poor decisions which led to the Mongol Invasion of Khwarezm, covered way back in episode 9 of this podcast.   Now, some authors of the period assert that Caliph al-Nasir actually invited Chinggis Khan to attack Muhammad of Khwarezm- when placed in the context of the Caliph switching to support whoever was on the eastern side of his current foe, there is definitely a logic to it. However, as we described in detail in episode 8 of the podcast, the cause of the Mongol invasion can be found in the foolery of Muhammad Khwarezm-shah alone. Had the Mongols come on the invitation of the Caliph, then surely they would have publicized that to justify the attack and sow further confusion among the Khwarezmians.    In fact, in 1221 when detachments of Jebe and Subutai’s army penetrated into northern Iraq, Caliph al-Nasir was hardly welcoming. Along with the rulers of northern Iraq’s most important cities, Muzaffar ad-Din of Irbil and Badr al-Din Lu’lu’, the de facto ruler of Mosul, the Caliph organized a short lived military coalition, which proved unnecessary as the Mongols soon withdrew. Evidently, the ‘Abbasids spread a rumour that their army was absolutely gargantuan, their power unassailable and heavenly protected, and the Mongols were hesitant to commit. Had they paid close attention in the following years, they might have called the Caliph’s bluff. In 1225 that favoured Khwarezmian rapscallion, Jalal al-Din Mingburnu, defeated a Caliphal army after the ‘Abbasids failed to provide him assistance. Jalal al-Din chased the survivors right to the suburbs of Baghdad, then went north, defeated an army from Irbil sent to assist the Caliph and captured Irbil’s ruler, Muzaffar ad-Din. Caliph al-Nasir, by then elderly, paralyzed and blind for three years, died soon after Jalal al-Din’s attack, and was succeeded by his son, az-Zahir, as the 35th Caliph… for nine months. On Caliph az-Zahir’s death in 1226, he was succeeded by his own son, al-Mustansir, the 36th and penultimate ‘Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad.    As Caliph, al-Mustanir continued to try to strengthen ‘Abbasid control in Iraq and expand the army, but Mongol rule steadily spread over the region. By the start of the 1230s, Chormaqun Noyan and his lieutenants brought the submission of most of Iran and cast Mongol authority over the Caucasus. For Caliph al-Mustansir, the Mongol empire was a vast crescent to his north and east, where it stretched seemingly indefinitely. By 1235, Mongol forces mainly under Chagatai Noyan, “the Lesser,” were probing northern Iraq and directly, but hesitantly, testing ‘Abbasid hegemony in the region. In June 1237, Chagatai Noyan captured Irbil in what is now Iraqi Kurdistan, though the Citadel held out and in August Caliphal forces relieved the city. In February of 1238, an attack was launched on Baghdad, and a panicked Caliph al-Mustansir sent messages to the remaining independent Muslim powers from the Jazira and Syria down to Egypt for aid. Only 2,000 troops from the Ayyubid Sultan of Egypt,  al-Kamil, reached Baghdad, and in June 1238 a caliphal army was defeated near the city. However, the defences of Baghdad itself remained formidable and the city stood defiant while the Mongols turned back from the walls, unprepared for both a long siege and or the fearsome Iraqi summer.  Possibly, the Mongols suffered some sort of reverse while attacking Baghdad; some sixty years later, when the Persian historian Wassaf [vassaf] visited Baghdad, he recorded a Mongol defeat outside the walls, though this goes unmentioned by the other sources.    While Baghdad remained independent, the Mongols continued to take cities in the region. Chormaqun’s successor Baiju brought the submission of the Seljuqs of Anatolia in 1243; in 1244, the Mongol general Yasa’ur rode into Syria, dislodging the remnants of Jalal al-Din’s Khwarezmians. The Ayyubids of Syria, the successors of the once mighty empire of Saladin Ayyubi, largely submitted over 1244-5, and even Antioch, one of the last of the Crusader Kingdoms, offered its submission.  In late 1245 another attack on Baghdad was launched but soon aborted. The new Caliph since 1242, al-Mustasim ibn al-Mustansir, was lucky the attack was called off, for he was rather rapidly running out of allies. It seem that the new Caliph managed to avoid further attacks with a token submission: the Franscisan Friar John de Plano Carpini, present at the coronation of Guyuk Khaan in 1246, noted ‘Abbasid envoys were present in Karakorum and believed they paid a regular tribute.    The 38th and final ‘Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad, al-Mustasim, was not the equal of his father or great-grandfather. While al-Nasir and al-Mustansir sought to strengthen the Caliphate, al-Mustasim was more interested in the luxury of Baghdad, and was nearly universally condemned for decadence. A great lover of music, he sponsored an entire neighbourhood in Baghdad to house musicians, including the most famous of the age, Saif al-Din Urmawi. A lover of pigeon racing, art, calligraphy and treasures, al-Mustasim was also indecisive and easily swayed by factions in his court, some of whom, such as the vizier, sought accomodation with the Mongols, while others urged to meet them in battle. As we will see shortly, the result was al-Mustasim vacillating in policy, wavering between antagonizing the Mongols and sending them gifts. Essentially, the worst sort of man to have in power when Hulegu marched on him with upwards of 100,000 men.    Neither was weak leadership the only problem. Corruption and decadence of Baghdad’s elite alienated the lower classes. A weak currency and high food prices contributed to revolts; many of Baghdad’s soldiers increasingly found themselves unpaid and resorted to bandity or desertion. Topping off years of natural disasters- heavy rain, storms, annual flooding, in 1256, the Tigris, the river which runs through Baghdad, flooded for over a month, washing away much of Baghdad’s lower city. Attributed to divine displeasure at the decadent al-Mustasim, for decades afterwards this flood was remembered as the “Mustasimid flood.” As Mongol armies approached the city, pestilence killed many hundreds, if not thousands. The Caliph stood in a precarious position.   Likely in late 1255, Hulegu sent a message to Caliph al-Mustasim demanding, as Hulegu had done with other rulers across the region, that Baghdad supply troops to help in the attack on the Nizari Isamilis. Al-Mustasim refused. As the ‘Abbasids had been sending tribute in the previous years and were considered vassals, such a refusal was a declaration of independence. Hulegu, having been sent in part to find how sincere the Caliph’s submission was, now had his casus belli, for to the Mongols, the Caliph of Baghdad was now in open revolt. War with the Caliph was not intended to punish Islam specifically; had the Mongols caught the Pope and considered him a rebel, certainly he would have shared a similar fate. What mattered to the Mongols was submission to their divinely mandated rule; refusal to submit was blasphemy of the highest order.   After the fall of Alamut in December 1256, and spending some time near the still-resisting Nizari fortress of Lammasar, Hulegu stayed in Qazwin, just south of Alamut, until March 1257. From Qazwin he undertook a somewhat repetitive journey: from Qazwin he went to Hamadan, then to Dinavar, then Tabriz, then back to Hamadan, then back to Tabriz, then back to Hamadan in September 1257, from whence he would finally march on Baghdad. The reasons for this were multiple, and not just because Hulegu really liked northwestern Iran, though it did give him good time to evaluate the region. Firstly, Hulegu did not want to besiege Baghdad in the summer months, and instead needed to time the march so he arrived outside the city in the winter. Secondly, it provided time for his lieutenants to secure the neighbouring theaters: Kitbuqa Noyan secured through force and diplomacy Luristan and the passes through the Zagros mountains, ensuring Hulegu’s main army could march unimpeded when the time came. In Anatolia, Baiju Noyan had needed to put down a Seljuq revolt, culminating in the battle of Aksaray in October 1256. Baiju then needed to move back east, in order to march on Baghdad from the west when the time came.   Thirdly, Hulegu and the Caliph engaged in an entertaining round of diplomatic fisti-cuffs. Hulegu offered the Caliph another chance to surrender, repudiating him for his failure to send troops against the Nizaris. Hulegu’s threat, as recorded by the Ilkhanid vizier Rashid al-Din, went as follows:   “Previously we have given you advice, but now we say you should avoid our wrath and vengeance. Do not try to overreach yourself or accomplish the impossible, for you will only succeed in harming yourself. The past is over. Destroy your ramparts, fill in your moats, turn the kingdom over to your son, and come to us. If you do not wish to come, send all three, the vizier [al-Alqami], Sulaymanshah, and the Dawatdar, that they may convey our message word for word. If our command is obeyed, it will not be necessary for us to wreak vengeance, and you may retain your lands, army, and subjects. If you do not heed our advice and dispute with us, line up your soldiers and get ready for the field of battle, for we have our loins girded for battle with you and are standing at the ready. When I lead my troops in wrath against Baghdad, even if you hide in the sky or in the earth, ‘I shall bring you down from the turning celestial sphere; I shall pull you up like a lion. I shall not leave one person alive in your realm, and I shall put your city and country to the torch.’ “If you desire to have mercy on your ancient family’s heads, heed my advice. If you do not, let us see what God’s will is.”   The Caliph refused Hulegu’s demands, and when he sent back Hulegu’s envoys, they were harassed by the people of Baghdad; the Caliph’s vizier, ibn al-Alqami, had to send soldiers to protect the envoys to ensure they weren’t killed. When Hulegu learned of the incident, he derided the Caliph as a total incompetent, and then flew into a rage when he heard the official response, which called Hulegu a young and inexperienced man: somewhat humorous, considering al-Mustasim was only four years older than Hulegu. Hulegu’s response was about as subtle as you’d expect. Again, as per the account of Rashid al-Din, quote:   “God the eternal elevated [Chinggis] Khan and his progeny and gave us all the face of the earth, from east to west. Anyone whose heart and tongue are straight with us in submission retains his kingdom, property, women, children, and life. He who contemplates otherwise will not live to enjoy them. Love of status and property, conceit, and pride in transitory fortune have so seduced you that even the words of your well-wishers have no effect on you. Your ear cannot hear the advice of the compassionate, and you have deviated from the path of your fathers and forebears. You must get ready for battle, for I am coming to Baghdad with an army as numerous as ants and locusts. Be the turning of the celestial sphere how it may, the power to command is God’s.”   Upon hearing this message, al-Mustasim’s vizier ibn al-Alqami understood the colossal danger they were in, and fervently argued for the Caliph to appease the Mongols. Al-Alqami has something of a bisecting reputation in the Islamic world. For some, reading the Mamluk sources, the Shia Muslim ibn al-Alqami was a conspirator, plotting with Hulegu to topple the head of Sunni Islam for his own gain. For those reading from Persian and Ilkhanid sources, ibn al-Alqami was earnestly trying to steer the Caliph away from annihilation and save as many lives as he could. On this last response from Hulegu, al-Alqami was able to convince al-Mustasim to send gifts, only for the Caliph to be talked out of it by the dawatdar, Mugahid al-Din Aybek, the Caliphate’s top military man and a staunch supporter of resistance against Hulegu. Convincing the Caliph to abandon the expensive gifts, al-Mustasim sent the following message to vizier al-Alqami to assuage his worries:   “Do not fear the future, and do not talk fables, for there is friendship and unity, not enmity and hostility, between me and Hülägü and [Mongke Khaan]. Since I am their friend, they are of course friendly and benevolent toward me. The envoys’ message is false. Even if these brothers contemplate opposition to or treachery against me, what has the Abbasid dynasty to fear, when the monarchs of the face of the earth stand as our army and obey our every command? If I request an army from every country and mount to repulse the foe, I can incite Iran and Turan against these brothers. Be of stout heart, and do not fear the threats of the Mongols, for although they are powerful upstarts, they pose nothing but an empty threat to the House of Abbas.” If Rashid al-Din is accurate in recording this message, then it goes some way to demonstrate just how greatly al-Mustasim misunderstood the situation. al-Mustasim’s next letter to Hulegu spoke of monarchs who had attacked the ‘Abbasids and suffered divine retribution for it, noting specifically Muahmmad Khwarezm-shah, who for his attack on Baghdad in 1217 suffered the power of Hulegu’s grandfather. Hulegu sent another threat, promising to bring the Caliph “down miserably into the jaws of a lion,” and had enough of parlay.   Hulegu had only to check with the astrologers and diviners of his retinue in order to ensure the assault had good fortune. Variously they warned of failure, catastrophe, and death for harming the Caliph. Finally, Hulegu turned to the famed Iranian scholar rescued from the Nizari fortresses, Nasir al-Din Tusi, and asked what he thought of the matter. After thinking for a moment, Tusi told Hulegu that none of these things would happen. Hulegu asked what would. Tusi replied, “Hulegu Khan will take the Caliph’s place.” And that was enough for Hulegu. The border passes were now secured, and the march on Baghdad could begin.    As Hulegu marched through Kermanshah, massacres followed him. His army approached Baghdad in three directions. Kitbuqa took a route through Luristan, and would march on Baghdad from the south. Baiju Noyan came through northern Iraq, crossing the Tigris near Irbil and closing in on Baghdad’s west and north. Hulegu took the main army through the Hulwan pass and would close off Baghdad from the east, thus encircling the city.    As the armies entered Iraq, cities and towns across Mesopotamia surrendered to them. In January 1258 as the Mongols closed in on the city, the Caliphal army under the Dawatdar tried to repulse Baiju’s army. They were lured into a feigned retreat; a dyke was broken and their camp flooded. Few survivors escaped back to Baghdad. By January 22ned, the Mongol armies had linked up around the city. Not just Mongols, but subject Iranians, Turks, Georgians and Armenians made up this force, with a thousand Chinese siege engineers. The defenders of Baghdad were outnumbered and without hope. For a week, the Mongols prepared their siege lines. Pontoon bridges were built across the Tigris, nets and iron hooks hanging from them to ensure none could escape either up or downriver. No stones for the catapults were within the area, so they needed to be hauled in from elsewhere. A ditch was dug around the city, the earth from the ditch used to build a rampart with gates set in it. Protective coverings were built for the siege engines. With the typical thoroughness of the early Toluids, Baghdad was closed off, its fate sealed.   The assault began on January 29th. An incessant barrage of stones and arrows brought the defenders to their knees. The artillery upon the walls of Baghdad was poorly maintained and outranged by that of the Mongols, useless in the words of one source. Under mobile wooden shelters, the Mongols advanced on the walls, sending arrows deeper into the city. One of the Caliph’s daughters was killed when an arrow passed through a window in his palace. Messages were tied to arrows, proclaiming that all those who did not resist would be spared. By the start of February, towers and bastions along the walls were collapsing. By February 3rd, Mongol forces were capturing the walls. When one of Hulegu’s commanders was killed by an arrow sent from the city, he angrily forced his army on at greater speed.   Realizing just how monumentally he had erred, al-Mustasim sent envoys, among them the once bellicose Dawatdar, to discuss terms with Hulegu. They were quickly put to death. Nothing but the unconditional surrender of the Caliph himself was good enough. Finally, on February 10th, al-Mustasim and his family came out from Baghdad, and put his life in the hands of Hulegu. Initially, the Caliph was treated respectfully. Other notables came out to submit to Hulegu, and many others fled out of the city to escape the pestilence which had already claimed thousands within. These who came out were trapped between the walls of Baghdad and the Mongol palisade. Once the garrison and its weapons were collected, on the 13th of February, the sack of Baghdad began.   In popular culture, the sack of Baghdad is uncontrolled, disorganized, horrifically violent and results in the city’s utter destruction and death of a million people. In reality it was controlled, organized, horrifically violent and resulted in only most of the city’s destruction and deaths of thousands. Rather than wiping Baghdad from the map, it was more of an organized dismemberment. Evidence comes from multiple accounts, but we’ll focus on that of the musician, Urmawi. In contrast to the image of the mob running wild over Baghdad, Urmawi’s account, recorded by the Mamluk historian Shihab al-Din al-’Umari, records the Mongols meticulously planned the sacking. Depending on rank, commanders were given 1 to 3 days to collect loot from sections of the city allotted to them. In Urmawi’s case, his neighbourhood was allotted to Baiju Noyan and his retinue- notably just men Baiju picked to bring into the city with him, rather than a whole portion of his army. Urmawi greeted Baiju with gifts and hosted a feast for him, entertaining him with music and ingratiating himself to the Noyan. Baiju was so pleased he urged Urmawi to come with him to play before Hulegu. Hulegu enjoyed a concert before the walls of Baghdad, ordered Urmawi’s neighbourhood spared and protected with picked men, and even granted Urmawi gardens which had belonged to the Caliph.   Likewise, various sources note that a number of segments of the populations were spared and their property protected: Christians, notably Nestorian priests; Shi’ites and Alids; Khurasani merchants, Qadis, scholars, shaykhs and in one source, Jews. Individuals are mentioned petitioning Hulegu to spare their homes- likely for a hefty payment, of course- but in order to follow these orders, the forces looting the city had to be disciplined enough to actually take note of addresses. Even the oft-repeated statement that the Tigris River ran black with ink of the books of Baghdad’s library must be re-examined, for Nasir al-Din Tusi took many with him to Maragha, where he built his famous observatory. A number of sources indicate the city’s looting lasted only a week, rather than a full month.   Clemency was extended to multiple groups… but for the majority of the city’s population who did not fall into these categories, it appears no quarter was given. For all the gated neighbourhoods like Urmawi’s which were protected, many more were gutted and looted. Treasures collected over the city’s 500 years were stolen, the finest architecture of the ‘Abbasids ruined and torn down. Hulegu entered the city on February 15th, visiting the Caliph’s palace, where al-Mustasim was forced to reveal where he had hidden his wealth. 12,000 severed ears were brought before Hulegu to mark the slain citizenry. The dead littered the street; after a few days, the heat and stench of the rotting bodies led Hulegu to end the looting by February 20th. Notably, the city was not to be left to brigandage: a governor and Mongol officials were appointed, ibn al-Alqami kept his position as vizier, to clean up the bodies and restore the city.   On the 20th of February, Hulegu moved to the village of Waqaf to avoid the foul air of Baghdad, from which he apparently fell sick. At Waqaf, Hulegu had al-Mustasim put to death, most likely rolled into a carpet and stomped upon to avoid spilling his blood on the earth. His family soon followed him.  In European accounts, the popular version was that Hulegu locked Mustasim in his treasury, where he starved to death in an ironic punishment to mark the Caliph’s failures to pay for troops and defences.   So ended the 500 year old ‘Abbasid Caliphate. The impact on Islam is hard to understate. Since the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632, there had been a widely recognized successor to him in the form of the Caliphs -Rashidun, Umayyad and ‘Abbasid. Most Muslims saw him as the spiritual, if not the actual political, head of Islam. For the Caliphate, seemingly inviolable and permanent, to come to such a violent and sudden end sent shockwaves throughout the Islamic world. Caliphates had been overthrown before; previous dynasties like the Buyids and Seljuqs had held the Caliphs as puppets and militarily defeated them, while the Nizari Assassins had claimed the lives of at least two; but never before had the Caliphate actually been erased from existence by a power claiming universal sovereignty in its place. Distant relations of al-Mustasim were eventually set up in Mamluk Cairo as new Caliphs, but were never widely recognized. The Ottoman Sultans would also claim the title of Caliph in time, but none have ever been able to step into the position held by the ‘Abbasids. It’s no surprise that many Muslims throughout the following centuries have referred to the sack of Baghdad as a scar of the psyche of the ummah, one which it has not recovered from today. With the fall of Baghdad, Hulegu could now cast his eyes onto Syria, down the Levantine coast to the newly established Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt. The sense was real that Hulegu was about to bring the whole of Islam under the authority of the house of Chinggis. Our next episode takes us to the Mongol drive to the Meditteranean- and the famous clash of ‘Ayn Jalut, an episode you won’t want to miss. Be sure to subscribe to our podcast, and to help up continue bringing you great content, consider supporting us on Patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. I’m your host David, and we’ll catch you on the next one.

    While Ogedai Khaan led his armies in the final war against the Jurchen Jin Dynasty, covered in our previous episode, this was far from the only theatre his forces operated in. As the conquest of northern China was completed, Chormaqun Noyan brought Mongols armies back to the west, returning to Iran to hunt down the energetic Khwarezmian Prince, Jalal al-Din Mingburnu, hoping to restore his father’s empire. In the course of this, the Mongols effectively completed the conquest of Iran, the Caucasus and entered Anatolia- a great southwestern expansion of the empire. At the same time, Mongol armies under Subutai conquered the western steppes and Rus’ principalities, a vast, two pronged pincer assault on western Eurasia, and the subject of our following episodes.       First, we must wind the clock back from the 1230s to the Khwarezmian campaign of Chinggis Khan in the 1220s. As you’ll recall from that episode, the Mongol invasion at the end of 1219 brought about the near total collapse of the Khwarezmian defense and flight of the empire’s ruler, Muhammad II Khwarezm-Shah. Muhammad died at the end of 1220, harried to his end by Jebe and Subutai. On his death in December, Shah Muhammad’s son Jalal al-Din Mingburnu, a far braver and more talented general, took up the mantle of leadership- or rather, what was left of it. Rallying what forces he could, he eventually made his way into what is now Afghanistan, defeating two Mongol armies but finally crushed by Chinggis Khan himself on the Indus river in November 1221. At the battle's climax, Mingburnu spurred his horse off the cliff and into the Indus, swimming across and making into the Punjab. Chinggis Khan, to give the devil his due, is said to have personally ordered archers not to fire on him, admiring Jalal al-Din’s courage. The same mercy was not spread to other Khwarezmian troops trying to make it across the river.       Jalal al-Din spent the next three years in northwestern India. At that time, northern India was ruled by several Muslim warlords, mainly former generals of the Ghurid Empire which had once stretched from Iran across northern India. Among these was the general Iltutmish, based in Delhi- the origins of the Delhi Sultanate. At the end of the thirteenth century, the Delhi Sultanate had the strength to repel Mongolian invasion, but in the 1220s was only one power among several. At the time of Jalal al-Din’s arrival,  Iltutmish of Delhi’s main rival was Qubacha, a fellow Ghurid controlling the Punjab and lower reaches of the Indus River. Despite being fellow Muslims, the post-Ghurid powers had little love for the Khwarezmians. Jalal al-Din’s father Muhammad had been a stalwart foe of the Ghurids, and after the Ghurid collapse in the early 1200s, it was the Khwarezm-shah who had gobbled up their western territories in Iran and Afghanistan, bringing Khwarezmian influence right to the borders of India.  Jalal al-Din’s own appanage given to him by his father was the former Ghurid capital of Ghazna. Further, the Khwarezmians had also become foes of the ‘Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad, who provided his holy support to those generals battling the Khwarezm-shah. The Khwarezmian reputation was that of an aggressive, unreliable and expansionist empire, and the chief scion of that house, Jalal al-Din, was not destined to enjoy a warm welcome among his co-religionists in India, nor among those Hindu rulers still extant in the region.        Upon his defeat on the Indus, Jalal al-Din needed to make space for himself from the Mongols, who initially turned back from the river but soon sent parties to hunt for Mingburnu.  Managing to gather survivors from the Indus battle and other refugees from the invasion, his victory over local Hindus in the Salt Range brought defections to Jalal al-Din’s force. Charismatic and with a reputation as a superb warrior, Jalal al-Din rarely had trouble attracting followers- making friends with other states was another matter. With Mongol forces under Dorbei Doqshin approaching, Jalal al-Din fled further into India, coming to within a few days of Delhi. His envoys sent to Sultan Ilutumish were killed, for Iltutmish, a wily politician, had likely weighed the costs of providing aid to Mingburnu with the Mongols now approaching. Delhi was too well protected for Jalal al-Din to assault, so he doubled back to the west, ransacking as he went and successfully avoiding Dorbei Doqshin’s Mongols. Dorbei abandoned the pursuit, returning to Chinggis Khan at Samarkand in late 1222, where he was severely reprimanded and ordered back to India.       Jalal al-Din in the meanwhile attacked the Ghurid successor in northwestern India and Iltutmish’s main rival, Qubacha, forcing him to submit and pay tribute. Most of 1223 he spent ravaging cities along the Indus, making his way to the Gujarat peninsula. Having successfully pissed off everyone between the Indus and the Ganges rivers, Jalal al-Din was greeted with rumours of a grand coalition -Iltutmish, Qubacha, and various Hindu lords- uniting against him, as well as Dorbei Doqshin’s second approach. Learning that a half-brother had set up a state in western Iran, Jalal al-Din decided it was a good time to leave India in 1224, leaving his officers Ozbeg-bei and Hasan Qarluq in control of his Indian territory. They, along with Qubacha, took the full brunt of Dorbei Doqshin’s returning army, who took his frustration out on them when he found himself unable to locate Jalal al-Din. While this proved unfortunate for them,  Iltutmish did rather well out of this episode. With his major rivals weakened by Jalal al-Din and Mongol attacks but his own state relatively untouched, over the late 1220s and 30s Iltutmish was able to overcome these rivals and set the Delhi Sultanate on a path to regional dominance. In due course we will return to Iltutmish’s successors, but now we must follow our friend Jalal al-Din westwards.       Jalal al-Din’s three years in India did little for his dream of restoring the Khwarezmian Empire, but saw better opportunity in the efforts of his half-brother, Ghiyath al-Din. Around Rayy, modern Tehren, Ghiyath al-Din had started to reestablish Khwarezmian control. Jalal al-Din’s  thought seems to have been that, if anyone was to continue the Khwarezmian Empire, it was going to be him, damn it! Mingburnu cut across southern Iran, hoping to restore Khwarezmian rule as he went, first stopping in the province of Kerman. There, Baraq Hajib ruled, a former general of the Qara-Khitai brought into Khwarezmian service who established his independence in the wake of the Mongol invasion.  Jalal al-Din gained his submission and married one of his daughters, though Baraq soon revolted and Mingburnu carried on. At Shiraz in the province of Fars he was welcomed and again married a daughter of the local dynasty, the Salghurids. He then departed for Isfahan, where he rested his main army. With a handful of picked horsemen, said to be carrying banners of white cloth like the Mongols, Jalal al-Din led a daring raid against his half-brother, attacking him in his camp, capturing him and absorbing his followers and territories.        This greatly strengthened his position. Knowing that the former northeastern sections of the Khwarezmian empire, including the former capitals of Gurganj and Samarkand were under firm Mongol control, Mingburnu must’ve thought it more prudent to push west, in theory providing himself more resources and space to resist the Mongols. Gaining the submission of the chiefs of Luristan, marrying princesses of local Turkomans, he now had a not-insubstantial force under his belt.  Most of southern, central and western Iran had now submitted or was under his direct control. Casting his eyes west, he marched towards Baghdad. Supposedly he was expecting assistance from the Caliph, at that time an-Nasir, who had reigned since 1180. Caliph an-Nasir had been paralyzed and blind for a few years at that point, but the memory of Muhammad Khwarezm-shah’s own failed march on Baghdad had not been forgotten. Anticipating that the son shared the same greed as the father, an army was dispatched to repel Jalal al-Din. Drawing them into a feigned retreat, Jalal al-Din put them to flight, pursuing them as far as Baghdad’s suburbs before withdrawing, and then defeating a force sent from Irbil, capturing that city’s ruler.        Lacking the means to siege Baghdad itself, Jalal al-Din sought easier targets. He moved next against the Eldeguzid atabegs of Azerbaijan- former Khwarezmian vassals who had submitted to the Mongols- and destroyed them in 1225, taking their capital of Tabriz. A brief Georgian foray against Tabriz while Jalal al-Din was mopping up remnants of the Eldeguzids brought him, for the first time in his life, into conflict with Christians. Over the next few years, Jalal al-Din unleashed a torrent of destruction against the Kingdom of Georgia. At that time ruling Georgia and Greater Armenia, the kingdom had suffered terribly during Jebe and Subutai’s own expedition through the region only a few years prior. In 1226, Jalal al-Din took the Geergian capital Tbilisi, destroying the churches within the city. According to a contemporay historian, Kirakos Ganjaketsi, rather than spend time to determine who in the city’s diverse population was Christian or Muslim, Jalal al-Din simply ordered all the men to be circumsized.       After this, Mingburnu marched rapidly back to Iran, having heard rumours that Baraq Hajib was attacking Isfahan, the new Khwarezmian capital. Baraq apologized and sent gifts, and while Jalal al-Din rested in Isfahan, he learned that the Georgians revolted. Speeding back to Georgia, Jalal al-Din undertook a slaughter outside the walls of Akhlat, but was unable to enter the city. In similar time, news reached him of another threat to Isfahan. A Mongol army was approaching the city, ordered there by Chin-Temur, the Mongol appointed governor of  Gurganj, a former capital of Khwarezm. Jalal al-Din brought his army back to Isfahan, and in August 1228, bravely led his forces to be defeated by the Mongols. His half-brother Ghiyath al-Din fled, and Jalal al-Din was forced to retreat when the Mongols drove back his remaining forces. However, with losses high or fearing a trap, the Mongols failed to advance, and withdrew back to their own empire. Thus was Isfahan saved, if narrowly.        Really changing things up, Jalal al-Din returned to Georgia again in late 1228, and inflicted one of the most famous defeats in Georgian history at Bolnisi, known also as Mindori. A large army of Georgians, Armenians, various ethnic groups from across the Caucasian mountains as well as a significant Qipchaq component had been assembled against him. Qipchaqs had a long history serving as mercenaries for both the Georgian Kingdom and the Khwarezm-shahs, and we may well assume a number were present among Mingburnu’s forces. Outnumbered and lacking swordsmen and lancers, it was a precarious position for Jalal al-Din. His vizier, Yulduzchi, suggested it would be better to pass behind the enemy, cutting them off from water, thus weakening the larger force in the heat. Jalal al-Din’s reaction as recorded by Juvaini is rather illustrative of his character. Becoming as enraged as was possible for him, he hurled a pencase at the vizier’s head while shouting “they are a flock of sheep! Does the lion complain of the size of the flock?” It is unfortunate for Mingburnu that this was a mantra he applied to everything.       Yulduzchi repented, paying a fine of 50,000 dinars. Opening contact with the Qipchaq, reminding them of his own connections with their people, he successfully convinced them to remove themselves from the battlefield. Then he convinced the Georgians to send champions out to face him- supposedly Jalal al-Din killed them all himself, then ordered a general charge against the demoralized Georgians. The foe was destroyed and we might regard this as the high water mark of his military career. The last half of 1229 Jalal al-Din was held up besieging Akhlat, falling only to great massacre in April 1230 after a 8 month siege. Learning that the Seljuq Sultan Kayqubad I, master of Anatolia, was organizing an alliance against him, Jalal al-Din moved west. Falling ill, he lost his strength and was unable to ride his horse, forced to be carried in a litter. At Yassıçemen near Erzincan in August 1230, Jalal al-Din met an allied force of Seljuqs under Kayqubad I and the Ayyubid Sultan of Syria al-Ashraf, the nephew of the famed Saladin. During the battle Jalal al-Din tried to mount his horse, but lacked the strength to even hold the reins. His courtiers pulled him back. Seeing his banners fall back, the army thought Jalal al-Din was retreating, and thinking the battle thus lost, fled. The Seljuq-Ayyubid forces, believing it a feigned retreat, held their ground. Jalal al-Din escaped another major military defeat, this time while seriously ill. Certain to improve his mood was news of a large Mongol army now approaching.        Far to the east, Ogedai had been elected Great Khan of the Mongol Empire. Aware of Jalal al-Din’s resurgence, Ogedai could not allow him to reform the Khwarezmian Empire. Seeking to complete the conquest of the region, perhaps even hoping to take Baghdad itself, Ogedai ordered fresh troops to be sent. Commanded by Chormaqun, a member of the keshig, the imperial bodyguard and a veteran of the Khwarezmian campaign, this is our first mention in the sources of the tamma. The tamma was essentially the closest the Mongols came to garrison duty, sent to the empire’s borders to expand, consolidate and intimidate, rather than a full, tsunami like tidal wave of invasion.  There is some suggestion Chormaqun may have initially been ordered west by Chinggis Khan in his final days, but would have been held up by the Khan’s death in 1227. Ogedai in that case would have been reaffirming his father’s decision.        So, Chormaqun set out with perhaps 30,000 men, ordered to be supported and reinforced by the appointed basqaqs and darughachi governing the western Mongol empire, like Chin-Temur. In early 1230 Chormaqun crossed the Amu Darya  and began the proper subjugation of Khurasan, which had been left a ruinous buffer after the 1220 invasion. Chormaqun bypassed those few strongpoints still holding out, leaving Chin-Temur to reduce them and set up a proper administration in his wake. By autumn 1230, Chormaqun was in Mazandaran, northern Iran, and took Rayy, which he set up as his headquarters. Chormaqun spent the next two years in Rayy, from where he ordered his various forces and took the submission of most of the powers in Iran, the states of the south sending representatives and recognizing Mongol rule. By 1233 essentially all that was left of Jalal al-Din’s reconstituted Khwarezmian Empire in Iran had submitted to the Mongols, leaving his capital of Isfahan isolated until it fell in 1236. In eastern Khurasan, that is, now modern eastern Iran and Afghanistan, Chormaqun’s lieutnentats Dayir and Monggedu operated, driving out Khwarezmian holdouts. By 1235 they had brought the Mongol Empire to the borders of India, forcing an officer Jalal al-Din had left behind, Hasan Qarluq, to submit. It seems even the Isma’ilis, the famed ‘Order of Assassins,’ allied themselves with the Mongols, providing intelligence on Jalal al-Din’s movements and strength.    By spring 1231, Mongol forces had entered Azerbaijan’s Mughan plain, zeroing in on Mingburnu. He frantically sent word to the Seljuq Sultan and Ayyubid Sultan of Syria, urging cooperation against the Mongols. But it was too little too late. Jalal al-Din had long ago soured the relationship through his aggression. Too busy raiding and campaigning, he had not created anything in the last decade to actually prepare for the return of the Mongols, and now he paid for it. He spent 1231 hopping across the Caucasus, narrowly avoiding Mongol forces. At one point, he only just escaped his camp as the Mongols came across it, only the action of a general waving Mingburnu’s banners and therefore distracting them, giving Jalal al-Din enough time to escape.   Near Diyar Bakir, known also as Amida, in what is now southeastern Turkey, his luck finally ran out.  Hounded down to just a few followers, in mid-1231 he was killed by Kurdish bandits robbing him for his robes. The clothes were recognized, the Kurds killed and the body thought to be that of Jalal al-Din buried. So ended the reign of Jalal al-Din Mingburnu, final ruler of the Khwarezmian Empire. A fine soldier and warrior but a poor king, he could not improve upon the Khwarezmian tradition of treachery and aggression to his neighbours. With the time, energy, troops, experience and personal charisma, Jalal al-Din had the potential to build a proper resistance to the Mongols, yet he instead squandered this opportunity, in many ways showing himself little better than them. Still he remained a powerful symbol; for years, rumours persisted of his survival, and every once and a while someone would claim his identity, only to be swiftly killed by the Mongols. Many a medieval Muslim author glorified him, such as his own secretary Nasawi, the Khwarezmian refugee to Delhi Juzjani, and even Juvaini, a beaureaucrat who worked for the Mongols. We might consider him the Bonnie Prince Charlie of the 13th century Muslim world. A figure whose actual person could not stand up to the legend and potential of his idea.   Jalal al-Din’s demise had other consequences. For one, there was still a large body of Khwarezmian troops in the region, fleeing the Mongols and now acting as mercenaries. In time, they were displaced from their refuge in Syria, making their way south and in 1244, took Jerusalem. Jerusalem had only been in Christian control again since Emperor Frederick II’s crusade in 1228. Not until 1917 would Jerusalem again be controlled by non-Muslims.    In Azerbaijan, Tabriz came under Mongol rule quickly after Mingburnu’s death. With Iran secured, Chormaqun marched into newly subjugated Azerbaijan, and there planned the conquest of the Caucasus. Georgia was severely weakened; first Jebe and Subutai’s attacks, then Jalal al-Din’s repeated depredations, it would be just a matter of reducing fortresses.  In 1236 Chormaqun ordered a three pronged assault against the territories of the Georgian Kingdom: Chormaqun himself drove into Greater Armenia, Mular up the Kura Valley and Chagatai Noyan, known as ‘the lesser’ to distinguish himself from Chinggis’ son, attacked Georgia proper. So weakened, the Georgians could offer no unified defence, with each lord retreating to his own castle in the mountains. The Mongols moved at a leisurely, careful pace, forcing some castles but needing to starve out others. Some Armenian and Georgian lords, like the influential Awag Zak’arian, willingly submitted, receiving special treatment and encouraging others to follow his example. With the flight of the Georgian Queen Rusudan from Tbilisi, Awag was the most powerful lord in the kingdom, and assisted in the Mongol expansion. In 1238 Tbilisi fell to Chagatai Noyan, Queen Rusudan fleeing into the far western mountains of Georgian territory, near the Black Sea. So remote was it that the Mongols did not even pursue her. By that point, Subutai and Batu’s armies were overrunning the steppes north of the Caucasus, so perhaps they felt her trapped between them.   The conquest of the Caucasus was essentially complete by 1240. Though it saw its shares of massacres, it was considerably less disastrous for the locals than, say, the war against the Jurchen Jin had been in north China. Most local forms of government were allowed to continue operating, though now with Mongol overlordship at the top. The Mughan plain in Azerbaijan became a favoured centre for Mongol power, and in time, a political centre under the Ilkhanate. For more details on Mongol rule in the region, one can easily find a copy of Bayarsaikhan Dashdondag’s The Mongols and the Armenians online, kindly uploaded to the internet and academia.edu by Dashdondag herself.   The early 1240s saw notable political upheaval in the Mongol Empire- of course at the end of 1241, we have Ogedai Khaan’s own death, though we’ll deal with that in a later episode. Chormaqun was struck down by a paralytic disease, leaving him unable to command, his wife acting as regent until officially replaced by his lieutenant, Baiju Noyan.  Baiju had a habit, even for Mongol standards, of ordering senseless executions. It is Baiju who brings us to the final section of today’s episode, the battle of Kose Dagh.    The Seljuqs of Rum, as the Anatolian branch of the once mighty dynasty was known, had experienced a heyday and expansion under Kayqubad I. After his death in 1236, he was succeeded by Kaykhusraw II, not his equal and certainly not up to repelling the predatory Baiju. From 1240 to 1241 a Turkoman revolt led by Baba Ishak hamstrung the Seljuq state, and Baiju took note of this Seljuq weakness.  In 1242, hungry to continue expanding, Baiju led his armies into Anatolia.  The Seljuq controlled Armenian city of Erzurum was a first target. After a two month siege, catapults brought down the city walls, the Christians and Muslims within the city brought to an indiscriminate slaughter. Valuable gospels found in Erzurum were gifted by Baiju to his Chirstian followers, while Armenian princes in his army sought to rescue those taken as slaves. Following further campaigning, Baiju returned to the Mughan plain for winter 1242, before returning in Spring 1243. The Seljuq Sultan Kaykhusraw II had boasted he would march and defeat the Mongols in the Mughan; Baiju marched back into Anatolia before Kaykhsuraw’s men were even mobilized. Kaykhusraw tried to get reinforcements from his vassals and allies, at Trebizond, Aleppo, Nicaea, and Cilician Armenia. The Armenian King, Het’um I, was a stout observer, and knew that the drunkard Sultan Kaykhusraw fared little chance, and held his forces back.   Erzincan, Sivas, Kayseri, all fell to Baiju as he pushed into Anatolia. He brought with him a large, multi-ethnic force, with notable Armenian and Georgian contingents. Baiju encouraged the intermingling of his forces, so as to prevent ethnic rivalries flaring up and increasing unit cohesion. By June 26th, 1243, Baiju caught the Sultan’s army in the defile of Kose Dagh, in what is now northeastern Turkey. The Seljuqs likewise brought a diverse contingent, including important Frankish mercenaries commanded by a Cypriot and a Venetian. Kaykhusraw drank himself into a stupor the night before, and was so hungover that army organization was non-existent, his force failing to assemble until late in the day. Stationed well beyond the lines, the Sultan had little awareness of what was happening at the front. Moral was poor, the Mongols’ reputation was one of invincibility and absolute terror. There could be only one end.    Mongol horse archers supported by Georgian and Armenian heavy cavalry clashed with the Turkish and Frankish troops of the Seljuq Sultan. Within an hour, they had broken and fled. So sudden was the Seljuq flight that Baiju suspected it had to be a feigned retreat, and held his army back. Only cautiously did he send scouts forward to check out the abandoned Sultan’s camp, and when they found it truly abandoned, the celebration was great. Kaykhsuraw left all his treasure behind in his flight, and what a great deal of treasure it was. Though he survived, his reputation and military were broken. The Seljuqs had little option but to submit to the Mongols- as did the King of Armenian Cilicia, Het’um I, leaving the Mongols as masters of Anatolia.    The Kose Dagh campaign was a part of a growing shift in Mongol military thought. Under Chinggis Khan, campaigns were normally a reaction to an incident or a need; the Otrar Massacre was of course an important precipitate to the Khwarezmian campaign, but Chinggis Khan had tried to avoid it, even after the massacre sending envoys to seek a peaceable solution. Only when his envoys were killed by Muhammad Khwarezm-shah did Chinggis Khan order an assault. The initial campaigns ordered by Ogedai were sent against targets who had survived Chinggis Khan’s invasions, that is the Jurchen Jin and Jalal al-Din. But by Chormaqun’s final years and the time Baiju took office in 1241, the justifications for invasions grew ever flimsier. The greatly weakened Kingdom of Georgia and the Seljuqs of Rum were not a threat to the already vast Mongol Empire, though the Georgians were considered enemies since Jebe and Subutai’s expedition. No, this was conquest for the sake of conquest. Baiju attacked the Seljuqs in their moment of weakness, for little reason other than the expansion of the Mongol Empire. This was the manifestation of the belief that the Chinggisids were to rule everything under the Eternal Blue Heaven. The very existence of non-subject powers was, in itself, resistance against the will of Heaven. The Khan had no allies, only vassals.    The submission of the Anatolian Seljuqs by the mid 1240s marked the highpoint of Mongol efforts in the region for some years. Baiju probed Syria, bringing the submission of local Ayyubid princes there, and his armies tested the borders of Iraq. However, the Mongols seem to have been under the impression that Baghdad was supported by a massive army, and were hesitant to commit to any serious operation against it. It would not be until the arrival of Hulegu in the 1250s that the Mongol conquest in the region would be finalized. As it was, Mongol rule now stretched from the Mediterranean and Black Seas all the way to the Pacific Ocean, and still continued to expand. Our next episode will begin to cover the conquest of the greatest western steppe, the prelude to the invasion of Europe proper, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals podcast and to continue helping us bring you more outstanding content, please visit our patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. Thank you for listening, I am your host David and we will catch you on the next one!

On the evening of January 7, 2020, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards launched more than a dozen short range ballistic missiles from Iran that hit US coalition bases at Al – Sad and Irbil in Western and Northern Iraq. There were initial unconfirmed reports of possible casualties. Early warning of the attack may have sent both Iraqis, US and other coalition military personnel to safety in bunkers. Was this the threatened “hard revenge” that Iran’s Revolutionary Guards had warned would come against US military bases? This Iranian missile attack was response to the US MQ9 Drone missile strike at Baghdad Airport on January 3, 2020 that killed General Qasem Soleimani, the powerful commander of the elite Quds Force and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis Commander of Iran – controlled Iraqi PMF Kata'ib Hezbollah. The Trump White House and Pentagon were monitoring these developments and considering possible retaliatory actions to take. The question is could President’s Trump’s fateful decision to assassinate General Soleimani trigger escalate reprisal actions between the US and Iran leading to a possible war in the Middle East region? Just prior to these developments, Rod Reuven Dovid Bryant and Jerry Gordon convened a discussion with Ken Timmerman, veteran Iran watcher, investigative journalist and best-selling author and Stephen Bryen, Reagan -era Deputy Undersecretary of Defense for Technical Security, noted military technologist and Asia Times columnist. The purpose was to assess the significance of the assassination of General Soleimani and its impact on combating Iran’s hegemonic support for regional terrorism via attacks by proxies against US assets and allies in the Middle East region. Beyond the Matrix 08JAN2020 - PODCAST

In this episode of Intercross the Podcast, we sit down with Sasha Ingber and Alex Ebsary of Music in Exile. Music in Exile is a nonprofit that seeks to document the songs and stories of people who have been displaced, and humanize them through their music. We talk about how travel and family histories led them to a compassion for displaced musicians, why music is often so critical to people who have lost everything and of course, the music and stories they just can’t get out of their heads. For more information on the musicians featured on Music in Exile, go to their website. This project is hosted in part by the Pulitzer Center. Hosted by Niki Clark. *Starting with this episode, Intercross is happy to announce that we will be highlighting a Music in Exile musician on the last Tuesday of every month as part of the podcast. This month, the spotlight is on Selah, a Syrian musician who fled to Irbil. When he finally lost faith and left Aleppo, he said, “it was like when your soul leaves your body.” Photo/Music in Exile.

On today's episode of Loud & Clear, Walter Smolarek and John Kiriakou are joined by Jim Kavanagh, the editor of thepolemicist.net, Lucy Komisar, a long-time author, editor, and investigative journalist, and our co-host Brian Becker.The secret court application for Trump campaign volunteer Carter Page was released this weekend. These FISA court applications are usually not public and are well known to be rubber stamped. The hosts discuss this, the possible questioning of Bill Browder, and more. It’s Monday so it’s Technology Rules with Chris Garaffa—a weekly guide on how monopoly corporations and the national surveillance state are threatening cherished freedoms, civil rights and civil liberties. Today Chris and the hosts discuss facial recognition software being designed for NYC bridges and tunnels, Walmart’s patent filing for audio surveillance technology in monitoring employees, and today’s tech tip today is about what safe browsing mode actually covers. Web developer and technologist Chris Garaffa joins the show. The Intercept reported over the weekend that the Ecuadorian government will imminently withdraw asylum for Wikileaks founder Julian Assange. Journalist Glenn Greenwald cites the presence in London of Ecuador’s President Lenin Moreno, ostensibly to speak at a conference on disabilities, saying the actual purpose of the trip is to finalize an agreement with the British government to expel Assange. While the government asserts that they won’t remove Assange during Moreno’s international trip, activists are in an intense state of mobilization. Walter and John speak with activist and journalist Diani Baretto. President Trump last night issued a furious, all capital letters tweet aimed at the Iranian government, warning that any threats against the United States would be met with dire consequences. The tirade signaled an immediate escalation in tensions between the two countries. Ann Wright, a retired United States Army colonel and former U.S. State Department official in Afghanistan, who resigned in protest of the invasion of Iraq and became an anti-war activist, joins the show. A new report on modern slavery around the world has found that the number of slaves in developed countries, including the United States, is much higher than previously thought. In its new report, the Walk Free Foundation says that there are 403,000 slaves in the US. That’s one in every 800 people and seven times higher than previously thought. Leah Obias, with Damayan Migrant Workers Association, a grassroots organization of low-wage Filipino workers, and Edith Mendoza, a survivor of trafficking and modern-day slavery who is an organizer for Damayan, join Walter and John. Loud & Clear’s regular Monday segment “Education for Liberation” is about the state of education across the country. What’s happening in our schools, colleges, and universities, and what impact does it have on the world around us? Dr. Wayne Au, a professor in the School of Educational Studies at the University of Washington Bothell and a longtime author and editor of the social justice teaching magazine “Rethinking Education,” joins the show.ISIS gunmen today stormed a government building in Irbil, the normally peaceful and heavily Kurdish city in northern Iraq, killing one civilian. Kurdish officials said that at least three gunmen were killed by security forces and that the siege is now over. What does this attack say about the stability of the country? Walter and John speak with Kani Xulam, founder of the American-Kurdish Information Network.

"Els kurds nom

Iraqi Kurds voted in favour of independence this week in a non-binding referendum that angered Baghdad and provoked a furious reaction from neighbouring Turkey. Daniel Dombey discusses what the Kurds hoped to gain and why President Recep Tayyip Erdogan accused them of treachery with the FT's Erika Solomon in Irbil and Mehul Srivastava in Istanbul. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Els kurds de l'Iraq, com els catalans, votaran en un refer

Dr Erin Hughes - Empathy. This is the story of empathy and kindness. Dr Hughes has been to Irbil and Mosul in Iraq and she tells the story of her visit and what she discovered talking to the citizens of Iraq during her visit. About Dr Erin Hughes Dr Erin Hughes has a PhD in Sociology from University of Edinburgh, UK. Her research focus is nationalism, nation-building, diaspora and migration, ethnic and sectarian conflict, Iraq and the Middle East, Assyrian and Chaldean studies, and boundary theory. She is writing a book on her Dissertation: 'An American Atra? Boundaries of Diasporic Nation-Building Amongst Assyrians and Chaldeans in the United States'

I recently had the privilege of sitting down and visiting with Grady and Becky Pickett who reside in Irbil, Iraq. The work they are doing helping Syrian refugees and other people displaced by the war there is nothing short of amazing! You will enjoy hearing how they are serving, helping, and caring for people there.

Grady & Becky Pickett have lived in Northern Iraq for 7 years. When ISIS came to Irbil, they had the chance to leave, but chose to stay. When Conduit has sent money to Iraq to serve Syrian Refugees, the Picketts were the trusted warriors on the front lines distributing.

GRP 24- The U.S. service member killed near Irbil, Iraq, by ISIS gunfire was a Navy SEAL. The Associated Press later identified the casualty as Special Warfare Operator (SEAL) 1st Class Charlie Keating IV. From all of us at Global Recon, and Field Craft we want to extend our condolences to the Keating family during this difficult time. Fair winds, and Following Sea’s Below is an excerpt from the episode from Special Forces operator Chuck Ritter: “In the video you see me coming around the corner shot. So basically we under estimated the enemy force present in the area. Our partners were the Afghan Commando’s, and we had very few Americans on the ground. We came in at night, and it was clear all night. Then in the morning right when the sun came up the enemy actually closed to within 5 to 10 meters of our battle positions, and started throwing hand grenade’s over the wall, and were really lighting us up. So we were going out trying to push these guys back off our perimeter. The fact that the terrain was very maze like allowed them the freedom of maneuverability to move on us. Aerial imagery, and everything else didn’t paint the right picture on the ground. An overhead drone spotted an ambush, and the operator was telling us that there was an enemy ambush set up a couple hundred meters away. We were trying to flank that ambush, but in reality the ambush was right there. We turned the corner, an Afghan Commando got shot took a round to the leg, and it blew off some fingers. A good majority of the rest of the Afghan Commando’s ran away. It was me, my medic, and EOD guy. All of the fast movers moved off station, so the only thing I had overhead was Apache’s. So I started working fire to provide cover for this casualty.” If you have any questions about anything you heard on the podcast send an email to Podcast@globalrecon.net

  There's a ceasefire in Ukraine - but how long will the guns stay silent? In Syria President Assad talks but what's he actually saying? Why do the media still get the reporting of veterans' mental health so wrong? And why is it so hard to get support if you're a former service person in Northern Ireland?     PRESENTER THIS WEEK : Tim Cooper   STUDIO GUESTS: BFBS defence analyst Christopher Lee,   OTHER INTERVIEWS:  From Moscow, the BBC's Diplomatic Correspondent Bridget Kendall   The Archbiship of Irbil, Bashar Warda interview with James Hirst about the Islamic State   Professor Nicola Fear on Veterans' mental health conference from Kings Centre for Military Health Research have been discussing exactly this...     Former soldier Doug Beattie and now a UUP Councillor in Northern Ireland, discusses problems with veterans' welfare in Northern Ireland.

  There’s a ceasefire in Ukraine - but how long will the guns stay silent? In Syria President Assad talks but what's he actually saying? Why do the media still get the reporting of veterans’ mental health so wrong? And why is it so hard to get support if you're a former service person in Northern Ireland?     PRESENTER THIS WEEK : Tim Cooper   STUDIO GUESTS: BFBS defence analyst Christopher Lee,   OTHER INTERVIEWS:  From Moscow, the BBC's Diplomatic Correspondent Bridget Kendall   The Archbiship of Irbil, Bashar Warda interview with James Hirst about the Islamic State   Professor Nicola Fear on Veterans’ mental health conference from Kings Centre for Military Health Research have been discussing exactly this...     Former soldier Doug Beattie and now a UUP Councillor in Northern Ireland, discusses problems with veterans’ welfare in Northern Ireland.

Text of Obama's Statement on Airstrikes in Iraq Good evening. Today I authorized two operations in Iraq — targeted airstrikes to protect our American personnel, and a humanitarian effort to help save thousands of Iraqi civilians who are trapped on a mountain without food and water and facing almost certain death. Let me explain the actions we're taking and why. First, I said in June — as the terrorist group ISIL began an advance across Iraq — that the United States would be prepared to take targeted military action in Iraq if and when we determined that the situation required it. In recent days, these terrorists have continued to move across Iraq, and have neared the city of Irbil, where American diplomats and civilians serve at our consulate and American military personnel advise Iraqi forces. To stop the advance on Irbil, I've directed our military to take targeted strikes against ISIL terrorist convoys should they move toward the city. We intend to stay vigilant, and take action if these terrorist forces threaten our personnel or facilities anywhere in Iraq, including our consulate in Irbil and our embassy in Baghdad. We're also providing urgent assistance to Iraqi government and Kurdish forces so they can more effectively wage the fight against ISIL. Second, at the request of the Iraqi government — we've begun operations to help save Iraqi civilians stranded on the mountain. As ISIL has marched across Iraq, it has waged a ruthless campaign against innocent Iraqis. And these terrorists have been especially barbaric towards religious minorities, including Christian and Yazidis, a small and ancient religious sect. Countless Iraqis have been displaced. And chilling reports describe ISIL militants rounding up families, conducting mass executions, and enslaving Yazidi women. In recent days, Yazidi women, men and children from the area of Sinjar have fled for their lives. And thousands — perhaps tens of thousands — are now hiding high up on the mountain, with little but the clothes on their backs. They're without food, they're without water. People are starving. And children are dying of thirst. Meanwhile, ISIL forces below have called for the systematic destruction of the entire Yazidi people, which would constitute genocide. So these innocent families are faced with a horrible choice: descend the mountain and be slaughtered, or stay and slowly die of thirst and hunger. I've said before, the United States cannot and should not intervene every time there's a crisis in the world. So let me be clear about why we must act, and act now. When we face a situation like we do on that mountain — with innocent people facing the prospect of violence on a horrific scale, when we have a mandate to help — in this case, a request from the Iraqi government — and when we have the unique capabilities to help avert a massacre, then I believe the United States of America cannot turn a blind eye. We can act, carefully and responsibly, to prevent a potential act of genocide. That's what we're doing on that mountain. I've, therefore, authorized targeted airstrikes, if necessary, to help forces in Iraq as they fight to break the siege of Mount Sinjar and protect the civilians trapped there. Already, American aircraft have begun conducting humanitarian airdrops of food and water to help these desperate men, women and children survive. Earlier this week, one Iraqi in the area cried to the world, "There is no one coming to help." Well, today, America is coming to help. We're also consulting with other countries — and the United Nations — who have called for action to address this humanitarian crisis. I know that many of you are rightly concerned about any American military action in Iraq, even limited strikes like these. I understand that. I ran for this office in part to end our war in Iraq and welcome our troops home, and that's what we've done. As commander in chief, I will not allow the United States to be dragged into fighting another war in Iraq. And so even as we support Iraqis as they take the fight to these terrorists, American combat troops will not be returning to fight in Iraq, because there's no American military solution to the larger crisis in Iraq. The only lasting solution is reconciliation among Iraqi communities and stronger Iraqi security forces. However, we can and should support moderate forces who can bring stability to Iraq. So even as we carry out these two missions, we will continue to pursue a broader strategy that empowers Iraqis to confront this crisis. Iraqi leaders need to come together and forge a new government that represents the legitimate interests of all Iraqis, and that can fight back against the threats like ISIL. Iraqis have named a new president, a new speaker of Parliament, and are seeking consensus on a new prime minister. This is the progress that needs to continue in order to reverse the momentum of the terrorists who prey on Iraq's divisions. Once Iraq has a new government, the United States will work with it and other countries in the region to provide increased support to deal with this humanitarian crisis and counterterrorism challenge. None of Iraq's neighbors have an interest in this terrible suffering or instability. And so we'll continue to work with our friends and allies to help refugees get the shelter and food and water they so desperately need, and to help Iraqis push back against ISIL. The several hundred American advisers that I ordered to Iraq will continue to assess what more we can do to help train, advise and support Iraqi forces going forward. And just as I consulted Congress on the decisions I made today, we will continue to do so going forward.

Podcast from the other Iraq! Enjoy! Sorry for the length but we just had too much to talk about today!