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Listen to Zooming In at The UnPopulist in your favorite podcast app: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | Google Podcasts | RSS | YouTubeLandry Ayres: Welcome back to Zooming In at The UnPopulist. I'm Landry Ayres.We find ourselves in a deeply troubling moment for American democracy, grappling with the stark realities of a political landscape increasingly defined by fear, performative cruelty, and a conscious assault on established norms and institutions.This special live recording from ISMA's “Liberalism for the 21st Century” conference features host Aaron Ross Powell, as well as longtime observer of the militarization of police and author of the Substack, The Watch, Radley Balko, and co-founder and former contributor of The Bulwark, Charlie Sykes, author now of the Substack To the Contrary. They explore the mechanisms of this assault, how a manufactured crisis of fear is being weaponized by law enforcement, and the profound implications for civil liberties and the rule of law in America.The discussion is insightful, if unsettling.A transcript of today's podcast appears below. It has been edited for flow and clarity.Aaron Ross Powell: Welcome to a special live recording of The UnPopulist's Zooming In podcast here at the “Liberalism for the 21st Century” conference in Washington, D.C. I am Aaron Powell and I'm delighted to be joined by Radley Balko and Charlie Sykes to talk about the situation we find ourselves in.To me, the most striking image of Trump's campaign, months before he was reelected, was from the RNC. Before that, there was the weird one of him in the construction vest. But the most terrifying image was the one depicting the “Mass Deportation Now!” signs and the sneering and cruel faces celebrating the culture that they were wallowing in. Those faces made me think, as I was looking at them, of the faces in photographs during the Civil Rights Movement of police officers about to inflict violence, turn on firehoses, let dogs loose, and so on. And it felt like what we are seeing now.The “Mass Deportation Now!” images characterize not just the policies of Trump 2.0, but the attitude that they're trying to inflict upon the country. It feels like a rolling back of what we achieved in the 1960s from the Civil Rights Movement—it feels like we're in a retreat from that. This is a conscious attempt to roll that back. So I wanted to talk about that.Radley, I'll start with you. We're sitting in D.C. right now as National Guard troops and members of all sorts of agencies are patrolling the streets. Is this surprising to you—the pace at which these nominally public servants, who are supposed to serve and protect, have embraced this role of violence and fear and chaos?Radley Balko: I'm surprised at how quickly it's happened. I've been talking to people about this day for the last 20 years. I've been warning about the gradual militarization of our police, which is something that has happened in conjunction with the drug war and then the war on terror over 40 or 50 years.That debate was always about, “How militarized should our police be? How do we balance safety, and giving police officers what they need to protect public safety, with civil liberties and constitutional rights?” The fear was always that another Sept. 11 type event would cause what we're seeing now—that there would be a threat, a threat that everybody acknowledges as a threat, that would cause an administration, states, mayors, to crack down on civil liberties. But it would at least be a threat that everyone recognizes as a threat. We would be debating about how to react to it.When it comes to what's playing out today, there's no threat. This is all manufactured. This is all made up.Your juxtaposition of those two images—the clownish image of Trump in the construction vest and the other one depicting this genuinely terrifying anger and glee a lot of his followers get from watching grandmothers be raided and handcuffed and dragged out of their homes—show the clownishness and incompetence of this administration juxtaposed with the actual threat and danger, the hate and vitriol, that we see from his followers.We always hear that story about Ben Franklin after the Constitutional Convention: a woman comes up to him and says, “So, what is it, Mr. Franklin, do we have a republic or a monarchy?” And he says, “A republic, if you can keep it.” That phrase, of course, has been echoed throughout the ages. If Franklin were alive today, he would say, “You know, when I said that, I was worried about a Caracalla or a Sulla or a Caesar.” Instead it's like, this guy, the guy that has to win every handshake, that's who you're going to roll over for?I saw a lot of libertarian-ish people making this point before the election—that Trump's not a threat, he's a clown, he's incompetent, he's not dangerous. And you know what? He may be incompetent, but he's put people around him this time who do know what they're doing and who are genuinely evil.So, on some level, this was the worst case scenario that I never really articulated over the years when I've talked about police militarization. This is actual military acting as police, not police acting as the military. But here we are and they're threatening to spread it around the country to every blue city they can find.Powell: He's a clown, he's rightfully an object of ridicule, he doesn't know anything, he's riddled with pathologies that are obvious to everyone except him. And yet it's not just that he won, but that he effectively turned, not all of the American right, but certainly a large chunk of it into a personality cult. Charlie, given that he seems to be a singularly uninspiring personality, what happened?Charlie Sykes: Well, he's inspiring to his followers.Let me break down the question into two parts.I was in Milwaukee during the Republican Convention, when they were holding up the “Mass Deportation” signs—which was rather extraordinary, if you think about it, that they would actually put that in writing and cheer it. It's something that they'd been talking about for 10 years, but you could see that they were ramping it up.But you put your finger on this culture of performative cruelty and brutality that they have embraced. Trump has made no secret of that. It's one of the aspects of his appeal. For many, many years he's been saying that his idea of law and order is to have cops who will break heads and inflict harm. He's talked about putting razor blades on the top of the wall that Mexico was going to pay for. He's told stories about atrocities. One of his standard stories—that I think the media just stopped even quoting—was about Gen. “Black Jack” Pershing in World War I taking Muslim terrorists and shooting them with bullets that had been dipped in pig's blood. Totally b******t—he made the whole thing up. But it was an indication of a kind of bloodlust. He's talked about extrajudicial killings. He has expressed his admiration for strongmen like Duterte in the Philippines who have done this. He's talked about having drug courts that would have trials and executions the same day. So this is not a secret.What is really remarkable is the extent to which he's communicated that to his base. I mean, there are Americans who legitimately have concerns about immigration and about the border. But what he's also tapped into is this really visceral hatred of the other and the desire to inflict pain and suffering on them. I think that that is one of the ugliest aspects of his presence in our politics, and we saw that with the “Mass Deportation Now!” signs.Now, the second part is how he is implementing all of this with his raw police state, his masked brute squads sent into the city streets. And, again, he's made no secret of wanting to put active military troops into the streets of American cities. He was blocked from doing that in Trump 1.0, but obviously this is something that he's thought about and wants to do. And one of the most disturbing parts about this is the embrace of these kinds of tactics and this culture by law enforcement itself. Radley's written a lot about this. Donald Trump has gone out of his way, not only to defend war criminals, but also to defend police officers who've been accused of brutality. So he's basically put up a bat signal to law enforcement that: The gloves are off. We're coming in. There's a new sheriff in town.What's happening in Washington, D.C. is just a trial run. He's going to do this in New York. He's going to do this in Chicago. He's going to do this in one blue city after another. And the question is, “Will Americans just accept armed troops in their streets as normal?”Now, let me give a cautionary note here: Let's not gaslight Americans that there's not actually a crime problem. I think Democrats are falling into a kind of trap because there are legitimate concerns about public safety. So the argument shouldn't be: There's no crime problem. The argument should be: This is exactly the wrong way to go about dealing with it. Having mass, brute squads on the street is one step toward really running roughshod over a lot of different rights—due process rights and other constitutional rights—that most Americans are going to be reluctant to give up. But we're going to find out, because all of this is being tested right now.Balko: I'd like to jump in on the crime point. I mean, crime is down in D.C. D.C. does have a comparatively high crime rate for a city of its size. There's no question. It's always been that way here. But the idea that there's something happening right now that merits this response is what I meant when I called it a manufactured crisis.I think it's important to point out that, like you said, he's always wanted to do this. This is just the reason that he's managed to put his finger on and thinks is going to resonate.“I've been talking to people about this day for the last 20 years. I've been warning about the gradual militarization of our police, which is something that has happened in conjunction with the drug war and then the war on terror over 40 or 50 years. That debate was always about, ‘How militarized should our police be? How do we balance safety, and giving police officers what they need to protect public safety, with civil liberties and constitutional rights?' The fear was always that another Sept. 11 type event would cause what we're seeing now—that there would be a threat, that everybody acknowledges as a threat, that would cause an administration, states, mayors, to crack down on civil liberties. But there would at least be a threat that everyone recognizes as a threat. We'd be debating about how to react to it. When it comes to what's playing out today, there's no threat. This is all manufactured. This is all made up.” — Radley BalkoI do think we need to talk about crime and about what works and what doesn't. But I think it's important to acknowledge that “crime” is just the reason that he's found right now. This is something that he's been planning to do forever. Like Kristi Noem said, it is basically about deposing the leadership in these cities. In Los Angeles, she said that their goal was to “liberate” it from the socialist elected leaders.Sykes: I agree with you completely about that. I'm just saying that there is a danger of putting too much emphasis on the idea that there is not a crime problem—because in Chicago, there's a crime problem, in New York, there's a crime problem. People feel it. And, I mean, didn't Democrats learn a lesson in 2024 when there was inflation and they said, “Oh no, no, no, there's not really inflation here. Let me show you a chart. You can't think that the cost of living is a problem because here are some statistics that I have for you. There's not really a problem at the border—if you think there's a problem of immigration, a problem at the border, here, I have a chart showing you that there isn't a problem.” Well, you can't.If the public honestly thinks that there is a problem at the border, that there's a problem with inflation, and that there's a problem with crime, it's politically problematic to deny it because as David Frum wrote presciently in The Atlantic several years ago: If liberals will not enforce the border—you could add in, “or keep the city streets safe”—the public will turn to the fascists. If they think you will solve this problem and you're pretending it does not exist or you're trying to minimize it, they'll turn to the fascists.Balko: I don't want to belabor this, but I just think it's dangerous to concede the point when the premise itself is wrong.So, Trump made crime an issue in 2016, right? Recall the American Carnage inauguration speech. When Trump took office in Jan. 2017, he inherited the lowest murder rate of any president in the last 50 years. And yet he ran on crime. I think that it's important to push back and say, “Wait a minute, no, Obama did not cause a massive spike in crime. There was a tiny uptick in 2015, but that was only because 2014 was basically the safest year in recent memory.”Trump is also the first president in 30 years to leave office with a higher murder rate than when he entered it. You know, I don't think that presidents have a huge effect on crime, but Trump certainly does.So, I agree with you that we can't say crime isn't a problem, but we can also point out that crime went up under Trump and that what he's doing will make things worse.Sykes: I think these are all legitimate points to make. It's just that, Trump has this reptilian instinct to go for vulnerabilities. And one of the vulnerabilities of the progressive left is the problem of governance. If there is a perception that these urban centers are badly governed, that they are overrun with homeless encampments and crime and carjacking, then the public will see what he's doing as a solution.By the way, I'm making this argument because I think that we can't overstate how dangerous and demagogic what he's doing is. But I'm saying that this is going to be a huge fight. He's going to go into Chicago where crime is just demonstrably a problem, and where I think the mayor has an approval rating of about 12 to 16%, and he's going to say, “I am here with the cavalry.”There's got to be a better answer for this. There's got to be a way to focus on the real threat to the constitutional order that he is posing, as opposed to arguing on his ground and saying, “No, no, don't pay attention to crime, inflation, the border.”And, again, I'm making this argument because this is one that I think the country really has to win. Otherwise we are going to see militarization and an actual police state.Powell: Let me see if I can pull together some of the threads from the conversation so far, because I think there's a nexus, or something that needs to be diagnosed, to see the way through.When you [Charlie] were mentioning the bullets covered in pig's blood, what occurred to me was ... I was a kid at the height of '80s action movies. And that's the kind of thing that the bad guys did in '80s action movies. That's the kind of thing that justified the muscular American blowing them up or otherwise dispatching them.There's been a turn, now, in that we're seeing behavior from Americans that they would have at one point said, “This isn't who we are.” The Christianity that many Americans hold to, this is not the way that Jesus tells them to act. There's been a shift in our willingness to embrace this sort of thing, and it's behavior that I would have expected to horrify basically everyone watching it happening.And it is—his approval readings are declining rapidly. It is horrifying a lot of people—but fewer than I would have hoped. One of you mentioned that, on the one hand, there's the cruelty, but there's also the fear—and those are feeding into each other. And what I wonder is, yes, there's crime, but at the same time, if your media consumption habits are those of a committed Trump supporter, you are being told constantly to be afraid that everybody outside your door, except for the people who you recognize, or maybe the people who share your skin color or speak with the same accent you do, is a threat to you and your family.I see this with members of my own family who are Trump supporters. They are just terrified. “I can't ride the subway. It's too scary to ride the subway.” Or, “I go out in D.C. and I see youths doing the kinds of things youths do, and now I don't feel safe having my family there.” We don't have a war. We don't have a crisis. But we've told a huge portion of the country, “You should be afraid of every last thing except your immediate family and that guy who now rules the country.” And the crime rates are part of it. It's like, “You should be scared of every single one of these cities.”Sykes: It's a story. One of the speakers today was talking about the power of stories, that demagogues will tell a story. And a story of fear and anger is a very, very powerful story that you can't counteract with statistics. You need to counteract it with other stories.“This culture of performative cruelty and brutality is one of the aspects of his appeal. For many years he's been saying that his idea of law and order is to have cops who will break heads and inflict harm. He's talked about putting razor blades on the top of the wall that Mexico was going to pay for. He's told stories about atrocities. He would tell the story about Gen. ‘Black Jack' Pershing in World War I taking Muslim terrorists and shooting them with bullets that had been dipped in pig's blood. He's talked about extrajudicial killings. He has expressed his admiration for strongmen like Duterte in the Philippines who have done this. He's talked about having drug courts that would have trials and executions the same day. What is really remarkable is the extent to which he's communicated that to his base. He's tapped into this really visceral hatred of the other and the desire to inflict pain and suffering on them. I think that that is one of the ugliest aspects, and we saw that with the ‘Mass Deportation Now!' signs.” — Charlie SykesPart of the problem is that Trump has made that narrative. So, for example, you have members of your family who are Trump supporters. My guess is that they could name the young women who had been raped and murdered by illegal immigrants. Because, I mean, on Fox News, this is happening all the time, right? On Fox News, illegal immigrants are criminals. “Look at the crimes they are committing.” They tell that story in the most graphic way possible, and then turn around and say, “If you oppose what Donald Trump is doing, you are defending these ‘animals'”—as Trump described them.It is deeply dishonest. It is deeply dangerous. But it is potent. And we ought to look at it in the face and recognize how he is going to weaponize those stories and that fear, which is really the story of our era now. We're living in this era of peace, prosperity, general safety—and yet he's created this “American carnage” hellscape story.Balko: Yeah, I also think there's this weird paradox of masculinity in the MAGA movement. It's not about masculinity—it's about projecting masculinity. It's about co-opting aspects of masculinity. And it's like, “We're the manly men. We need men to be men again. And that's why we support men who sexually assault and sexually harass women. And, at the same time, we're all going to genuflect and debase ourselves in front of this 79-year-old man, because he's our leader and we need to let him insult our wives. And we're also scared to take the subway.” I think there were 10 murders last year in the New York city subway. The subway is one of the safest public spaces you'll find anywhere. But you'll regularly see MAGA people go on Fox News and talk about how scared they are of it.I mean, I don't know how persuadable any of MAGA is, but I do think pointing out the sheer cowardliness might resonate. When Markwayne Mullin goes on the Sunday shows and says he doesn't wear a seatbelt anymore because he's afraid he'll get carjacked and he needs to be able to jump out of his car quickly ...Sykes: ... He actually did say that.Balko: Yeah. And, I don't know what the stats are, but it's something like you're 40 or 50 times more likely to die in a car accident than you are in a carjacking. So, you know, he's sealing his own fate, I guess.But I do think that maybe there's something to appealing to their lack of masculinity when they try to push some of these narratives.Sykes: Well, yeah, I do think there are narratives out there.We have National Guard troops here in Washington, D.C.—where were they on Jan. 6th? Why did the president not bring them in then? We had one of the greatest assaults on law enforcement. So we can call b******t on Donald Trump being the “law and order,” “back the blue” president.One of the first things he did when he took office was issue the blanket pardons to all the rioters and seditionists who not only assaulted the Capitol, but specifically the ones who attacked police officers. We can stand up and say, “I don't want to be lectured by the man who gave the Get Out of Jail Free card to the people who tased and bear sprayed police officers in this city. Not to mention,”—before he brings up the whole “defund the police” thing—“the man who right now is dismantling the nation's premier law enforcement agency, the FBI.” Because all of these FBI agents who are being gutted or tasked with hassling homeless people in Washington, D.C., you know what they're not doing? They are not investigating child sex trafficking. They are not engaging in any anti-terrorism activities.So, what you do is call them out, saying, “You are not making this country safer. You are not the ‘law and order' president. You are a convicted felon. You in fact have freed and celebrated people who actually beat cops.” If Barack Obama would have pardoned someone who had attacked police officers, the right would have been utterly incandescent. And yet Donald Trump does it and he's not called out on it.I understand that there are some who are reluctant to say, “Well, no, we're actually the party of law and order. We're actually the party of public safety.” But you hit him right in what I think is a real vulnerability.Balko: One of the guys who literally told Jan. 6 rioters to kill the police is now a respected senior member of the Justice Department, whereas the guy who threw a sandwich at a cop is facing a felony charge. That is Trump's approach to law enforcement.Sykes: I always hate it when people go on TV and say, “This should be a talking point.” But that ought to be a talking point. Don't you think everybody ought to know his name? We have the video of Jared Wise saying, “Kill ‘em! Kill ‘em!” and calling the police Nazis. And he is now a top official in Donald Trump's Justice Department.Powell: This is my concern, though—and this allows me to belabor my Civil Rights Movement point some more. One of the reasons that the anti-civil rights movement, the counter-movement, was as vicious and as ugly as it was is because it was a group of people who felt like they had a status level by virtue of being white, of being men. As they saw things, “If we help minorities and others rise up, that lowers the baseline status that I have.” So they wanted to fight back. It was, “I'm going to keep these people down because it keeps me up.” And when Radley said that they're “projecting masculinity,” I think that's a big part.A big part of the appeal is, “Now I'm seeing guys like me dominating. Now I'm seeing guys who are from my area or share my cultural values or dress like me or are into the same slogans or have the same fantasies of power as I do, or just aren't the coastal elites with their fancy educations and so on, dominating.” And my worry is if that's what's driving a lot of it—that urge to domination coupled with the fear, which I think then allows them to overcome any barriers they have to cruelty—if you marry, “I can have power” and “I'm scared of these people,” that to them justifies their actions in the same way that it does the action movie heroes killing the guys who put the pig's blood on bullets. It becomes justified to inflict cruelty upon those they hate.My worry is if you go after them in that way, it feels like, “Okay, now what you're saying is these guys who look like me, who were dominating, don't actually deserve it.” I don't think that means that we stay away from it, but I think it risks triggering even more of this, “What I want is for it to be my boot on people's necks and I want them to stop putting me down. And I want them to stop telling me that I'm not good, that I'm incompetent, that it's not okay for me to beat my wife” (or whatever it happens to be). Trump is like an avatar for very mediocre men.Sykes: Well, I wouldn't use that as a talking point.Balko: A few years ago, I wrote a piece about a Black police chief who was hired in Little Rock by a mayor who ran on a reform platform and this police chief had a good record. He was in Norman, Okla. before that—he was the first Black chief in Oklahoma. And he was not a progressive by any means, but he was a reformer in that he wanted things to be merit-based and Little Rock has a really strong white police union. I say that because they also have a Black police union, because the Black officers didn't feel like they were represented by the white union.One of the first things that Chief Humphrey did was make the promotional interviews, that you get to move up through the ranks, blind. So you didn't know who you're talking to. If you were white, you didn't know if it was a fellow white person you were interviewing. Most of the people in charge were. The result of removing race from that process was that more Black officers were getting promoted than before. And I wrote about him because he ended up getting chased out of town. They hit him with fake sexual harassment charges; the union claimed he was harassing white women. Basically, they exerted their power and managed to chase him out.But one of the things he told me when I interviewed him was—and other people have said different versions of this—that when your entire life you've been the beneficiary of racial preferences as a white person, as happened in this country for most of its existence, meritocracy looks a lot like racial discrimination. Because things that you got just simply because you were entitled to now you have to earn. And that looks like, “Hey, this Black guy is getting this job over me. And that's not right. Because my dad got that job over the Black guy and his dad got the job over the Black guy.”And I think this backlash that we're seeing against DEI—I'm sure there are parts of this country where DEI was promoting unqualified people just to have diversity, and I do think there's there's value in diversity for diversity's sake—is white people, who have been benefiting from our racial hierarchy system that's been in place since the Founding, were starting to see themselves passed over because we were now moving to a merit-based system and they saw that as discrimination. That's a big part of the backlash.I don't know what the solution is. I don't know that we just re-impose all of the former policies once Trump's out of power, if he's ever out of power. But I do think that there is value in diversity for diversity's sake. Obviously I don't support strict quota systems, but I do think it's important to make that point that addressing historical injustices is critical.We went to the art museum in Nashville the other day and they had a whole exhibit about Interstate I-40 going through Nashville. It was supposed to go through this industrial area where there were no neighborhoods or private homes. And the Tennessee legislature deliberately made it run through the wealthiest Black neighborhood in Nashville and destroyed about 80% of Black wealth in the city. That was 1968—that was not 1868. That's relatively recently that you're destroying a ton of wealth. And you can find that history in every single city.I think a big part of this backlash is not knowing that history—and only knowing what's happening now and experiencing it out of context. For those people, it feels like reverse discrimination.Sykes: So, yes, a lot of this is true. But it's not the whole story. In the state of Wisconsin, overwhelmingly white voters voted for Barack Obama, a Black man, twice in a row before voting for Donald Trump. So we do have that long, deep history of racism, but then also an America that I think was making some progress. I'm just going to put this out as a counterpoint: I think that if people were appealing to the “better angels of their nature,” a lot of these people would not be buying into the cruelty, the brutality, the racism. Instead, we're appealing to their sense of victimization.But let's be honest about it. We moved from a Civil Rights Movement that was morally based on fairness and the immorality of discrimination to one that increasingly was identity politics that morphed into DEI, which was profoundly illiberal. What happened was a lot of the guys we're talking about were thinking not just that they want their boots on people's head, but they're constantly being told that they were bad, that their contributions were not significant. There were invisible tripwires of grievance—what you could say, what you could do, the way you had to behave. In the before times, a lot of the attacks on free speech and the demands for ideological conformity on university campuses were not coming from the illiberal right—they were coming from the illiberal left.And as I'm listening to the speakers at this conference talk about the assault on liberalism, I think one of the questions we have to ask—and maybe this is a little meta—is why it was so brittle. Well, it was brittle because it was caught in a pincer movement by the illiberal left and the illiberal right. My point is that a lot of this reaction is in fact based on racial animus, but there's also a sense that I hear from a lot of folks, a sense of liberation that they feel, that the boot was on their necks and is now being taken off, that they're not having to go to these highly ideological DEI training sessions where they were told how terrible and awful they were all the time. And how, if you believed in a race-blind society, that was a sign you were racist. If white women actually were moved by stories of racism and wept, that was white women's tears. This was heavy handed.“I do think the people who signed off on extraordinary rendition and snatching people off the street and sending them to a literal torture prison in El Salvador, those people need to be criminally charged. But I also think there need to be civil society repercussions. There are so many people in media—pundits, politicians who know better—who have a long record of pointing out how dangerous Trump was and then turned on a dime and started supporting him. I don't wish any physical harm on those people. I don't think any of those people should be put in prison. But I think those people should never be trusted as public intellectuals.” — Radley BalkoSo there was a backlash that was going to be inevitable. What's tragic is the way that it has been co-opted by the people who have really malign motives, who are not acting out of good will—the Stephen Millers who have figured out a way to weaponize this. But that line that goes from the racism of 1957 to the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, to a broad-based civil rights consensus—and, again, there's caveats in all of this—to identity-based politics. Let's be honest about it. That was not without sin. That was not without problems.Balko: So, I agree that there was I guess what you could call an illiberal approach to a mutual exchange of ideas on college campuses. There was a lot of shouting down of conservative speakers. In some cases, there were invitations revoked to valedictory speeches. There was some cutting off of funding for conservative speakers. But I want to make sure we're not delving into false equivalences here. I mean, the boot that you're talking about, Charlie, was a metaphorical boot, and we're talking about a very literal boot now.Sykes: Absolutely. That distinction is a significant one.Balko: So, my preferred way of expressing my disagreement with someone isn't to shout them down. I will say, though, that protest is a form of speech. I think, even to some extent, interrupting speeches that are particularly problematic or extremist is a form of speech. It's not one that I personally would engage in. But the type of censorship we're seeing now is direct. It is government censorship. It is not a violation of the spirit of free expression that we were seeing on college campuses before.Sykes: Oh, it was more than just that kind of violation. You had universities that required people to sign a DEI statement where they had to make ideological commitments in order to get a job. I mean, this was very heavy handed. There were no literal boots, but ... I like Jonathan Rauch's analogy that the illiberalism of the left is still a real problem, but it's like a slow-growing cancer. Right now, what we're facing with the illiberalism of the right is a heart attack. We have to deal with the heart attack right now, but let's not pretend that everyone who objects to some of the things that were happening are doing so because they are just vile, white racists.This is part of the problem. People spent decades accusing others of being racist on flimsy grounds. If you support Mitt Romney, you're a racist. If you support tax cuts, you're a racist. You know what happened? I come from this world and there was a time when to be called a racist was the worst thing you could possibly say about somebody. And it got to the point where, literally, if you were in favor of school choice, you were racist; in favor of tax cuts, you were racist. If you voted for a Republican … John McCain was a racist, George Bush was a racist. So when the real thing came along, guess what people said? They just rolled their eyes, shrugged, and said, “We've heard this before.” I mean, it was crying wolf for decades.And I've had these conversations when I would say, “How can you support someone who is just espousing this raw, vicious racism about Haitians eating dogs?” You know what I would get? “Oh, we've been hearing this for 20 years. Literally everyone I know has been accused of being a racist.”So we need to come back to a consensus. If we're going to restore that liberal consensus, we're going to have to say, “This is acceptable behavior. And this is not acceptable behavior.” But we are not going to use these labels to vilify. The politics of contempt is just not helpful. It is not helpful to tell people, “By the way, I think you're an idiot. I think you're stupid. I think you're racist. Would you like to hear my ideas about taxes now?” It doesn't work. And I think that one of the things that, tragically, Trump has tapped into is the sense that these elites look down on you.So, Aaron, when you say that this is the revolution of mediocre men, not helpful. Now, some of them are mediocre. I certainly agree. I write about mediocre people all the time—but, again, the politics of contempt is not the way to get ourselves out of this.Powell: I think there's a distinction between messaging and diagnosis. And if we're to understand how we got here, or the kinds of beliefs or values that can lead someone ... and I don't mean, you've been a partisan Republican voter for your entire life, and you come from a family of this, and you pulled the lever for Trump, but you're mostly an uninformed voter, which is a lot of people—I mean, the people who are cheering on Stephen Miller, they're in a different category. So it might be that, if you have one of those people in front of you, the message is not to say, “There's a broken set of morals at play here,” or “there's a cramped view of humanity at play here,” because they're not going to hear that in the moment.But if we're to understand how we got here and what we're up against, I think we have to be fairly clear-eyed about the fact that the [Trumpian] values that we've discovered over the last 10, 15 years have much more appeal and purchase among a lot of Americans than I think any of us had really expected or certainly hoped, and then figure out how to address that. And, again, it's not everybody—but it's more than I would like. If those values are central to someone's being, and the way that they view others around them and the way they relate to their fellow man, then I think a lot of the less condemning arguments also won't find purchase because, ultimately, it's not a policy difference. It's a, “I want a crueler world.”Sykes: This is where I think the argument that says, “Let's look at this cruelty. Let's look at this brutality. Let's look at the Stephen Millers” ... believe it or not, I actually think it's potent to say to somebody, “Do you want to be like that? Is that really what you want America to be? You're better than that.” And then, “Let me tell you the story of decency.”The story that we heard earlier today about how neighbors who are Trump voters will be there if your house is burning down or your father dies ... you appeal to that innate decency and say, “Do you really want this cruelty?” This is what's lacking, I think, on the right and in the Republican Party right now: people who say, “Okay, you may want less taxes, smaller government, a crackdown on street crime, less illegal immigration ... but is this who you want to be?” Show them the masked officer who is dragging the grandmother away. I do think that there is the better angel that says, “No, that is really not the American story.” You have to appeal to them as opposed to just condemn them. I'm not sure we're disagreeing, but I actually think that that's potent.Balko: I think there is not only room for ridicule when you're up against an aspiring authoritarian, but a lot of history shows it's often one of the few things that works because they really hate to be disrespected.I agree with Charlie that I don't think it's necessarily productive to make fun of people who have been tricked or who have been lied to, but I also think it's worth pointing out that Trump has contempt for his own supporters. I mean, one of the great ironies of our time is that when Trump would need a boost of self-esteem, he would go hold a rally in a state that, before he ran for president, he would never have been caught dead in. He grifts from his own supporters. His lies about Covid got his own supporters killed at higher rates than people in states that didn't vote for him. But I agree that it doesn't serve much benefit to denigrate people.Sykes: But do ridicule the people who are doing it. I mean, don't get me wrong. South Park is doing God's work right now.Balko: Absolutely.Powell: What, then, is the way forward?“This is part of the problem. People spent decades accusing others of being racist on flimsy grounds. If you support Mitt Romney, you're a racist. If you support tax cuts, you're a racist. You know what happened? I come from this world and there was a time when to be called a racist was the worst thing you could possibly say about somebody. And it got to the point where, literally, if you were in favor of school choice, you were racist; in favor of tax cuts, you were racist. If you you voted for Republican. John McCain was a racist. George Bush was a racist. So when the real thing came along, guess what people said? They just rolled their eyes, shrugged, and said, ‘We've heard this before.' I mean, it was crying wolf for decades.” — Charlie SykesLet's assume that democracy survives this current moment and that we somehow put Trump behind us. We can't go back to the status quo before this. We can't just say, “We're going to go back to the kind of politics we had during the Biden administration.” That seems to be off the table. We need something new. We need a new direction. What does that look like?Sykes: I honestly do not know at this point. And I don't think anybody knows. But I do think that we ought to remember, because we throw around the term “liberal democracy” a lot, that democracies are not necessarily liberal. Democracies are not necessarily kind. And I think we need to go back to things like the rule of law.I think it's going to involve some kind of restoration of balance in society. The damage that's being done now is so deep and some of it is so irreparable that I'm hoping that there will be a backlash against it, that there will be a pendulum swing back towards fundamental decency. And even though we keep talking about democracy a lot, I think we need to start talking about freedom and decency a little bit more.You know, I was listening to the Russian dissident who spoke tonight and he asked us to imagine what it's like trying to create a democratic society in Russia with all of their history and all their institutions. As bad as things are for us, we have a big head start. We still have an infrastructure, compared to what he is up against. We still can restore, I think, that fundamental decency and sense of freedom and equality before the law.Balko: I also don't know exactly what it's going to look like. I will say this: I think one of the big reasons why we are where we are today is that there wasn't a proper reckoning, and no real accountability, after the Civil War and Reconstruction. It's been the same with Jan. 6. There was no real accountability. The Democrats waited too long for impeachment. The DOJ was slow.I do think there have to be repercussions. I'm not saying that we throw everybody in the Trump administration in prison, but I do think the people who signed off on extraordinary rendition and snatching people off the street and sending them to a literal torture prison in El Salvador, those people need to be criminally charged.But I also think there need to be civil society repercussions. There are so many people in media—pundits, politicians who know better—who have a long record of pointing out how dangerous Trump was and then turned on a dime and started supporting him. I don't wish any physical harm on those people. I don't think any of those people should be put in prison. But I think those people should never be trusted as public intellectuals. We shouldn't employ them in that realm. I think they should be able to earn a living. I don't think they should earn our trust.I have zero confidence that that's going to happen. But I can personally say that I have no interest in participating in events like this with those people. I have no interest in giving those people any kind of legitimacy because they tried to take our birthright away from us, which is a free and democratic society—the country that, for all its flaws, has been an exemplary country in the history of humankind. They literally are trying to end that. And I don't think you just get to walk away from that and pretend like it never happened.Sykes: I totally agree.Powell: With that, thank you, Radley. Thank you, Charlie.© The UnPopulist, 2025Follow us on Bluesky, Threads, YouTube, TikTok, Facebook, Instagram, and X.We welcome your reactions and replies. Please adhere to our comments policy. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theunpopulist.net

Dan Bardell and AVFC Statto take a look at all the stats ahead of Sunday night's game. Will Villa be Ismaïla Sarr's playground again? Get your Rotterdam 82' t-shirt: https://foundersdesign.co.uk/collections Head to  @1992PL  to watch Dan's new Premier League show with Jonathan Wilson. Sponsored by: Match Bingo (1874.io/matchbingo) ______________ Interested in sponsoring 1874: The Aston Villa Channel? Email us at studio@1874.io Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Isma y nuestro invitado, ilustrador y diseñador gráfico, César Cervantes, platican sobre el comienzo de la Temporada 2 de "Peacemaker" de James Gunn

Forest's trip to Palace ended all square as Callum Hudson-Odoi's 2nd half strike cancelled out Ismaïla Sarr's opener in El CasicoTwitter/X: @redsidetrentpodFacebook: RedsideofthetrentInstagram: @redsideofthetrentTikTok: @redsidetrentIntro Animation@Jimmynffc'Slept on it thoughts'Animation: @JimmynffcAudio: @ianfinchtvGraphics: @Ellismo17This Podcast has been created by Red Side of the Trent. The views in this Podcast are not neccessarily the views of TalkSPORT Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Le 16 février 1699, à 8h30, Abdallah Benaicha, envoyé du puissant sultan Moulay Ismail, arrive aux pieds de l'escalier des ambassadeurs du château de Versailles, aujourd'hui disparu. Il a rendez-vous avec le roi Louis XIV pour une audience extraordinaire. "Secrets d'Histoire" est un podcast d'Initial Studio, adapté de l'émission de télévision éponyme produite par la Société Européenne de Production ©2024 SEP / France Télévisions. Cet épisode a été écrit et réalisé par Antoine de Meaux.Un podcast présenté par Stéphane Bern. Avec la voix d'Isabelle Benhadj.Vous pouvez retrouver Secrets d'Histoire sur France 3 ou en replay sur France.tv, et suivre l'émission sur Instagram et Facebook.Crédits du podcastProduction exécutive du podcast : Initial StudioProduction éditoriale : Sarah Koskievic et Mandy Lebourg, assistées de Marine Boudalier Montage : Johanna Lalonde Hébergé par Audion. Visitez https://www.audion.fm/fr/privacy-policy pour plus d'informations.

Dans le Maroc alaouite, le jeune prince Moulay Ismail est l'un des hommes clés du royaume. Son frère Moulay Rachid a fait de lui le gouverneur de la ville de Fès, un poste stratégique."Secrets d'Histoire" est un podcast d'Initial Studio, adapté de l'émission de télévision éponyme produite par la Société Européenne de Production ©2024 SEP / France Télévisions. Cet épisode a été écrit et réalisé par Antoine de Meaux.Un podcast présenté par Stéphane Bern. Avec la voix d'Isabelle Benhadj.Vous pouvez retrouver Secrets d'Histoire sur France 3 ou en replay sur France.tv, et suivre l'émission sur Instagram et Facebook.Crédits du podcastProduction exécutive du podcast : Initial StudioProduction éditoriale : Sarah Koskievic et Mandy Lebourg, assistées de Marine Boudalier Montage : Johanna Lalonde Hébergé par Audion. Visitez https://www.audion.fm/fr/privacy-policy pour plus d'informations.

Moulay Ismaïl, sultan du Maroc au XVIIe siècle, incarne un souverain impitoyable et visionnaire, déterminé à affirmer sa domination. Fondateur de la dynastie alaouite, il mène un règne de fer, marqué par une centralisation du pouvoir et la construction d'une armée redoutée. Son autorité s'étend sur tout le royaume, mais c'est sa politique de terreur et de contrôle qui forge sa légende. À la fois conquérant et bâtisseur, Moulay Ismaïl laisse une empreinte durable sur l'histoire du Maroc, où sa quête de pouvoir absolu et ses méthodes autoritaires le rendent aussi craint et respecté."Secrets d'Histoire" est un podcast d'Initial Studio, adapté de l'émission de télévision éponyme produite par la Société Européenne de Production ©2024 SEP / France Télévisions. Cet épisode a été écrit et réalisé par Antoine de Meaux.Un podcast présenté par Stéphane Bern. Avec la voix d'Isabelle Benhadj.Vous pouvez retrouver Secrets d'Histoire sur France 3 ou en replay sur France.tv, et suivre l'émission sur Instagram et Facebook.Crédits du podcastProduction exécutive du podcast : Initial StudioProduction éditoriale : Sarah Koskievic et Mandy Lebourg, assistées de Marine Boudalier Montage : Johanna Lalonde Hébergé par Audion. Visitez https://www.audion.fm/fr/privacy-policy pour plus d'informations.

Dans cet épisode, on plonge dans l'univers de Benjamin Latour, un natif anglophone avec une riche expérience multiculturelle, vivant dans sept pays différents. Lui aussi a ressenti la frustration linguistique : « En anglais, je me sentais comme un écureuil ». Cela l'a poussé à développer la méthode EAR (Énergie – Accent – Reconnaissance), basée sur la linguistique appliquée, la psychologie de la performance et l'analyse des schémas d'erreurs.Benjamin partage comment cette approche a permis à des professionnels comme Ismaël, Louise ou Serge d'atteindre des résultats impressionnants en moins de 90 jours — ventes triplées, leadership affirmé, prises de parole impactantes — sans sacrifier leur vie personnelle ni leur carrière Aujourd'hui, il accompagne des experts, entrepreneurs et cadres qui maîtrisent leur domaine, mais souhaitent transmettre cette expertise en anglais avec confiance, crédibilité et fluidité — bref, parler comme un lion, même en anglais.Au programme :Pourquoi bien parler anglais, c'est plus qu'une question de vocabulaireComprendre et appliquer la méthode EAR pour regagner confianceTémoignages concrets : transformation en moins de 90 joursComment utiliser l'accent à ton avantage, sans effacer qui tu esClés pour que ton expertise brille, pas ton origine linguistiquePourquoi écouter ?Si tu veux transmettre tes idées clairement en anglais, convaincre sans t'épuiser, ou être perçu comme un leader — cet épisode est un guide pragmatique et humain pour aligner ton message avec ta maîtrise de la langue.

In de FC Afkicken Daily van woensdag 20 augustus bespreken Bart Obbink, Mart ten Have en Stan Wagtman onder meer PSV dat Bayern-toptalen Paul Wanner bijna binnen heeft, AZ dat een dubbelslag slaat op de transfermarkt, ruzie bij Marseille, Depay die een deadline stelt aan Corinthians en het record van Peter Shilton wat is geëvenaard in Brazilië!(00:00) Intro(10:19) AZ slaat dubbelslag(18:29) Isak grote afwezige bij PFA-Awards(27:20) Rabiot en Rowe mogen na ruzie vertrekken bij Marseille(29:59) Depay moet zijn geld snel krijgen(34:47) Record Peter Shilton bijna geëvenaardIn de podcast verwijzen Bart, Mart en Stan naar:Roberto de Zerbi die de huid van Ismaël Koné de huid vol scheldt: https://x.com/GFFN/status/1952408447292436953Zie het privacybeleid op https://art19.com/privacy en de privacyverklaring van Californië op https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

¡Este es el episodio número 200 de "Nerdmigos" El Podcast!

Na de teleurstelling in Dordrecht was daar de opluchting in Leeuwarden. Reden? SC Cambuur versloeg TOP Oss (1-0) en toonde in het eigen Kooi Stadion duidelijke tekenen van herstel. ­ In de nieuwste aflevering van ‘t Hertenkamp, onze wekelijkse podcast over de Leeuwarder club, gaat het onder meer over de aanval die leidde tot de winnende goal. Over het optreden van de jonge debutant Ismaël Baouf en dat van Daan Visser. Over de tactische keuzes van Henk de Jong, de bijna-rode kaart van Mark Diemers en de controverse rondom sfeeracties. Ook gaat het daarnaast over de concrete interesse in Matthias Nartey en de aanstaande komst van een nieuwe rechtsbuiten. ­ * Vragen voor in de podcast? Mail naar: jonathan.ploeg@lc.nl * SC Cambuur op de voet volgen? Abonneer je hier op onze nieuwsbriefSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On this episode, Patrick and Hayden take a look at Newcastle's new signings, find new strikers and evaluate players like Samu Omorodion, Nicolas Jackson and Mika Biereth, and discuss how the Magpies can diversify their options in midfield. The episode ends with our predictions for the upcoming season. Enjoy! Get our Premier League Previews: https://www.thetransferflow.com/upgrade Subscribe to our FREE newsletter: https://www.thetransferflow.com/subscribe Join Variance Betting: https://www.thetransferflow.com/upgrade Follow us on our Socials: YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCe1WTKOt7byrELQcGRSzu1Q X: https://x.com/TheTransferFlow Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/thetransferflow.bsky.social Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thetransferflow/ TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@transferflowpodcast Timestamps: 00:00 - Intro 01:08 - Newcastle's moves this summer 01:36 - Remaining issues for Newcastle 02:57 - The dangers of waiting to do your business 03:33 - Newcastle need another forward 04:19 - Isak's profile + how to replace him 05:46 - Prioritizing fit in team vs star qualities? 06:36 - Nicolas Jackson the best option? 07:18 - Samu Omorodion? 08:28 - Sorloth or Artem Dovbyk? 09:29 - They need 2 forwards now don't they? + Yoane Wissa 10:16 - Loïs Openda and Mika Biereth? 11:15 - Finding two options that fit is hard 12:23 - Getting more of a sure thing? 13:10 - Taking a risk on Lucas Stassin? 14:35 - Getting more creativity out of their midfield? 16:00 - Newcastle's desire to play out of the back 17:20 - Giving up physicality to get more passing in the side? + Lewis Miley 18:20 - Murphy and Elanga on the right wing 19:25 - Worry creating against deeper defenses? 20:44 - Would Damsgaard make more sense than Wissa? 22:40 - Availability for players is key for Newcastle's remaining window 23:26 - Ismaël Bennacer and Angelo Stiller 24:15 - Tanner Tessmann? 25:50 - Romano Schmid 27:00 - Newcastle spend NO time in a mid block 28:33 - Solving this position with players in different spots? 29:45 - Newcastle will have a ton more games this season 31:23 - Newcastle's core is still together, but there are late market options 33:00 - If Isak was starting this week we'd be quite positive about Newcastle 33:45 - Most other sides have more turnover than Newcastle 34:50 - Isak is the biggest difference maker outside of the top 4 35:40 - How will they do against low blocks without Isak? + Set piece importance 37:02 - Tino Livramento to Man City? Or cornerstone for the future 38:07 - Lots of teams could get use out of Jacob Murphy 38:51 - Having to sell Minteh was painful 40:01 - Reasons for optimism? or a stressful few weeks? 40:33 - Pressure on Sven Botman if no new additions? 41:16 - Newcastle Finish Predictions? 42:45 - Confidence in how settled the Newcastle squad is 44:10 - Too hard about the Isak situation? 45:20 - Premier League previews and our upcoming content!

Isma y nuestro invitado, ilustrador y artista independiente, Arturo Alamilla, platican sobre el tráiler de la Temporada 2 de "One Piece"

Au programme : 30 chansons qui ont marqué les trois décennies de l'émission : Ismaël Lo, Alliance Ethnik, Koffi Olomidé, Papa Wemba, Slaï, Kaysha, Danialou Sagbohan, Alan Cave, Youssou Ndour, Longue Longue, NTM feat Lord Kossity, Muzion, Bisso Na Bisso, Toofan, Franco, Dj Jacob, Ardiess Posse, BOB Family, As Dj, Talino Manu, Extra Musica, Fally Ipupa, Fanny J, Richard Flash, Sekouba Bambino, Smarty, Innoss B, King Mensah, Tiken Jah Fakoly, Yemi Alade et Joe Dwet Filé. (Rediffusion) Pour visionner les clips, cliquez sur les titres des chansons :  Ismaël Lo - Jammu Africa Alliance Ethnik - Respect Koffi Olomidé - Loi Papa Wemba - Show me the way Slaï - Flamme Kaysha feat. Mike Organiz' - Bounce baby Danialou Sagbohan - Zemihin Alan Cave - Se pa pou dat Youssou Ndour - Birima Longue Longue - Ayo Africa NTM feat Lord Kossity - Ma benz Muzion - La vi ti nèg Bisso Na Bisso - Bisso Toofan - Déloger Franco - Coller la petite Dj Jacob feat Erickson le Zulu - Réconciliation Ardiess Posse - Agbando BOB Family - Keskiya As Dj - Tango tango Talino Manu - Zephira Extra Musica - Obligatoire Fally Ipupa feat Benji (Neg Marrons) - So.pe.ka Fanny J - Ancrée à ton port Richard Flash - Je veux Sekouba Bambino - Famou (remix) Smarty - Le chapeau du chef Innoss B - Yo pe King Mensah - Sessimé Tiken Jah Fakoly - Plus rien ne m'étonne Yemi Alade - Johnny Joe Dwet Filé - 4 Kampé Retrouvez notre playlist sur Deezer. 

Au programme : 30 chansons qui ont marqué les trois décennies de l'émission : Ismaël Lo, Alliance Ethnik, Koffi Olomidé, Papa Wemba, Slaï, Kaysha, Danialou Sagbohan, Alan Cave, Youssou Ndour, Longue Longue, NTM feat Lord Kossity, Muzion, Bisso Na Bisso, Toofan, Franco, Dj Jacob, Ardiess Posse, BOB Family, As Dj, Talino Manu, Extra Musica, Fally Ipupa, Fanny J, Richard Flash, Sekouba Bambino, Smarty, Innoss B, King Mensah, Tiken Jah Fakoly, Yemi Alade et Joe Dwet Filé. (Rediffusion) Pour visionner les clips, cliquez sur les titres des chansons :  Ismaël Lo - Jammu Africa Alliance Ethnik - Respect Koffi Olomidé - Loi Papa Wemba - Show me the way Slaï - Flamme Kaysha feat. Mike Organiz' - Bounce baby Danialou Sagbohan - Zemihin Alan Cave - Se pa pou dat Youssou Ndour - Birima Longue Longue - Ayo Africa NTM feat Lord Kossity - Ma benz Muzion - La vi ti nèg Bisso Na Bisso - Bisso Toofan - Déloger Franco - Coller la petite Dj Jacob feat Erickson le Zulu - Réconciliation Ardiess Posse - Agbando BOB Family - Keskiya As Dj - Tango tango Talino Manu - Zephira Extra Musica - Obligatoire Fally Ipupa feat Benji (Neg Marrons) - So.pe.ka Fanny J - Ancrée à ton port Richard Flash - Je veux Sekouba Bambino - Famou (remix) Smarty - Le chapeau du chef Innoss B - Yo pe King Mensah - Sessimé Tiken Jah Fakoly - Plus rien ne m'étonne Yemi Alade - Johnny Joe Dwet Filé - 4 Kampé Retrouvez notre playlist sur Deezer. 

Isma y nuestro invitado, ilustrador y artista independiente, Enian Vázquez, platican sobre 'Spider-Man: Brand New Day'

Prosegue l'analisi degli stranieri che arrivano in Serie A in ottica fantacalcistica. È il turno di Ismaël Koné, nuovo centrocampista canadese del Sassuolo. Ne parlano Angelo Taglieri ed Enrico Zambruno.Potrero, dove tutto ha inizio. Un podcast sul calcio italiano e internazionale.Su Como TV (https://tv.comofootball.com) nel 2025 potete seguire in diretta ed in esclusiva le partite della Copa Libertadores, Copa Sudamericana, Recopa, Liga Profesional Argentina, Eredivisie, Coppa di Francia, Scottish Premiership, Coppa di Scozia, Scottish League Cup, Coppa di Portogallo e Supercoppa di Portogallo.Diventa un supporter di questo podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/potrero--5761582/support.

Isma y nuestro invitado, creador de cómics de Sadhaka Studio ("The Fearless Zombie Hunters" y "Rainbow Warriors"), cineasta, y crítico de cine, Manuel Ríos Sarabia, platican sobre San Diego Comic-Con International 2025 y 'The Fantastic Four: First Steps'

Au Gabon, la bataille pour le contrôle de l'ex-parti au pouvoir, le PDG, se poursuit à Libreville. Les cadres proches d'Ali Bongo sont interdits d'accès au siège du parti, où ils avaient programmé une réunion stratégique, par la nouvelle direction du parti. Les précisions de notre correspondant à Libreville, Ismaël Obiang Nze. 

Le Club RFI Kigali raconte ses activités durant ses vacances notamment de l'animation pour les enfants et des soirées musicales pour mettre de l'ambiance dans les quartiers. Le Club nous fait découvrir la rumba congolaise. Un rythme populaire en Afrique qui s'est développé à partir des rythmes cubains du cha-cha-cha, ainsi que de la charanga. Avec la participation de : Richard  Murigandé, président du Club RFI Kigali-Rwanda. Invité/cousin : Amazon Kizito, artiste musicien. Musiques :   - Zouk la sé sèl médikaman nou ni, Kassav -  Tajabone, Ismaël Lo - Île d'amour, Amazon et les ambassadeurs.   Réalisation : Cécile Bonici Collaboration service des auditeurs – Projets Clubs RFI : Audrey Iattoni et Sébastien Bonijol L'écume des mots : Myriam Guilhot Mise en ligne internet : Sonia Borelva.

Isma y nuestro invitado, ilustrador y diseñador gráfico, César Cervantes, platican sobre el tráiler de 'Mortal Kombat II'

Rachalena, Clément, Eva, Lucien, Ismaël, Kamil… Ils ont 12 ans, grandissent en région parisienne et certains découvrent la montagne pour la première fois. Depuis 1963, le Chalet Béchard à Morillon (Haute-Savoie) accueille en colonie de vacances des enfants de Choisy-le-Roi (Val-de-Marne). Loin de leurs parents, ils découvrent la vie en collectivité et la randonnée. Dans cette série en deux épisodes, on les suit à l'assaut du sommet de la Tête des Saix (2100 m) jusqu'à leur bivouac le soir venu.Une lettre sonore réalisée par Alice Milot et Charlie Dupiot.Mise en ondes, mixage et réalisation : Léa Fossey.Illustration : Charlotte des Ligneris.Merci à l'application de randonnée Visorando, notre partenaire pour cet épisode. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

pWotD Episode 2997: Druze Welcome to popular Wiki of the Day, spotlighting Wikipedia's most visited pages, giving you a peek into what the world is curious about today.With 197,037 views on Wednesday, 16 July 2025 our article of the day is Druze.The Druze ( DROOZ; Arabic: دَرْزِيّ, darzī or دُرْزِيّ durzī, pl. دُرُوز, durūz), who call themselves al-Muwaḥḥidūn (lit. 'the monotheists' or 'the unitarians'), are an Arab esoteric religious group from West Asia who adhere to the Druze faith, an Abrahamic, monotheistic, and syncretic religion whose main tenets assert the unity of God, reincarnation, and the eternity of the soul.Although the Druze faith developed from Isma'ilism, Druze do not identify as Muslims. They maintain Arabic language and culture as integral parts of their identity, with Arabic being their primary language. Most Druze religious practices are kept secret, and conversion to their religion is not permitted for outsiders. Interfaith marriages are rare and strongly discouraged. They differentiate between spiritual individuals, known as "uqqāl", who hold the faith's secrets, and secular ones, known as "juhhāl", who focus on worldly matters. Druze believe that, after completing the cycle of rebirth through successive reincarnations, the soul reunites with the Cosmic Mind (al-ʻaql al-kullī).The Epistles of Wisdom is the foundational and central text of the Druze faith. The Druze faith originated in Isma'ilism (a branch of Shia Islam), and has been influenced by a diverse range of traditions, including Christianity, Gnosticism, Neoplatonism, Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, Pythagoreanism. This has led to the development of a distinct and secretive theology, characterized by an esoteric interpretation of scripture that emphasizes the importance of the mind and truthfulness. Druze beliefs include the concepts of theophany and reincarnation.The Druze hold Shuaib in high regard, believing him to be the same person as the biblical Jethro. They regard Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad, and the Isma'ili Imam Muhammad ibn Isma'il as prophets. Additionally, Druze tradition honors figures such as Salman the Persian, al-Khidr (whom they identify with Elijah, John the Baptist and Saint George), Job, Luke the Evangelist, and others as "mentors" and "prophets".The Druze faith is one of the major religious groups in the Levant, with between 800,000 and a million adherents. They are primarily located in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel, with smaller communities in Jordan. They make up 5.5% of Lebanon's population, 3% of Syria's and 1.6% of Israel's. The oldest and most densely populated Druze communities exist in Mount Lebanon and in the south of Syria around Jabal al-Druze (literally the "Mountain of the Druze"). The Druze community played a critically important role in shaping the history of the Levant, where it continues to play a significant political role. As a religious minority, they have often faced persecution from various Muslim regimes, including contemporary Islamic extremism.Several theories about the origins of the Druze have been proposed, with the Arabian hypothesis being the most widely accepted among historians, intellectuals, and religious leaders within the Druze community. This hypothesis significantly influences the Druze's self-perception, cultural identity, and both oral and written traditions. It suggests that the Druze are descended from 12 Arab tribes that migrated to Syria before and during the early Islamic period. This perspective is accepted by the entire Druze communities in Syria and Lebanon, as well as by most Druze in Israel.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 01:47 UTC on Thursday, 17 July 2025.For the full current version of the article, see Druze on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Ruth.

En películas de Pedro Almodóvar suenan canciones como 'Ne me quitte pas' en la grabación de la cantante brasileña Maysa Matarzazzo ('La ley del deseo'), 'Tonada de luna llena' por Caetano Veloso ('La flor de mi secreto') y 'Cucurrucucú paloma' también por Caetano ('Hable con ella'), 'Por toda minha vida' grabación de Elis Regina & Tom Jobim ('Hable con ella'), 'Raquel' del caboverdiano Baú ('Hable con ella') y 'Tajabone' del senegalés Ismaël Lò ('Todo sobre mi madre' ). Ryuichi Sakamoto con Everton Nelson y Jaques Morelenbaum tocando 'High heels' (de la película de Almodóvar 'Tacones lejanos'), 'The sheltering sky' (de la película de Bernardo Bertolucci 'El cielo protector') y 'Merry Xmas Mr.Lawrence' (de la película de Nagisa Oshima 'Feliz navidad Mr. Lawrence'). David Bowie canta con el Pat Metheny Group 'This is not America' en la película de John Schlessinger 'The falcon and the snowman' y el pianista Bill Evans toca en trío el tema de la película de Robert Altman M.A.S.H. Abre la orquesta de Maria Schneider ('Love theme from Spartacus' que Johnny Mandel escribió para la película de Kubrick 'Espartaco') y lo cierran el pianista Giovanni Ceccarelli, el bajista Ferruccio Spinetti y la cantante Chiara Civello ('Chanson de maxence' que Michel Legrand compuso para 'Les demoiselles de Rochefort').Escuchar audio

Le 6 mai 2006, Ismaël Abdelkader disparaît. Pendant 6 ans, ses proches, sans nouvelle, mènent l'enquête. Jusqu'à ce jour de juillet 2012, lorsque le corps du jeune homme est découvert sans vie dans le jardin d'un gendarme retraité à Pftetterhouse (Haut-Rhin).Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Isma y nuestro invitado, creador de cómics de Sadhaka Studio ("The Fearless Zombie Hunters" y "Rainbow Warriors"), cineasta, y crítico de cine, Manuel Ríos Sarabia, platican todo sobre 'Superman' de James Gunn, alias 'Guardians of Metropolis'

Isma y nuestra invitada, artista independiente y fellow geek, Verónica Pulido, platican sobre 'Jurassic World: Rebirth'

L'exploitation des immenses réserves de fer des monts du Simandou pourrait marquer un tournant décisif pour l'économie guinéenne. Estimées à près de 8 milliards de tonnes de minerai, ces réserves font l'objet de discussions depuis trois décennies. Les autorités prévoient une entrée en production pour la fin de l'année 2025, présentant ce projet comme la vitrine de leur ambition économique. (Rediffusion) Face au manque de transparence, la population guinéenne, qui a connu les désillusions de l'exploitation de bauxite, oscille entre espoir et scepticisme. Sur le chantier du chemin de fer, la poussière et les boues envahissent les champs, rendant impossible toute culture. Mamoudou Youla, habitant du village de Sounganyia marche sur la terre craquelée qui a envahi sa rizière. « Tout ça, là, c'est le lieu de travail. Depuis que les sociétés minières sont arrivées il y a cinq ans, on ne travaille pas ici, rien, tout est gâté. », se lamente-t-il. Les dédommagements promis par les miniers ne suffisent pas à compenser les pertes subies par les agriculteurs. Mamaseta Camara, une autre habitante, exprime son désenchantement face aux promesses non tenues. « Quand les entreprises sont arrivées ici, j'étais contente, je me suis dit que c'était une opportunité pour nous. Mais ça ne s'est pas passé comme prévu. On subit de nombreux impacts. » Tout se fissure. Les murs des maisons, comme la confiance des habitants envers les sociétés. Il n'y aurait pas eu assez d'emploi pour les jeunes de Soungayah. La corruption autour du chantier est un autre sujet de préoccupation. « Quand vous allez sur le chantier pour du travail, il y a des intermédiaires qui vous demandent de l'argent. Environ 1 million et demi de francs guinéens », témoigne anonymement ce jeune homme. Il a le verbe haut et une profonde colère en lui. « À Conakry, on dit que nous sommes les boss. Qu'il y a un grand projet chez nous, le grand port de la Guinée, et donc qu'on est les rois, mais les gens ne savent pas ce qui se passe réellement ici. Pas d'emploi, pas d'eau, pas d'hôpital. J'en veux aux autorités guinéennes. Parce que depuis que le projet a commencé ici, personne ne s'est déplacé pour voir ce que nous traversons ici. Ils s'en foutent de nous ». Plus de 33 000 emplois ont déjà été créés sur le corridor, avançait Mamadi Doumbouya, le président de la transition, lors de ses derniers vœux à la nation. Des retombées XXL espérées pour l'économie guinéenne Initié en 1997, le projet Simandou a connu de nombreux rebondissements. D'abord attribués à Rio Tinto, les blocs 1 et 2 ont ensuite été confiés à BSGR, avant d'être réattribués à Winning Consortium Simandou en 2019, un partenariat sino-singapourien avec une participation guinéenne. Après le coup d'État en 2021, les travaux ont été interrompus par la junte. Puis, le géant de l'acier Baowu Steel a investi 6 milliards de dollars dans le projet, renforçant l'engagement de la Chine. Les espoirs sont énormes. Les autorités guinéennes misent sur des retombées économiques annuelles de 600 à 700 millions de dollars via des taxes et redevances. « Les ressources générées par les mines du projet Simandou et la transformation locale des minerais par la construction des raffineries nous ouvrent des perspectives heureuses d'avenir. », se réjouissait Mamadi Doumbouya. La construction d'une aciérie permettrait également de transformer une partie du fer sur place. « Nous osons espérer que cela soit la bonne cette fois, explique l'économiste Mohammed Camara. Pour un projet minier, l'important, c'est qu'est-ce qu'on en tire comme fiscalité, quels sont les impôts et taxes que ce projet va payer à l'État ? Il faut voir le projet sur du long terme et s'assurer de l'utilisation efficace des ressources. Le peu que l'on gagne, il faut l'investir où on peut impacter le plus. » Le « pont vers la prospérité » vanté par les autorités guinéennes n'est pas garanti. « Les autorités comptent beaucoup sur le Simandou parce que c'est un projet qui va doubler le produit intérieur brut du pays, mais attention, il ne faut pas croire que cela va régler tous les problèmes d'un seul coup », poursuit Mohammed Camara. Des contrats miniers toujours secrets D'autant qu'un doute subsiste sur les retombées économiques réelles. Les contrats signés entre l'État et les sociétés minières n'ont en effet pas été publiés. Ces trois conventions minières, ferroviaires et portuaires finalisées en 2023 ne sont connues que de quelques-uns dans le pays. « On se demande bien qui les a vues, c'est l'omerta la plus totale », témoigne un ancien proche du ministère des Mines. La publication des contrats est obligatoire selon le code minier guinéen. Or, ces conventions validées par la Cour suprême adoptées par le CNT – l'Assemblée nationale guinéenne – en février 2024 sont introuvables. Manque de transparence flagrant pour certains acteurs de la société civile. Incompréhension pour Oumar Totiya Barry de l'Observatoire des mines et métaux : « Officiellement, le Premier ministre parle de contrat stratégique, donc de secret d'État. Le ministre des Mines évoque le fait que le processus de négociation n'est pas terminé. Mais on sait quand même que ces documents sont passés au niveau du CNT et donc, que le processus est à son terme. On ne comprend pas pourquoi la Guinée ne rend pas encore public ces contrats. Cela aiderait aujourd'hui à améliorer le niveau de compréhension. » À lire aussiGuinée: de Sekou Touré à Mamadi Doumbouya, l'incroyable histoire du gisement de fer de Simandou Même du côté des sociétés minières, on peine à comprendre ce manque de transparence. Mais le gouvernement reste droit dans ses bottes sur cette question. « Quand on négocie avec quelqu'un, il y a toujours des clauses de confidentialité, explique le ministre du plan Ismaël Nabé. Nous sommes en train de discuter avec les partenaires industriels et on publiera au temps opportun. On renégocie parce que la Guinée était perdante. Nous sommes avec des partenaires et on doit avoir un commun accord, et respecter ce que l'on s'est dit. Si on est d'accord, ça sera publié. » Les éléments juridiques des conventions signées ont déjà été publiés dans un numéro spécial du Journal officiel qui n'a pas été rendu public, mais que RFI a pu se procurer. Certains y voient la preuve que tout est déjà négocié et que les autorités n'ont pas envie de dévoiler des contrats qui seraient défavorables à la Guinée. Un des négociateurs nous informe que la plupart des contrats de revente par lesquels les clients achètent le minerai produit ne sont pas encore signés. Le prix de revente du fer de Simandou – élément clé pour le calcul des recettes de l'État – ne serait pas fixé. Djiba Diakité, le président du comité stratégique de Simandou, a récemment expliqué dans une interview à Forbes Afrique que « si on mettait bout à bout tous les documents contractuels de Simandou... ça ferait 14 kilomètres ». Un train pour le minerai et pour les passagers ? La Guinée veut croire à la renaissance de son réseau ferroviaire grâce au gigantesque projet minier. Le gisement de fer, l'un des plus riches au monde, doit être relié au port de Moribayah par une ligne de chemin de fer de 650 kilomètres. Une infrastructure qui cristallise les espoirs de désenclavement de la Haute et Moyenne-Guinée. Pensée comme une double voie, cette ligne doit permettre non seulement l'acheminement du minerai vers la côte, mais aussi, à terme, le transport de marchandises et de passagers. « Le chemin de fer est multi-utilisateur. Une partie va servir aux miniers, une autre aux marchandises, mais aussi aux personnes. L'objectif est de développer plus de 2 000 km de voie ferrée dans le pays », déclare Ismaël Nabé, ministre du Plan à RFI. Cette ambition de désenclaver les régions agricoles, comme la zone de Kankan ou de N'zérékoré, suscite l'enthousiasme. Certains imaginent déjà des trains chargés d'ignames ou de bananes rejoindre plus facilement les marchés urbains. Mais sur le terrain, les observateurs sont plus prudents. « L'idée d'un train passager est séduisante, mais peu réaliste dans l'état actuel du tracé », estime Oumar Totiya Barry, directeur de l'Observatoire des mines et métaux. Selon lui, la ligne évite les grands centres urbains. « Il y a bien une quinzaine de gares prévues, mais elles sont souvent à des dizaines de kilomètres des villes. Madina Oula, par exemple, se trouve à plus de 80 km de Kindia. Pour Mamou, c'est le même problème avec la gare de Farenta. » En cause, une logique de tracé prioritairement industrielle. Le chemin de fer suit le chemin le plus court et le moins coûteux entre la mine et le port, au détriment d'une intégration fine au territoire. « Le mariage entre aménagement du territoire et conception du chemin de fer n'a pas suffisamment fonctionné », regrette Oumar Totiya Barry. À Kaloum, cœur battant de Conakry, certains commerçants restent sceptiques. Marqués par les promesses non tenues des précédents projets miniers, ils redoutent que Simandou ne soit qu'un mirage de plus. Dans les zones d'exploitation de la bauxite, comme à Boké, l'exploitation a certes rapporté des devises, mais elle a aussi laissé des séquelles : pollution de l'air, raréfaction de l'eau potable, routes dégradées. « Simandou, c'est du vent », tranche un commerçant, dénonçant une richesse qui ne profite toujours pas à la population. En attendant, Simandou creuse son sillon, porté par de grandes ambitions.  

Ancien conseiller d'Emmanuel Macron, Ismaël Emelien a changé de combat mais pas de cap : transformer l'action publique en action individuelle. Avec Zoï, start-up de médecine préventive qu'il a cofondée, il propose une approche radicalement nouvelle : ne plus attendre d'être malade pour agir. « La moitié des pathologies chroniques sont évitables par le mode de vie », rappelle-t-il.Le principe est simple en apparence : un check-up ultra-complet, réalisé dans un centre médical à Paris, rassemble biologie, imagerie, données comportementales, génétiques et environnementales. L'objectif : dresser une carte de votre trajectoire de santé et fournir une feuille de route personnalisée pour vivre plus longtemps… en meilleure forme.Loin des promesses transhumanistes californiennes, Zoï revendique une approche ancrée dans les sciences comportementales et les données. « On veut ajouter de la vie aux années, pas des années à la vie », insiste Emelien. Le modèle est premium (3 000 € l'année), mais Zoï ambitionne déjà de se démocratiser, avec un déploiement à l'international et un partage de ses données — uniques — avec la recherche publique. Une vision française d'une santé personnalisée et durable. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Rachalena, Clément, Eva, Lucien, Ismaël, Kamil… Ils ont 12 ans, grandissent en région parisienne et certains découvrent la montagne pour la première fois. Depuis 1963, le Chalet Béchard à Morillon (Haute-Savoie) accueille en colonie de vacances des enfants de Choisy-le-Roi (Val-de-Marne). Loin de leurs parents, ils découvrent la vie en collectivité et la randonnée. Dans cette série en deux épisodes, on les suit à l'assaut du sommet de la Tête des Saix (2100 m) jusqu'à leur bivouac le soir venu.Une lettre sonore réalisée par Alice Milot et Charlie Dupiot.Mise en ondes, mixage et réalisation : Léa Fossey.Illustration : Charlotte des Ligneris.Merci à l'application de randonnée Visorando, notre partenaire pour cet épisode. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Isma y nuestra invitada, ilustradora, artista de storyboards, y diseñadora de personajes, Melissa Ballesteros Parada, platican sobre 'KPop Demon Hunters'

Isma e Vita, da dupla Irmãs de Pau, passaram aqui em 2024 para conversar sobre seu disco "Gambiarra Chic, Pt. 1". De lá pra cá, a dupla circulou por diferentes palcos do Brasil e da Europa, viu seu som se expandir e adentrar novos espaços e com isso nasceu “Gambiarra Chic, Pt. 2” (2025). O novo disco aprofunda o universo temático e sonoro da dupla, falando sobre liberdade sexual, desejo, poder, travestilidade e dissidências LGBTQIA+. Para isso, elas contam com as mais diversas parcerias, indo de Duquesa a Ventura Profana, de Ebony a CyberKills. Nesse por trás do disco, Renan Guerra recebe Irmãs de Pau para um papo sobre “Gambiarra Chic, Pt. 2”.Gostou do podcast? Então apoie a gente em ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠apoia.se/podcastvfsm

Isma y nuestro invitado, creador de cómics de Sadhaka Studio ("The Fearless Zombie Hunters" y "Rainbow Warriors"), cineasta, y crítico de cine, Manuel Ríos Sarabia, platican sobre '28 Years Later'

Isma y nuestro invitado, ilustrador y diseñador gráfico, César Cervantes, platican sobre el anuncio de 'Spaceballs 2'. ¡Estamos hyped!

Raidījumā pievēršamies mūsdienām, vēsturei un grābekļiem, kurus, cenzdamies apiet, tomēr saminam. Drīz būs aizvadīts pusgads kopš Donalds Tramps sācijs savu otro prezidentūru ASV. Pa šo laiku Amerikas tēls, starptautiskās attiecības, ekonomika un sadzīve sagriezusies teju kājām gaisā. Aizvien biežāk mediju komentāru slejās redzam ASV salīdzinājumus ar nacistiskās Vācijas situāciju pagājušā gadsimta trīsdesmitajos gados. Vai tie ir nekorekti pārspīlējumi, vai tomēr noskaņa liek vilkt paralēles ar to, kādā pasaulē dzīvojām pirms nepilniem simts gadiem Eiropā? Raidījumā Zināmais nezināmajā analizē vēsturnieks, Latvijas Universitātes Filozofijas un socioloģijas institūta vadošais pētnieks Kaspars Zellis un žurnāla „IR” komentētājs Pauls Raudseps. Kaspars Zellis: Ja man jāraugās uz ASV un jāvelk paralēles ar nacistisko Vāciju, es teiktu, ka redzu gan kopīgas iezīmes, gan arī atšķirības. Sākšu ar atšķirībām.  Galvenā atšķirība ir tā, ka atšķirībā no Hitlera, kam bija ļoti izteikta ideoloģiska partija, ideoloģiska programma, kur bija viss salikts pa plauktiņiem, Amerikā mēs šādu ideoloģiju neredzam. Tur ir ļoti patmīlīgs, ļoti egocentrisks un kaprīzs cilvēks, kura iedomām, kura vēlmēm tiek pakļauta visa globālā sistēma.  Otra lieta, kas varētu būt atšķirīgi, ir tas, ka ASV kontekstā mēs īsti arī neredzam milzīgu sabiedrības atbalstu, ja neraugāmies uz vēlēšanām. Ja raugāmies uz kopīgajām iezīmēm, kas visvairāk izsauc pārdomas, ir Trampa retorika. Un šī Trampa retorika, kas ir balstīta gan uz manipulācijām, gan uz meliem, gan uz ienaidnieku, iekšējo un ārējo, meklēšanu, ļoti spēcīgi atgādina Hitlera Vāciju.  Tāpat šis jau hrestomātiskais sauklis: "Padarīsim Ameriku atkal diženu!" Tas ir savdabīgs eskeipisms, kas raksturīgs visām autoritārajām kustībām, kuras saredz kaut kādu skaisto pagātni, kad valsts bija dižena. Te mēs varam vilkt paralēles arī ar Putina Krieviju, kas redz to diženumu Padomju Savienībā vai vēl kaut kur citur. Vai kādā citā valstī, kur ir autoritārie līderi, viņi pagātni iztēlojās kā tādu zelta laikmetu, kuru varētu atkal radīt. Tiek izmantoti vēstures naratīvi, tiek izmantota pagātne, lai radītu šo "jauno realitāti". Pauls Raudseps: Runājot par līdzīgiem procesiem, kādi notika Itālijā pagājušā gadsimta 20. gados, Vācijā - 30.gados, protams, tas, kas ir kopīgs visām šīm kustībām, ir apgalvojums, ka mēs esam tikuši pazemoti, kāds ārējais ienaidnieks mums uzbrūk, ir padarījis mūs vājus un mums ir atkal jāatgūst šis diženums. To teica gan Musolīni, gan Hitlers, to tagad teica Tramps. Es nepārspīlētu Hitlera un Musolīni ideoloģisko bāzi. Ja skatās, ko viņi rakstīja savas karjeras sākumā un ko beigās, tur daudz pa vidu mainījās. Galvenais dzinulis bija mazāk ideoloģisks, kā emocionāls, tiekšanās pēc varas. Šī arī ir lieta, kas ir kopīga visām šīm kustībām.  Protams, arī jaunāko tehnoloģiju izmantošana, lai manipulētu ar cilvēku prātiem. Hitlers ļoti efektīvi izmantoja savulaik radio. Tramps ļoti efektīvi izmanto sociālos medijus. Jautājums - vai Tramps ir fašists? Piemēram, Kamala Harisa pagājušā gadā priekšvēlēšanu kampaņas laikā teica - jā, Tramps ir fašists. Par to jau bija diezgan plašas diskusijas Amerikā jau pirms tam, arī tad, kad viņš pirmo reizi kandidēja un bija prezidents. Ļoti daudzi dažādi eksperti un vēsturnieki, un politologi ir iesaistījuši šajā diskusijā. Latvijā labi zīnāmais Timotijs Snaiders saka: jā, Tramps ir fašists. Tā saka Timotijs Snaiders, kas, es domāju, ir ļoti iecienīts vēsturnieks Latvijā. Citi arī ir pievienojušies šim viedoklim, citi atkal saka, ka tomēr ir atšķirības. Es teiktu, ka šobrīd, vērtējot fašisma pazīmes, Tramps ir tādā kā fašisma priekškambarī, jo ļoti daudzas lietas ir līdzīgas.  Viena lieta, lai gan viņš par to ir runājis, bet vai tiešām tās runas pāries darbos, tas ir liels jautājums. Gan Hitleram, gan Musolīni bija būtiska vardarbība, militārā ekspansija kā nācijas varēšanas un vīrišķības un atdzimšanas pierādījums. Hitleram tas bija ļoti izteikti, bet Musolini to arī darīja Ziemeļāfrikā un Albānijā. Tramps pirmās prezidentūras laikā par militāru ekspansiju nerunāja, mēs zinām tagad, ka viņš ir sācis teikt, ka Kanāda būtu jāpievieno, Panama, tad Grenlande. Vai tas tiešām rezultēsies kādā rīcībā, tas ir liels jautājums. Bet sevišķas nozīmes piešķiršana vardarbībai kā nācijas atdzimšanas apliecinājums, es domāju, tas ir viens ļoti svarīgs fašisma elements, kāpēc mēs atšķiram, fašismu no vienkārša autoritārisma. Ulmaņa [Kārļa] režīms bija autoritārs, tas nebija fašistisks, jo, par spīti tam, ka mēs dzirdam to vārdu no dažādiem kaimiņu valsts kara propagandistiem un arī dažkārt uz vietas, tas nebija fašistiski, jo nebija militarizācija un iedoma, ka iekarosim kaut kādas kaimiņzemes, lai parādītu savu varēšanu, bet īstam fašismam tas ir ļoti raksturīgi.  Tas arī tiek izdalīts kā atsevišķa kategorija, jo tā varam mēģināt saprast, kāda varētu būt rīcība nākotnē. Šobrīd, protams, ceram, ka Tramps tā nedarīs, bet zināmas pazīmes ir. Līdz šim, es domāju, tas, ka slieksnis nav pārkāpts.   Zinātnes ziņas Kā runāt ar vakcīnu skeptiķi: pētījums atklāj, kas darbojas. Aizvien aktuālāks jautājums ir, kā runāt ar vakcīnu skeptiķiem, un tieši tam vietnē “Nature” sniegtas dažas pētnieku rekomendācijas. Labākais laiks, lai redzētu Piena Ceļu, strauji tuvojas! Vietnē “Live Science” atklāts, ka strauji tuvojas tas brīdis, lai Piena Ceļu labi saskatītu. Ko dinozaurs ēda pirms 100 miljoniem gadu - liecības saglabātas fosilizētā laika kapsulā. Joprojām mūsdienās varam atklāt daudz interesantu faktu par dinozauriem un arī atrast liecības. Austrālijā ir atrasta aizvēsturiska laika kapsula no dinozaura gremošanas trakta. ASV Pārtikas un zāļu pārvalde apstiprinājusi laboratorijā audzēta laša izmantošanu uzturā. Attīstoties tehnoloģijām, pamazām pieejamāka kļūst laboratorijā audzēta pārtika. Nupat ASV Pārtikas un zāļu pārvalde pirmo reizi devusi zaļo gaismu laboratorijā audzētas zivs, precīzāk, laša produkta, lietošanai uzturā.    

Au sommaire de Radio Foot à 16h10-21h10 T.U. ce mercredi : - Suite et fin des matches amicaux pour les nations africaines, la belle performance du Sénégal à Nottingham face à l'Angleterre (3-1). ; - AVce El hadji Diouf en guest...Éliminatoires Coupe du monde 2026 zone Amérique du Sud, le Brésil qualifié avec Ancelotti. Suite et fin des matches amicaux pour les nations africaines, la belle performance du Sénégal à Nottingham face à l'Angleterre (3-1) Harry Kane avait ouvert la marque, Ismaïla Sarr, Habid Diarra et Cheikh Sabaly ont éteint le City Ground où les Three Lions n'avaient pas évolué depuis 1909 ! Un succès qui prolonge la série d'invincibilité des Lions de la Teranga. Pape Thiaw se félicite de l'état d'esprit et de la performance de son collectif, un succès qui résonne comme un avertissement au monde du foot ? 3 victoires et 1 défaite pour les débuts de Thomas Tuchel. La petite victoire à Andorre a mis en lumière une attitude trop passive des Anglais, le revers face au Sénégal souligne des faiblesses défensives et un manque de cohésion. L'Algérie s'est réveillée trop tard. Un triplé de Ken Sema, 4 buts de retard à l'heure de jeu, les Fennecs sont passés près de revenir. Score final 4-3 à Solna. Le Lillois Nabil Bentaleb a sonné la révolte, de bon augure pour un joueur qui a connu un souci cardiaque l'an passé.   Éliminatoires Coupe du monde 2026 zone Amérique du Sud, le Brésil qualifié avec Ancelotti Joli cadeau d'anniversaire pour Carletto, avec un petit mais précieux succès des Auriverdes sur le Paraguay grâce à Vinicius Jr, inquiétude pour le Merengue sorti blessé quelques jours avant le Mondial des clubs. Un autre ticket direct obtenu pour l'Équateur. Paraguay et Uruguay plus que jamais en course pour la fête planétaire de 2026 tout comme la Colombie, qui a fait match nul (1-1) en Argentine. Pour débattre avec Annie Gasnier aujourd'hui, Dominique Baillif, Nabil Djellit et Bruno Constant. Technique/réalisation : Laurent Salerno - David Fintzel/Pierre Guérin.

Au sommaire de Radio Foot à 16h10-21h10 T.U. ce mercredi : - Suite et fin des matches amicaux pour les nations africaines, la belle performance du Sénégal à Nottingham face à l'Angleterre (3-1). ; - AVce El hadji Diouf en guest...Éliminatoires Coupe du monde 2026 zone Amérique du Sud, le Brésil qualifié avec Ancelotti. Suite et fin des matches amicaux pour les nations africaines, la belle performance du Sénégal à Nottingham face à l'Angleterre (3-1) Harry Kane avait ouvert la marque, Ismaïla Sarr, Habid Diarra et Cheikh Sabaly ont éteint le City Ground où les Three Lions n'avaient pas évolué depuis 1909 ! Un succès qui prolonge la série d'invincibilité des Lions de la Teranga. Pape Thiaw se félicite de l'état d'esprit et de la performance de son collectif, un succès qui résonne comme un avertissement au monde du foot ? 3 victoires et 1 défaite pour les débuts de Thomas Tuchel. La petite victoire à Andorre a mis en lumière une attitude trop passive des Anglais, le revers face au Sénégal souligne des faiblesses défensives et un manque de cohésion. L'Algérie s'est réveillée trop tard. Un triplé de Ken Sema, 4 buts de retard à l'heure de jeu, les Fennecs sont passés près de revenir. Score final 4-3 à Solna. Le Lillois Nabil Bentaleb a sonné la révolte, de bon augure pour un joueur qui a connu un souci cardiaque l'an passé.   Éliminatoires Coupe du monde 2026 zone Amérique du Sud, le Brésil qualifié avec Ancelotti Joli cadeau d'anniversaire pour Carletto, avec un petit mais précieux succès des Auriverdes sur le Paraguay grâce à Vinicius Jr, inquiétude pour le Merengue sorti blessé quelques jours avant le Mondial des clubs. Un autre ticket direct obtenu pour l'Équateur. Paraguay et Uruguay plus que jamais en course pour la fête planétaire de 2026 tout comme la Colombie, qui a fait match nul (1-1) en Argentine. Pour débattre avec Annie Gasnier aujourd'hui, Dominique Baillif, Nabil Djellit et Bruno Constant. Technique/réalisation : Laurent Salerno - David Fintzel/Pierre Guérin.

Isma y nuestro invitado, ilustrador y artista independiente, Enian Vázquez, platican todo sobre 'Predator: Killer of Killers'

Cette semaine dans tech 45', on parle santé préventive avec Zoī, start-up lancée il y a moins de 2 ans par Paul Dupuy et Ismaël Emélien, ex-conseiller d'Emmanuel Macron. Après 18 mois de travaux à deux pas de la Place Vendôme, Zoī accueille ses membres dans un espace de 2000 m2 répartis sur 4 étages. La promesse ? Un check-up ultra complet en 4h, avec près de 200 biomarqueurs, ECG, imagerie avancée et un suivi digital sur 12 mois. Déjà 2500 check-ups réalisés et 95% des membres appliquent au moins une reco. Objectif : repousser l'espérance de vie en bonne santé, et démocratiser la médecine prédictive. C'est cher ? Oui "c'est un coût" me dit Paul dans le dernier tech 45', bonne écoute !Je suis Seb Couasnon, on se retrouve chaque semaine sur ta plateforme de podcast favorite. Une remarque ou une proposition pour mon prochain épisode, tu m'écris sur LinkedIn ou X et je te réponds

Isma y nuestro invitado, creador de cómics de Sadhaka Studio ("The Fearless Zombie Hunters" y "Rainbow Warriors"), cineasta, y crítico de cine, Manuel Ríos Sarabia, platican sobre el tráiler de 'Frankenstein' de Guillermo del Toro

Tous les vendredis, samedis et dimanche soir, Pascale de La Tour du Pin reçoit deux invités pour des débats d'actualités. Avis tranchés et arguments incisifs sont au programme. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

You try to follow the Qur'an and Sunnah—then you're told you're rigid. You quote the Salaf—then you're labelled a Wahhabi. And why do others accuse you of being extreme—for simply following what the Salaf believed? This lecture tackles these tensions head-on—through the words of early and authentic voices of Ahl al-Hadith. Study the book I'tiqad A'immah al-Hadith by Imam Abu Bakr al-Ismaʿili (d. 371H). With Shaikh Dr. Asim Al-Qaryooti, we explore how the true Imams of the Sunnah understood and lived their creed. The book dismantles many modern doubts and deviations by clearly stating what the Salaf believed regarding: - Allah's Names and Attributes - The authority of authentic Hadith in Aqeedah—even if it's Aahaad - Rejecting blind following when it clashes with the Qur'an and Sunnah - Avoiding philosophy, kalam, and speculative theology, and returning to the clear guidance of revelation - True loyalty to the Imams—by following their principles, not their mistakes This is the creed that stood the test of time. A creed based on the Qur'an, the Sunnah, and the understanding of the first three generations. If you've ever struggled with the tension between following the evidence and adopting Taqleed… if you've been told that affirming Allah's Attributes means you're anthropomorphising… or if you want to know what the scholars of Hadith actually believed—this is the session to watch. Clear. Grounded. Unapologetic. This is the Aqeedah of Ahl al-Hadith. Sign up now to AMAU Academy: https://www.amauacademy.com/ AMAU Academy: https://www.amauacademy.com/ AMAU Junior: https://amaujunior.com/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/amauofficial/ Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/AMAU Telegram: https://t.me/amauofficial YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/c/AMAUofficial Twitter: https://twitter.com/AMAUofficial iTunes: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/al-madrasatu-al-umariyyah/id1524526782 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/08NJC1pIA0maaF6aKqZL4N Get in Touch: https://amau.org/getintouch BarakAllahu feekum. #Aqeedah #Salaf #islamiclectures #seekingknowledge #quranandsunnah

You try to follow the Qur'an and Sunnah—then you're told you're rigid. You quote the Salaf—then you're labelled a Wahhabi. And why do others accuse you of being extreme—for simply following what the Salaf believed? This lecture tackles these tensions head-on—through the words of early and authentic voices of Ahl al-Hadith. Study the book I'tiqad A'immah al-Hadith by Imam Abu Bakr al-Ismaʿili (d. 371H). With Shaikh Dr. Asim Al-Qaryooti, we explore how the true Imams of the Sunnah understood and lived their creed. The book dismantles many modern doubts and deviations by clearly stating what the Salaf believed regarding: - Allah's Names and Attributes - The authority of authentic Hadith in Aqeedah—even if it's Aahaad - Rejecting blind following when it clashes with the Qur'an and Sunnah - Avoiding philosophy, kalam, and speculative theology, and returning to the clear guidance of revelation - True loyalty to the Imams—by following their principles, not their mistakes This is the creed that stood the test of time. A creed based on the Qur'an, the Sunnah, and the understanding of the first three generations. If you've ever struggled with the tension between following the evidence and adopting Taqleed… if you've been told that affirming Allah's Attributes means you're anthropomorphising… or if you want to know what the scholars of Hadith actually believed—this is the session to watch. Clear. Grounded. Unapologetic. This is the Aqeedah of Ahl al-Hadith. Sign up now to AMAU Academy: https://www.amauacademy.com/ AMAU Academy: https://www.amauacademy.com/ AMAU Junior: https://amaujunior.com/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/amauofficial/ Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/AMAU Telegram: https://t.me/amauofficial YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/c/AMAUofficial Twitter: https://twitter.com/AMAUofficial iTunes: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/al-madrasatu-al-umariyyah/id1524526782 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/08NJC1pIA0maaF6aKqZL4N Get in Touch: https://amau.org/getintouch BarakAllahu feekum. #Aqeedah #Salaf #islamiclectures #seekingknowledge #quranandsunnah

Isma y nuestro invitado, ilustrador y diseñador gráfico, Natanael Martínez, platican sobre "Love, Death & Robots" Volumen 4

In Part 2 of this special episode of #FragomenFC: Passport to North America 2026, co-hosts Partner Rick Lamanna (Toronto, Canada), Senior Manager Sergio Flores (Mexico City, Mexico) and Associate Jake Paul Minster (Boston, United States) are joined by Senior Associate Tuğba Özyakup (Amsterdam, Netherlands)—an avid football fan—and Ismaïl Aissati—former Dutch U21 star who made the bold switch to represent Morocco's National Team at the senior level.From crossing rival lines at PSV to Ajax, to mentoring global youth talent at Ajax's academy, Ismaïl shares his personal journey across borders, clubs and national teams. Topics include:Nationality choices in international footballWork permits, transfers and dual citizenshipCoaching the next generation of global stars and the youth systemThe impact of immigration rules on the footballDon't miss this episode on immigration, national identity, loyalty and legacy in football! 

Ça n'est pas tous les jours en RDC qu'un homme politique d'un tel rang est condamné à une telle peine… Ce verdict fait la Une de la presse congolaise.« L'ancien Premier ministre Matata Ponyo est condamné à 10 ans de travaux forcés, relève Actualité CD, ses co-prévenus – un ancien gouverneur de la Banque centrale du Congo et le patron Sud-africain de la société Africom - à 5 ans de travaux forcés. Les trois hommes étaient poursuivis depuis 2021 ans dans l'affaire de la débâcle du parc agro-industriel Bukanga Lonzo. Les condamnés ont été reconnus coupables d'avoir détourné plus de 285 millions de dollars liés à ce projet initié sous le régime du président Joseph Kabila. »Matata Ponyo n'était pas présent à l'audience. La Cour constitutionnelle a ordonné son arrestation immédiate et la confiscation de ses biens au prorata des sommes détournées.Irrégularités en pagaille…« C'est l'épilogue spectaculaire d'un feuilleton politico-judiciaire qui dure depuis près de quatre ans », s'exclame Afrik.com.Afrik.com qui revient longuement sur les origines de ce scandale politico-financier. « Lancé entre 2013 et 2016, Bukanga Lonzo devait symboliser la renaissance agricole de la RDC. Ce projet d'envergure nationale visait à transformer un vaste espace en centre agro-industriel moderne, créateur d'emplois, fournisseur de denrées alimentaires locales, et levier contre la pauvreté rurale. Mais les espoirs ont rapidement laissé place aux soupçons, relève Afrik.com. Dès novembre 2020, un rapport accablant de l'Inspection générale des finances, l'IGF, avait mis en lumière de graves irrégularités : choix arbitraire de partenaires, absence de mécanismes de contrôle, surfacturation, détournements massifs et abandon du chantier. L'IGF en a alors attribué la responsabilité principale à Matata Ponyo, alors Premier ministre. »Et s'en est ensuivi une longue bataille judiciaire… « Pour Matata Ponyo, le dossier est avant tout politique, pointe encore le site panafricain. Dans une vidéo publiée en mars dernier, il dénonçait une instrumentalisation du pouvoir judiciaire pour l'écarter de la scène politique. »Une justice sélective ?En tout cas, poursuit Afrik.com, « au-delà du cas Matata, ce dossier cristallise les limites de la gouvernance en RDC. Il illustre la difficulté chronique du pays à concrétiser des projets de développement malgré des ressources importantes, à cause de la corruption, du clientélisme et de l'absence de redevabilité. La condamnation d'un ancien Premier ministre pourrait être perçue comme un signal fort de la part du pouvoir en matière de lutte contre l'impunité. Mais pour beaucoup, relève encore le site, elle soulève surtout la question de la sélectivité de la justice. Pourquoi certains dignitaires de l'ancien régime ou même du régime actuel échappent-ils à toute poursuite ? Pourquoi cette affaire ressurgit-elle à des moments clés de la vie politique congolaise ? »Le site congolais L'Interview CD renchérit : « ce verdict suscite de vives réactions dans un contexte politique déjà tendu en RDC. Matata Ponyo, figure de l'opposition et ancien candidat à la présidentielle de 2023, où il s'était désisté en faveur de Moïse Katumbi, reste une personnalité influente. Ses partisans voient dans ce verdict une tentative du pouvoir en place, sous la présidence de Félix Tshisekedi, d'éliminer un adversaire potentiel en vue des prochaines échéances électorales. »Qui plus est, poursuit L'Interview CD, « cette condamnation pourrait exacerber les tensions entre le pouvoir et l'opposition, dans un pays où la justice est souvent accusée d'être instrumentalisée. »Et le site congolais de conclure : « alors que la RDC fait face à des défis sécuritaires et économiques persistants, cette condamnation risque de raviver les débats sur la transparence et la lutte contre la corruption. Pour l'heure, Matata Ponyo et ses avocats envisagent de faire appel ou de saisir des instances internationales, tandis que ses soutiens appellent à une mobilisation pour dénoncer ce qu'ils qualifient de “justice sélective“. »Au Sénégal aussi…Enfin, un autre ancien ministre sous les feux de la Justice… Cette fois au Sénégal. « Ismaïla Madior Fall, ministre de la Justice sous Macky Sall, a été inculpé, relate Walf Quotidien, puis assigné, hier, en résidence surveillée par les juges de la commission d'instruction de la Haute cour de justice pour “corruption et détournement de deniers publics“ présumés. »Ironie du sort, pointe Walf Quotidien : Ismaïla Madior Fall porte désormais à la cheville le bracelet électronique qu'il avait lui-même instauré quand il était garde des Sceaux…

[MÉTAMORPHOSE PODCAST] Alexandre Dana reçoit Ismaël Khelifa, écrivain et présentateur d'Échappées belles. Peut-on guérir de sa relation au père ? Peut-on pardonner à un parent qui n'a jamais répondu présent ? Comment recréer un dialogue après un très long silence ? Quelle parentalité pour les pères d'aujourd'hui ? Ismaël Khelifa et Alexandre Dana explorent la complexité des relations entre un père et son fils. Un échange bouleversant et éclairant, pour tous ceux qui cherchent à faire la paix avec leur histoire. Son roman, Ce que la vie a de plus beau, est publié aux éditions Les Escales. Épisode #590Quelques citations du podcast avec Ismaël Khelifa :"Il n'y a rien de plus fort qu'une randonnée à deux dans la nature sauvage pour se parler, se connecter et en même temps se laver de tout le superflu.""Il y a une joie très profonde à être dans la nature sauvage.""La construction d'un enfant passe beaucoup par ce lien qu'on a à nos parents qui vont nous expliquer qui nous sommes à travers l'exemple qu'ils nous donnent."Thèmes abordés lors du podcast avec Ismaël Khelifa : 00:00 Introduction01:55 Le pitch du roman03:18 Le voyage pour se connecter à l'autre05:24 L'origine du livre07:37 Joie et nature sauvage09:29 L'absence du père : un phénomène civilisationnel13:28 Comment briser le silence avec ses parents ?18:57 La relation père/enfant dans d'autres cultures23:39 Comment réparer une absence ?27:25 Contre une hiérarchie dans les familles28:39 Entretenir le lien transgénérationnel30:49 D'autres modèles de parentalité32:42 Trouver sa place de père38:55 Le plus beau cadeau d'un père pour son filsAvant-propos et précautions à l'écoute du podcastDécouvrez Objectif Métamorphose, notre programme en 12 étapes pour partir à la rencontre de soi-même.Recevez un mercredi sur deux la newsletter Métamorphose avec des infos inédites sur le podcast et les inspirations d'AnneFaites le TEST gratuit de La Roue Métamorphose avec 9 piliers de votre vie !Suivez nos RS : Insta, Facebook & TikTokAbonnez-vous sur Apple Podcast / Spotify / Deezer / CastBox/ YoutubeSoutenez Métamorphose en rejoignant la Tribu MétamorphosePhoto @pierreemilio_medina Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

En este episodio Isma nos trae tres misterios que no sabías que eran misterios, pero que estoy seguro te vas a sorprender. 

Find me and my music here:https://linktr.ee/filipholmSupport Let's Talk Religion on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/letstalkreligion Or through a one-time donation: https://paypal.me/talkreligiondonateSources/Recomended Reading:Badakhchani, S.J. (translated by) (1999). “Contemplation and Action: The Spiritual Autobiography of a Muslim Scholar”. I.B. Tauris.Badakhchani, S.J. (translated by) (2004). “The Paradise of Submission: A Medieval Treatise on Ismaili Thought”. Ismaili Texts and Translations. I.B. Tauris.Chittick, William (1981). “Mysticism versus Philosophy in Earlier Islamic History: The Al-Ṭūsī, Al-Qūnawī Correspondence”. In Religious StudiesVol. 17, No. 1 (Mar., 1981). Cambridge University Press.Daftary, Farhad (2007). "The Isma'ilis: Their history and doctrines". Cambridge University Press.Meisami, Sayeh (2019). “Nasir al-Din Tusi: A Philosopher for All Seasons”. The Islamic Texts Society.Qara'i, Ali Quli (translated by) (?) “Awsaf al-Ashraf: Attributes of the Noble”. In al-Tawhid Islamic Journal, Vol.11, No.3, No.4. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Barcelone - Inter : 3-3, première manche de feu ! Un match aller de demi-finale de Ligue des champions haletant, marqué par un doublé de Dumfries et un Lamine Yamal record ! Qui a pris l'ascendant avant le retour à San Siro ? Demi-finales de C1, un premier bilan : qui a frappé fort ?Le PSG s'impose 1-0 à Arsenal, Barcelone et l'Inter se neutralisent. Quelles équipes sont en position favorable avant les rencontres retour ?Génération Foot : une académie qui fait rayonner le SénégalDe Sadio Mané à Lamine Camara en passant par Ismaïla Sarr et tant d'autres, Génération Foot forme depuis 2000 des talents majeurs du continent. En partenariat avec le FC Metz, le centre concilie rigueur sportive et excellence éducative. Un modèle de référence pour les centres de formation africains ? Notre invité : Talla Fall, directeur de la communication de Génération Foot (Sénégal).Autour d'Annie Gasnier : Dominique Sévérac, Jean-Philippe Bouchard et Carlos BianchiTechnique/Réalisation : Laurent Salerno, chef d'édition David FintzelÀ lire aussiLigue des champions: le Barça et l'Inter dos à dos après un match de folie