Podcasts about plo

This episode is presented by Create A Video – The US State Department published a nearly 100-page report on the decades-long effort by the Cuban government to export "third worldism" into America. It made connections between the Marxist regime and people, organizations, and campaigns like the Weather Underground, Antifa, the PLO, and The People's Forum.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-kaliner-show--6946691/support.Subscribe to the podcast My preferred podcast platform: SpreakerAll the links to Pete's Prep are free!Get exclusive content here!Media Bias Check: GroundNews promo code!Advertising and Booking inquiries: Pete@ThePeteKalinerShow.com  

Myron Armstrong, better known as 8R08, is a musician from the island of Oʻahu. He has become one of fastest-rising artists to ever come out of Hawaiʻi and is one of the leading voices of Hawaiʻi's new generation of music.As a singer, songwriter and producer, he's created a sound that blends R&B, hip-hop, reggae, pop and island influences while proudly representing Hawaiʻi through his music, his pidgin and his culture. Along the way, he's earned more than 17 million streams across digital streaming platforms, grown to nearly 470,000 monthly listeners on Spotify, been recognized by Spotify as one of its Asian & Pacific Islander Heritage Month Artists to Watch, collaborated with artists like P-Lo and J Boog, and received co-signs from artists including Kehlani, Doechii, Cuco, thủy, and more.He recently released his highly anticipated debut full-length album, HAMMAJANG, and is now taking that music on the road with his first headlining mainland tour.In this episode we talk story about growing up on different parts of O'ahu, growing his love for music, the start of his music career, staying true to his roots, his new album Hamajang, representing his home and cultures, his future plans, and so much more. Enjoy!Find 8R08 here:https://www.instagram.com/myreeen/Full episodes:

C'est l'été : le rythme change à la maison. Que font les filles cet été?  This episode is in French because it's a slice of real, everyday family life — not a scripted lesson, but the kind of natural, spontaneous storytelling that French learners rarely get access to. If you want to hear how a French family actually talks about summer plans, exams, and daily life, this episode is for you. Level: B1-B2. Much of the vocabulary here is everyday and accessible — jobs, weather, family updates — but the episode also touches on more elevated register when discussing Lisa's baccalauréat exam and French literature spanning two centuries, from Graffigny's 18th-century Lettres d'une Péruvienne to Baudelaire's 19th-century prose poems, giving learners exposure to both conversational and more literary French in a single episode. Curious how the rest of the family navigated the infamous French bac exam? Dive into these related episodes: Pour comprendre les débuts du bac dans la famille : https://onethinginafrenchday.podbean.com/e/2224-%e2%80%94-micaela-a-passe-le-bac-%e2%80%94-lundi-27-mars-2023/ La suite de l'aventure du bac de Micaela : https://onethinginafrenchday.podbean.com/e/2257-%e2%80%94-les-epreuves-du-bac-sont-enfin-terminees-pour-micaela-%e2%80%94-lundi-26-juin-2023/ Felicia, elle aussi, face au bac de français : https://onethinginafrenchday.podbean.com/e/2381-%e2%80%94-commentaire-compose-ou-dissertation%c2%a0-c-est-le-bac-de-francais-pour-felicia-%e2%80%94-vendredi%c2%a014%c2%a0juin-2024/ french stories, paris stories, french daily life, authentic french, real french, life in paris, spoken french, learn french — family, summer in france, baccalauréat, french teenagers, viola da gamba, baroque music This episode answers to the following questions:  What is the French baccalauréat exam? How does the French bac oral exam work? Who was Françoise de Graffigny? What is Lettres d'une Péruvienne about? Who wrote Petits poèmes en prose? What is a viola da gamba? Where is Ploërmel, France? What is life like for French teenagers in summer? What jobs do French students do in summer? When is the French grape harvest (vendanges)?

Esther “E-Tay” Taylor did not take the normal road to poker.She was born in South Korea, found as a baby, adopted into a strict Christian family in Portland, and raised with two older brothers who made sure she was tough enough for whatever came next.Game nights.Sports.Church five days a week.A real job at Wells Fargo.A future in private banking.Then poker showed up.At first, they weren't even playing with chips.They were playing with dried beans and macaroni.A few years later?E-Tay quit her good job, moved to Vegas with almost no money, learned mixed games online for $26 at a time, took five years off to become a mom, came back to final table a WPT, and eventually became one of the most respected mixed-game players in poker.In this episode of The Table 1 Podcast, E-Tay joins Art Parmann and Justin Young to talk about the whole ride:♠️ Being adopted from South Korea and growing up in Portland♥️ Her strict Christian upbringing and her dad's support♦️ Quitting Wells Fargo to chase poker♣️ Learning mixed games the cheap way online♠️ Taking five years away from poker for motherhood♥️ Coming back with a WPT final table at Borgata♦️ Jumping into the $25K PLO and finishing 3rd♣️ Her $50K Poker Players Championship run♠️ Why mixed games are so hard to learn now♥️ Representing women in poker the right way♦️ Launching Her Edge Academy to help more women get into mixed gamesWe also get into golf, motherhood, old-school online poker, PLO confidence, why she never studied from charts, and why poker needs more humans instead of robots.This one is funny, honest, and a really good look at what it takes to build a poker career without following anybody else's playbook.

Plošný zákaz sociálních sítí dětem mladším 15 let není vhodné řešení rizik, která tyto služby pro děti znamenají, tvrdí skupina odborníků z českých vysokých škol. Neřeší totiž podle nich hlavní příčiny problému. Co navrhují místo toho? „Víc než zákazy určitě fungují preventivní opatření,“ věří v pořadu Online Plus Martin Kožíšek, projektový manažer sdružení CZ.NIC. „Jde o to, jak pevně dokáže evropská legislativa vymáhat své zákony,“ míní redaktor Deníku N Petr Koubský.Všechny díly podcastu Online Plus můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today  Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence.  Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning.  Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden.  Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day.  Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year?  Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very-  Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did-  Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever?  Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan.  Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too.  Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org.  Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.”  Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even-  Cayden: No …  Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah …  Cayden: excluded  Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again.  Samir: Right.  Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.”  Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways.  Sharmin: Right.  Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government.  Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know-  Cayden: Yeah …  Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person.  Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this.  Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because-  Cayden: Hmm …  Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm.  Cayden: Yeah …  Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving]  is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like-  Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.”  Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we-  Cayden: Contest every space.  Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks,  Cayden: dad …  Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now.  Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media.  Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you?  Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so…  Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived.  Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And  Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like-  Cayden: Yeah. …  Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really-  Cayden: Yeah …  Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon.  Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys.  Samir:

Media finansowe, ekonomiczne i giełdowe odgrywają niesamowitą rolę w całym ekosystemie inwestycyjnym. Jak zmienił się ten rynek na przestrzeni lat i jak media radzą sobie z rewolucją sztucznej inteligencji, która już dzisiaj masowo pozyskuje ich treści?O tym (i nie tylko) opowiada Andrzej Stec, bardzo doświadczony dziennikarz i redaktor naczelny Bankier.plO co jeszcze pytałem Andrzeja?- jak zmieniły się media ekonomiczne na przestrzeni lat- czy model paywall w Polsce działa- jak zmienia się portal Bankier.pl- jak wygląda walka o internetowego odbiorcę- jakie są "red flagi" przy weryfikowaniu spółek giełdowych- jak działają zagrożenia deepfake i fałszywe reklamy na Facebooku- jakie są restrykcje dotyczące pisania o spółkach, których akcje posiadają dziennikarze- jak odfiltrować szum i weryfikować komunikaty- w co inwestuje prywatnie naczelny Bankier.pl - jak wygląda ciemna strona relacji inwestorskich- co myśli o nadchodzącym OKI? konkurs Bankier.pl: https://oferta.bankier.pl/wakacje Newsletter podcastu: https://niczadarmo.substack.com/Zajrzyj do księgarni: https://finansoweksiazki.pl/  

Pour découvrir notre autre Podcast Pseudouf et Plo, ça se passe sur ⁠⁠⁠Patreon⁠⁠Glissades, explosions et ralentis sont au programme de ce podcast, puisque nous revenons sur Vanquish. Le TPS de PlatinumGames qui aurait pu (ou dû) redéfinir les standards du genre au moment de sa sortie. Mais clairement, clairement pas, pour son scénario. (y'a un scénario dans Vanquish ?)Pour voir la version ⁠⁠⁠vidéo⁠⁠⁠La chaîne Youtube de ⁠⁠⁠Pseudo⁠⁠⁠La chaîne Youtube de ⁠⁠⁠Plouf

W Polsce żyjemy pasywną rewolucją, lokalną hossą i rozwojem ETF-ów na podstawowe indeksy, podczas gdy rynek tych instrumentów w krajach Europy Zachodniej przechodzi ciekawą transformację. Nowe ETF-y powstają bardzo szybko, większość z nich jest aktywnie zarządzana, coraz więcej mówi się o ich tokenizacji, a pojawia się nawet ETF zrobiony przez... dom maklerski!W która stronę zmierzamy na europejskim rynku? Na to i inne pytania odpowiada Artur Wiśniewski z bloga Stockbroker.plO co jeszcze pytałem Artura?jak ocenia aktualny rynek uług ETF?na ile pasywna rewolucja w Polsce "wyszla z bańki"?jakie nowe produkty dominują na rozwiniętych rynkach? co sądzi o tokenizacji ETF-ów i czy to ma racjonalne uzasadnienie?a co gdyby XTB zrobiło swój ETF?czemu rośnie popularność ETF-ów obligacyjnych w Europie? jakie są pułapki inwestowania w ETF-y?jak widzi przyszłość OKI?Gdzie znajdziecie gościa podcastu?Stockbroker.plPasywnarewolucja.plNewsletter podcastu: https://niczadarmo.substack.com/Zajrzyj do księgarni: https://finansoweksiazki.pl/  

He Reached Financial Freedom And His Life Felt Over | Dirk "VeniVidi" Gerritse | EP73 Dirk "VeniVidi" Gerritse reached financial freedom at the end of 2022. No alarm. In bed until 11. No reason to get up. The months that followed were some of the unhappiest of his life. In this episode, Dirk breaks down what actually happens when the goal is reached, why poker identity becomes a liability when you step away, and how the EV mindset traps players long after the bankroll stops needing it. We also cover the elite PLO group he built his career with, how being cut out after retirement reignited his fire, the million dollar challenge, and the 2.7 million year that followed.

Ghost sits down with Clay Parikh, a Marine artillery veteran who was actually there, for the most personal episode of The Book of Trump yet. Clay walked through the same BLT headquarters building that was destroyed, donated blood to Palestinian civilians after IDF cluster bombing, and was days away from being the unit relieving the marines who died when Operation Urgent Fury redirected his ship to Grenada. Ghost and Clay trace the full arc: the PLO evacuation, the IDF's 18-year occupation and the birth of Hezbollah, the crippling rules of engagement that left sentries unable to chamber a round, and the mechanics of the truck bomb itself. The gut punch comes at the end when Ghost presents the LA Times piece confirming Mossad had foreknowledge and chose not to warn the US. Raw, emotional, and deeply relevant to everything unfolding in the Middle East today.

Statsvetaren Daniel Schatz i samtal med Ivar Arpi. I nya boken Från Stockholm till Jerusalem skildrar Daniel Schatz hur Sverige gick från att se Israel som folkhemsdröm, moralisk återupprättelse efter Förintelsen och utsatt demokrati. För att senare byta position helt, till PLO-romantik, Palestinaerkännande och dagens strid om antisemitism. Samtalet börjar i Expressens granskning av Vänsterpartiets kandidater och går via Olof Palme, Göran Persson, Carl Bildt och 7 oktober-attacken. Vi avslutar med frågan om Sverige verkligen vill ha verkligt inflytande i Mellanöstern – eller mest vill ägna sig åt inrikes utrikespolitik.

In 1964, Israel completed its National Water Carrier, leading the Arab states to worry about the economic growth this would mean for Israel. They understood that water meant agriculture, agriculture meant food security, food security meant Israel could absorb more immigrants, more immigrants meant a larger population, and a larger population meant a stronger army and a state that would be more difficult to dislodge. Syria tried to divert the waters of the Chazbani and Banias rivers away from Israel, but in successive skirmishes Israeli tank crews wreaked havoc on Syrian bulldozers earthmoving equipment and tanks. Eventually, Syria and the other Arab states abandoned the diversion effort. On January 1, 1965 was the first terrorist incursion of a new organization called the PLO. This marked the emergence of a new model of Palestinian nationalism—one that would place armed struggle at its core and would, over time, come to dominate the Palestinian national movement. Credits The War over Water (Survival of a Nation) Jewish Learning Institute 1959-1988 | Who Are The PLO And Fatach? Brief History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 
Who Was Yasser Arafat? The Jewish Nation Who Invented Palestinian Nationalism and Why? | Explained unpkd Learn more at TellerFromJerusalem.com Don't forget to subscribe, like and share! Let all your friends know that that they too can have a new favorite podcast. © 2026 Media Education Trust llc  

Tragédii na Ploštině už jsme se kdysi věnovali. V domě číslo 166 na Ploštině ale dnes sídlí expozice věnovaná poválečnému obrazu tragédie, tak jsme se na ni přijeli podívat. Jak se výklad akce gestapa proti pasekářům měnil, jak se na něm podílel Ladislav Mňačko a v co se zdejší tryzny vlastně změnily? Expozicí Nová Ploština nás provedla Radka Brtišová. 

Červen v Přepište dějiny začneme takovým malým Valašským seriálem, v pátečních bonusech vás vezmeme do Rajnochovic a Horní Lidče za akcemi třetího odboje Hory Hostýnské a Světlana. Příští středu se vrátíme po čase na Ploštinu a podíváme se na to, jak se přepisoval obraz tragédie pasekářských obcí za komunismu. Začít ale musíme v Prlově, v další obci vypálené na samém konci války. Místním muzeem nás provedou členové Valašského odbojového spolku.

Send us Fan MailThis is Understanding Israel Palestine. I'm Margot Patterson, the producer of this week's episode. 'll be talking to Robert Malley again, Mideast peace negotiator and author of the recent book Tomorrow is Yesterday: Life, Death and the Pursuit of Peace in Israel/Palestine after news briefs.A yearlong Al Jazeera investigation found that as many as 51 countries armed Israel during its war on Gaza — including many that publicly condemned Israel, announced embargoes on weapons sales to the country, and demanded a ceasefire.These weapon transfers took place after the International Court of Justice warned on Jan. 26, 2024 that there was a plausible risk of genocide in Gaza and reminded states of of their obligations to act to prevent genocide under the Geneva Convention. All of the 51 states arming Israel were signatory to the convention, yet arms shipments to Israel actually increased after the warning. The Al Jazeera report was based primarily on an analysis of Israeli Tax Authority import data between 2022 and 2025. The 5 largest suppliers of military goods to Israel were the United States, India, Romania, Taiwan and the Czech Republic.A French activist shared on  live TV  what she experienced in Israeli detention after Israeli forces abducted members of the Global Summed Flottilla seeking to bring humanitarian aid to Gaza. The 428 activists on 54 boats were intercepted May 19th in international waters  and taken  to Israel where their mistreatment in Israeli custody stirred international outcry after National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir posted a video showing him taunting blindfolded, bound activists. On French TVMay 23, Merriam Hadjal said she was slapped, beaten, kneed in the ribs and repeatedly groped and sexually assaulted by multiple Israeli soldiers. Hadjal is one of numerous flotilla activists who have  come forward alleging sexual violence in Israeli custody, including claims of sexual assault and rape by Israeli soldiers. Flotilla organizers say at least 15 of the detained activists reported sexual assault.Israel conducted more than 120 air strikes on southern and eastern Lebanon on May 26, after IPrime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Israel will escalete  its  war on the Lebanese armed group Hezbollah.The  entire city of Tyre, and at least 10  southern villages in Lebanon have been ordered to evacuate. The expanding war violates  a nominal April 16 ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel and threatens to complicate negotiations between Iran and the U.S. IIran has said any agreement to end the war should end hostilities on all fronts, including Lebanon. Since March 2,  at least 32oo  have been killed in Lebanon and 9700 wounded. More than 1 million people in Lebanonhave been displaced.My guest today is Robert Malley,  a Middle East expert and specialist in conflict negotiation.. He served as Special Assistant to President Clinton for Arab-Israeli affairs from 1998-2001 and was among the peace negotiators at the Camp David Summit of 2000. He was a member of the National Security Council during the the Obama administration and  was lead negotiator of the Iran nuclear deal. He was President Biden's envoy to Iran and is now at Yale University's Jackson School of Global Affairs. His book,  Tomorrow is Yesterday: Life, Death and the Pursuit of Peace in Israel/Palestine, was co-authored with Hussein Agha and looks at how the Oslo Accords deteriorated into an endless peace process that became a joke and then a fraud. This is the second of a two-part conversation. The first part aired May 15. You can find it on our program page on the KKFI website at www. kkfi.org or listen to it on our podcast available on most streaming platforms. Robert Malley, thanks for coming on the program again. When we spoke earlier, you talked about how the two-state solution has always been more popular with the international community than with either Israelis or Palestinians. That made it a heavy lift from the get-go. Not impossible, but difficult.In your book, you paint a very honest, nuanced picture of Yasser Arafat, who succeeded in convincing Palestinians that a Palestinian state on 22% of historic Palestine was not a betrayal of their rights and aspirations but a worthy goal. Could you talk more about Arafat and how the very traits that enabled him to unify and lead the Palestinian people made him suspect in Israeli and American eyes? Malley: It's a great question because he is the target of such contradictory perceptions and images in the West. The fact that he never left his military garb, that he, sometimes insisted on carrying a gun, spoke in very militant terms, particularly when he spoke to his own audience, particularly when he spoke in Arabic. All of that convinced many Americans, and certainly a majority of Israelis, that he was somebody with whom ultimately a peace couldn't be made because he could never give up on the aspirations of being a fighter, a militant in their eyes, often a terrorist. Now, Palestinian eyes, those are the traits that made it possible for him to sell some compromises which otherwise would have been even more difficult to swallow. You just mentioned the principal one, which is that even though the fight that the Palestinians have waged from, 1948 onwards was not a fight for a state on 22% of historic Palestine, it was a fight for liberation of all the land. It was a fight for the return of the refugees. And so his efforts, which were to make the Palestinians view that compromise not as a defeat but as a triumph, not as surrender but as conquest, was in part due to the fact that he retained, in their eyes, precisely the image that the West and Israel found repugnant, which is the image of somebody who would not drop his gun, who would not trade in his military garb for a diplomatic outfit, who would not only speak in the diplomatic language, but in the language of a rebel, of a militant, of a revolutionary. In some ways, what made it possible for him to sell the compromise to his own people made it very difficult and sometimes impossible for other audiences, Israeli or Western, to believe a word he said. Q.: You note that Americans were very deferential to the political constraints facing different Israeli leaders, but ignored those affecting Palestinian leaders. That was true for Arafat, but also for Mahmoud Abbas, Arafat's successor and the man who has led the Palestinian Authority for umpteen years now. Abbas believed that nonviolence was the only way forward for the Palestinian cause and has lived that credo, but his efforts to advance statehood have gone nowhere. How did the United States unwittingly sabotage him? How do you think they failed him, and why haven't his efforts been able to go anyplace?Malley:  A word on your first point. The U.S. identifies much more closely with Israel; they are more familiar with its political system. We could debate how much a democracy it is, since today the majority of the people living under Israeli governance, half of the people, don't have the same rights as others and a large percentage, the Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza, have no political rights at all when it comes to Israel's political system. So you could debate how democratic Israel, is, but certainly from an American perspective, it's a system that runs through parliamentary elections an election system that we can understand with regular polling and regular elections. The Palestinian system is a very different one, and I think in the eyes of many Americans, and this doesn't just apply to the Palestinians, it applies to many other countries, and particularly many Arab countries, they view it as more of a one-man show, in the past, the one-man show of Arafat, then the one-man show of Abbas, in which they believe that even though sometimes there are the accoutrements of democracy, the elections don't mean all that much. The system can be run in a more autocratic way by the supreme leader, in this case the head of the PLO, Palestine Liberation Organization, head of Fatah, the main party, the head of the Palestinian Authority. They believe that Palestinian politics don't matter, that ultimately because they project this image of a system that is run by a single person or by a small group of people, that they can impose whatever they want on their own population. Public opinion doesn't really matter. You hear that when people speak about Saudi Arabia, when they speak about Egypt, when they speak about many of these countries that either are not democratic or don't have a form of democracy that the U.S .is accustomed to. Whereas in fact, it doesn't work that way at all. Precisely because the Palestinian leadership doesn't have, and Arafat didn't have, those regular mechanisms in which his authority could be validated at the polls, in which you had democratic institutions that would legitimize his rule, he was very dependent on a popular form of consensus for his decision-making, and he couldn't afford to stray too far away from that core center of gravity, that consensus, because then he would have no legitimacy at all. And that's been true of one Palestinian leader after another. I think there is this misperception that because Israel is more, quote-unquote, "democratic," we need to pay attention and sometimes excessive attention. I can't tell you how many times I heard American officials for whom I was working saying, "We can't do X or Y or Z because it will imperil the coalition in power because of the democratic institutions and processes that Israel has to go through." I never heard that when it came to the Palestinians. It was, if Arafat wants it, Arafat could get it. If the next leadership would want it, it could get it. If the next leadership would

Pour découvrir notre autre Podcast Pseudouf et Plo, ça se passe sur ⁠⁠Patreon⁠Le soft reboot de DOOM va souffler sa dixième bougie. Pour l'occasion, nous avons rejoué à ce FPS frénétique qui partait pourtant avec tous les désavantages possibles. Percutant en 2016, le jeu de tir d'Id Software fonctionne-t-il encore en 2026 ?Pour voir la version ⁠⁠vidéo⁠⁠La chaîne Youtube de ⁠⁠Pseudo⁠⁠La chaîne Youtube de ⁠⁠Plouf

Is Judaism a Religion? The Misunderstood History of Jewish Identity | Zionism, Nationhood & the EnlightenmentIn this episode of The Fifth Question Podcast, we tackle one of the most common misunderstandings in modern discourse: the idea that Judaism is “just a religion.” From the ancient tribe of Judah to the Enlightenment, Reform Judaism, nationalism, and modern Zionism, this episode explores why Jewish identity has historically functioned as far more than a confessional faith.We examine the Talmudic understanding of Jewish peoplehood, the emergence of “religion” as a modern category, the impact of European liberalism and Protestantism on Jewish self-definition, and why debates over Zionism and antisemitism often collapse because of category errors about what Jews actually are.This episode discusses:Why Judaism historically functioned as a peoplehood or nationThe origin of the term “Jew” and the tribe of JudahThe Talmudic principle that “a Jew, even if he sins, remains Jewish”Why conversion out of Judaism historically did not erase Jewish identityThe Enlightenment, liberalism, and the invention of “religion”Moses Mendelssohn, Reform Judaism, and the Pittsburgh PlatformKant and the “nation within a nation” argumentZionism as a response to modern nationalismWhy Jewish identity does not fit neatly into Western religious categoriesThe relationship between anti-Zionism, antisemitism, and Jewish peoplehoodIf you enjoy long-form conversations on Jewish history, Zionism, philosophy, religion, nationalism, political theory, and intellectual history, make sure to like, subscribe, and share.⏱️ TIMESTAMPS00:00 – Introduction: Is Judaism a Religion?01:25 – The Tribe of Judah and Ancient Jewish Identity02:37 – The Talmud on Jewish Identity and Conversion03:46 – Medieval Europe, Forced Conversion, and Rashi05:21 – Why “Religion” Is a Modern Concept06:14 – Protestantism vs Judaism07:23 – Dogma, Heresy, and Jewish Debate08:29 – Why the West Misunderstands Judaism09:29 – Liberalism, Nationalism, and the Jewish Question10:26 – Am Yisrael: Jews as a Nation11:16 – Moses Mendelssohn and Reform Judaism12:10 – The Pittsburgh Platform and Religious Judaism13:34 – The PLO's Rabbi and Anti-Zionist Arguments14:04 – Zionism and Jewish Peoplehood15:15 – Why Calling Judaism “Just a Religion” Is Misleading16:03 – Eurocentrism, Colonialism, and Jewish Identity#judaism #zionisme #jewishhistory #israel #Antisemitism #jewishidentity #religion #JewishPeoplehood #middleeast #talmud #MosesMendelssohn #reformjudaism #jewishphilosophy #HistoryPodcast #politicalphilosophy #TheFifthQuestion #israelpalestine #JewishNation #nationalism #jewishthought Jewish History, Politics, Israel, Antisemitism, and Zionism - I cover it all.Politics: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x6QupJZ1HLY&list=PLQ3aQmFcYiCqqL-GSNw6NhSZWOvzaDdIKJewish History: https://youtu.be/1u4jHoZ8stM?si=0jZP4uhXlVEg2NOTAntisemitism: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RCgnEZ1d24Q&list=PLQ3aQmFcYiCqkU_aPIJGbE1xTKEbkh8euFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/daniel.levine.31/Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/rabbidaniellevine/#Israel #Rabbi #Jewish #WhatisZionism #DoJews?

(0:00) Introduction(0:52) Sunday, May 10(5:41) 22 on QJ2ssxQx4x(9:27) QhQx on 874hhx(13:31) Monday, May 11(16:53) QQ on J86r(17:26) AKo on A73xcc(18:21) QQ (again) on J73hxh9x9x(21:00) Tuesday, May 12(22:15) Double-board PLO bomb pot: JT98r on T92ddd2xAx and KQ4r7xT(26:38) Wednesday, May 13(26:50) Double-board hold-em bomb pot: 99 on 975ccx and T64xcc(30:20) AKo on A96r3hh5x(32:26) Thursday, May 14(34:03) Friday, May 15(34:37) AQdd on Q65r6x(36:22) 52dd on KJ2dccJxYour correspondent reviews an entire week of poker to see what the podcast might be missing by only featuring his most impactful sessions. Along the way, he discusses the stereotypical poker night-owl schedule, the upsides and downsides of playing at different casinos, the value regs create for cardrooms, and how he balances playing and doing commentary. FORUM POST Episode notesTwitterCrush Live Poker

Welcome back to The Straight Dope Show with El uno and TreB THE Wonder, streaming on Rock Da Crowd TV. In episode 426, the guys are holding nothing back, starting with a passionate breakdown of Earl Sweatshirt's recent music, comparing his current output to his legendary early days and his controversial Alchemist album. The Bay Area energy comes out strong as the hosts roast P-Lo's rapping skills while praising his production.The conversation heats up with a deep dive into Drake, accusing him of stealing Mac Dre's iconic flow and criticizing his recent victim raps. Things take a wild turn when they discuss Drake's album being posted by the White House with a MAGA chain. On the sports front, the hosts give a brutally honest take on the WNBA, comparing Caitlin Clark to Trae Young rather than Steph Curry. They call out the league's narrative while giving real flowers to generational talents like A'ja Wilson and Kennedy Carter. Finally, they wrap up by calling out Golden State Warriors coach Steve Kerr for weaving Taylor Swift lyrics into his speeches, sharing some absurd Spotify Wrapped stats, and dropping some niche anime recommendations. Download the app and take the show home with you!00:00:01 - The heartbreak of Earl Sweatshirt's recent music and his album with Alchemist. 00:08:50 - Breaking down Drake's discography and how the quality dropped completely after Views. 00:11:43 - Why P-Lo is an amazing producer but a frustratingly bad rapper. 00:15:36 - Drake accused of stealing Mac Dre's entire flow and disrespecting the Bay Area. 00:23:30 - Analyzing Drake's victim raps, contract lawsuits, and the heavy allegations against him. 00:32:21 - The MAGA chain controversy: Did the White House really claim Drake? 00:37:33 - WNBA reality check: Comparing Caitlin Clark's inaccurate shooting to Trae Young. 00:46:16 - Discussing the WNBA's "White Savior" complex versus real generational talents like A'ja Wilson. 00:58:10 - Steve Kerr gets called out for prioritizing Taylor Swift lyrics over speaking on the Voting Rights Act. 01:02:14 - Late music discoveries, bumping Coldplay, and buying Kendra Morris's interactive board game album. 01:08:10 - Anime corner: Reviewing Miniature Wife and Campfire Cooking in Another World with My Absurd Skill. 01:16:11 - Revealing wild Spotify stats, Mims intros, and listening to 17,900 minutes of Westside Gunn. 

In this powerful video, we expose how the recent anti-Israel march through Flatbush, Brooklyn — a heavily Jewish neighborhood — reveals the ugly truth: Anti-Zionism is not about “occupation” or “policy.” It is pure, unfiltered Jew-hatred marching straight into Jewish communities.We break down how this hatred didn't start on October 7th. It was engineered decades ago by the Soviet KGB as part of a deliberate psychological warfare operation. Former Romanian intelligence chief Ion Mihai Pacepa and KGB defectors reveal how Yuri Andropov's team created the “Palestinian” national identity from scratch to weaponize Jew-hatred across the Islamic world and turn it against Israel and the West.You'll learn:How the PLO and Palestinian National Charter were manufactured in MoscowWhy “From the River to the Sea” is a call for Jewish genocide, not coexistenceThe connection between Soviet strategy, modern campus protests, and the global intifadaThe march through Flatbush wasn't random. It was the latest chapter in a long war against the Jewish people. The mask is off — anti-Zionism is the new face of antisemitism.If you want to understand the real forces behind the explosion of Jew-hatred in the West and why this battle is existential for both Israel and the free world, watch until the end.This is not just about Israel.This is about civilization itself.Join Our Whatsapp Channel: https://chat.whatsapp.com/GkavRznXy731nxxRyptCMvFollow us on Twitter: https://x.com/AviAbelowJoin our Telegram Channel: https://t.me/aviabelowpulseFollow us on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/pulse_of_israel/?hl=enPulse of Israel on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/IsraelVideoNetworkVisit Our Website - https://pulseofisrael.com/Donate to Pulse of Israel: https://pulseofisrael.com/boost-this-video/

This week, we are joined by 3-time WSOP bracelet winner Upeshka De Silva. We also welcome the hottest poker content creator Liam 'BigLi' Hind.For strategy Turlough McHugh brings us a multi-way spot. Dylan Weisman stops by to talk all about crushing PLO tournaments. Plus, Barry Carter's got all the latest news!

Antoun Issa grew up quietly aware of a profound grief in his mother's eyes. As an adult, after living and working in the Middle East, he finally knew how to ask her about surviving the Lebanese Civil War.Antoun is a journalist who grew up in the outer suburbs of Melbourne, after his parents had escaped the civil war in Lebanon in the 1970s.Growing up in Craigieburn as the baby of the family, Antoun was particularly close with his mother.He was always conscious of a deep sadness in his mother's eyes, but was wary of asking her too many questions.As an adult, Antoun went to live and work in Lebanon.There, in the Middle East, where he worked as a journalist, Antoun saw firsthand what happens when the trajectory of human life is interrupted by conflict and violence.Upon returning home to Australia, he was finally ready to ask his mother about the source of her quiet and enduring grief, and what came out of her was a remarkable story of true love, true loss and resilience.Upon returning home to Australia, he was finally ready to ask his mother about the source of her quiet and enduring grief, and what came out of her was a remarkable story of true love, true loss and resilience.REBIRTH: A Love Story from the Depths of War is published by Hachette.This episode of Conversations was produced by Meggie Morris. Executive Producer is Eliza Kirsch.It explores the Middle East, War, Conflict, Beiruit, Israel, PLO, Palestine, United States, civil war, conflict, refugees, religious conflict, Lebanese Christians, Sunni Muslims, Shia Muslims, Mountains, Maronite Christians, politics and religion, proxy wars, Iran, Iraq, Arab-Isreali, Saudi, Cold War, Arab Cold War, Taif Agreement, political power, relationship, origin story, writing, books, memoir, novel, survival, death, violence, sliding doors.To binge even more great episodes of the Conversations podcast with Richard Fidler and Sarah Kanowski go the ABC listen app (Australia) or wherever you get your podcasts. There you'll find hundreds of the best thought-provoking interviews with authors, writers, artists, politicians, psychologists, musicians, and celebrities.

This week Bart play's a grindy, awful $2/$5 NL game but makes his way into a 5/5 and 2/2 PLO game.

Die maritime Wirtschaft könnte in den kommenden Jahren 100.000 neue Jobs schaffen. Davon ist dermaritime Koordinator der Bundesregierung, Christoph Ploß, überzeugt.Von der Branche hänge auch „die Souveränität und Resilienz Deutschlands ab. Wir können im Krisen- oder gar Kriegsfall auf die deutsche Handelsflotte zurückgreifen, das ist ein enormes Pfund, wenn wir in Schwierigkeiten stecken“, sagt Ploß.Die Zahl der Handelschiffe, die in der Krise zur Verfügung stehen könnten, soll auf 2.000 erhöht werden. [13:17]Kurz vor der Kabinettsentscheidung will die SPD bei der Gesundheitsreform nachverhandeln.Auf Ebene der Staatssekretäre hat es bisher noch keine Einigung gegeben. [01:46]Am 23. Mai wird das Grundgesetz 77 Jahre alt. Bundespräsident Steinmeier hat zu Mitmachaktionen aufgerufen.Dörte Dinger, Chefin des Bundespräsidialamts: „Wir sind überzeugt davon, dass es in dieser krisenhaften Zeit nötig und beinahe heilsam ist, wenn wir Momente schaffen, in denen Menschen erfahren können, dass sie eben nicht ohnmächtig sind." [07:36]Table.Briefings - For better informed decisions. Sie entscheiden besser, weil Sie besser informiert sind – das ist das Ziel von Table.Briefings. Wir verschaffen Ihnen mit jedem Professional Briefing, mit jeder Analyse und mit jedem Hintergrundstück einen Informationsvorsprung, am besten sogar einen Wettbewerbsvorteil. Table.Briefings bietet „Deep Journalism“, wir verbinden den Qualitätsanspruch von Leitmedien mit der Tiefenschärfe von Fachinformationen. Professional Briefings kostenlos kennenlernen: table.media/testenHier geht es zu unseren Werbepartnern Hol dir deine persönlichen Daten mit Incogni zurück und hol dir 60 % Rabatt auf ein Jahresabo: https://incogni.com/tabletodayImpressum: https://table.media/impressumDatenschutz: https://table.media/datenschutzerklaerungBei Interesse an Audio-Werbung in diesem Podcast melden Sie sich gerne bei Laurence Donath: laurence.donath@table.media Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Pour découvrir notre autre Podcast Pseudouf et Plo, ça se passe sur ⁠PatreonIl est l'heure de revenir sur l'après Dark Souls du studio FromSoftware. Un après Dark Souls initialement prévu comme un Tenchu, qui a finalement pris une direction sensiblement différente. Pour un résultat particulièrement affuté... malgré quelques problèmes de caméra... et de pédagogie.Pour voir la version ⁠vidéo⁠La chaîne Youtube de ⁠Pseudo⁠La chaîne Youtube de ⁠Plouf

Get the course here: https://upswingpoker.com/crushing-plo-tournaments/ View the written version of this episode here: https://upswingpoker.com/podcast/ep19-pot-limit-omaha/ Most PLO players are making the same costly mistakes without even realizing it—and it's destroying their win rate. In this episode, you'll learn the core fundamentals of Pot Limit Omaha so you can build stronger hands, make better decisions, and start playing a winning strategy immediately. 00:00 Episode Intro + Why This PLO Episode Matters 01:37 What This Episode Will Teach You About PLO 02:20 Why Most PLO Hands Are Overvalued 02:58 The 4 Key Traits of Strong PLO Hands 05:41 What "Robust Equity" Means in PLO 07:41 Position and Preflop Strategy Fundamentals 08:04 UTG vs Button: How Ranges Change 11:32 Blockers, Equity, and Preflop Mistakes 14:01 Pocket Aces in PLO: Biggest Misconceptions 16:16 The Biggest Leak: Playing With Fear 19:18 Postflop Tip #1: Playing Based on Robust Equity 21:34 Postflop Tip #2: C-Bet Sizing by Board Texture 24:06 Postflop Tip #3: Checking Out of Position 26:16 Postflop Tip #4: Turn Strategy and Pot Sizing 28:50 Postflop Tip #5: Multiway Pot Strategy Pot Limit Omaha (PLO) is one of the most complex poker variants, and in this episode, high-stakes pro Dylan Weisman breaks down a practical framework for actually winning. Unlike No-Limit Hold'em, PLO is an equity-driven game where hands run close together, making concepts like nuttiness, connectedness, suitedness, and high-pair power essential. Dylan explains how these four traits define strong PLO hands and why players must focus on building "robust equity"—hands that can improve across multiple streets and realistically make the nuts by the river. The episode emphasizes how position and stack depth shape strategy. Early position requires tight, smooth, and highly connected hands, while later positions allow for wider, more flexible ranges. Dylan also highlights common mistakes, including overvaluing weak hands, misplaying pocket Aces, and ignoring blockers and opponent ranges. A key takeaway is that many hands that look strong preflop perform poorly postflop if they lack nuttiness or backup equity. Postflop play is where most players struggle, and the biggest leak discussed is trying to "protect equity." In PLO, board textures change too frequently for that approach to work. Instead, players should apply aggression with hands that have strong redraws and play more passively with vulnerable holdings. The episode also covers c-bet sizing by board texture, why checking out of position is often optimal, and how to build effective check-raising ranges. Finally, Dylan breaks down turn strategy, polarized betting, and multiway pots, where smaller bet sizes and discipline are critical. Overall, this episode provides a clear, structured roadmap for improving PLO fundamentals and avoiding costly mistakes.

Translated into English for the first time since its original publication by the PLO's Palestine Research Center, this book extensively details the origins of Zionism and its development as an ideology and political project that has wrought havoc in the Middle East and beyond over the last century. The Foundations of Zionism (Ebb Books, 2025) chronicles this development from Zionism's early origins up to the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1923, refuting many of the movement's own foundational myths - from its early relationship to the Palestinians to its exclusively religious character. Sabri Jiryis delves into Zionism's successive congresses and factional struggles, its early failures to settle in Palestine and the formation of armed militias, and its temporary alliances with the Ottoman Empire before the movement eventually secured support from Western colonial powers such as Britain. In a newly written conclusion, Jiryis reconsiders the Zionist project 100 years on from the Balfour Declaration and amid the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting scholar at the Buffett Institute for Global Affairs at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Blusky and IG: @robbyref Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

The war in Iran is worsening the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. In violation of the ceasefire, Israel has severely restricted aid and maintained its air strikes. The US-brokered deal is meant to be in Phase 2 but appears to be in limbo. So, who could step in to help Palestinians? In this episode: Dr Mohammed Tahir, Orthopaedic surgeon, worked in Gaza. Alex de Waal, Executive Director, World Peace Foundation. Xavier Abu Eid, Former Communications Director, PLO. Host: Imran Khan Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube

Pour découvrir notre autre Podcast Pseudouf et Plo, ça se passe sur PatreonBonjour. Vous êtes prêts à perdre la boule? Ou êtes-vous juste venus ici pour rouler votre bosse? En tous les cas, il est l'heure de parler de Katamari Damacy. Jeu cultissime de la 6ème génération de console, mais jamais sorti en Europe, Katamari Damacy, et la franchise Katamari, c'est un sacré délire. Mais sous cette apparence fofolle se cache en réalité un jeu au design absolument génial, intuitif, évident et dont la bonne humeur est on ne peut plus communicative. Difficile d'imaginer quiconque jouer à Katamari Damacy sans passer un bon moment. Alors pourquoi est-ce si bien? Laissez-nous vous expliquer tout ça, en remontant aux origines du projet, en passant par son créateur et son oeuvre, absolument intemporelle. Bon visionnage!Pour voir la version vidéoLa chaîne Youtube de PseudoLa chaîne Youtube de Plouf

 From the moment of its founding, and, in truth, before its founding, the State of Israel has faced the determined opposition of the Arab world. The armies of five Arab nations invaded Israel the day after it declared independence in 1948. In 1967, after a similar attempt again failed, the Arab League met at Khartoum and issued the famous three no's: no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, no negotiation with Israel. Terrorism, war, and boycott followed across the decades—the PLO, the intifadas, the missile campaigns, and the Iranian proxy network that exploited Arab grievance and stretched from Lebanon to Gaza to Yemen, and whose efforts came to a gruesome crescendo on October 7, 2023. Arab opposition to Israel has been, for most of the past century, an organizing principle of Arab political life. It was the cause around which governments mobilized populations, and around which Palestinians built an identity. And so it is genuinely remarkable when a man who grew up inside that world, who absorbed its assumptions as a child, who knows its arguments from the inside, sits down and writes a book called The Arab Case for Israel. Hussain Abdul-Hussain was born in Iraq, raised in Lebanon, and serves as a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. On this episode, he joins Mosaic's editor Jonathan Silver to discuss The Arab Case for Israel. This week's episode of the Tikvah Podcast is generously sponsored by Dr. Michael Schmerin and family. If you are interested in sponsoring an episode of the Tikvah Podcast, we invite you to join the Tikvah Ideas Circle. Visit tikvah.org/circle to learn more and join.

After the six-day-war, Arab nations gradually left the conflict with Israel to the PLO. The latter became involved in the civil war in Lebanon and in a mini-civil war in Jordan (Black September). Meanwhile, Israeli politics started to shift to the right.

On this week's episode Bart makes a special trip on a special day to check out the action at EBH (day after xmas) only to take a huge beating at 5/5/10 PLO. His NL was overly nitty and small but he was able to claw his way to even with the help of a $3150 session in 45 minutes online.

The creation of the PLO placed new pressures on both Fatah and the Arab National Movement. This episode dives into the dawn of the Palestinian thawra (revolution) era, and the operation that birthed it. Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/preoccupation-a-not-so-brief-history-of-palestine/donations

Chris Vitch (aka “Death Donkey”) has one of those poker origin stories that feels made up: Tucson kid → board games, StarCraft clans, and a nickname that stuck for decades One quarter of grad school at UCSD → then a 3-month heater worth $150K playing 30/60 limit online Limit streets → 2-7 Triple Draw, Stud 8, mixed games… and eventually 3 WSOP bracelets (yes, including a PLO win)We talk mixed-game learning, DeucesCracked + Black Friday, “cash game real poker” vs tournaments, Commerce degeneracy stories, and why mixed games are shifting toward cap big-bet (solvers + mental game included).Behind-the-scenes mixed game universe—this is it.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. US bureau chief Jacob Magid joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. In the wake of reports that suggested that planned nuclear talks set for the end of the week were unravelling, US President Donald Trump on Wednesday said Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei "should be very worried." Magid describes the media storm and what may be in store on Friday in Oman -- if the talks do indeed take place. Last week, Magid was able to get his hands on a draft resolution laying out the powers of various bodies tasked with managing postwar Gaza under US President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace initiative. We hear how it appears to limit the significance of a panel, including Turkey and Qatar, that had sparked worries in Israel. We also learn about the current activities of the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, or NCAG, which is still sitting in Cairo. Palestinian Authority President Mahmud Abbas said Monday that elections will be held on November 1 for the Palestinian National Council, the parliament of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Magid explains why this may not be the big deal it appears to be. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: US-Iran talks back on track after Trump warns Khamenei ‘should be very worried’ Board of Peace proposal appears to relegate Gaza panel with Turkey, Qatar to ‘advisory’ role Palestinian Authority’s Abbas calls first-ever direct PLO parliament elections Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in the West Bank city of Ramallah, December 22, 2025. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser, Pool)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Školní přestávky bez mobilů – podle ministra školství Roberta Plagy (za ANO) by byl takový zákaz pro žáky prospěšný a chystá se ho zavést. „Plošným zákazem mobilů na školách znemožňujeme některým školám a některým kolektivům, kde dokáží fungovat velmi dobře i s digitálními médii, poskytovat dětem tréninkové prostředí,“ upozorňuje v pořadu Osobnost Plus Kateřina Lukavská z Katedry psychologie Pedagogické fakulty Univerzity Karlovy.Všechny díly podcastu Osobnost Plus můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Phenom Poker — now running daily MTTsFirst-time depositors can get up to a 200% bonus on $2,000 when you use our link:https://play.phenompoker.com/register?r=Table1Mafia Poker Rooms, Molly's Game Checks, and Building a Vegas Stream Game | Table 1 PodcastSome poker stories start with a “buddy taught me Hold'em in college.”Brian Okin's starts with a craps addiction in Vienna, a nickname that luckily didn't stick (Dice), and an underground Manhattan room where you had to buzz in like Rounders… and somehow turns into: running a dot-com era e-commerce business, losing $100k+ in a three-day session (plus the cursed cashmere hoodie), playing Molly's Game (and cashing what might've been her last check), and eventually building a high-stakes streamed cash game at the Venetian.In this episode, Art and Justin sit down with Brian Okin for one of those conversations that zig-zags between poker, business, and the kind of New York stories you're not supposed to say out loud.What we talk about: The most confusing legal name in poker: A. Peter Brian Okin Growing up Long Island → Manhattan for 18 years Board games, Uno scoring, and why Monopoly is “the true model of business” First real gambling: Vegas as a kid → self-deal poker → then… an “underground casino” run out of a synagogue

Plošné sbírání a ukládání dat o tom, kdy a s kým jsme si psali, telefonovali nebo odkud jsme se připojovali k internetu, je v Česku provozováno nezákonně, konstatoval Nejvyšší soud. Ten rozhodoval ve sporu datového novináře Českého rozhlasu Jana Cibulky se státem. „Je to v rozporu s principy svobodné a demokratické země,“ říká o české úpravě zákona v pořadu Online Plus vědecký redaktor Deníku N Petr Koubský.

TRACKLIST: 1. Happiness - Lizzie Berchie 2. This Is The Way - Logic [@logic_official] 3. The Mission - Greybox [@greybox] 4. Decades (feat. Laura Groves & Samuel T. Herring) - Wilma Archer [@wilmaarcher] 5. Country First Name (‘22) - Sonny Miles 6. blessed like that - threetwenty [@threetwentyncs] 7. girl, get up. - Doechii & SZA 8. DO IT! - Ashley Gill [@aattgg] 9. COME AND FIND YOU - Sudan Archives [@sudanarchives] 10. SUPERSTAR - Bubba Janko & Ebi Soda [@bubba_janko @ebisoda] 11. LE$ [love ave edit] - Childish Gambino [@loveave] 12. let me grow - fyodor [@fyodor-164383981] 13. AFRICAN LOVIN - 9DAYS [@ella-ninedeys] 14. Kaseya - Yeek & P-LO [@yeek @heartbreakplo] 15. Hanging On - James Vickery [@jamesvickery] 16. I Need You - TheARTI$t [@thefcknartist] 17. Matter of Time - S!MONE [@simonejoyjones] 18. forever - Gabriel Jacoby [@poetfromtheville]

The brothers talk with the prominent Palestinian politician, activist and medical doctor Mustafa Barghouti, Secretary General of the Palestinian National Initiative, and presidential candidate during the last elections in Palestine in 2005. We discuss the awful realities of Palestinians living under Israeli genocide and attempted ethnic cleansing despite a "ceasefire," the essence of Palestinian steadfastness and the importance of international solidarity. We also debate the meaning of Palestinian unity as key to the liberation struggle connecting forces, movements and people globally. We end by talking proposed upcoming elections, the importance of democratizing the PLO, and the gap in solidarity between Arab peoples and their leaders. Date of recording: December 23, 2025 Watch the video edition on our YouTube channel Follow us on our socials: X: @MakdisiStreet YouTube: @MakdisiStreet Insta: @Makdisist TikTok: @Makdisistreet Music by Hadiiiiii Sign up at Patreon.com/MakdisiStreet to access all the bonus content, including the latest Q&A

Ducky and Donnie recap the PokerStars NAPT Las Vegas festival, the PGT Texas PLO Round Up festival, and Donnie tilts about his wife's spending at BravoCon.Follow Donnie on Twitter: @Donnie_PetersFollow Tim on Twitter: @Tim__DuckworthFollow PokerGO on Twitter: @PokerGO Subscribe to PokerGO today to receive 24/7 access to the world's largest poker content library, including the WSOP, High Stakes Poker, No Gamble, No Future, and more. Use the promo code PODCAST to receive $20 off your first year of a new annual subscription. Join today at PokerGO.com.Play free poker against real players anytime, anywhere on PlayPokerGO. Build your path to poker mastery for free with Octopi Poker. Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/pokergo-podcast--5877082/support.

Continuing from Jerusalem in Part 2 of this essential 3-part series, Pastor Nate and Israeli tour guide Ronnie Simon walk through six decades of history that shaped today's headlines. From the PLO's formation to Hamas winning elections with 75% of the vote, this conversation provides the context most people never receive.Listen as Ronnie—who has guided tours across Israel for decades—explains why peace deals failed, what Arab nations really think about Palestinians, and why understanding this history matters for Christians today.You'll Learn:✅ The events from 1967 to present that led to today's conflict✅ Why Oslo Accords promised hope but delivered more violence✅ How Israel's 2005 withdrawal from Gaza was meant to bring peace✅ The difference between what leaders say in English versus Arabic✅ Why this isn't just political—it's a religious jihad with global implicationsThis is Part 2 of 3. Make sure you've heard Part 1 and subscribe so you don't miss the powerful conclusion. New episodes every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday at 7 AM CT.

Week of 11/24/25: Mike and Laureen break down the recent high-profile Oval Office meeting between NYC Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani and President Trump, focusing not just on what was discussed, but what was left unsaid. The episode features a compelling clip from political commentator Ken LaCorte, who explains why Palestinians continue their struggle despite overwhelming losses. The hosts discuss a conversation between CBS' Major Garrett and the Free Press' Tanner Nau and analyze Nick Fuentes' efforts to influence the Republican Party by mobilizing young right-wing voters through a new nonprofit organization with openly antisemitic and racist aims. The week's headlines included the PLO's "pay to slay" incentivized terrorism program; a report from the Institute for Standing Against Global Antisemitism on Qatar's $20B influence campaign in U.S. universities; and President Trump's designation of certain Muslim Brotherhood chapters as global terrorist organizations. In closing, Mike and Laureen condemn a disturbing incident at the University of South Florida, where Muslim students praying on a parking garage rooftop were harassed, leading to three arrests. Thank you for listening, sharing and subscribing to the Third Opinion Podcast!

On this week's episode Bart opens the show discussing a wild 5/5/10 PLO game that he sat in to begin his session played at Encore Boston Harbor.

Retired Israeli Ambassador Yoram Ettinger warned in an interview that the United States and Israel are misplacing focus on Gaza and proxy groups while the core danger remains Iran, which he likened to a swamp spawning mosquitoes. “Chasing Hamas, the Houthis and Hezbollah is like chasing mosquitoes coming out of the Ayatollah's swamp,” Ettinger told interviewer Alan Skorski. The comments come after President Trump's 20-point Middle East peace plan and a joint U.S.-Israel operation inside Iran on June 13 that severely damaged Tehran's capabilities. Despite the setback, Ettinger said Russia, China and North Korea continue to rearm the Islamic Republic, endangering Israel and all U.S. interests in the region, including oil-producing Arab states. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Vice President JD Vance and top U.S. generals have visited Israel since the June strike, Ettinger noted. A 2026 threat assessment jointly compiled by the FBI, Department of Homeland Security and Director of National Intelligence warns that Iran, Russia and China are expanding sleeper-cell terror networks inside the United States, the ambassador said. On Palestinian statehood, Ettinger cited decades of PLO violence — from the 1960s and 1970s in Egypt, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon to the 1990s when Yasser Arafat's group backed Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait despite Kuwait hosting hundreds of thousands of Palestinians with full rights. “Every Arab country knows what a Palestinian state would mean,” he said. Saudi Arabia and others publicly tie normalization with Israel to Palestinian statehood, but Ettinger called it “talking the talk, not walking the walk.” President Trump's recent declaration against Israeli annexation of the West Bank is temporary and diplomatic, not a permanent endorsement of a future Palestinian state there, Ettinger said. Granting statehood to the Palestinian Authority in Judea and Samaria runs counter to U.S. interests, he added. Alan Skorski Reports 05NOV2025 - PODCAST

We now have a Middle East peace plan. The problem is, how do you suddenly erase a tenet of Islam that demands the killing of infidels (Christians and Jews)? How do Islamic nations that want to wipe Israel off the face of the earth all of a sudden accept Israel as a nation? Is peace with Islam attainable or is there a deception underway that is going into silence for a time only to resurge with a greater fury than ever? Returning to Crosstalk to address this subject was Usama Dakdok. Usama is founder of the Straight Way of Grace Ministry. He is the speaker on the daily radio broadcast, Revealing the Truth About Islam. Hamas, Hezbollah, ISIS, the PLO...the name doesn't matter. According to Usama, they're all on the same team. This is the key point to understand, particularly as it pertains to whether or not Hamas is really ready to recognize Israel's right to exist. This would not seem to be the case as Jim indicated that Qatar and Turkey want to rebuild Hamas, not Gaza. As audio from an Islamic cleric showed, the goal is to make America an Islamic nation. In light of that, what are we to make of the security guarantees made to Qatar and the training of their military pilots on U.S. soil? Is this a "Trojan horse" that President Trump, Vice President J.D. Vance and Secretary of War Pete Hegseth are somehow not aware of? Jim also reported that Pope Leo is opening a Muslim prayer room at the Vatican. All of this shows how the world appears to be rolling out the "red carpet" for Islam, but will its adherents show thanks in the form of lasting peace? How can it when the term Islam means "submission"? Hear what Usama's experience and research shows.

Welcome to What Matters Now, a weekly podcast exploring key issues currently shaping Israel and the Jewish World, with host deputy editor Amanda Borschel-Dan speaking with legal expert on genocide Menachem Rosensaft. Rosensaft is an adjunct professor of law at Cornell Law School and lecturer-in-law at Columbia Law School, where he teaches the law of genocide -- since 2008 at Cornell and since 2011 at Columbia. A dedicated pro-Israel US Jewish leader, Rosensaft is the general counsel emeritus of the World Jewish Congress and has been part of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, most notably sitting with PLO leader Yasser Arafat alongside four other American Jewish leaders in 1988, after which Arafat said he recognized the State of Israel's right to exist. Rosensaft discusses the important legal and rhetorical distinction between genocide and crimes against humanity or war crimes, feeling that the definition's precision is being diluted in popular use. We learn about the history and evolution of Raphael Lemkin's definition of genocide and the ripple effect it has caused. He emphasizes that Israel cannot be held out as the sole villain in the ongoing war, and explains how Hamas exhibits genocidal intent and ideology. However, the statements from a handful of far-right Israeli politicians is making South Africa's December 2023 legal case accusing the Jewish state of genocide much harder to win. Finally, he rails against the Israeli government's weaponization of the word "antisemitism" for all dissent against the Jewish state, but doubles down on the need for an ongoing peace process leading to a Palestinian state. And so this week, we ask genocide legal expert Menachem Rosensaft, what matters now. What Matters Now podcasts are available for download on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Menachem Rosensaft (courtesy) / Palestinians stand on the edge of a crater after Israeli military strikes in a tent camp for displaced people near Al-Aqsa Hospital, in Deir al-Balah, August 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On this episode of Old Newscast, we go back to September 13 1993, when long term enemies Yitzhak Rabin, the Israeli Prime Minister and Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the PLO shake hands on the White House lawn.They shook hands after decades of violence and publicly acknowledged a peace process that produced a set of agreements known as the Oslo Accords. The handshake came about after a series of secret negotiations held in Norway, where negotiators from both sides lived together until they came to an agreement.Adam speaks to Jane Corbin from BBC Panorama, who had the inside scoop during the secret negotiations, and BBC Chief International Correspondent who reported on the peace process. You can now listen to Newscast on a smart speaker. If you want to listen, just say "Ask BBC Sounds to play Newscast”. It works on most smart speakers. You can join our Newscast online community here: https://tinyurl.com/newscastcommunityhereGet in touch with Newscast by emailing newscast@bbc.co.uk or send us a whatsapp on +44 0330 123 9480.New episodes released every day. If you're in the UK, for more News and Current Affairs podcasts from the BBC, listen on BBC Sounds: https://bit.ly/3ENLcS1 Newscast brings you daily analysis of the latest political news stories from the BBC. It was presented by Adam Fleming. It was made by Shiler Mahmoudi with Chris Flynn. The technical producer was Mike Regaard. The assistant editor is Chris Gray. The senior news editor is Sam Bonham.

All of this week's episodes of It Could Happen Here put together in one large file. - Palestine’s Stolen Future - The Genocide Budget (And How to Stop It) - Protest, Immigration Enforcement, and the Unhoused Community - The Minnesota Assassination & Evangelical Terrorism - Executive Disorder: White House Weekly #24 You can now listen to all Cool Zone Media shows, 100% ad-free through the Cooler Zone Media subscription, available exclusively on Apple Podcasts. So, open your Apple Podcasts app, search for “Cooler Zone Media” and subscribe today! http://apple.co/coolerzone Sources/Links: Palestine's Stolen Future Raz Segal on genocide - https://jewishcurrents.org/a-textbook-case-of-genocide Omer Bartov on genocide – https://www.democracynow.org/2024/12/30/omer_bartov_israel_gaza_genocide Amos Goldberg on genocide - https://thefirethesetimes.com/2025/05/25/intent-holocaust-studies-and-the-gaza-genocide-w-amos-goldberg/ Khaled Elgindy on Biden’s “bear hug” - https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/10/10/biden-israel-hamas-war-gaza-us-policy/ Bezalel Smotrich on population transfer - https://www.timesofisrael.com/smotrich-says-gaza-to-be-totally-destroyed-population-concentrated-in-small-area/ Nissim Vaturi on population transfer - https://www.timesofisrael.com/occupy-expel-settle-minister-mks-at-far-right-rally-call-to-empty-gaza-of-gazans/ Arab Peace Initiative - https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=a5dab26d-a2fe-dc66-8910-a13730828279&groupId=268421 Arab Center Washington – “The Biden Administration and the Middle East in 2023” - https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/the-biden-administration-and-the-middle-east-in-2023/ Mike Huckabee on Palestinians - https://edition.cnn.com/2024/11/12/politics/mike-huckabee-palestinian-comments-trump-israel-ambassador Steve Witkoff making deals with Hamas - https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/hamas-says-witkoffs-gaza-ceasefire-proposal-must-lead-end-war-2025-05-31/ Adam Boehler “we are not an agent of Israel” - https://www.axios.com/2025/03/09/adam-boehler-hamas-israel-talks Philippe Lazzarini on Gaza Humanitarian Foundation - https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/unrwa-commissioner-general-gaza-aid-distribution-has-become-death-trap Doctors without Borders on Gaza Humanitarian Foundation - https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/latest/siege-gaza-msf-denounces-new-aid-mechanism-proposed-us-and-israel Jake Woods, Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, resigns - https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/may/26/gaza-humanitarian-foundation-aid-group-jake-wood-resigns Saudi Minister on Two-State Solution - https://www.mofa.gov.sa/en/ministry/news/Pages/His-Highness-the-Foreign-Minister-A-Two-State-Solution-is-the-Only-Path-to-Achieving-a-Just-and-Lasting-Peace-in-the-Regio.aspx France & Saudi sponsor peace conference - https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/politics-and-diplomacy/article-855969 Qatari foreign minister on Saudi sponsored peace conference - https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250613-qatar-france-fms-underscore-importance-of-upcoming-un-two-state-solution-conference-as-real-opportunity-for-peace/ The Oslo Accords and the Palestinian Authority background - https://www.palquest.org/en/highlight/31121/x-oslo-process-and-establishment-palestinian-authority Yitzhak Rabin’s final address to the Knesset - https://www.palquest.org/en/historictext/24965/yitzhaq-rabin%E2%80%99s-address-knesset-after-israeli-palestinian-agreement Mapping Palestinian Politics – European Council on Foreign Relations - https://ecfr.eu/special/mapping_palestinian_politics/plo/ “Abbas is America’s Man” - https://jewishcurrents.org/abbas-is-americas-man Tariq Dana – “Lost in Transition: The Palestinian National Movement After Oslo” - https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/from-the-river-to-the-sea-9781978752658/ Wendy Pearlman – “Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement” - https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/violence-nonviolence-and-the-palestinian-national-movement/0F8D188C7D514D49F68D827066E0FABD BDS call - https://bdsmovement.net/pacbi/pacbi-call Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research – September 2023 poll - https://www.pcpsr.org/sites/default/files/Poll%2089%20English%20Full%20Text%20September%202023.pdf Interview with Ukrainian outlet “Commons” - https://commons.com.ua/en/intervyu-z-danoyu-el-kurd/ Protests against Hamas – July 2023 - https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2023/07/30/thousands-of-marchers-in-gaza-in-rare-public-display-of-discontent-with-hamas_6073136_4.html Protests against Hamas - https://edition.cnn.com/2025/03/25/middleeast/anti-hamas-protests-gaza-intl-latam Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research – May 2025 poll - https://www.pcpsr.org/sites/default/files/Poll%2095%20press%20release%206May2025%20ENGLISH.pdf Changes in PLO structure and new Vice President role - https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/may/08/palestinians-leader-mahmoud-abbas-president Polling on Hussein Al-Sheikh - https://pcpsr.org/sites/default/files/Poll%2092%20English%20full%20text%20July2024.pdf Palestinian National Conference - https://ncpalestine.org/ A Land for All - https://www.2s1h.org/en Israeli backed gangs in Gaza - https://zeteo.com/p/who-is-abu-shabab-meet-the-gaza-gangster The Genocide Budget (And How to Stop It) Trans Income Project: https://www.transincomeproject.org/donate https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jul/07/planned-parenthood-trump-lawsuit https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/one-big-beautiful-bill-medicaid-work-requirements-affordable-care-act-immigrants/#:~:text=The%20bill%20would%20require%20states%20that%20have,individual)%20and%20138%25%20of%20that%20amount%20($21%2C597).&text=The%20Senate%20bill%20would%20allow%20states%20to,who%20seek%20emergency%20room%20care%20for%20nonemergencies. https://www.chalkbeat.org/2025/05/16/school-choice-expansion-in-budget-bill-puts-federal-stamp-on-gop-priority/ https://www.nea.org/nea-today/all-news-articles/trumps-budget-bill-attack-public-schools-working-families-and-immigrants https://www.americanprogress.org/article/10-egregious-things-you-may-not-know-about-the-one-big-beautiful-bill-act/ https://time.com/7299514/bill-will-devastate-public-schools https://www.edweek.org/policy-politics/the-senate-passed-a-federal-voucher-program-whats-in-it/2025/07 https://www.au.org/the-latest/articles/not-beautiful-trumps-budget-forces-a-national-voucher-plan-on-america/ https://www.npr.org/2025/05/23/nx-s1-5397175/trump-federal-voucher-private-school https://itep.org/trump-megabill-expensive-private-school-vouchers/ https://www.msn.com/en-us/money/careersandeducation/how-trump-s-big-spending-bill-will-overhaul-repayment-for-millions-of-student-loan-borrowers/ar-AA1HXbVa?cvid=7271B17CDE424D63B5C23D6A3D1E71B7&ocid=msnHomepage https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/white-house/trump-signs-big-tax-cut-spending-bill-law-july-fourth-ceremony-rcna216753 https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2025/07/05/trump-budget-bill-states-border-security/84463777007/ https://newrepublic.com/post/197412/donald-trump-big-beautiful-budget-bill-devastating-poll https://www.kff.org/medicaid/issue-brief/allocating-cbos-estimates-of-federal-medicaid-spending-reductions-across-the-states-senate-reconciliation-bill/ https://www.kff.org/policy-watch/how-might-federal-medicaid-cuts-in-the-senate-passed-reconciliation-bill-affect-rural-areas/ https://www.cbpp.org/research/medicaid-and-chip/senate-reconciliation-amendment-would-cut-hundreds-of-billions-more-from https://www.cbsnews.com/news/whats-in-trump-big-beautiful-bill-senate-version/ https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/fact-sheet/house-reconciliation-bill-immigration-border-security/ https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/heres-whats-in-the-big-bill-that-just-passed-the-senate The Minnesota Assassination & Evangelical Terrorism 00155d0deff0 https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25976535-boelter-federal-affidavit/ https://web.archive.org/web/20250614161224/https://www.pguards.net/leadership-team https://youtu.be/Sh01z1t2l3w?si=vSme9mqCPmeDROqp https://www.startribune.com/timeline-how-an-early-morning-assault-against-minnesota-lawmakers-unfolded/601373039 https://www.startribune.com/melissa-hortman-shooting-vance-boelter-suspect/601373342 https://kstp.com/kstp-news/top-news/vance-boelter-due-back-in-federal-court-thursday-afternoon/ https://www.wired.com/story/shooting-minnesota-melissa-hortman-vance-boelter/ https://www.cnn.com/2025/06/17/us/vance-boelter-minnesota-shooting-invs https://web.archive.org/web/20230723010430/https://www.redliongroupdrc.com/# Executive Disorder: White House Weekly #24 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.