Podcast appearances and mentions of nestor kirchner

Colombia-based trader Ian Bezek (@irbezek) returns to the show to offer some final thoughts on the close and uncertain presidential race in Argentina. 1:32: Ian's thoughts on the final debate between Javier Milei and Sergio Massa 2:10: Ian's advice on Polymarket's margin market 5:20: Interview begins 6:06: Massa's backround 7:43: Massa's political baggage 8:45: Questions about Massa's alleged drug addiction 9:56: Market volatility since the eve of the first round of elections 11:39: Why did polls miss on the first round? 12:49: Milei's shortcomings 14:34: Summary of first round results 15:38: Why so much market volatility? 18:29: How much of Patricia Bullrich's support will go to Milei? 19:57: Argentina's economy 25:41: Milei's extremist statements 27:54: How foreign investors are seeing the election 29:19: Massa overperformed the polls 32:25: Polling 34:52: Ian's predictions and advice 35:50: Pratik's argument for buying Massa 39:18: Stock prices of Milei's former employer 40:58: Implications of a Milei victory for political betting 42:27: Recent elections in South America Follow Star Spangled Gamblers on Twitter: @ssgamblers

Com a aceleração da construção do gasoduto argentino Nestor Kirchner, crescem as expectativas de que o Brasil pode receber gás de Vaca Muerta, sem depender de grandes investimentos em infraestrutura. Junte-se a Camila Dias, diretora da Argus no Brasil, e Flávia Pierry, editora de Gás Natural e Energia. Elas conversam sobre os rumos do gás da Bolívia e como essa integração pode acontecer.

Entrevista de Carlos Mira en Mira quién Habla a Emilio Apud, ex secretario de energía, por el gasoducto Nestor Kirchner.

El escritor y periodista Gustavo Ng, director de la revista Dang Dai, de comunicación intercultural Argentino – China, dialogó con “Encuentro Nacional” acerca de los orígenes de esta publicación, la demonización de China llevada a cabo por los medios occidentales y las posibilidades que ofrece el intercambio con ese país. Gustavo contó acerca de los orígenes de Dang Dai en el año 2010 tras seis años del inicio de la fuerte relación estratégica entre ambos países iniciada por Nestor Kirchner, la cual fue creada en respuesta a la necesidad de generar un espacio de comunicación cuyo contenido no respondiera a los intereses de las agencias de noticias norteamericanas que informan para el interés de los Estados unidos  y no para el interés argentino. También hizo un repaso a la historia reciente del país asiático, los logros obtenidos en los últimos setenta años dejando atrás el sometimiento a las potencias extranjeras y expresó algunos de los datos que reflejan el crecimiento conseguido al abandonar la dominación occidental. Además, se refirió al estudio donde analiza la visión argentina sobre las características chinas, las perspectivas de crecimiento en la relación comercial con el carácter de economías complementarias y la necesidad argentina de una producción conjunta para eliminar el déficit comercial que se presenta actualmente. Asimismo, hizo un repaso a sus orígenes chino argentinos y dio detalles sobre algunos de los libros donde indaga en las características de aquella cultura.  

A vice-presidente da Argentina, Cristina Kirchner, foi condenada a seis anos de prisão pela acusação de ter sido a chefe de uma organização criminosa para desviar dinheiro público, durante o período em que ela e o marido Nestor Kirchner presidiram o país, de 2003 a 2015.

Santiago Pont Lezica y Gisela Larsen hablaron con Fernando Castro, director de mejorenergia.com.ar, sitio especializado de energía sobre la renuncia del funcionario encargado del gasoducto Nestor Kirchner.

Support the show and receive bonus episodes by becoming a Patreon producer over at: www.themidnighttrainpodcast.com  Archives of terror Archivos del Terror were found on december 22, 1992 by a lawyer and human rights activist, strange how those two titles are in the same sentence, Dr. Martín Almada, and Judge José Agustín Fernández. Found in a police station in the suburbs of Paraguay known as Asunción.   Fernandez was looking for files on a former prisoner. Instead, stumbled across an archive describing the fates of thousands of Latin Americans who had been secretly kidnapped, tortured, and killed by the security services of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay with the help of our friendly neighborhood CIA. Known as Operation Condor.   “Operation Condor was a U.S. backed campaign of political repression and state terror involving intelligence operations and assassination of opponents.”   Let's go back a ways toward the beginning. One day, a young guy, wanted to fuck up the world and created the CIA. JK… but not really.   So we go back to 1968 where General Robert W. Porter said that "in order to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among Latin American countries, we are ... endeavoring to foster inter-service and regional cooperation by assisting in the organization of integrated command and control centers; the establishment of common operating procedures; and the conduct of joint and combined training exercises."   According to former secret CIA documents from 1976, plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies in the 1960s and early 1970s to deal with perceived threats in South America from political dissidents, according to American historian J. Patrice McSherry. "In early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia convened in Buenos Aires to prepare synchronized attacks against subversive targets," according to a declassified CIA memo dated June 23, 1976.   Following a series of military-led coups d'états, particularly in the 1970s, the program was established: General Alfredo Stroessner took control of Paraguay in 1954 General Francisco Morales-Bermúdez takes control of Peru after a successful coup in 1975 The Brazilian military overthrew the president João Goulart in 1964 General Hugo Banzer took power in Bolivia in 1971 through a series of coups A military dictatorship seized power in Uruguay on 27 June 1973 Chilean armed forces commanded by General Augusto Pinochet bombed the presidential palace in Chile on 11 September 1973, overthrowing democratically elected president Salvador Allende A military dictatorship headed by General Jorge Rafael Videla seized power in Argentina on 24 March 1976   According to American journalist A. J. Langguth, the CIA organized the first meetings between Argentinian and Uruguayan security officials regarding the surveillance (and subsequent disappearance or assassination) of political refugees in these countries, as well as its role as an intermediary in the meetings between Argentinian, Uruguayan, and Brazilian death squads.   According to the National Security Archive's documentary evidence from US, Paraguayan, Argentine, and Chilean files, "Founded by the Pinochet regime in November 1975, Operation Condor was the codename for a formal Southern Cone collaboration that included transnational secret intelligence activities, kidnapping, torture, disappearance, and assassination." Several persons were slain as part of this codename mission. "Notable Condor victims include two former Uruguayan legislators and a former Bolivian president, Juan José Torres, murdered in Buenos Aires, a former Chilean Minister of the Interior, Bernardo Leighton, and former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his 26-year-old American colleague, Ronni Moffitt, assassinated by a car bomb in downtown Washington D.C.," according to the report.   Prior to the formation of Operation Condor, there had been cooperation among various security services with the goal of "eliminating Marxist subversion." On September 3, 1973, at the Conference of American Armies in Caracas, Brazilian General Breno Borges Fortes, the chief of the Brazilian army, urged that various services "expand the interchange of information" in order to "fight against subversion."   Representatives from Chile, Uruguay, and Bolivia's police forces met with Alberto Villar, deputy chief of the Argentine Federal Police and co-founder of the Triple A killing squad, in March 1974 to discuss collaboration standards. Their purpose was to eliminate the "subversive" threat posed by Argentina's tens of thousands of political exiles. Bolivian immigrants' bodies were discovered at rubbish dumps in Buenos Aires in August 1974. Based on recently revealed CIA records dated June 1976, McSherry corroborated the kidnapping and torture of Chilean and Uruguayan exiles living in Buenos Aires during this time.   On General Augusto Pinochet's 60th birthday, November 25, 1975, in Santiago de Chile, heads of the military intelligence services of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay met with Manuel Contreras, commander of the Chilean secret police, to officially establish the Plan Condor. General Rivero, an intelligence officer in the Argentine Armed Forces and a former student of the French, devised the concept of Operation Condor, according to French writer Marie-Monique Robin, author of Escadrons de la death, l'école française (2004, Death Squads, The French School).   Officially, the targets were armed groups (such as the MIR, the Montoneros or the ERP, the Tupamaros, etc.) based on the governments' perceptions of threats, but the governments expanded their attacks to include all types of political opponents, including their families and others, as reported by the Valech Commission, which is known as The National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture Report. The Argentine "Dirty War," for example, kidnapped, tortured, and assassinated many trade unionists, relatives of activists, social activists such as the founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, nuns, university professors, and others, according to most estimates.   The Chilean DINA and its Argentine counterpart, SIDE, were the operation's front-line troops from 1976 forward. The infamous "death flights," which were postulated in Argentina by Luis Mara Menda and deployed by French forces during the Algerian War (1954–62), were widely used. Government forces flew or helicoptered victims out to sea, where they were dumped to die in premeditated disappearances. According to reports, the OPR-33 facility in Argentina was destroyed as a result of the military bombardment. Members of Plan Condor met in Santiago, Chile, in May 1976, to discuss "long-range collaboration... [that] went well beyond intelligence exchange" and to assign code names to the participating countries. The CIA acquired information in July that Plan Condor participants planned to strike "against leaders of indigenous terrorist groups residing overseas."   Several corpses washed up on beaches south of Buenos Aires in late 1977 as a result of extraordinary storms, providing evidence of some of the government's victims. Hundreds of newborns and children were removed from women in prison who had been kidnapped and later disappeared; the children were then given to families and associates of the dictatorship in clandestine adoptions. According to the CIA, Operation Condor countries reacted positively to the concept of cooperating and built their own communications network as well as joint training programs in areas like psychological warfare.    The military governments in South America were coming together to join forces for security concerns, according to a memo prepared by Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America Harry W. Shlaudeman to Kissinger on August 3, 1976. They were anxious about the growth of Marxism and the consequences it would have on their dominance. This new force worked in secret in the countries of other members. Their mission: to track out and murder "Revolutionary Coordinating Committee" terrorists in their own nations and throughout Europe.Shlaudeman voiced fear that the members of Operation Condor's "siege mindset" could lead to a wider divide between military and civilian institutions in the region. He was also concerned that this would further isolate these countries from developed Western countries. He argued that some of these anxieties were justified, but that by reacting too harshly, these countries risked inciting a violent counter-reaction comparable to the PLO's in Israel.   Chile and Argentina were both active in using communications medium for the purpose of transmitting propaganda, according to papers from the United States dated April 17, 1977. The propaganda's goal was to accomplish two things. The first goal was to defuse/counter international media criticism of the governments involved, and the second goal was to instill national pride in the local population. "Chile after Allende," a propaganda piece developed by Chile, was sent to the states functioning under Condor. The paper, however, solely mentions Uruguay and Argentina as the only two countries that have signed the deal. The government of Paraguay was solely identified as using the local press, "Patria," as its primary source of propaganda. Due to the reorganisation of both Argentina's and Paraguay's intelligence organizations, a meeting scheduled for March 1977 to discuss "psychological warfare measures against terrorists and leftist extremists" was canceled.   One "component of the campaign including Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina envisages unlawful operations beyond Latin America against expatriate terrorists, primarily in Europe," according to a 2016 declassified CIA study titled "Counterterrorism in the Southern Cone." "All military-controlled regimes in the Southern Cone consider themselves targets of international Marxism," the memo stated. Condor's fundamental characteristic was highlighted in the document, which came to fruition in early 1974 when "security officials from all of the member countries, except Brazil, agreed to establish liaison channels and to facilitate the movement of security officers on government business from one country to the other," as part of a long-tested "regional approach" to pacifying "subversion." Condor's "initial aims" included the "exchange of information on the Revolutionary Coordinating Junta (RCJ), an organization...of terrorist groups from Bolivia, Uruguay, Chile, Argentina, and Paraguay" with "representatives" in Europe "believed to have been involved in the assassinations in Paris of the Bolivian ambassador to France last May and a Uruguayan military attache in 1974." Condor's primary purpose, according to the CIA assessment, was to eliminate "top-level terrorist leaders" as well as non-terrorist targets such as "Uruguayan opposition figure Wilson Ferreira, if he should travel to Europe, and some leaders of Amnesty International." Condor was also suspected by the CIA of being "involved in nonviolent actions, including as psychological warfare and a propaganda campaign" that used the media's power to "publicize terrorist crimes and atrocities." Condor also urged citizens in its member countries to "report anything out of the norm in their surroundings" in an appeal to "national pride and national conscience." Another meeting took place in 1980, and Montensero was apprehended. The RSO allegedly promised not to kill them if they agreed to collaborate and provide information on upcoming meetings in Rio.   So, after all of this mumbo jumbo, let's recap.    50,000 people were killed, 30,000 disappeared, and 400,000 were imprisoned, according to the "terror archives."  A letter signed by Manuel Contreras, the chief of Chile's National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) at the time, inviting Paraguayan intelligence personnel to Santiago for a clandestine "First Working Meeting on National Intelligence" on November 25, 1975, was also uncovered. The presence of intelligence chiefs from Argentina, Bolivia, and Uruguay at the meetings was also confirmed by this letter, indicating that those countries were also involved in the formulation of Operation Condor. Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela are among the countries named in the archives as having collaborated to varying degrees by giving intelligence information that had been sought by the security agencies of the Southern Cone countries. Parts of the archives, which are presently housed in Asunción's Palace of Justice, have been used to prosecute former military officers in some of these countries. Those records were used extensively in Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón's prosecution against Chilean General Augusto Pinochet. Baltasar Garzón interviewed Almada twice after he was a Condor victim.   "[The records] represent a mound of shame and lies that Stroessner [Paraguay's ruler until 1989] used to blackmail the Paraguayan people for 40 years," Almada said. He wants the "terror archives" to be listed as an international cultural site by UNESCO, as this would make it much easier to get funds to maintain and protect the records.   In May 2000, a UNESCO mission visited Asunción in response to a request from the Paraguayan government for assistance in registering these files on the Memory of the World Register, which is part of a program aimed at preserving and promoting humanity's documentary heritage by ensuring that records are preserved and accessible.   Now that we are all caught up, let's talk about a few noteworthy events. First we go to Argentina.   Argentina was ruled by military juntas from 1976 until 1983 under Operation Condor, which was a civic-military dictatorship. In countless incidents of desaparecidos, the Argentine SIDE collaborated with the Chilean DINA. In Buenos Aires, they assassinated Chilean General Carlos Prats, former Uruguayan MPs Zelmar Michelini and Héctor Gutiérrez Ruiz, and former Bolivian President Juan José Torres. With the support of Italian Gladio operator Stefano Delle Chiaie and Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie, the SIDE aided Bolivian commander Luis Garca Meza Tejada's Cocaine Coup (see also Operation Charly). Since the release of secret records, it has been revealed that at ESMA, there were operational units made up of Italians who were utilized to suppress organizations of Italian Montoneros. Gaetano Saya, the Officer of the Italian stay behind next - Operation Gladio, led this outfit known as "Shadow Group." The Madres de la Square de Mayo, a group of mothers whose children had vanished, began protesting every Thursday in front of the Casa Rosada on the plaza in April 1977. They wanted to know where their children were and what happened to them. The abduction of two French nuns and other founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in December 1977 drew worldwide notice. Their corpses were later recognized among the deceased washed up on beaches south of Buenos Aires in December 1977, victims of death planes.   In 1983, when Argentina's democracy was restored, the government established the National Commission for Forced Disappearances (CONADEP), which was chaired by writer Ernesto Sabato. It gathered testimony from hundreds of witnesses about regime victims and known atrocities, as well as documenting hundreds of secret jails and detention sites and identifying torture and execution squad leaders. The Juicio a las Juntas (Juntas Trial) two years later was mostly successful in proving the crimes of the top commanders of the numerous juntas that had composed the self-styled National Reorganization Process. Most of the top officers on trial, including Jorge Rafael Videla, Emilio Eduardo Massera, Roberto Eduardo Viola, Armando Lambruschini, Ral Agosti, Rubén Graffigna, Leopoldo Galtieri, Jorge Anaya, and Basilio Lami Dozo, were convicted and sentenced to life in prison.   Following these trials, Ral Alfonsn's administration implemented two amnesty laws, the 1986 Ley de Punto Final (law of closure) and the 1987 Ley de Obediencia Debida (law of due obedience), which ended prosecution of crimes committed during the Dirty War. In an attempt at healing and reconciliation, President Carlos Menem pardoned the junta's leaders who were serving prison sentences in 1989–1990.   Due to attacks on American citizens in Argentina and revelations about CIA funding of the Argentine military in the late 1990s, and despite an explicit 1990 Congressional prohibition, US President Bill Clinton ordered the declassification of thousands of State Department documents relating to US-Argentine relations dating back to 1954. These documents exposed American involvement in the Dirty War and Operation Condor.   Following years of protests by the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and other human rights organizations, the Argentine Congress overturned the amnesty legislation in 2003, with the full support of President Nestor Kirchner and the ruling majority in both chambers. In June 2005, the Argentine Supreme Court deemed them unlawful after a separate assessment. The government was able to resume prosecution of crimes committed during the Dirty War as a result of the court's decision.    Enrique Arancibia Clavel, a DINA civil agent who was charged with crimes against humanity in Argentina in 2004, was sentenced to life in prison for his role in the death of General Prats. Stefano Delle Chiaie, a suspected Italian terrorist, is also said to have been involved in the murder. In Rome in December 1995, he and fellow extreme Vincenzo Vinciguerra testified before federal judge Mara Servini de Cubra that DINA operatives Clavel and Michael Townley were intimately involved in the assassination. Judge Servini de Cubra demanded that Mariana Callejas (Michael Townley's wife) and Cristoph Willikie, a retired Chilean army colonel, be extradited in 2003 because they were also accused of being complicit in the murder. Nibaldo Segura, a Chilean appeals court judge, declined extradition in July 2005, claiming that they had already been prosecuted in Chile.   Twenty-five former high-ranking military commanders from Argentina and Uruguay were charged on March 5, 2013, in Buenos Aires with conspiring to "kidnap, disappear, torture, and kill" 171 political opponents throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Former Argentine "presidents" Jorge Videla and Reynaldo Bignone, both from the El Proceso era, are among the defendants. Prosecutors are relying on declassified US records collected by the National Security Archive, a non-governmental entity established at George Washington University in Washington, DC, in the 1990s and later.   On May 27, 2016, fifteen former military personnel were found guilty. Reynaldo Bignone was sentenced to 20 years in prison. Fourteen of the remaining 16 defendants were sentenced to eight to twenty-five years in prison. Two of the defendants were found not guilty.  A lawyer for the victims' relatives, Luz Palmás Zalda, claims that "This decision is significant since it is the first time Operation Condor's existence has been proven in court. It's also the first time former Condor members have been imprisoned for their roles in the criminal organization."    Anyone wanna go to Brazil?   In the year 2000, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso ordered the publication of some military documents related to Operation Condor. There are documents proving that in that year, attorney general Giancarlo Capaldo, an Italian magistrate, investigated the "disappearances" of Italian citizens in Latin America, which were most likely caused by the actions of Argentine, Paraguayan, Chilean, and Brazilian military personnel who tortured and murdered Italian citizens during Latin American military dictatorships. There was a list containing the names of eleven Brazilians accused of murder, kidnapping, and torture, as well as several high-ranking military personnel from other countries involved in the operation.   "(...) I can neither affirm nor deny because Argentine, Brazilian, Paraguayan, and Chilean soldiers [military men] will be subject to criminal trial until December," the Magistrate said on October 26, 2000.   According to the Italian government's official statement, it was unclear whether the government would prosecute the accused military officers or not. As of November 2021, no one in Brazil had been convicted of human rights violations for actions committed during the 21-year military dictatorship because the Amnesty Law had protected both government officials and leftist guerrillas.   In November 1978, the Condor Operation expanded its covert persecution from Uruguay to Brazil, in an incident dubbed "o Sequestro dos Uruguaios," or "the Kidnapping of the Uruguayans." Senior officials of the Uruguayan army crossed the border into Porto Alegre, the capital of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, with the permission of the Brazilian military administration. They kidnapped Universindo Rodriguez and Lilian Celiberti, a political activist couple from Uruguay, as well as her two children, Camilo and Francesca, who are five and three years old.   The unlawful operation failed because an anonymous phone call notified two Brazilian journalists, Veja magazine reporter Luiz Cláudio Cunha and photographer Joo Baptista Scalco, that the Uruguayan couple had been "disappeared." The two journalists traveled to the specified address, a Porto Alegre apartment, to double-check the facts. The armed men who had arrested Celiberti mistook the journalists for other political opposition members when they came, and they were arrested as well. Universindo Rodriguez and the children had already been brought to Uruguay under the table.   The journalists' presence had exposed the secret operation when their identities were revealed. It was put on hold. As news of the political kidnapping of Uruguayan nationals in Brazil made headlines in the Brazilian press, it is thought that the operation's disclosure avoided the death of the couple and their two young children. It became a worldwide embarrassment. Both Brazil's and Uruguay's military governments were humiliated. Officials arranged for the Celibertis' children to be transported to their maternal grandparents in Montevideo a few days later. After being imprisoned and tortured in Brazil, Rodriguez and Celiberti were transferred to Uruguayan military cells and held there for the next five years. The couple were released after Uruguay's democracy was restored in 1984. They confirmed every element of their kidnapping that had previously been reported.   In 1980, two DOPS (Department of Political and Social Order, an official police unit in charge of political repression during the military administration) inspectors were found guilty of arresting the journalists in Lilian's apartment in Porto Alegre by Brazilian courts. Joo Augusto da Rosa and Orandir Portassi Lucas were their names. They had been identified as participants in the kidnapping by the media and Uruguayans. This occurrence confirmed the Brazilian government's active involvement in the Condor Operation. Governor Pedro Simon arranged for the state of Rio Grande do Sul to legally recognize the Uruguayans' kidnapping and compensate them financially in 1991. A year later, President Luis Alberto Lacalle's democratic government in Uruguay was encouraged to do the same.   The Uruguayan couple identified Pedro Seelig, the head of the DOPS at the time of the kidnapping, as the guy in charge of the operation in Porto Alegre. Universindo and Llian remained in prison in Uruguay and were unable to testify when Seelig was on trial in Brazil. Due to a lack of proof, the Brazilian cop was acquitted. Later testimony from Lilian and Universindo revealed that four officers from Uruguay's secret Counter-Information Division – two majors and two captains – took part in the operation with the permission of Brazilian authorities. In the DOPS headquarters in Porto Alegre, Captain Glauco Yanonne was personally responsible for torturing Universindo Rodriquez. Universindo and Lilian were able to identify the Uruguayan military men who had arrested and tortured them, but none of them were prosecuted in Montevideo. Uruguayan individuals who committed acts of political repression and human rights violations under the dictatorship were granted pardon under the Law of Immunity, which was approved in 1986. Cunha and Scalco were given the 1979 Esso Prize, considered the most significant prize in Brazilian journalism, for their investigative journalism on the case.  Hugo Cores, a former political prisoner from Uruguay, was the one who had warned Cunha. He told the Brazilian press in 1993: All the Uruguayans kidnapped abroad, around 180 people, are missing to this day. The only ones who managed to survive are Lilian, her children, and Universindo.   Joo "Jango" Goulart was the first Brazilian president to die in exile after being deposed. On December 6, 1976, he died in his sleep in Mercedes, Argentina, of a suspected heart attack. The true cause of his death was never determined because an autopsy was never performed. On April 26, 2000, Leonel Brizola, Jango's brother-in-law and former governor of Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul, claimed that ex-presidents Joo Goulart and Juscelino Kubitschek (who died in a vehicle accident) were assassinated as part of Operation Condor. He demanded that an investigation into their deaths be launched. On January 27, 2008, the newspaper Folha de S.Paulo published a report featuring a declaration from Mario Neira Barreiro, a former member of Uruguay's dictatorship's intelligence service. Barreiro confirmed Brizola's claims that Goulart had been poisoned. Sérgio Paranhos Fleury, the head of the Departamento de Ordem Poltica e Social (Department of Political and Social Order), gave the order to assassinate Goulart, according to Barreiro, and president Ernesto Geisel gave the permission to execute him. A special panel of the Rio Grande do Sul Legislative Assembly concluded in July 2008 that "the evidence that Jango was wilfully slain, with knowledge of the Geisel regime, is strong."   The magazine CartaCapital published previously unreleased National Information Service records generated by an undercover agent who was present at Jango's Uruguayan homes in March 2009. This new information backs up the idea that the former president was poisoned. The Goulart family has yet to figure out who the "B Agent," as he's referred to in the documents, might be. The agent was a close friend of Jango's, and he detailed a disagreement between the former president and his son during the former president's 56th birthday party, which was sparked by a brawl between two employees. As a result of the story, the Chamber of Deputies' Human Rights Commission agreed to look into Jango's death.   Later, Maria Teresa Fontela Goulart, Jango's widow, was interviewed by CartaCapital, who revealed records from the Uruguayan government confirming her accusations that her family had been tracked. Jango's travel, business, and political activities were all being watched by the Uruguayan government. These data date from 1965, a year after Brazil's coup, and they indicate that he may have been targeted. The President Joo Goulart Institute and the Movement for Justice and Human Rights have requested a document from the Uruguayan Interior Ministry stating that "serious and credible Brazilian sources'' discussed an "alleged plan against the former Brazilian president."   If you thought it wasn't enough, let's talk about Chile. No not the warm stew lie concoction you make to scorn your buddy's stomach, but the country.   Additional information about Condor was released when Augusto Pinochet was detained in London in 1998 in response to Spanish magistrate Baltasar Garzón's request for his extradition to Spain. According to one of the lawyers requesting his extradition, Carlos Altamirano, the leader of the Chilean Socialist Party, was the target of an assassination attempt. He said that after Franco's funeral in Madrid in 1975, Pinochet contacted Italian neofascist terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie and arranged for Altamirano's murder. The strategy didn't work out. Since the bodies of victims kidnapped and presumably murdered could not be found, Chilean judge Juan Guzmán Tapia established a precedent concerning the crime of "permanent kidnapping": he determined that the kidnapping was thought to be ongoing, rather than having occurred so long ago that the perpetrators were protected by an amnesty decreed in 1978 or the Chilean statute of limitations. The Chilean government admitted in November 2015 that Pablo Neruda may have been murdered by members of Pinochet's administration.   Assassinations   On September 30, 1974, a car bomb killed General Carlos Prats and his wife, Sofa Cuthbert, in Buenos Aires, where they were living in exile. The Chilean DINA has been charged with the crime. In January 2005, Chilean Judge Alejandro Sols ended Pinochet's case when the Chilean Supreme Court denied his request to strip Pinochet's immunity from prosecution (as chief of state). In Chile, the assassination of DINA commanders Manuel Contreras, ex-chief of operations and retired general Ral Itturiaga Neuman, his brother Roger Itturiaga, and ex-brigadiers Pedro Espinoza Bravo and José Zara was accused. In Argentina, DINA agent Enrique Arancibia Clavel was found guilty of the murder.   After moving in exile in Italy, Bernardo Leighton and his wife were severely injured in a botched assassination attempt on October 6, 1975. Bernardo Leighton was critically injured in the gun attack, and his wife, Anita Fresno, was permanently crippled. Stefano Delle Chiaie met with Michael Townley and Virgilio Paz Romero in Madrid in 1975 to plan the murder of Bernardo Leighton with the help of Franco's secret police, according to declassified documents in the National Security Archive and Italian attorney general Giovanni Salvi, who led the prosecution of former DINA head Manuel Contreras. Glyn T. Davies, the secretary of the National Security Council (NSC), said in 1999 that declassified records indicated Pinochet's government's responsibility for the failed assassination attempt on Bernardo Leighton, Orlando Letelier, and General Carlos Prats on October 6, 1975.   In a December 2004 OpEd piece in the Los Angeles Times, Francisco Letelier, Orlando Letelier's son, claimed that his father's killing was part of Operation Condor, which he described as "an intelligence-sharing network employed by six South American tyrants of the time to eliminate dissidents."   Letelier's death, according to Michael Townley, was caused by Pinochet. Townley admitted to hiring five anti-Castro Cuban exiles to set up a booby-trap in Letelier's automobile. Following consultations with the terrorist organization CORU's leadership, including Luis Posada Carriles and Orlando Bosch, Cuban-Americans José Dionisio Suárez, Virgilio Paz Romero, Alvin Ross Daz, and brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo Sampoll were chosen to carry out the murder, according to Jean-Guy Allard. The Miami Herald reports that Luis Posada Carriles was there at the conference that decided on Letelier's death as well as the bombing of Cubana Flight 455.   During a public protest against Pinochet in July 1986, photographer Rodrigo Rojas DeNegri was burned alive and Carmen Gloria Quintana received significant burns. The case of the two became known as Caso Quemados ("The Burned Case"), and it drew attention in the United States because Rojas had fled to the United States following the 1973 coup. [96] According to a document from the US State Department, the Chilean army set fire to both Rojas and Quintana on purpose. Rojas and Quintana, on the other hand, were accused by Pinochet of being terrorists who lit themselves on fire with their own Molotov cocktails. Pinochet's reaction to the attack and killing of Rojas, according to National Security Archive analyst Peter Kornbluh, was "contributed to Reagan's decision to withdraw support for the regime and press for a return to civilian rule."   Operación Silencio   Operación Silencio (Operation Silence) was a Chilean operation that removed witnesses from the country in order to obstruct investigations by Chilean judges. It began about a year before the "terror archives" in Paraguay were discovered. Arturo Sanhueza Ross, the man accused of assassinating MIR leader Jecar Neghme in 1989, departed the country in April 1991.    According to the Rettig Report, Chilean intelligence officers were responsible for Jecar Neghme's killing. Carlos Herrera Jiménez, the man who assassinated trade unionist Tucapel Jiménez, flew out in September 1991. Eugenio Berros, a chemist who had cooperated with DINA agent Michael Townley, was led by Operation Condor agents from Chile to Uruguay in October 1991 in order to avoid testifying in the Letelier case. He used passports from Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Brazil, prompting suspicions that Operation Condor was still active. In 1995, Berros was discovered dead in El Pinar, Uruguay, near Montevideo. His corpse had been mangled to the point where it was hard to identify him by sight.   Michael Townley, who is now under witness protection in the United States, recognized linkages between Chile, DINA, and the incarceration and torture camp Colonia Dignidad in January 2005. The facility was founded in 1961 by Paul Schäfer, who was arrested and convicted of child rape in Buenos Aires in March 2005. Interpol was notified about Colonia Dignidad and the Army's Bacteriological Warfare Laboratory by Townley. This lab would have taken the place of the previous DINA lab on Via Naranja de lo Curro, where Townley collaborated with chemical assassin Eugenio Berros. According to the court reviewing the case, the toxin that allegedly murdered Christian-Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva could have been created at this new lab in Colonia Dignidad. Dossiê Jango, a Brazilian-Uruguayan-Argentine collaboration film released in 2013, accused the same lab in the alleged poisoning of Brazil's deposed president, Joo Goulart.   Congressman Koch   The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents was released in February 2004 by reporter John Dinges. He reported that in mid-1976, Uruguayan military officers threatened to assassinate United States Congressman Edward Koch (later Mayor of New York City). The CIA station commander in Montevideo had received information about it in late July 1976. He advised the Agency to take no action after finding that the men were inebriated at the time. Colonel José Fons, who was present at the November 1975 covert meeting in Santiago, Chile, and Major José Nino Gavazzo, who led a team of intelligence agents working in Argentina in 1976 and was responsible for the deaths of over 100 Uruguayans, were among the Uruguayan officers.   Koch told Dinges in the early twenty-first century that CIA Director George H. W. Bush informed him in October 1976 that "his sponsorship of legislation to cut off US military assistance to Uruguay on human rights concerns had prompted secret police officers to 'put a contract out for you'." Koch wrote to the Justice Department in mid-October 1976, requesting FBI protection, but he received none. It had been more than two months after the meeting and the assassination of Orlando Letelier in Washington. Colonel Fons and Major Gavazzo were sent to important diplomatic postings in Washington, D.C. in late 1976. The State Department ordered the Uruguayan government to rescind their appointments, citing the possibility of "unpleasant publicity" for "Fons and Gavazzo."  Only in 2001 did Koch learn of the links between the threats and the position appointments.   Paraguay The US supported Alfredo Stroessner's anti-communist military dictatorship and played a "vital supporting role" in Stroessner's Paraguay's domestic affairs. As part of Operation Condor, for example, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Thierry of the United States Army was deployed to assist local workers in the construction of "La Technica," a detention and interrogation center. La Technica was also renowned as a torture facility. Pastor Coronel, Stroessner's secret police, washed their victims in human vomit and excrement tubs and shocked them in the rectum with electric cattle prods. They decapitated Miguel Angel Soler [es], the Communist party secretary, with a chainsaw while Stroessner listened on the phone. Stroessner asked that tapes of inmates wailing in agony be presented to their relatives.   Harry Shlaudeman defined Paraguay's militarized state as a "nineteenth-century military administration that looks nice on the cartoon page" in a report to Kissinger. Shlaudeman's assessments were paternalistic, but he was correct in observing that Paraguay's "backwardness" was causing it to follow in the footsteps of its neighbors. Many decolonized countries regarded national security concerns in terms of neighboring countries and long-standing ethnic or regional feuds, but the United States viewed conflict from a global and ideological viewpoint. During the Chaco War, Shlaudeman mentions Paraguay's amazing fortitude in the face of greater military force from its neighbors. The government of Paraguay believes that the country's victory over its neighbors over several decades justifies the country's lack of progress. The paper goes on to say that Paraguay's political traditions were far from democratic. Because of this reality, as well as a fear of leftist protest in neighboring countries, the government has prioritized the containment of political opposition over the growth of its economic and political institutions. They were driven to defend their sovereignty due to an ideological fear of their neighbors. As a result, many officials were inspired to act in the interest of security by the fight against radical, communist movements both within and beyond the country. The book Opération Condor, written by French writer Pablo Daniel Magee and prefaced by Costa Gavras, was published in 2020. The story chronicles the life of Martin Almada, a Paraguayan who was a victim of the Condor Operation.   The Peruvian Case   After being kidnapped in 1978, Peruvian legislator Javier Diez Canseco announced that he and twelve other compatriots (Justiniano Apaza Ordóñez, Hugo Blanco, Genaro Ledesma Izquieta, Valentín Pacho, Ricardo Letts, César Lévano, Ricardo Napurí, José Luis Alvarado Bravo, Alfonso Baella Tuesta, Guillermo Faura Gaig, José Arce Larco and Humberto Damonte). All opponents of Francisco Morales Bermudez's dictatorship were exiled and handed over to the Argentine armed forces in Jujuy in 1978 after being kidnapped in Peru. He also claimed that declassified CIA documents and WikiLeaks cable information account for the Morales Bermudez government's ties to Operation Condor.   Uruguay   Juan Mara Bordaberry declared himself dictator and banned the rest of the political parties, as was customary in the Southern Cone dictatorships of the 1970s. In the alleged defense against subversion, a large number of people were murdered, tortured, unjustly detained and imprisoned, kidnapped, and forced into disappearance during the de facto administration, which lasted from 1973 until 1985. Prior to the coup d'état in 1973, the CIA served as a consultant to the country's law enforcement institutions. Dan Mitrione, perhaps the most well-known example of such cooperation, had taught civilian police in counterinsurgency at the School of the Americas in Panama, afterwards renamed the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation.   Maybe now we can talk about the U.S involvement? The U.S never gets involved in anything so this might be new to some of you.   According to US paperwork, the US supplied critical organizational, financial, and technological help to the operation far into the 1980s. The long-term hazards of a right-wing bloc, as well as its early policy recommendations, were discussed in a US Department of State briefing for Henry Kissinger, then Secretary of State, dated 3 August 1976, prepared by Harry Shlaudeman and titled "Third World War and South America." The briefing was an overview of security forces in the Southern Cone. The operation was described as a joint effort by six Latin American countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay) to win the "Third World War" by eliminating "subversion" through transnational secret intelligence operations, kidnapping, torture, disappearance, and assassination. The research begins by examining the sense of unity shared by the six countries of the Southern Cone. Kissinger is warned by Shlaudeman that the "Third World War" will trap those six countries in an ambiguous position in the long run, because they are trapped on one side by "international Marxism and its terrorist exponents," and on the other by "the hostility of uncomprehending industrial democracies misled by Marxist propaganda." According to the report, US policy toward Operation Condor should “emphasize the differences between the five countries at all times, depoliticize human rights, oppose rhetorical exaggerations of the ‘Third-World-War' type, and bring potential bloc members back into our cognitive universe through systematic exchanges.” According to CIA papers from 1976, strategies to deal with political dissidents in South America were planned among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies from 1960 to the early 1970s. "In early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia convened in Buenos Aires to arrange synchronized attacks against subversive targets," according to a declassified CIA memo dated June 23, 1976. Officials in the United States were aware of the situation.   Furthermore, the Defense Intelligence Agency revealed in September 1976 that US intelligence services were well aware of Operation Condor's architecture and intentions. They discovered that "Operation Condor" was the covert name for gathering intelligence on "leftists," Communists, Peronists, or Marxists in the Southern Cone Area. The intelligence services were aware that the operation was being coordinated by the intelligence agencies of numerous South American nations (including Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia), with Chile serving as the hub. Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, according to the DIA, were already aggressively pursuing operations against communist targets, primarily in Argentina.   The report's third point reveals the US comprehension of Operation Condor's most malevolent actions. "The development of special teams from member countries to execute out operations, including killings against terrorists or sympathizers of terrorist groups," according to the paper. Although these special teams were intelligence agency operatives rather than military troops, they did work in structures similar to those used by US special forces teams, according to the study. Operation Condor's preparations to undertake probable operations in France and Portugal were revealed in Kissinger's State Department briefing - an issue that would later prove to be immensely contentious in Condor's history.   Condor's core was formed by the US government's sponsorship and collaboration with DINA (Directorate of National Intelligence) and other intelligence agencies. According to CIA papers, the agency maintained intimate ties with officers of Chile's secret police, DINA, and its leader Manuel Contreras.  Even after his role in the Letelier-Moffit killing was discovered, Contreras was kept as a paid CIA contact until 1977. Official requests to trace suspects to and from the US Embassy, the CIA, and the FBI may be found in the Paraguayan Archives. The military states received suspect lists and other intelligence material from the CIA. In 1975, the FBI conducted a nationwide hunt in the United States for persons sought by DINA.   In a February 1976 telegram from the Buenos Aires embassy to the State Department, intelligence said that the US was aware of the impending Argentinian coup. According to the ambassador, the Chief of the Foreign Ministry's North American desk revealed that the "Military Planning Group" had asked him to prepare a report and recommendations on how the "future military government can avoid or minimize the sort of problems the Chilean and Uruguayan governments are having with the US over human rights issues." The Chief also indicated that "they" (whether he is talking to the CIA or Argentina's future military dictatorship, or both) will confront opposition if they start assassinating and killing people. Assuming this is so, the envoy notes that the military coup will "intend to carry forward an all-out war on the terrorists and that some executions would therefore probably be necessary." Despite already being engaged in the region's politics, this indicates that the US was aware of the planning of human rights breaches before they occurred and did not intervene to prevent them. "It is encouraging to note that the Argentine military are aware of the problem and are already focusing on ways to avoid letting human rights issues become an irritant in US-Argentine Relations." This is confirmation.   Professor Ruth Blakeley says that Kissinger "explicitly expressed his support for the repression of political opponents" in regards to the Argentine junta's continuous human rights violations.  When Henry Kissinger met with Argentina's Foreign Minister on October 5, 1976, he said, ” Look, our basic attitude is that we would like you to succeed. I have an old-fashioned view that friends ought to be supported. What is not understood in the United States is that you have a civil war. We read about human rights problems but not the context. The quicker you succeed the better ... The human rights problem is a growing one. Your Ambassador can apprise you. We want a stable situation. We won't cause you unnecessary difficulties. If you can finish before Congress gets back, the better. Whatever freedoms you could restore would help.”   The démarche was never provided in the end. According to Kornbluh and Dinges, the decision not to deliver Kissinger's directive was based on Assistant Secretary Harry Shlaudeman's letter to his deputy in Washington, D.C., which stated: "you can simply instruct the Ambassadors to take no further action, noting that there have been no reports in some weeks indicating an intention to activate the Condor scheme."   President Bill Clinton ordered the State Department to release hundreds of declassified papers in June 1999, indicating for the first time that the CIA, State, and Defense Departments were all aware of Condor. According to a 1 October 1976 DOD intelligence assessment, Latin American military commanders gloat about it to their American colleagues. Condor's "joint counterinsurgency operations" sought to "eliminate Marxist terrorist activities," according to the same study; Argentina developed a special Condor force "structured much like a US Special Forces Team," it said. According to a summary of documents disclosed in 2004, The declassified record shows that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was briefed on Condor and its "murder operations" on August 5, 1976, in a 14-page report from [Harry] Shlaudeman [Assistant Secretary of State]. "Internationally, the Latin generals look like our guys," Shlaudeman cautioned. "We are especially identified with Chile. It cannot do us any good." Shlaudeman and his two deputies, William Luers and Hewson Ryan, recommended action. Over the course of three weeks, they drafted a cautiously worded demarche, approved by Kissinger, in which he instructed the U.S. ambassadors in the Southern Cone countries to meet with the respective heads of state about Condor. He instructed them to express "our deep concern" about "rumors" of "plans for the assassination of subversives, politicians and prominent figures both within the national borders of certain Southern Cone countries and abroad."   Kornbluh and Dinges come to the conclusion that "The paper trail is clear: the State Department and the CIA had enough intelligence to take concrete steps to thwart the Condor assassination planning. Those steps were initiated but never implemented." Hewson Ryan, Shlaudeman's deputy, subsequently admitted in an oral history interview that the State Department's treatment of the issue was "remiss." "We knew fairly early on that the governments of the Southern Cone countries were planning, or at least talking about, some assassinations abroad in the summer of 1976. ... Whether if we had gone in, we might have prevented this, I don't know", In relation to the Letelier-Moffitt bombing, he remarked, "But we didn't."   Condor was defined as a "counter-terrorism organization" in a CIA document, which also mentioned that the Condor countries had a specific telecommunications system known as "CONDORTEL."  The New York Times released a communication from US Ambassador to Paraguay Robert White to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance on March 6, 2001. The paper was declassified and disseminated by the Clinton administration in November 2000 as part of the Chile Declassification Project. General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, the chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, told White that the South American intelligence chiefs engaged in Condor "kept in touch with one another through a United States communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone that covered all of Latin America."   According to reports, Davalos stated that the station was "employed to coordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries". The US was concerned that the Condor link would be made public at a time when the killing of Chilean former minister Orlando Letelier and his American aide Ronni Moffitt in the United States was being probed."it would seem advisable to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in US interest." White wrote to Vance. "Another piece of increasingly weighty evidence suggesting that U.S. military and intelligence officials supported and collaborated with Condor as a secret partner or sponsor." McSherry rebutted the cables. Furthermore, an Argentine military source told a U.S. Embassy contact that the CIA was aware of Condor and had played a vital role in establishing computerized linkages among the six Condor governments' intelligence and operations sections.   After all this it doesn't stop here. We even see France having a connection. The original document confirming that a 1959 agreement between Paris and Buenos Aires set up a "permanent French military mission" of officers to Argentina who had participated in the Algerian War was discovered in the archives of the Quai d'Orsay, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was kept at the offices of the Argentine Army's chief of staff. It lasted until 1981, when François Mitterrand was elected President of France. She revealed how the administration of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing secretly coordinated with Videla's junta in Argentina and Augusto Pinochet's tyranny in Chile.   Even Britain and West Germany looked into using the tactics in their own countries. Going so far as to send their open personnel to Buenos Aires to discuss how to establish a similar network.  MOVIES   https://www.imdb.com/search/keyword/?keywords=military-coup&sort=num_votes,desc&mode=detail&page=1&title_type=movie&ref_=kw_ref_typ https://islandora.wrlc.org/islandora/object/terror%3Aroot https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archives_of_Terror https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Condor https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-20774985 https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB239d/index.htm

PEDAGOGÍAS DESOBEDIENTES

“Recuerdo a Néstor Kirchner por su vida de lucha, determinación, de valor, su ímpetu, sus ideas. Fue un adelantado en todo lo que vemos que ocurrió en el mundo y en la Argentina. Su visión estratégica de un país que se levanta de abajo para arriba de la mano de la producción, el trabajo, la industria nacional, los trabajadores… Incansable, con gran auto exigencia y alto sentido de la responsabilidad”, expresó en Télam Radio Daniel Scioli, embajador de Argentina en Brasil y ex vicepresidente de Kirchner (2003-2007). (Por Alejandro Delgado Morales).

11 años de la muerte de Nestor Kirchner | #Segurola por Futurock.fm

Hoy 27 de octubre se cumplen 11 años que el ex presidente Néstor Kirchner falleció causando conmoción en nuestro país que, justamente en ese momento, estaba transitando el último censo nacional. En su entrega de todos los miércoles, Hernán Campos, nos habla del legado político que dejó Kirchner en el peronismo. Escuchá la columna de Buenas Notas aquí:

SERIE: Batman: La Serie Animadas/Batman: the Animated Series ADVERTENCIA: Lenguaje adulto, spoilers, una mención sin profundidad de su*cidio, mención de expl*tación infantil Nuestro invitado de la 1ra temporada Dante (versephobia en TW) vuelve a acompañar a Miu e Ine para hablar de la serie animada de Batman! ¿Quienes son lxs obsesivxs? ¿Qué es exactamente ecoterrorismo? Qué estudia Robin en la universidad???? º Disponible en Spotify, Google Podcast, Anchor e iVoox! Siganos en twitter e instagram en @ tortanimadas o nuestros instagrams personales: axolotlcitos e ine.don y twitters personales axolotlcitos y MAS_M0N0Sº La música del inicio y el final fueron hechas por Nawel Torres/Polibius - Twitter: https://twitter.com/nawelt0rres - Instagram: https://instagram.com/naweltorres - Soundcloud: https://soundcloud.com/polibius

5 de noviembre de 2010. GIROS presenta el proyecto de Supresión de Barrios Privados Ordenanza Nº 8725/2010. Lo que fue dejando la muerte de Nestor Kirchner que había sido el miércoles anterior. No encontramos el programa del 30/10/10 After Nestor. La importancia de conocer el efecto Forer, o cómo funcionan la Astrología y la adivinación. Federico y Guillermina.

#Mengohistoria en #Segurola con Julia Mengolini, Fito Mendoca Paz, Gabriela Borrelli y gran equipo por Futurock.FM

Guillermo Moreno con Mariano Yezze. La carne y las y políticas exitosas de Nestor Kirchner dentro de la década ganada, que permitieron al pueblo acceder a la misma y llevarla a su mesa frente a las de Mauricio Macri y Alberto Fernandez. En YouTube: https://youtu.be/eqd7TdUnu78

Hi there!歡迎收聽Look Back Sunday回顧星期天，在這個節目John老師會彙整過去不同國家與主題的熱門跟讀文章，讓你可以在十五分鐘內吸收最精華的世界時事趣聞！我們這週聽聽南美洲的趣聞，Let's get started!   Topic: As Economy Lags, Hugo Chavez's Movement Fades in Venezuela   As president, Hugo Chavez lavished millions from this country's oil boom on his home state of Barinas. But boom has turned to bust, the economy is in shambles and the love affair is over. 在總統任內，烏戈．查維茲把石油價格大好為國家帶來的收入，以超大手筆花在他的家鄉巴里納斯州。當油價從大好變成大壞，經濟陷入衰敗，戀愛也結束了。 Similar sentiments are being heard around the continent, where political dynasties are falling or under intense pressure and where protests and social unrest are on the rise. In Brazil, legislators have begun an impeachment proceeding against President Dilma Rousseff, as scores of other political leaders have become embroiled in a huge corruption scandal. 整個南美洲都能感受到類似的氛圍，政治王朝正在崩解或受到極大壓力，示威抗議和社會動盪方興未艾。 在巴西，國會議員已展開彈劾狄爾瑪．羅塞芙總統的程序，其他幾十位政治領袖也被捲入巨大的貪汙醜聞。 In Ecuador, protesters angry at President Rafael Correa have taken to the streets to demonstrate against budget cutbacks necessitated by vanishing oil revenues. And in Argentina, President Mauricio Macri was inaugurated last month after surging to a surprising win against the candidate of the Peronist party of his predecessor, Cristina Fernandez. His victory ended 12 years during which Fernandez or her late husband, Nestor Kirchner, occupied the presidential palace. 在厄瓜多，對拉斐爾．柯利亞總統不滿的抗議群眾走上街頭，表達反對因石油營收減少而必須進行的預算削減。 還有在阿根廷，毛里西奧．馬克里聲勢竄起，意外擊敗前總統克莉絲蒂娜．費南德茲所屬裴洛黨的候選人，於上個月宣誓就職。他的勝利終結了費南德茲和她的已故丈夫內斯托．基希納在總統府的十二年歲月。 The strains are being felt most keenly by leftist governments, but analysts say that something other than ideology is at work here. South America saw robust growth in the century's first decade, thanks to a historic boom in the value of raw materials and other commodities that are sold to the rest of the world. High prices for oil, natural gas, coal, copper, gold, silver, bauxite, soy beans and other products led to steady growth, a sharp drop in poverty and an expansion of the middle class throughout the region. That growth, in turn, brought political stability, with leaders and parties being repeatedly re-elected. 左派政府感受的壓力最大，但分析家說，這其中有意識型態以外的因素在作用。南美在本世紀第一個十年出現強勁的成長，因為賣到世界其他地區的原物料和其他大宗商品行情空前地好。 石油、天然氣、煤、銅、金、銀、礬土、黃豆和其他產品的高價帶來穩定成長，貧窮大幅下降，整個區域的中產階級擴張。成長接著帶來政治穩定，政治領袖和政黨一再當選連任。 “There's been a pretty striking continuity in many countries, in large part thanks to the commodities boom that leaders and parties have been riding,” said Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialog, a policy analysis group in Washington. “When that's over, voters look elsewhere and for new leaders, but governing is extremely difficult because they no longer have the resources to meet the high expectations that have been generated during the commodities boom.” 華盛頓的政策分析團體「美洲對話」主席麥可．席福特說：「許多國家有很明顯的持續性，相當程度上歸因於政治領袖和政黨搭上了大宗商品行情好的便車。當榮景結束，選民望向別處，尋找新的領袖，但治國極為困難，因為他們不再握有資源來滿足大宗商品上漲時期激起的高期望。」 Source article: https://paper.udn.com/udnpaper/POH0067/291818/web/   Next Article   Topic: About Crime - Come to Rio, get robbed: Brazil tourism body shares awkward Instagram post Brazil's national tourism agency typically focuses on the city's world-class beaches, samba-filled music scene and caipirinha-fueled parties. Violent crime is rarely listed among the attractions. 行銷里約熱內盧時，巴西國家觀光機構通常主打該市的世界級海灘、洋溢森巴音樂的地方，以及有卡琵莉亞酒催情的派對。暴力犯罪鮮少被列入魅力特點。 But in an embarrassing social media snafu this week, the Brazilian Tourist Board (Embratur) accidentally shared a critical Instagram post from a tourist who did not enjoy her stay in the so-called "Cidade Maravilhosa," or Marvelous City. 但本週一起令人尷尬的社群媒體烏龍事件中，巴西旅遊局意外地分享了一名不愛待在這個所謂「奇蹟之城」的旅客於Instagram的批評貼文。 "I just spent 3 days in Rio with my family, and in those 3 days my family and I were robbed and my 9-year-old sister witnessed a violent robbery," Instagram user "withlai" wrote in an Instagram Stories post. "I can't recommend a visit to a city where I felt afraid of even leaving the apartment." Instagram用戶「withlai」的一則限時動態貼文寫道，「我和我的家人只花了3天在里約，而那3天當中，家人和我都被搶，我的9歲妹妹還親眼目睹了一件暴力搶案。」「我無法推薦拜訪一個我連離開公寓都會怕的城市。」 Embratur deleted the shared post on Wednesday. It said in a subsequent statement that "sharing (the post) was a mistake," adding that it had worked hard to promote a nationwide fall in crime in 2019. 巴西旅遊局週三刪了這則分享貼文。它在隨後聲明中說道，「分享（那則貼文）是個錯誤」，並補充指出，已努力宣傳全國2019年犯罪減少一事。 Safety concerns along with inconvenient flights, poor infrastructure and high costs have long held back Brazil's tourism industry, which lags its South American neighbors. 除了航班不便、基礎設施貧乏及費用高昂，安全考量令巴西觀光產業長久以來遲滯不前，落後於南美鄰國。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1358564   Next Article   Topic: Ecuadorean discovery pushes back origins of chocolate   People have been enjoying chocolate far longer than previously known, according to research published on Monday detailing the domestication and use of cacao beginning 5,300 years ago at an ancient settlement in the highlands of southeastern Ecuador. Scientists examined ceramic artifacts at the Santa Ana-La Florida archeological site, a remarkably preserved village and ceremonial center that was part of the Mayo-Chinchipe culture of the Andes, and found abundant evidence of the use of cacao, from which chocolate is made. 根據週一發表的一份研究顯示，人類享用巧克力的歷史比先前所知的還要悠久。該研究詳細指出，在厄瓜多東南部高地的一處古老聚落，發現五千三百年前已開始出現可可豆的人工培植和食用跡象。在聖塔安娜─佛羅里達考古遺址──當地保存著狀況絕佳的村落遺跡，曾作為儀式中心，屬於安地斯山脈「馬由─欽奇佩」文化圈的一部分──科學家仔細檢驗出土的陶瓷工藝品，並發現充分證據顯示使用可可豆，也就是製作巧克力的原料。 The study indicates cacao was domesticated roughly 1,500 years earlier than previously known, and that it occurred in South America rather than in Central America, as previously thought. A tropical evergreen tree called Theobroma cacao bears large, oval pods containing the bean-like cacao seeds that today are roasted and turned into cocoa and multitudes of chocolate confections, although chocolate at the time was consumed as a beverage. 研究指出，人工培植可可豆的時間點比先前所知還要再往前推大約一千五百年，並且始於南美洲，而非之前認為的中美洲。可可樹是一種熱帶常青樹，會結出大而橢圓形的豆莢，包覆著像豆子般的可可種子。今日，可可種子會在烘培後被做成可可粉和各式各樣的巧克力糕點，不過巧克力在當時其實是被用來作成飲料喝下肚。 The scientists found evidence of cacao's use at the site over a period starting 5,300 years ago — more than 700 years before building of the Great Pyramid of Giza in ancient Egypt — until 2,100 years ago. They found cacao starch grains in ceramic vessels and pottery shards. They also detected residue of a bitter compound found in the cacao tree but not its wild relatives, evidence that the tree was grown by people for food purposes, as well as DNA fragments from the cacao tree. 科學家在該遺址發現使用可可豆的證據，當地的人類活動始於五千三百年前──比古埃及建造吉薩大金字塔的時間還要早了七百多年──到兩千一百年前。在陶瓷容器和陶器碎片中，科學家找到可可豆的澱粉粒，還偵測到只會在可可樹中發現，卻不存在於野生近親樹種中的一種苦澀化合物殘餘，這是人類為食用目的而種植可可樹的證據，同時也發現可可樹的DNA片段。 “They clearly drank it as a beverage, as shown by its presence in stirrup-spout pots and bowls,” said University of British Columbia anthropologist and archaeologist Michael Blake, who helped lead the study published in the journal Nature Ecology & Evolution. “The presence of cacao starch grains likely means that they ground the seeds to make the beverages, and so probably, though we aren't certain, fermented the seeds as well, before grinding them,” Blake added. 英屬哥倫比亞大學的人類學暨考古學家麥可‧布雷克指出：「可可豆出現在蹬型壺嘴陶罐和碗裡，證明當地人明顯是把可可豆作成飲料來喝。」布雷克協助主導這份發表於《自然─生態學與演化》期刊的研究，他補充說：「可可豆澱粉粒的存在，表示當地人會把可可豆磨碎來做成飲料，所以，雖然我們還不能確定，他們或許也會在磨碎可可豆前先進行發酵。」 Archeological evidence indicates cacao domestication moved into Central America and Mexico about 4,000 years ago. Before European conquerors arrived in the Americas five centuries ago, great civilizations like the Aztecs and Maya prepared chocolate as a drink, mixed with various spices or other ingredients. “The freshly picked ripe cacao pods have a delicious sweet pulp around them, and mixed together it all has a very mild chocolate taste,” Blake said. “The chocolate confections today contain a great deal of sugar, and this is very different from the indigenous uses of cacao reported in the historical records from the 1500s and 1600s.” 考古證據顯示，可可豆的人工培植技術大概在四千年前傳入中美洲和墨西哥。五個世紀前，當歐洲的征服者們抵達美洲時，諸如阿茲特克和馬雅等偉大文明皆會把巧克力調製成飲料，裡面加入各種香料和其他成分。布雷克表示：「剛摘下來的新鮮可可豆莢裡面含有美味而香甜的果肉，如果把它跟可可豆混在一起，就會產生一種非常溫潤的巧克力口感。」這名學者也說：「今日的巧克力糕點加入大量的糖分，這跟十六世紀和十七世紀留下來的歷史紀錄中，對於當地可可豆使用方法的描述是大相逕庭的。」 Source article: http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/lang/archives/2018/11/04/2003703549   每日英語跟讀Podcast，就在http://www.15mins.today/daily-shadowing 每週Vocab精選詞彙Podcast，就在https://www.15mins.today/vocab 每週In-TENSE文法練習Podcast，就在https://www.15mins.today/in-tense

每日英語跟讀 Ep.K053: As Economy Lags, Hugo Chavez's Movement Fades in Venezuela   As president, Hugo Chavez lavished millions from this country's oil boom on his home state of Barinas. But boom has turned to bust, the economy is in shambles and the love affair is over. 在總統任內，烏戈．查維茲把石油價格大好為國家帶來的收入，以超大手筆花在他的家鄉巴里納斯州。 當油價從大好變成大壞，經濟陷入衰敗，戀愛也結束了。   Similar sentiments are being heard around the continent, where political dynasties are falling or under intense pressure and where protests and social unrest are on the rise. In Brazil, legislators have begun an impeachment proceeding against President Dilma Rousseff, as scores of other political leaders have become embroiled in a huge corruption scandal.   整個南美洲都能感受到類似的氛圍，政治王朝正在崩解或受到極大壓力，示威抗議和社會動盪方興未艾。 在巴西，國會議員已展開彈劾狄爾瑪．羅塞芙總統的程序，其他幾十位政治領袖也被捲入巨大的貪汙醜聞。   In Ecuador, protesters angry at President Rafael Correa have taken to the streets to demonstrate against budget cutbacks necessitated by vanishing oil revenues. And in Argentina, President Mauricio Macri was inaugurated last month after surging to a surprising win against the candidate of the Peronist party of his predecessor, Cristina Fernandez. His victory ended 12 years during which Fernandez or her late husband, Nestor Kirchner, occupied the presidential palace.   在厄瓜多，對拉斐爾．柯利亞總統不滿的抗議群眾走上街頭，表達反對因石油營收減少而必須進行的預算削減。 還有在阿根廷，毛里西奧．馬克里聲勢竄起，意外擊敗前總統克莉絲蒂娜．費南德茲所屬裴洛黨的候選人，於上個月宣誓就職。他的勝利終結了費南德茲和她的已故丈夫內斯托．基希納在總統府的十二年歲月。   The strains are being felt most keenly by leftist governments, but analysts say that something other than ideology is at work here. South America saw robust growth in the century's first decade, thanks to a historic boom in the value of raw materials and other commodities that are sold to the rest of the world. High prices for oil, natural gas, coal, copper, gold, silver, bauxite, soy beans and other products led to steady growth, a sharp drop in poverty and an expansion of the middle class throughout the region. That growth, in turn, brought political stability, with leaders and parties being repeatedly re-elected.   左派政府感受的壓力最大，但分析家說，這其中有意識型態以外的因素在作用。南美在本世紀第一個十年出現強勁的成長，因為賣到世界其他地區的原物料和其他大宗商品行情空前地好。 石油、天然氣、煤、銅、金、銀、礬土、黃豆和其他產品的高價帶來穩定成長，貧窮大幅下降，整個區域的中產階級擴張。成長接著帶來政治穩定，政治領袖和政黨一再當選連任。   “There's been a pretty striking continuity in many countries, in large part thanks to the commodities boom that leaders and parties have been riding,” said Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialog, a policy analysis group in Washington. “When that's over, voters look elsewhere and for new leaders, but governing is extremely difficult because they no longer have the resources to meet the high expectations that have been generated during the commodities boom.”   華盛頓的政策分析團體「美洲對話」主席麥可．席福特說：「許多國家有很明顯的持續性，相當程度上歸因於政治領袖和政黨搭上了大宗商品行情好的便車。當榮景結束，選民望向別處，尋找新的領袖，但治國極為困難，因為他們不再握有資源來滿足大宗商品上漲時期激起的高期望。」 Source article: https://paper.udn.com/udnpaper/POH0067/291818/web/   每日英語跟讀Podcast，就在http://www.15mins.today/daily-shadowing 每週Vocab精選詞彙Podcast，就在https://www.15mins.today/vocab 每週In-TENSE文法練習Podcast，就在https://www.15mins.today/in-tense   用email訂閱就可以收到通勤學英語節目更新通知。  

Esta semana, la estatua de Nestor Kirchner fue recuperada e instalada en el CCK por la conmemoración por los 10 años del fallecimiento del ex presidente. Como todo tiene que ver con todo, hablamos de las mejores (y poco conocidas) estatuas de Argentina.

Invitados:

¿Gondor? El buen año impar, el inicio del resto de la década. Las efemérides de este año, pasando por la invasión de EE.UU a Irak y la llegada de Nestor Kirchner al poder. La transmisión de Resistiré y Operación Triunfo, la salida de Kill Bill y School of Rock, y el incipiente pop emo y rollinguismo dosmilista en Argentina.

Hace 70 años, un 25 de febrero de 1950, nacía Néstor Kirchner en la provincia de Santa Cruz. En #FuerteYalMedio conversamos con el presidente de la nación Argentina, Alberto Fernandez, quién recordó a Kirchner contando anécdotas entre ellos y sentimientos para con el ex-mandatario. Fuerte y al Medio es un programa conducido por Roberto Caballero y Giselle Tepper. Se transmite de lunes a viernes, de 19 a 21hs, por Eldestaperadio.com y por FM 107.3.

El placer de la escritura reflejado en 'Estallidos argentinos', su último libro. De la relación con Nestor Kirchner al análisis previo a las PASO. Mario Wainfeld pasó por el radiocafé de #MalditaSuerte.

2010 en Argentina se realiza un censo de población y muere el ex Presidente Nestor Kirchner, mientras tanto estalla el escándalo wikileaks. producido y editado por Guillermo Romani --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/guillermo-romani/message

Larry Snow with the Secure Transportation and Executive Protection News for Monday, August 13th, 2018   In Vehicle News From Design Taxi Tesla Might Open-Source Its Car Security Software For Use By Competitors CEO of Tesla Elon Musk has announced his intention to make Tesla’s car security software open-source for use by rivals in future. Yesterday, Musk tweeted, “Great Q&A @defcon last night. Thanks for helping make Tesla & SpaceX more secure! Planning to open-source Tesla vehicle security software for free use by other car makers. Extremely important to a safe self-driving future for all.”    Read More   =====   and from SecurityDriver.Com Tire Safety Drivers in the United States put more than 2,969 billion miles on their tires. There are nearly 11,000 tire-related crashes, and almost 200 people will die in those crashes. Many of these crashes can be prevented through proper tire maintenance—including tire inflation and rotation—and understanding tire labels, tire aging, and recalls and complaints. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration has put together a few statistics. Only 19% of consumers properly check and inflate their tires. Vehicles made after 2007 have a Tire Pressure Monitoring System (TPMS) that will alert drivers when tire pressure is significantly low - about 25%below where it should be for safe operation. 1 in 4 cars has at least one tire that is significantly under-inflated. Be sure to check your tires regularly for other wear and tear, like cuts and abrasions. Under-inflated tires lower gas mileage by 0.3% for every 1 pound per square inch (psi) drop in pressure.  Most vehicles should have a tire rotation done every 5,000-8,000 miles Tires lose about 1 psi of pressure each month, so be sure to check your tires monthly. Keeping your tires properly inflated can save you up to 11 cents per gallon.   Read More ======================   In Executive Protection News From Bloomberg How a Chauffeur Could Bring Down Argentina’s Political Elite A chauffeur’s notes could send dozens of Argentina’s political and business elites to prison. On Aug. 1, Argentine newspaper La Nacion published an investigation that detailed alleged bribes from business executives to officials in the former governments of President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner and her late husband, Nestor Kirchner. Evidence in the eight notebooks, kept from 2005 to 2015 by the chauffeur of a former government official, have led to the arrests of more than a dozen men. And Kirchner could be next.    Read More ===== and from News India National Geographic to air documentary on "The President's Bodyguard" Leading satellite network National Geographic on Sunday announced an exclusive documentary on one of the oldest regiments of the Indian Army, The President's Bodyguard.  The President's Bodyguard is the oldest surviving mounted unit and is one of the senior most regiments of the Indian Army. The primary role of the President's Bodyguard is to escort and protect the President of India. The regiment, which has 245 years old legacy, and is made up of almost 200 soldiers, represents supreme and selfless service. It is equipped as a mounted unit, with horses for ceremonies at the presidential palace and military vehicles for use in combat. The personnel of the regiment are also trained as paratroopers and nominally are expected to lead in airborne assaults in the role of pathfinders. The first bodyguard to be raised in India was by Governor-General Warren Hastings in September 1773 when European troops, already recruited into the East India Company's service as infantry, were earmarked for the role.   Read More   ====================== Links to all news stories mentioned in this news briefing are available at the archive website securitydrivernews.libsyn.com. You can also listen to past news briefings and leave comments. As a reminder, the news briefing is available on all variations of Apple and Google Play podcast apps and Spotify. ====================== This flash briefing is brought to you by the International Security Driver Association.  Whether you are exploring a career in executive protection, new to the profession, honing your expertise, or an established security executive, ISDA offers its Members benchmark educational, networking, and marketing programs.  For more information about the ISDA membership, articles related to secure transportation, security, and executive protection, go to isdacenter.org. Thanks for listening to the Security Driver and Executive Protection News.

Terror electoral. Vienen por todo, todos dicen que el voto electrónico destruye la democracia. Ellos dicen que hay que seguir y darle "una oportunidad" Después si sale mal todo. Ahí vemos. (obvio) Recordamos a Nestor Kirchner. Juliana DI Tullio en una Plaza del Pueblo los manda a cag-r a todos. Te pasamos el audio. Te leímos. Hablando de la pedagogía de la crueldad en los medios. Nos lo contó la antropóloga Rita Segato. Buena música, y más mucho más.

Agradece a este podcast tantas horas de entretenimiento y disfruta de episodios exclusivos como éste. ¡Apóyale en iVoox! Terror electoral. Vienen por todo, todos dicen que el voto electrónico destruye la democracia. Ellos dicen que hay que seguir y darle "una oportunidad" Después si sale mal todo. Ahí vemos. (obvio) Recordamos a Nestor Kirchner. Juliana DI Tullio en una Plaza del Pueblo los manda a cag-r a todos. Te pasamos el audio. Te leímos. Hablando de la pedagogía de la crueldad en los medios. Nos lo contó la antropóloga Rita Segato. Buena música, y más mucho más.Escucha este episodio completo y accede a todo el contenido exclusivo de Los Gatos del Muro. Descubre antes que nadie los nuevos episodios, y participa en la comunidad exclusiva de oyentes en https://go.ivoox.com/sq/160765

Taking stock of the new leaders in Peru and Argentina is the where our weekly political analysis heads this week on Latin Pulse. The program delves into how Pedro Pablo Kuczynski managed to upset Keiko Fujimori in Peru's presidential race and what a Kuczynski administration will likely mean for Peru.  The program also reviews the opening months of President Mauricio Macri's term in Argentina and how his policy shifts have changed his country.  The news segment of the program covers U.S. President Barack Obama's call for the U.S. Congress to find solutions for the debt crisis in Puerto Rico.The program includes in-depth interviews with:Jo-Marie Burt of George Mason University and the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA); andMark Jones of Rice University and the Baker Institute.Executive Producer: Rick Rockwell; Technical Director: Jim Singer; and Production Assistant: Chorsie Martin. (To download or stream this podcast, click here.)   (The program is 30 minutes in length and the file size is 42 MB.) podcastnewsLatin AmericapoliticsPeruArgentinaelectionsagriculturefinanceKeiko Fujimorihuman rightsU.S. Supreme CourtPedro Pablo KuczynskiCristina Fernandez de KirchnerAlberto FujimoriMauricio MacriNestor KirchnerlaborJapandebt crisisPuerto RicoChilecorruptioneconomicsmilitarytortureBarack ObamaU.S. CongressThe AmazonAlejandro ToledoShining PathDrug WarUnited Statesprotest movementssoybeansbusinessMonsantodiplomacyjusticeoilenergyutilitiesDEAtransportation

Latin Pulse returns from holiday hiatus this week, with a program about culture and politics.  The program previews the film Olvidados, about Operation Condor, that will soon make its cable debut on HBO Latino.  The film tells the story of Operation Condor from a Bolivian perspective.  And the program catches up with the results of the Argentine presidential elections and analyzes how a shift to a conservative government means historic changes for that country.  The news segment of the program looks at the move this week to begin official impeachment proceedings against President Dilma Rousseff in Brazil.The program includes in-depth interviews with:Carla Ortiz, the producer of Olvidados; andChris Sabatini of Columbia University & Latin America Goes Global.Executive Producer: Rick Rockwell; Technical Director: Jim Singer; andAssociate Producer: Natalie Ottinger.(To download or stream this podcast, click here.) (The program is 30 minutes in length and the file size is 42 MB.) podcastnewsLatin AmericaelectionspoliticstortureCIAculturefilmsArgentinaOperation Condorhuman rightsintelligence servicesDilma RousseffBrazilAugusto PinochetimpeachmenteconomicsBoliviaauthoritarianismChilecapitalismCommunismviolenceindigenous issueseducationMauricio MacriNestor KirchnerDaniel ScioliRepublican ProposalCristina Fernandez de KirchnerInternational Monetary FundUnited StatesjusticePeronistsIMF

Presidential politics and elections in Latin America provide the main themes on Latin Pulse this week. The program goes in-depth on this weekend's presidential elections in Guatemala and Argentina.  In Guatemala, comedian Jimmy Morales is the front-runner by a wide margin but some are asking if he is a true break with Guatemala's military past.  And in Argentina, Daniel Scioli leads the pack as the handpicked successor of President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, but can he make his own way?  The news segment of the program covers the latest developments with the debt crisis in Puerto Rico.The program includes in-depth interviews with:Eric Olson of the Wilson Center; andPeter Hakim of the Inter-American Dialogue.Executive Producer: Rick Rockwell; Technical Director: Jim Singer; andAssociate Producer: Natalie Ottinger.(To download or stream this podcast, click here.) (The program is 30 minutes in length and the file size is 42 MB.) podcastnewsLatin America electionspoliticscorruptionArgentinaVenezuelaGuatemalaChinaJimmy MoralesDaniel ScioliPuerto Ricodebt crisisChinaNicolas MaduroSandra TorresManuel BaldizonCristina Fernandez de KirchnerFront for Victory AllianceOtto Perez MolinaAlejandro Garcia PadillaNational Convergence FronteconomicsdefaultcrimemilitaryCICIGPeronistsjusticeoilU.S. SenateUnited Nationshuman rightscampaign financeMauricio MacriSergio MassainflationNestor Kirchnerprotest movement

Reflexiones sobre la difusión y la "verdad" en las noticias. Un intento de separar noticias de interpretación de la de los hechos. Las redes sociales como medio para informarnos. Audios de ML , Macri, Navarro, CFK, y Nestor Kirchner. Para algunos la dictadura de los votos, o sea democracia. Violencia de genero en la campaña. El mensaje del PRO para la niñez. IKV desde encuentro en el estudio grabado con La Plata de MIs Impuestos. Y más...

Agradece a este podcast tantas horas de entretenimiento y disfruta de episodios exclusivos como éste. ¡Apóyale en iVoox! Reflexiones sobre la difusión y la "verdad" en las noticias. Un intento de separar noticias de interpretación de la de los hechos. Las redes sociales como medio para informarnos. Audios de ML , Macri, Navarro, CFK, y Nestor Kirchner. Para algunos la dictadura de los votos, o sea democracia. Violencia de genero en la campaña. El mensaje del PRO para la niñez. IKV desde encuentro en el estudio grabado con La Plata de MIs Impuestos. Y más...Escucha este episodio completo y accede a todo el contenido exclusivo de Los Gatos del Muro. Descubre antes que nadie los nuevos episodios, y participa en la comunidad exclusiva de oyentes en https://go.ivoox.com/sq/160765

Agradece a este podcast tantas horas de entretenimiento y disfruta de episodios exclusivos como éste. ¡Apóyale en iVoox! Hablamos de todo un poco, analizamos como nos engrupen los medios de comunicacion, alerta de lo que creemos que analizamos. Escuchamos a Fantino y Scioli, escuchamos los proyectos de Macri con los cuales se identifica como persona, Nestor Kirchner en 1983, una lista de cosas excelentes que se hacen con la plata de mis impuestos. Presentamos a los Pentatonix, unos pibes a capela que se las traen. Interactuamos con los oyentes y algunas cositas más. Escucha este episodio completo y accede a todo el contenido exclusivo de Los Gatos del Muro. Descubre antes que nadie los nuevos episodios, y participa en la comunidad exclusiva de oyentes en https://go.ivoox.com/sq/160765

Hablamos de todo un poco, analizamos como nos engrupen los medios de comunicacion, alerta de lo que creemos que analizamos. Escuchamos a Fantino y Scioli, escuchamos los proyectos de Macri con los cuales se identifica como persona, Nestor Kirchner en 1983, una lista de cosas excelentes que se hacen con la plata de mis impuestos. Presentamos a los Pentatonix, unos pibes a capela que se las traen. Interactuamos con los oyentes y algunas cositas más.

Agradece a este podcast tantas horas de entretenimiento y disfruta de episodios exclusivos como éste. ¡Apóyale en iVoox! Arrancamos con problemas técnicos demicrófono así que te podes saltear como 6 minutos si queres! Luego hablamos de la inauguracion del Centro Cultural Kirchner y del discurso de Randazzo en carta abierta. Nos pusimos de acuerdo con Charly pero no quedaron varios puntos que redondear. Nos faltó tiempo. Tiempo tirano!! Cerramoos con audios de Nestor Kirchner de 1983Escucha este episodio completo y accede a todo el contenido exclusivo de Los Gatos del Muro. Descubre antes que nadie los nuevos episodios, y participa en la comunidad exclusiva de oyentes en https://go.ivoox.com/sq/160765

Arrancamos con problemas técnicos demicrófono así que te podes saltear como 6 minutos si queres! Luego hablamos de la inauguracion del Centro Cultural Kirchner y del discurso de Randazzo en carta abierta. Nos pusimos de acuerdo con Charly pero no quedaron varios puntos que redondear. Nos faltó tiempo. Tiempo tirano!! Cerramoos con audios de Nestor Kirchner de 1983

Noticiario Latinoamericano de Riesgos (Dr. Miguel Tenorio) Suscríbete y obtén acceso a más contenido. http://www.migueltenorio.com/index.php/noticiario-semanal-202013/ Te mantenemos actualizado sobre temas de Prevención de Lavado de Dinero, Prevención del Fraude y Riesgos Operativos en Latinoamérica. Esta semana te informamos sobre: - Prioridades de la presidencia del G-20 "Lucha contra la corrupción en Rusia" - La ruta del dinero de Nestor Kirchner, en Argentina avanzada investigación por lavado de dinero - La UAF de Chile publica 315 sanciones que impulsó en 15 meses por diferencias en AML - La UIF de Perú no tendrá acceso directo a datos protegidos por el Secreto Bancario y Tributario

An undercover exploration of the glittering new capital city built by Burma's generals is carried out by Sue Lloyd-Roberts; Damian Grammaticas looks at the population count in China that will shed light on more than a billion lives; Daniel Schweimler finds a vacuum in Argentina after the death of former president Nestor Kirchner; anger and fear in Indonesia's restless province of Papua is reported by Rachel Harvey; while in a forest in the Czech Republic, Mike Wendling taps into the local passion for sausages, cold beer and a game that you may well have never heard of.....

The death of Argentina's former president Nestor Kirchner has transformed the country's political landscape - although no longer president, he and his wife, the current president Cristina Fernandez, were seen as very much acting as a team. Fiona Symon asks the FT's correspondent in Buenos Aires, Jude Webber, where his death leaves Cristina Fernandez's political career. Produced by LJ Filotrani See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.