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15 episodes with Kenneth Jackson
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2 episodes with Kenneth Jackson
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2 episodes with Kenneth Jackson
15 episodes with Kenneth Jackson
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2 episodes with Kenneth Jackson
This week on APTN News InFocus we look behind the scenes of debunking a police investigation. In 2015, Matty Fairman and Tyler Maracle from Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory were found dead in the Bay of Quinte. Police said the men drowned after stealing fish and overloading their boat. Their families never believed it. Now, neither does APTN Investigates reporter Kenneth Jackson. In the fourth chapter of his series Secrets of the Bay, Jackson challenges the police version of events with a boat that refuses to sink. Guest host Karyn Pugliese sits down with Jackson to talk about how the story unfolded. • • • APTN National News, our stories told our way. Visit our website for more: https://aptnnews.ca Hear more APTN News podcasts: https://www.aptnnews.ca/podcasts/
In this episode, we put drug trafficking InFocus. From coast to coast, First Nations are grappling with the impacts of drug trafficking. Outside dealers are preying on vulnerable community members—but many nations are mobilizing to push back. Award winning APTN Investigates journalist Kenneth Jackson joins us to discuss his report, The Great Change, which shines a light on big-city drug dealers profiting off trauma. He shares how First Nations in Ontario are taking action—and why true change begins with Canada respecting Indigenous law. We also look at a new initiative in northern Manitoba. In June 2023, Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak Inc. (MKO) launched a two-year pilot project with the RCMP and the Public Prosecution Service of Canada, empowering the RCMP to enforce and prosecute bylaws in MKO communities. Chief Michael Yellowback's community, Manto Sipi Cree Nation, was the first to implement the protocol. • • • APTN National News, our stories told our way. Visit our website for more: https://aptnnews.ca Hear more APTN News podcasts: https://www.aptnnews.ca/podcasts/
APTN Investigate reporter Kenneth Jackson isn't letting up his work to expose drug dealers. Especially those preying on wounded people north of Toronto. That's on this episode of Nation to Nation.
With big city drug dealers moving into their communities and preying on the vulnerable, Anishinaabe from Wasauksing First Nation in Ontario begin to address the root causes of addiction that attracts them. And that begins with first speaking the truth. Story by reporter Kenneth Jackson.
In 1974, it would have seemed unlikely that a massive biography of a New York urban planner would become an essential volume in the library of almost every American politician and pundit. But, if anything, Robert Caro's exhaustive examination of the life and legacy of Robert Moses has become even more important and relevant as time passes. “The Power Broker” is often enthralling reading, and NY1's Errol Louis tackles how it continues to captivate its readers, 50 years after its publication. Through conversations with New York City journalists, historians and documentarians, Louis examines the book's ongoing impact and relevance. The discussion delves into Caro's meticulous research for the 1,200-page book while also reexamining Moses' complex legacy. Documentary filmmaker Lizzie Gottlieb, historian Kenneth Jackson and New York Times reporter Dana Rubinstein, and Robert Caro himself (via exclusive NY1 archived interviews), provide a nuanced look at the influence of the book and its subject. Join the conversation, weigh in on Twitter using the hashtag #NY1YouDecide, give us a call at 212-379-3440 and leave a message, or send an email to YourStoryNY1@charter.com.
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies
Do we understand racism as the primary driving engine of American inequality? Or do we focus instead on the indirect ways that frequently hard-to-discern class inequality and inegalitarian power relations can produce racially differentiated outcomes? Adaner Usmani, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Studies at Harvard and on the editorial board at Catalyst joined Elizabeth and John back in Fall, 2020, to wrestle with the subtle and complex genealogy of Southern plantation economy and its racist legacy. Adaner offers a complex genealogy of violence, mass incarceration and their roots in the social inequity (and iniquity) of antebellum economic relations. He emphasizes a frequently overlooked fact that a century ago Du Bois had already identified a key issue: the belatedness of African-American access to the social mobility offered by the North's industrialization, thanks to structures of a racist Southern agricultural economy that kept African-American workers away from those high-wage jobs. The result? An explanation for racial injustice that hinges on ossified class imbalances--contingent advantages for certain groups that end up producing (rather than being produced by) bigotry and prejudice. Adaner Usmani and John Clegg, "The Economic Origins of Mass Incarceration" (Catalyst 3:3, 2019) Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010) Robin Einhorn, American Taxation, American Slavery (2006) Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (2017) Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier (1987) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
A band council in the Fraser Valley has been found guilty of unlawfully denying band membership and writing themselves blank cheques. Yet, council remains in power as elders die waiting for justice. Kenneth Jackson returns to a story he first broke in 2017.
With the music landscape dominated by the grunge movement coming out of Seattle, it's little wonder that Pennsylvania's Riverside, a band influenced by the likes of The Smiths and Echo and the Bunnymen, didn't stand a chance. Featuring Keith Kochanowicz (vocals, guitar, organ) and his brother Glenn Kochanowicz (bass, vocals), Kenneth Jackson (guitars), and Geoff Verne (drums), the band's debut - and ultimately lone - album for Sire Records, One, was released in 1992. While featuring a number of alt-rock-radio friendly songs (“Waterfall,” “Cinnamon Eyes,”), Riverside couldn't catch a break and were dropped by the label despite finishing a sophomore album, Taste. More than 30 years after One's release, the Kochanowicz brothers hooked up with the Lost in Ohio record label and a Kickstarter campaign was launched to fund the first-ever pressing of the album on vinyl. Despite never achieving massive success in the ‘90s, the campaign was fully funded within weeks of the announcement and the vinyl will be available later this summer. In this conversation, the Kochanowicz brothers discuss the formation of the band, how fellow Pennsylvania band The Ocean Blue served as mentors, the realities of having a major label record deal in the ‘90s, and what happened after Sire dropped Riverside. Songs in this Episode: Intro - Waterfall 7:15 - General Nature 57:00 - Waterfall 1:04:48 - Marvel (from Taste) Outro - Cinnamon Eyes Support the podcast, join the DMO UNION at Patreon. Listen to the episode archive at DigMeOutPodcast.com.
With the music landscape dominated by the grunge movement coming out of Seattle, it's little wonder that Pennsylvania's Riverside, a band influenced by the likes of The Smiths and Echo and the Bunnymen, didn't stand a chance. Featuring Keith Kochanowicz (vocals, guitar, organ) and his brother Glenn Kochanowicz (bass, vocals), Kenneth Jackson (guitars), and Geoff Verne (drums), the band's debut - and ultimately lone - album for Sire Records, One, was released in 1992. While featuring a number of alt-rock-radio friendly songs (“Waterfall,” “Cinnamon Eyes,”), Riverside couldn't catch a break and were dropped by the label despite finishing a sophomore album, Taste. More than 30 years after One's release, the Kochanowicz brothers hooked up with the Lost in Ohio record label and a Kickstarter campaign was launched to fund the first-ever pressing of the album on vinyl. Despite never achieving massive success in the ‘90s, the campaign was fully funded within weeks of the announcement and the vinyl will be available later this summer. In this conversation, the Kochanowicz brothers discuss the formation of the band, how fellow Pennsylvania band The Ocean Blue served as mentors, the realities of having a major label record deal in the ‘90s, and what happened after Sire dropped Riverside. Songs in this Episode: Intro - Waterfall 7:15 - General Nature 57:00 - Waterfall 1:04:48 - Marvel (from Taste) Outro - Cinnamon Eyes Support the podcast, join the DMO UNION at Patreon. Listen to the episode archive at DigMeOutPodcast.com.
From its roots as New Amsterdam to its status as a global metropolis, New York City's 400-year evolution has transformed the one-time Dutch colony into the beating heart of capitalism. To commemorate the Big Apple's 400th year, Columbia University's eminent Professor Kenneth T. Jackson graces us on Episode 400 of Inside the ICE House. Dr. Jackson explores the pivotal events, influential figures, and cultural shifts that have shaped the city's rich history, and discusses how its enduring legacy continues to impact its present and future. https://www.ice.com/insights/conversations/inside-the-ice-house
There are still more questions than answers regarding the mysterious deaths of two Mohawk fishermen on the Bay of Quinte. APTN Investigates reporter Kenneth Jackson meets with families and community members to clear the air, fill in gaps in the police investigations – and face some difficult truths.
Two Mohawk fishermen went fishing on the Bay of Quinte eight years ago. They never came home. Police ruled that their deaths were accidental, but the families believe they were killed. APTN Investigates reporter Kenneth Jackson sets out to discover what really happened that night.
In this episode, Kenneth Jackson shares his courageous battle, the challenges he faced, and the triumphs he celebrated along the way. From the darkest moments to the brightest victories, his story will leave you inspired and uplifted. Tune in now on your favorite podcast platform to listen to "Whispers of Strength: Head And Neck Cancer Survivor's Story" This is an episode you do not want to miss! You can visit our following platforms: Website: alltalkoncology.com, Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube
This episode highlights two outstanding programs that represent the school to the community and around the state. In the first segment, the Navy ROTC program is discussed. Special guests include Scott Hannah, ROTC Commander; Karysma Phelps, Commanding Officer; and Tre Martin, Cadet Master Chief. In the second and third segments, the basketball programs are highlighted. From the Girls team, Coach Megan Moore, Saviya Morgan, and Anaya Mulholland are special guests. Guests from the boys team include Coach Ken Cutlip and Kenneth Jackson.
I had a fascinating discussion about Robert Moses and The Power Broker with Professor Kenneth T. Jackson.He's the pre-eminent historian on NYC and author of Robert Moses and The Modern City: The Transformation of New York.He answers:* Why are we so much worse at building things today?* Would NYC be like Detroit without the master builder?* Does it take a tyrant to stop NIMBY?Watch on YouTube. Listen on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or any other podcast platform. Read the full transcript here.Follow me on Twitter for updates on future episodes.If you end up enjoying this episode, I would be super grateful if you share it, post it on Twitter, send it to your friends & group chats, and throw it up wherever else people might find it. Can't exaggerate how much it helps a small podcast like mine.A huge thanks to Graham Bessellieu for editing this podcast.Timestamps(0:00:00) Preview + Intro(0:11:13) How Moses Gained Power(0:18:22) Moses Saved NYC?(0:27:31) Moses the Startup Founder?(0:32:34) The Case Against Moses Highways(0:51:24) NIMBYism(1:03:44) Is Progress Cyclical(1:12:36) Friendship with Caro(1:20:41) Moses the Longtermist?.TranscriptThis transcript was produced by a program I wrote. If you consume my podcast via transcripts, let me know in the comments if this transcript was (or wasn't) an adequate substitute for the human edited transcripts in previous episodes.0:00:00 Preview + IntroKenneth Jackson 0:00:00Robert Moses represented a past, you know, a time when we wanted to build bridges and super highways and things that pretty much has gone on. We're not building super highways now. We're not building vast bridges like Moses built all the time. Had Robert Moses not lived, not done what he did, New York would have followed the trail of maybe Detroit. Essentially all the big roads, all the bridges, all the parks, the United Nations, Lincoln Center, the World's Fairs of 1939 and 1964, and hundreds of other things he built. And I think it was the best book I ever read. In broad strokes, it's correct. Robert Moses had more power than any urban figure in American history. He built incredible monuments. He was ruthless and arrogant and honest. Okay.Dwarkesh Patel 0:00:54I am really, really excited about this one. Today I have the pleasure of speaking with Professor Kenneth T. Jackson about the life and legacy of Robert Moses. Professor Jackson is the preeminent historian on New York City. He was the director of the Herbert H. Lehman Center for American History and the Jock Barzun Professor Emeritus of History at Columbia University, where he has also shared the Department of History. And we were discussing Robert Moses. Professor Jackson is the author and editor of Robert Moses and the Modern City, the Transformation of New York. Professor Jackson, welcome to the podcast.Kenneth Jackson 0:01:37Well, thank you for having me. Okay.Dwarkesh Patel 0:01:40So many people will have heard of Robert Moses and be vaguely aware of him through the popular biography of him by Robert Caro, the power broker. But most people will not be aware of the extent of his influence on New York City. Can you give a kind of a summary of the things he was able to get built in New York City?Kenneth Jackson 0:02:03One of the best comparisons I can think of is that our Caro himself, when he compared him to Christopher Wren in London, he said, if you would see his monument, look around. It's almost more easier to talk about what Moses didn't do than what he did do. If you all the roads, essentially all the big roads, all the bridges, all the parks, the United Nations, Lincoln Center, the World's Fairs of 1939 and 1964, and hundreds of other things he built. I mean, he didn't actually do it with his own two hands, but he was in charge. He got it done. And Robert Caro wrote a really great book. I think the book was flawed because I think Caro only looked at Moses's own documents and Moses had a very narrow view of himself. I mean, he thought he was a great man, but I mean, he didn't pay any attention to what was going on in LA very much, for example. But clearly, by any standard, he's the greatest builder in American history. There's nobody really in second place. And not only did he build and spend this vast amount of money, he was in power for a long time, really a half century more or less. And he had a singular focus. He was married, but his personal life was not important to him. He did it without scandal, really, even Caro admits that he really died with less than he started with. So I mean, he wanted power, and boy, did he have power. He technically was subservient to governors and mayors, but since he built so much and since he had multiple jobs, that was part of his secret. He had as many as six, eight, ten different things at once. If the mayor fired him or got rid of him, he had all these different ways, which he was in charge of that the mayor couldn't. So you people were afraid of him, and they also respected him. He was very smart, and he worked for a dollar a year. So what are you going to get him for? As Caro says, nobody is ready to be compared with Robert Moses. In fact, compares him with an act of nature. In other words, the person you can compare him with is God. That's the person. He put the rivers in. He put the hills in. He put the island in. Compare that to Moses, what Moses did. No other person could compare to that. That's a little bit of exaggeration, but when you really think about Robert Moses and you read the Power Broker, you are stunned by the scope of his achievement. Just stunned. And even beyond New York, when we think of the interstate highway system, which really starts in 1954, 55, 56, and which is 40-something thousand miles of interstate highways, those were built by Moses' men, people who had in their young life had worked with the parkways and expressways in and around New York City. So they were ready to go. So Moses and Moses also worked outside New York City, mostly inside New York City, but he achieved so much. So probably you need to understand it's not easy to get things done in New York. It's very, very dense, much twice as dense as any place in the United States and full of neighborhoods that feel like little cities and are little cities and that don't want change even today. A place like Austin, for example, is heavy into development, not New York. You want to build a tall building in New York, you got to fight for it. And the fact that he did so much in the face of opposition speaks a lot to his methods and the way he… How did Moses do what he did? That is a huge question because it isn't happening anymore, certainly not in New YorkDwarkesh Patel 0:06:22City. Yeah. And that's really why I actually wanted to talk to you and talk about this book because the Power Broker was released in 1974 and at the time New York was not doing well, which is to put it mildly. But today the crisis we face is one where we haven't built significant public works in many American cities for decades. And so it's interesting to look back on a time when we could actually get a lot of public works built very quickly and very efficiently and see if maybe we got our characterization of the people at the time wrong. And that's where your 2007 book comes in. So I'm curious, how was the book received 50 years after, or I guess 40 years after the Power Broker was released? What was the reception like? How does the intellectual climate around these issues change in that time?Kenneth Jackson 0:07:18The Power Broker is a stunning achievement, but you're right. The Power Broker colon Robert Moses and the fall of New York. He's thinking that in the 1970s, which is the… In New York's 400-year history, we think of the 1970s as being the bottom. City was bankrupt, crime was going up, corruption was all around. Nothing was working very well. My argument in the subtitle of the 2007 book or that article is Robert Moses and the rise of New York. Arguing that had Robert Moses not lived, not done what he did, New York would have followed the trail of maybe Detroit and St. Louis and Cincinnati and Pittsburgh and most cities in the Northeast and Midwest, which really declined. New York City really hasn't declined. It's got more people now than it ever did. It's still a number one city in the world, really, by most of our standards. It's the global leader, maybe along with London. At one point in the 1980s, we thought it might be Tokyo, which is the largest city in the world, but it's no longer considered competitive with New York. I say London too because New York and London are kind of alone at the top. I think Robert Moses' public works, activities, I just don't know that you could have a New York City and not have expressways. I don't like the Cross Bronx expressway either and don't want to drive on it. How can you have a world in which you can't go from Boston to San Francisco? You had to have it. You have to have some highways and Carroll had it exactly wrong. He talked about Moses and the decline of public transit in New York. Actually what you need to explain in New York is why public transit survived in New York, wherein most other American cities, the only people who use public transit are the losers. Oh, the disabled, the poor and stuff like that. In New York City, rich people ride the subway. It's simply the most efficient way to get around and the quickest. That question needs, some of the things need to be turned on its head. How did he get it done? How did he do it without scandal? I mean, when you think about how the world is in our time, when everything has either a financial scandal or a sexual scandal attached to it, Moses didn't have scandals. He built the White Stone Bridge, for example, which is a gigantic bridge connecting the Bronx to Queens. It's beautiful. It was finished in the late 1930s on time and under budget. Actually a little earlier. There's no such thing as that now. You're going to do a big public works project and you're going to do it on time. And also he did it well. Jones Beach, for example, for generations has been considered one of the great public facilities on earth. It's gigantic. And he created it. You know, I know people will say it's just sand and water. No, no, it's a little more complicated than that. So everything he did was complicated. I mean, I think Robert Caro deserves a lot of credit for doing research on Moses, his childhood, his growing up, his assertion that he's the most important person ever to live in and around New York. And just think of Franklin Roosevelt and all the people who lived in and around New York. And Moses is in a category by himself, even though most Americans have never heard of Robert Moses. So his fame is still not, that book made him famous. And I think his legacy will continue to evolve and I think slightly improve as Americans realize that it's so hard, it's hard to build public works, especially in dense urban environments. And he did it.0:11:13 How Moses Gained PowerDwarkesh Patel 0:11:33Yeah. There's so much to talk about there. But like one of the interesting things from the Power Broker is Caro is trying to explain why governors and mayors who were hesitant about the power that Moses was gaining continued to give him more power. And there's a section where he's talking about how FDR would keep giving him more positions and responsibilities, even though FDR and Moses famously had a huge enmity. And he says no governor could look at the difficulty of getting things built in New York and not admire and respect Moses' ability to do things, as he said, efficiently, on time, under budget, and not need him, essentially. But speaking of scandal, you talked about how he didn't take salary for his 12 concurrent government roles that he was on. But there's a very arresting anecdote in the Power Broker where I think he's 71 and his daughter gets cancer. And for the first time, I think he had to accept, maybe I'm getting the details wrong, but he had to accept salary for working on the World's Fair because he didn't have enough. He was the most powerful person in New York, and he didn't have enough money to pay for his daughter's cancer. And even Caro himself says that a lot of the scandals that came later in his life, they were just kind of trivial stuff, like an acre of Central Park or the Shakespeare in the park. Yeah, it wasn't... The things that actually took him down were just trivial scandals.Kenneth Jackson 0:13:07Well, in fact, when he finally was taken down, it took the efforts of a person who was almost considered the second most powerful person in the United States, David Rockefeller, and the governor of New York, both of whom were brothers, and they still had a lot of Moses to make him kind of get out of power in 1968. But it was time. And he exercised power into his 70s and 80s, and most of it was good. I mean, the bridges are remarkable. The bridges are gorgeous, mostly. They're incredible. The Throgs Neck Bridge, the Verrazano Narrows Bridge, the Triborough Bridge, they're really works of art. And he liked to build things you could see. And I think the fact that he didn't take money was important to it. You know, he was not poor. I wouldn't say he's not wealthy in New York terms, but he was not a poor person. He went to Yale as a Jewish person, and let's say in the early 20th century, that's fairly unusual and he lived well. So we can't say he's poor, but I think that Carol was right in saying that what Moses was after in the end was not sex and not power, and not sex and not money. Power. He wanted power. And boy, did he get it.Dwarkesh Patel 0:14:37Well, there's a good review of the book from, I'm not sure if I remember the last name, but it was Philip Lopgate or something. Low paid, I think.Kenneth Jackson 0:14:45Okay.Dwarkesh Patel 0:14:46And he made a good point, which was that the connotation of the word power is very negative, but it's kind of a modern thing really to have this sort of attitude towards power that like somebody who's just seeking it must necessarily have suspicious motivations. If Moses believed, and in fact, he was probably right in believing that he was just much more effective at building public works for the people that live in New York, was it irrational of him or was it selfish of him to just desire to work 14 hour days for 40 years on end in order to accumulate the power by which he could build more public works? So there's a way of looking at it where this pursuit of power is not itself troubling.Kenneth Jackson 0:15:36Well, first of all, I just need to make a point that it's not just New York City. I mean, Jones Beach is on Long Island. A lot of those highways, the Northern State Parkway, the Southern State Parkway are built outside the city and also big projects, the Power Authority in upstate New York. He also was consultant around the world in cities and transportation. So his influence was really felt far beyond New York City. And of course, New York City is so big and so important. I think also that we might want to think about, at least I think so, what do I say, the counterfactual argument. Can you imagine? I can remember when I was in the Air Force, we lived next door to a couple from New York City. We didn't know New York City at the time. And I can't remember whether she or he was from the Bronx or Brooklyn, but they had they made us understand how incredibly much he must have loved her to go to Brooklyn or the Bronx to see her and pick her up for days and stuff like this. You couldn't get there. I mean, it would take you three hours to go from the Rockaways in Brooklyn to somewhere in the Northern Bronx. But the roads that Moses built, you know, I know at rush hour they're jammed, but you know, right this minute on a Sunday, you can whiz around New York City on these expressways that Moses built. It's hard to imagine New York without. The only thing Moses didn't do was the subway, and many people have criticized him because the subways were deteriorated between the time they were built in the early part of the 20th century in 1974 when Carol wrote to Power Broker. But so had public transit systems all over the United States. And the public transit system in New York is now better than it was 50 years ago. So that trajectory has changed. And all these other cities, you know, Pittsburgh used to have 600,000 people. Now it has 300,000. Cleveland used to have 900,000 and something. Now it's below five. Detroit used to have two million. Now it's 600 something thousand. St. Louis used to have 850,000. Now it's three hundreds. I mean, the steep drop in all these other cities in the Midwest and Northeast, even Washington and even Boston and Philadelphia, they all declined except New York City, which even though it was way bigger than any of them in 1950 is bigger now than it was then. More people crammed into this small space. And Moses had something to do with that.0:18:22 Would NYC Have Fallen Without Moses?Dwarkesh Patel 0:18:22Yeah, yeah, yeah. You write in the book and I apologize for quoting you back to yourself, but you write, had the city not undertaken a massive program of public works between 1924 and 1970, had it not built the arterial highway system and had it not relocated 200,000 people from old law tenements to new public housing projects, New York would not have been able to claim in the 1990s that it was a capital of the 20th century. I would like to make this connection more explicit. So what is the reason for thinking that if New York hadn't done urban renewal and hadn't built the more than 600 miles of highways that Moses built there, that New York would have declined like these other cities in the Northeast and the Midwest?Kenneth Jackson 0:19:05Well, I mean, you could argue, first of all, and friends of mine have argued this, that New York is not like other cities. It's a world city and has been and what happens to the rest of the United States is, I accept a little bit of that, but not all of it. You say, well, New York is just New York. And so whatever happens here is not necessarily because of Moses or different from Detroit, but I think it's important to realize its history has been different from other American cities. Most American cities, especially the older cities, have been in relative decline for 75 years. And in some ways New York has too. And it was its relative dominance of the United States is less now than because there's been a shift south and west in the United States. But the prosperity of New York, the desire of people to live in it, and after all, one of its problems is it's so expensive. Well, one reason it's expensive is people want to live there. If they didn't want to live there, it would be like Detroit. It'd be practically free. You know what I mean? So there are answers to these issues. But Moses' ways, I think, were interesting. First of all, he didn't worry about legalities. He would start an expressway through somebody's property and dare a judge to tell him to stop after the construction had already started. And most of the time, Moses, he was kind of like Hitler. It was just, I don't mean to say he was like Hitler. What I mean is, but you have such confidence. You just do things and dare other people to change it. You know what I mean? I'm going to do it. And most people don't have that. I think there's a little bit of that in Trump, but not as much. I mean, I don't think he has nearly the genius or brains of Moses. But there's something to self-confidence. There's something to having a broad vision. Moses liked cities, but he didn't like neighborhoods or people. In other words, I don't think he loved New York City. Here's the person who is more involved. He really thought everybody should live in suburbs and drive cars. And that was the world of the future. And he was going to make that possible. And he thought all those old law tenements in New York, which is really anything built before 1901, were slums. And they didn't have hot and cold water. They often didn't have bathrooms. He thought they should be destroyed. And his vision was public housing, high-rise public housing, was an improvement. Now I think around the United States, we don't think these high-rise public housing projects are so wonderful. But he thought he was doing the right thing. And he was so arrogant, he didn't listen to people like Jane Jacobs, who fought him and said, you're saying Greenwich Village is a slum? Are you kidding me? I mean, he thought it was a slum. Go to Greenwich Village today. Try to buy anything for under a million dollars. I mean, it doesn't exist. You know what I mean? I mean, Greenwich Village, and he saw old things, old neighborhoods, walking, is hopelessly out of date. And he was wrong. He was wrong about a lot of his vision. And now we understand that. And all around the country, we're trying to revitalize downtowns and reduce our dependence on fossil fuels and gasoline and cars. But Moses didn't see the world that way. It's interesting. He never himself drove a car. Can you believe that the man who had more influence on the American car culture, probably even than Henry Ford, himself was always driven. He was chauffeured. In fact, he was so busy that Carol talks about him as having two limousines behind each other. And he would have a secretary in one, and he would be dealing with business and writing letters and things like this. And then she would have all she could do. They would pull off to the side of the road. She would get out of his car. The car that was following would discharge the secretary in that car. They would switch places. And the fresh secretary would get in the backseat, Moses, and they would continue to work. And the first secretary would go to type up whatever she had to do. He worked all the time. He really didn't have much of a private life. There are not many people like Robert Moses. There are people like Robert Moses, but not so many, and he achieved his ideal. I think that there are so many ironies there. Not only did he not drive himself, he didn't appreciate so much the density of New York, which many people now love, and it's getting more dense. They're building tall buildings everywhere. And he didn't really appreciate the diversity, the toleration. He didn't care about that, but it worked. And I just think we have to appreciate the fact that he did what was impossible, really impossible, and nobody else could have done what he did. And if we hadn't done it then, he sure as heck wouldn't be able to do it in the 21st century, when people are even more litigious. You try to change the color of a door in New York City, and there'll be—you try to do something positive, like build a free swimming pool, fix up an old armory and turn it into a public—there'll be people who'll fight you. I'm not kidding this. And Moses didn't care. He says, I'm going to do this. When he built the Cross Bronx Expressway, which in some ways is—it was horrible what he did to these people, but again, Carol mischaracterizes what happened. But it's a dense working class—let's call it Jewish neighborhood—in the early 1950s. And Roses decides we need an interstate highway or a big highway going right through it. Well, he sent masses of people letters that said, get out in 90 days. He didn't mean 91 days. He meant—he didn't mean let's argue about it for four years. Let's go to legit—Moses meant the bulldozers will be bulldozing. And that kind of attitude, we just don't have anymore. And it's kind of funny now to think back on it, but it wasn't funny to the people who got evicted. But again, as I say, it's hard to imagine a New York City without the Cross Bronx Expressway. They tore down five blocks of dense buildings, tore them down, and built this road right through it. You live—and they didn't worry about where they were going to rehouse them. I mean, they did, but it didn't work. And now it's so busy, it's crowded all the time. So what does this prove? That we need more roads? But you can't have more roads in New York because if you build more roads, what are you going to do with the cars? Right now, the problem is there are so many cars in the city, there's nothing to do. It's easy to get around in New York, but what are you going to do with the car? You know, the car culture has the seeds of its own destruction. You know, cars just parking them or putting them in a garage is a problem. And Moses didn't foresee those. He foreseed you're all going to live in the Long Island suburbs or Westchester suburbs or New Jersey suburbs. Park your car in your house and come in the city to work. Now, the city is becoming a place to live more than a place to work. So what they're doing in New York as fast as they can is converting office buildings into residential units. He would never have seen that, that people would want to live in the city, had options that they would reject a single family house and choose high rise and choose the convenience of going outside and walking to a delicatessen over the road, driving to a grocery store. It's a world he never saw.0:27:31 Moses the Startup Founder?Dwarkesh Patel 0:27:31Yeah, yeah. Yeah. Like the thing you pointed out earlier about him having the two limousines and then the enormous work ethic and then the 90 day eviction. I mean, I'm a programmer and I can recognize this trope immediately. Right. Robert Moses was a startup founder, but in government, you know, that attitude is like, yeah, it's like Silicon Valley. That's like we all recognize that.Kenneth Jackson 0:27:54And I think we should we should we should go back to what you said earlier about why was it that governors or mayors couldn't tell him what to do? Because there are many scenes in the power broker where he will go to the mayor who wants to do something else. And Moses would, damn it. He'd say, damn it, throw his pages on the desk and say, sign this. This is my resignation. You know, OK. And I'm out of here because the mayors and governors love to open bridges and highways and and do it efficiently and beautifully. And Moses could do that. Moses could deliver. And the workers loved him because he paid union wages, good wages to his workers. And he got things done and and things like more than 700 playgrounds. And it wasn't just grand things. And even though people criticize the 1964 World's Fair as a failure and financially it was a failure, but still tens of millions of people went there and had a good time. You know, I mean, even some of the things were supposedly were failures. Failures going to home, according to the investment banker, maybe, but not to the people who went there.Dwarkesh Patel 0:29:20Right. Yeah. And I mean, the point about the governors and mayors needing him, it was especially important to have somebody who could like work that fast. If you're going to get reelected in four years or two years, you need somebody who can get public works done faster than they're done today. Right. If you want to be there for the opening. Yeah, exactly.Kenneth Jackson 0:29:36And it's important to realize, to say that Moses did try public office once.Dwarkesh Patel 0:29:41Yeah.Kenneth Jackson 0:29:42And I think it's true that he lost by more than anybody in the history of New York. He was not, you know, he was not an effective public speaker. He was not soft and friendly and warm and cuddly. That's not Robert Moses. The voters rejected him. But the people who had power and also Wall Street, because you had to issue bonds. And one of the ways that Moses had power was he created this thing called the Traverse Bridge and Tunnel Authority to build the Traverse Bridge. Well, now, if in Portland, Oregon, you want to build a bridge or a road, you issue a couple hundred million dollars worth of bonds to the public and assign a value to it. Interest rate is paid off by the revenue that comes in from the bridge or the road or whatever it is. Normally, before, normally you would build a public works and pay for it itself on a user fees. And when the user fees paid it off, it ended. But what Moses, who was called the best bill drafter in Albany, which was a Moses term, he said he was somewhere down in paragraph 13, Section G, say, and the chairman can only be removed for cause. What that meant was when you buy a bond for the Traverse Bridge or something else, you're in a contract, supported by the Supreme Court. This is a financial deal you're making with somebody. And part of the contract was the chairman gets to stay unless he does something wrong. Well, Moses was careful not to do anything wrong. And it also would continue. You would get the bond for the Traverse Bridge, but rather than pay off the Traverse Bridge, he would build another project. It would give him the right to continually build this chain of events. And so he had this massive pot of money from all these initially nickels and dimes. Brazil made up a lot of money, the 30s and 40s and 50s and 60s, to spend more money and build more bridges and build more roads. And that's where he had his power. And the Wall Street, the big business loved him because they're issuing the bonds. The unions loved him because they're paying the investors. Now what Carroll says is that Moses allowed the investors an extra quarter percent, I think a quarter percent or half percent on bonds, but they all sold out. So everybody was happy. And was that crooked? It wasn't really illegal. But it's the way people do that today. If you're issuing a bond, you got to figure out what interest am I going to pay on this that will attract investors now.0:32:34 The Case Against Moses HighwaysDwarkesh Patel 0:32:34And the crucial thing about these tales of graft is that it never was about Moses trying to get rich. It was always him trying to push through a project. And obviously that can be disturbing, but it is a completely different category of thing, especially when you remember that this was like a corrupt time in New York history. It was like after Tammany Hall and so on. So it's a completely different from somebody using their projects to get themselves rich. But I do want to actually talk in more detail about the impact of these roads. So obviously we can't, the current system we have today where we just kind of treat cities as living museums with NIMBYism and historical preservation, that's not optimal. But there are examples, at least of Carroll's, about Moses just throwing out thousands of people carelessly, famously in that chapter on the one mile, how Moses could have diverted the cross Bronx expressway one mile and prevented thousands of people from getting needlessly evicted. So I'm just going to list off a few criticisms of his highway building and then you can respond to them in any order you want. So one of the main criticisms that Carroll makes is that Moses refused to add mass transit to his highways, which would have helped deal with the traffic problem and the car problem and all these other problems at a time when getting the right of way and doing the construction would have been much cheaper. Because of his dislike for mass transit, he just refused to do that. And also the prolific building of highways contributed to urban sprawl, it contributed to congestion, it contributed to neighborhoods getting torn apart if a highway would crossKenneth Jackson 0:34:18them.Dwarkesh Patel 0:34:19So a whole list of criticisms of these highways. I'll let you take it in any order you want.Kenneth Jackson 0:34:27Well first of all, Moses response was, I wasn't in charge of subways. So if you think the subways deteriorated or didn't build enough, find out who was in charge of them and blame that person. I was in charge of highways and I built those. So that's the first thing.Dwarkesh Patel 0:34:41But before you answer that, can I just ask, so on that particular point, it is true that he wasn't in charge of mass transit, but also he wasn't in charge of roads until he made himself responsible for roads, right? So if he chose to, he could have made himself responsible for mass transit and taken careKenneth Jackson 0:34:56of it. Maybe, although I think the other thing about it is putting Moses in a broader historical concept. He was swimming with the tide of history. In other words, history when he was building, was building Ford Motor Company and General Motors and Chrysler Corporation and building cars by the millions. I mean, the automobile industry in the United States was huge. People thought any kind of rail transit was obsolete and on the way out anyway. So let's just build roads. I mean, that's what the public wanted. He built what the public wanted. It's not what I was looking historically. I don't think we did the right thing, but we needed to join the 20th century. New York could have stayed as a quaint, I don't know, quaint is not the right word, but it's a distinctly different kind of place where everybody walks. I just don't think it would have been the same kind of city because there are people who are attached to their cars in New York. And so the sprawl in New York, which is enormous, nobody's saying it wasn't, spreads over 31 counties, an area about as large as the state of Connecticut, about as large as the Netherlands is metropolitan New York. But it's still relatively, I don't want to say compact, but everybody knows where the center is. It's not that anybody grows up in New York at 16 and thinks that the world is in some mall, you know, three miles away. They all know there is a center and that's where it is. It's called Manhattan. And that's New York and Moses didn't change that for all of his roads. There's still in New York a definite center, skyscrapers and everything in the middle. And it's true, public transit did decline. But you know those, and I like Chicago, by the way, and they have a rail transit from O'Hare down to Dan Ryan, not to Dan Ryan, but the JFK Expressway, I think. And it works sort of, but you got to walk a ways to get on. You got to walk blocks to get in the middle of the expressway and catch the train there. It's not like in New York where you just go down some steps. I mean, New York subway is much bigger than Chicago and more widely used and more. And the key thing about New York, and so I think what Carol was trying to explain and your question suggests this, is was Moses responsible for the decline of public transit? Well, he was building cars and roads and bridges. So in that sense, a little bit, yes. But if you look at New York compared to the rest of the United States, it used to be that maybe 20 percent of all the transit riders in the United States were in the New York area. Now it's 40 percent. So if you're looking at the United States, what you have to explain is why is New York different from the rest of the United States? Why is it that when I was chairman or president of the New York Historical Society, we had rich trustees, and I would tell them, well, I got here on a subway or something. They would think, I would say, how do you think I got here? Do you know what I mean? I mean, these are people who are close to billionaires and they're saying they used the subway. If you're in lower Manhattan and you're trying to get to Midtown and it's raining, it's five o'clock, you've got to be a fool to try to get in your own limousine. It isn't going to get you there very quickly. A subway will. So there are reasons for it. And I think Moses didn't destroy public transit. He didn't help it. But his argument was he did. And that's an important distinction, I think. But he was swimming with history. He built what the public wanted. I think if he had built public transit, he would have found it tougher to build. Just for example, Cincinnati built a subway system, a tunnel all through the city. It never has opened. They built it. You can still see the holes in the ground where it's supposed to come out. By the time they built it, people weren't riding trains anymore. And so it's there now and they don't know what to do with it. And that's 80 years ago. So it's a very complicated—I don't mean to make these issues. They're much more complex than I'm speaking of. And I just think it's unfair to blame Moses for the problems of the city. I think he did as much as anybody to try to bring the city into the 21st century, which he didn't live to. But you've got to adopt. You've got to have a hybrid model in the world now. And I think the model that America needs to follow is a model where we reduce our dependence on the cars and somehow ride buses more or use the internet more or whatever it is, but stop using so much fossil fuels so that we destroy our environment. And New York, by far, is the most energy efficient place in the United States. Mainly because you live in tall buildings, you have hot floors. It doesn't really cost much to heat places because you're heating the floor below you and above you. And you don't have outside walls. And you walk. New Yorkers are thinner. Many more people take buses and subways in New York than anywhere else in the United States, not just in absolute terms, in relative terms. So they're helping. It's probably a healthier lifestyle to walk around. And I think we're rediscovering it. For example, if you come to New York between Thanksgiving and Christmas, there's so many tourists in the city. I'm not making this up. That there is gridlock on the sidewalks around. The police have to direct the traffic. And in part, it's because a Detroit grandmother wants to bring her granddaughter to New York to see what Hudson's, which is a great department store in Detroit or in any city. We could be rich as in Atlanta, Fox, G Fox and Hartford. Every city had these giant department and windows where the Santa Claus is and stuff like this. You can still go to New York and see that. You can say, Jane, this is the way it used to be in Detroit. People ringing the bells and looking at the store windows and things like that. A mall can't recapture that. It just can't. You try, but it's not the same thing. And so I think that in a way, Moses didn't not only did he not destroy New York. I think he gets a little bit of credit for saving it because it might have been on the way to Detroit. Again, I'm not saying that it would have been Detroit because Detroit's almost empty. But Baltimore wasn't just Baltimore, it's Cleveland. It's every place. There's nobody there anymore. And even in New York, the department stores have mostly closed, not all of them. And so it's not the same as it was 80 years ago, but it's closer to it than anywhere else.Dwarkesh Patel 0:42:16OK, so yes, I'm actually very curious to get your opinion on the following question. Given the fact that you are an expert on New York history and you know, you've written the encyclopedia, literally written the encyclopedia on New York City.Kenneth Jackson 0:42:30800 people wrote the encyclopedia. I just took all the credit for it.Dwarkesh Patel 0:42:34I was the editor in chief. So I'm actually curious, is Caro actually right that you talked about the importance just earlier about counterfactual history. So I'm curious if Caro is actually right about the claim that the neighborhoods through which Moses built his highways were destroyed in a way that neighborhoods which were in touch by the highways weren't. Sorry for the confusing phrasing there. But basically, was there like a looking back on all these neighborhoods? Is there a clear counterfactual negative impact on the neighborhoods in which Moses built his highways and bridges and so on?Kenneth Jackson 0:43:10Well, Moses, I mean, Caro makes that argument mostly about East Tremont and places like that in the Bronx where the Cross Bronx Expressway passed through. And he says this perfectly wonderful Jewish neighborhood that was not racially prejudiced and everybody was happy and not leaving was destroyed by Moses. Well, first of all, as a historian of New York City, or for that matter, any city, if a student comes to you and says, that's what I found out, you said, well, you know, that runs counter to the experience of every city. So let's do a little more work on that. Well, first of all, if you look at the census tracts or the residential security maps of S.H.A. You know, it's not true. First of all, the Jews were leaving and had nothing to do with the thing. They didn't love blacks. And also, if you look at other Jewish, and the Bronx was called the Jewish borough at the time, those neighborhoods that weren't on the Cross Bronx Expressway all emptied out mostly. So the Bronx itself was a part of New York City that followed the pattern of Detroit and Baltimore and Cleveland. Bronx is now coming back, but it's a different place. So I think it's, well, I've said this in public and I'll pay you for this. Carol wouldn't know those neighborhoods if he landed there by parachute. They're much better than he ever said they were. You know, he acted like if you went outside near the Bronx County Courthouse, you needed a wagon train to go. I mean, I've taken my students there dozens of times and shown them the people, the old ladies eating on the benches and stuff like this. Nobody's mugging them. You know, he just has an outsider's view. He didn't know the places he was writing about. But I think Carol was right about some things. Moses was personally a jerk. You can make it stronger than that, but I mean, he was not your friendly grandfather. He was arrogant. He was self-centered. He thought he knew the truth and you don't. He was vindictive, ruthless, but some of those were good. You know, now his strategies, his strategies in some were good. He made people building a beach or a building feel like you're building a cathedral. You're building something great and I'm going to pay you for it and let's make it good. Let's make it as best as we can. That itself is a real trick. How do you get people to think of their jobs as more than a job, as something else? Even a beach or a wall or something like that to say it's good. He also paid them, so that's important that he does that and he's making improvements. He said he was improving things for the people. I don't know if you want to talk about Jane Jacobs, who was his nemesis. I tend to vote with Jane Jacobs. Jane Jacobs and I agree on a lot of things or did before she died a few years ago. Jane Jacobs saw the city as intricate stores and people living and walking and knowing each other and eyes on the street and all these kinds of things. Moses didn't see that at all. He saw the city as a traffic problem. How do we tear this down and build something big and get people the hell out of here? That was a mistake. Moses made mistakes. What Moses was doing was what everybody in the United States was doing, just not as big and not as ruthless and not as quick. It was not like Moses built a different kind of world that exists in Kansas City. That's exactly what they did in Kansas City or every other city. Blow the damn roads to the black neighborhoods, build the expressway interchanges, my hometown of Memphis crisscrossed with big streets, those neighborhoods gone. They're even more extensive in places like Memphis and Kansas City and New Orleans than they are in New York because New York builds relatively fewer of them. Still huge what he built. You would not know from the power broker that Los Angeles exists. Actually Los Angeles was building freeways too. Or he says that New York had more federal money. Then he said, well, not true. I've had students work on Chicago and Chicago is getting more money per person than New York for some of these projects. Some of the claims, no doubt he got those from Moses' own records. If you're going to write a book like this, you got to know what's going on other places. Anyway, let's go back to your questions.Dwarkesh Patel 0:48:10No, no. That was one of the things I was actually going to ask you about, so I was glad to get your opinion on that. You know, actually, I've been preparing for this interview and trying to learn more about the impact of these different projects. I was trying to find the economic literature on the value of these highways. There was a National Bureau of Economic Research paper by Morgan Foy, or at least a digest by Morgan Foy, where he's talking about the economic gains from highways. He says, the gains tend to be largest in areas where roads connect large economic hubs where few alternative routes exist. He goes on to say, two segments near New York City have welfare benefits exceeding $500 million a year. Expanding the Long Island Expressway had an estimated economic value of $719 million, which I think was Moses. He says, of the top 10 segments with the highest rate of return, seven are in New York City area. It turns out that seven of the top 10 most valuable highway segments in America are in New York. Reading that, it makes me suspect that there must have been... The way Cairo paints Moses' planning process, it's just very impulsive and feelings-based and almost in some cases, out of malice towards poor people. Given that a century later, it seems that many of the most valuable tracks of highways were planned and built exactly how Moses envisioned, it makes you think that there was some sort of actual intelligent deliberation and thought that was put into where they were placed.Kenneth Jackson 0:50:32I think that's true. I'm not saying that the automobile didn't have an economic impact. That's what Moses was building for. He would probably endorse that idea. I think that what we're looking at now in the 21st century is the high value put on places that Moses literally thought were something. He was going to run an expressway from Brooklyn through lower Manhattan to New Jersey and knock down all these buildings in Greenwich Village that people love now. Love. Even movie stars, people crowd into those neighborhoods to live and that he saw it as a slum. Well, Moses was simply wrong and Cairo puts him to task for that. I think that's true.0:51:24 The Rise of NIMBYismDwarkesh Patel 0:51:24Okay. Professor Jackson, now I want to discuss how the process of city planning and building projects has changed since Moses' time. We spent some good amount of time actually discussing what it was like, what Moses actually did in his time. Last year, I believe, you wrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal talking about how the 27-story building in Manhattan was put in limbo because the parking lot, which we would replace, was part of a historic district. What is it like to actually build a skyscraper or a highway or a bridge or anything of that sort in today's New York City?Kenneth Jackson 0:52:06Well, I do think in the larger context, it's probably fair to say it's tougher to build in New York City than any other city. I mean, yeah, a little precious suburb, you may not deploy a skyscraper, but I mean, as far as the city is concerned, there'll be more opposition in New York than anywhere else.It's more dense, so just to unload and load stuff to build a building, how do you do that? You know, trucks have to park on the street. Everything is more complicated and thus more expensive. I think a major difference between Robert Moses' time and our own, in Robert Moses' time, historic preservation was as yet little known and little understood and little supported. And the view generally was building is good, roads are good, houses are good, and they're all on the way to a more modern and better world. We don't have the same kind of faith in the future that they did. We kind of like it like it is. Let's just sit on it. So I think we should say that Moses had an easier time of it than he would have had he lived today. It still wasn't an easy time, but easier than today. Yeah.Dwarkesh Patel 0:53:40Well, actually, can you talk more about what that change in, I guess, philosophy has been since then? I feel like that's been one of the themes of this podcast, to see how our cultural attitude towards progress and technology have changed.Kenneth Jackson 0:53:54Well, I think one reason why the power broker, Robert Carroll's famous book, received such popular acclaim is it fits in with book readers' opinions today, which is old is better. I mean, also, you got to think about New York City. If you say it's a pre-war apartment, you mean it's a better apartment. The walls are solid plaster, not fiber or board and stuff like that. So old has a reverence in New York that doesn't have in Japan. In Japan, they tear down houses every 15 years. So it's a whole different thing. We tend to, in this new country, new culture, we tend to value oldness in some places, especially in a place that's old like New York City. I mean, most Americans don't realize that New York is not only the most dense American city and the largest, but also really the oldest. I mean, I know there's St. Augustine, but that's taking the concept of what's a city to a pretty extreme things. And then there's Jamestown and Virginia, but there's nobody there, literally nobody there. And then where the pilgrims landed in Massachusetts, Plymouth plantation, that's totally rebuilt as a kind of a theme park. So for a place that's a city, it's Santa Fe a little bit in New Mexico, but it was a wide place on the road until after World War II. So the places that would be also, if you think cities, New York is really old and it's never valued history, but the historic preservation movement here is very strong.Dwarkesh Patel 0:55:33What is the reason for its resurgence? Is it just that, because I mean, it's had a big impact on many cities, right? Like I'm in San Francisco right now, and obviously like you can't tear down one of these Victorian houses to build the housing that like the city massively needs. Why have we like gained a reverence for anything that was built before like 80 years?Kenneth Jackson 0:55:56Because just think of the two most expensive places in the United States that could change a little bit from year to year, but usually San Francisco and New York. And really if you want to make it more affordable, if you want to drop the price of popsicles on your block, sell more popsicles. Have more people selling popsicles and the price will fall. But somehow they say they're going to build luxury housing when actually if you build any housing, it'll put downward pressure on prices, even at super luxury. But anyway, most Americans don't understand that. So they oppose change and especially so in New York and San Francisco on the basis that change means gentrification. And of course there has been a lot of gentrification. In World War II or right after, San Francisco was a working class city. It really was. And huge numbers of short and longshoremen live there. Now San Francisco has become the headquarters really in Silicon Valley, but a headquarters city is a tech revolution and it's become very expensive and very homeless. It's very complex. Not easy to understand even if you're in the middle of it.Dwarkesh Patel 0:57:08Yeah. Yeah. So if we could get a Robert Moses back again today, what major mega project do you think New York needs today that a Moses like figure could build?Kenneth Jackson 0:57:22Well if you think really broadly and you take climate change seriously, as I think most people do, probably to build some sort of infrastructure to prevent rising water from sinking the city, it's doable. You'd have to, like New Orleans, in order to save New Orleans you had to flood Mississippi and some other places. So usually there is a downside somewhere, but you could, that would be a huge project to maybe build a bridge, not a bridge, a land bridge from Brooklyn to Manhattan to prevent water coming in from the ocean because New York is on the ocean. And to think of something like that's really big. Some of the other big infrastructure projects, like they're talking about another tunnel under the river, Hudson River from New Jersey to New York, the problem with that is there are already too many cars in Manhattan. Anything that makes it easier to bring cars into Manhattan because if you've not been to New York you don't really understand this, but there's no place for anything. And if you bring more cars in, what are you going to do with them? If you build parking garages for all the cars that could come into the city, then you'd be building over the whole city. There'd be no reason to come here because it would all be parking garages or parking lots. So New York City simply won't work if you reduce the density or you get rid of underground transportation because it's all about people moving around underneath the streets and not taking up space as they do it. So it won't work. And of course, it's not the only city. Tokyo wouldn't work either or lots of cities in the world won't work increasingly without not just public transportation but underground public transportation where you can get it out of the way of traffic and stuff like that. Moses probably could have done that. He wouldn't have loved it as much as he loved bridges because he wanted you to see what he built. And there was an argument in the power broker, but he didn't really want the Brooklyn battle very tunnel built because he wanted to build a bridge that everybody could see. So he may not have done it with such enthusiasm. I actually believe that Moses was first and foremost a builder. He really wanted to build things, change things. If you said, we'll pay you to build tunnels, I think he would have built tunnels. Who knows? He never was offered that. That wasn't the time in which he lived. Yeah. Okay.Dwarkesh Patel 1:00:04And I'm curious if you think that today to get rid of, I guess the red tape and then the NIMBYism, would it just be enough for one man to accumulate as much influence as Moses had and then to push through some things or does that need to be some sort of systemic reform? Because when Moses took power, of course there was ours also that Tammany Hall machine that he had to run through, right? Is that just what's needed today to get through the bureaucracy or is something more needed?Kenneth Jackson 1:00:31Well, I don't think Robert Moses with all of his talents and personality, I don't think he could do in the 21st century what he did in the middle of the 20th century. I think he would have done a lot, maybe more than anybody else. But also I think his methods, his really bullying messages, really, really, he bullied people, including powerful people. I don't think that would work quite as easy today, but I do think we need it today. And I think even today, we found even now we have in New York, just the beginnings of leftists. I'm thinking of AOC, the woman who led the campaign against Amazon in New York saying, well, we need some development. If we want to make housing more affordable, somebody has got to build something. It's not that we've got more voter because you say you want affordable housing. You got to build affordable housing and especially you got to build more of it. So we have to allow people, we have to overturn the NIMBYism to say, well, even today for all of our concern about environmental change, we have to work together. I mean, in some ways we have to believe that we're in some ways in the same boat and it won't work if we put more people in the boat, but don't make the boat any bigger. Yeah.Dwarkesh Patel 1:01:59But when people discuss Moses and the power accumulated, they often talk about the fact that he took so much power away from democratically elected officials and the centralized so much power in himself. And obviously the power broker talks a great deal about the harms of that kind of centralization. But I'm curious having studied the history of New York, what are the benefits if there can be one coordinated cohesive plan for the entire city? So if there's one person who's designing all the bridges, all the highways, all the parks, is something more made possible that can be possible if like multiple different branches and people have their own unique visions? I don't know if that question makes sense.Kenneth Jackson 1:02:39That's a big question. And you've got to put a lot of trust into the grand planner, especially if a massive area of 20, 25 million people, bigger than the city, I'm not sure what you're really talking about. I think that in some ways we've gone too far in the ability to obstruct change, to stop it. And we need change. I mean, houses deteriorate and roads deteriorate and sewers deteriorate. We have to build into our system the ability to improve them. And now in New York we respond to emergencies. All of a sudden a water main breaks, the street collapses and then they stop everything, stop the water main break and repair the street and whatever it is. Meanwhile in a hundred other places it's leaking, it's just not leaking enough to make the road collapse. But the problem is there every day, every minute. Right. Yeah, yeah, yeah.1:03:44 Is Progress CyclicalDwarkesh Patel 1:03:44I'm curious, as a professor, I mean you've studied American history. Do you just see this as a cyclical thing where you have periods where maybe one person has too much power to periods where there's dispersed vitocracy and sclerosis and then you're just going to go through these cycles? Or how do you see that in the grand context of things, how do you see where we are, where we were during Moses and where we might be in the future?Kenneth Jackson 1:04:10Well you're right to say that much of life is cyclical. And there is a swing back and forth. But having said that, I think the person like Robert Moses is unusual, partly because he might have gone on to become a hedge fund person or didn't have hedge funds when he was around. But you know, new competitor to Goldman Sachs, I mean he could have done a lot of things, maybe been a general. He wanted to have power and control. And I think that's harder to accumulate now. We have too much power. You can demonstrate and you can stop anything. We love demonstrations in the United States. We respect them. We see it as a visible expression of our democracy, is your ability to get on the streets and block the streets. But you know, still you have to get to work. I mean at some point in the day you've got to do something. And yeah, Hitler could have done a lot of things if he wanted to. He could have made Berlin into a... But you know, if you have all the power, Hitler had a lot of it. If he turned Berlin into a colossal city, he was going to make it like Washington but half-sive. Well Washington has already got its own issues. The buildings are too big. Government buildings don't have life on the street and stuff like this. Like Hitler would destroy it forever because you build a monumental city that's not for people. And I think that was probably one of Moses' weak points is unlike Jane Jacobs who saw people. Moses didn't see people. He saw bridges. He saw highways. He saw tunnels. He saw rivers. He saw the city as a giant traffic problem. Jane Jacobs, who was a person without portfolio most of her life except of her own powers of judgment and persuasion, she thought, well what is the shoe repairman got to do with the grocery store, got to do with the school, got to do with something else? She saw what Moses didn't see. She saw the intricacies of the city. He saw a giant landscape. She saw the block, just the block.Dwarkesh Patel 1:06:45Yeah there's a common trope about socialist and communist which is that they love humanity in the abstract but they hate people as individuals. And it's like I guess one way to describe Robert Moses. It actually kind of reminds me of one of my relatives that's a doctor and he's not exactly a people person. And he says like, you know, I hate like actually having to talk to the patients about like, you know, like ask them questions. I just like the actual detective work of like what is going on, looking at the charts and figuring out doing the diagnosis. Are you optimistic about New York? Do you think that in the continuing towards the end of the 21st century and into the 22nd century, it will still be the capital of the world or what do you think is the future ofKenneth Jackson 1:07:30the city? Well, The Economist, which is a major publication that comes out of England, recently predicted that London and New York would be in 2100 what they are today, which is the capitals of the world. London is not really a major city in terms of population, probably under 10 million, much smaller than New York and way smaller than Tokyo. But London has a cosmopolitan, heterogeneous atmosphere within the rule of law. What London and New York both offer, which Shanghai doesn't or Hong Kong doesn't at the moment is a system so if you disagree, you're not going to disappear. You know what I mean? It's like there's some level of guarantee that personal safety is sacred and you can say what you want. I think that's valuable. It's very valuable. And I think the fact that it's open to newcomers, you can't find a minority, so minority that they don't have a presence in New York and a physical presence. I mean, if you're from Estonia, which has got fewer people than New York suburbs, I mean individual New York suburbs, but there's an Estonian house, there's Estonian restaurants, there's, you know, India, Pakistan, every place has got an ethnic presence. If you want it, you can have it. You want to merge with the larger community, merge with it. That's fine. But if you want to celebrate your special circumstances, it's been said that New York is everybody's second home because you know if you come to New York, you can find people just like yourself and speaking your language and eating your food and going to your religious institution. I think that's going to continue and I think it's not only what makes the United States unusual, there are a few other places like it. Switzerland is like it, but the thing about Switzerland that's different from the United States is there are parts of Switzerland that are most of it's Swiss German and parts of it's French, but they stay in their one places, you know what I mean? So they speak French here and they speak German there. You know, Arizona and Maine are not that different demographically in the United States. Everybody has shuffled the deck several times and so I think that's what makes New York unique. In London too. Paris a little bit. You go to the Paris underground, you don't even know what language you're listening to. I think to be a great city in the 21st century, and by the way, often the Texas cities are very diverse, San Francisco, LA, very diverse. It's not just New York. New York kind of stands out because it's bigger and because the neighborhoods are more distinct. Anybody can see them. I think that's, and that's what Robert Moses didn't spend any time thinking about. He wasn't concerned with who was eating at that restaurant. Wasn't important, or even if there was a restaurant, you know? Whereas now, the move, the slow drift back towards cities, and I'm predicting that the pandemic will not have a permanent influence. I mean, the pandemic is huge and it's affected the way people work and live and shop and have recreation. So I'm not trying to blow it off like something else, but I think in the long run, we are social animals. We want to be with each other. We need each other, especially if you're young, you want to be with potential romantic partners. But even other people are drawn. Just a few days ago, there was a horrible tragedy in Seoul, Korea. That's because 100,000 young people are drawn to each other. They could have had more room to swing their arms, but they wanted to crowd into this one alley because that's where other people were. They wanted to go where other people were. That's a lot about the appeal of cities today. We've been in cars and we've been on interstate highways. At the end of the day, we're almost like cats. We want to get together at night and sleep on each other or with each other. I think that's the ultimate. It's not for everybody. Most people would maybe rather live in a small town or on the top of a mountain, but there's a percentage of people. Let's call it 25% who really want to be part of the tumble in the tide and want to be things mixed up. They will always want to be in a place like New York. There are other places, San Francisco, Boston, Philadelphia a little bit. They're not mainly in the United States, but in Europe, Copenhagen. Copenhagen is not a big city, neither is Prague, but they have urbanity. New York has urbanity. I think we don't celebrate urbanity as much as we might. The pure joy of being with others.1:12:36 Friendship with CaroDwarkesh Patel 1:12:36Yeah. I'm curious if you ever got a chance to talk to Robert Caro himself about Moses at someKenneth Jackson 1:12:45point. Robert Caro and I were friends. In fact, when the power broker received an award, the Francis Parkman Prize from the Society of American Historians, it turned out we lived near each other in the Bronx. And I drove him home and we became friends and social friends. And I happened to be with him on the day that Robert Moses died. We were with our wives eating out in a neighborhood called Arthur Avenue. The real Little Italy of New York is in the Bronx. It's also called Be
Please consider supporting Human Voices Wake us by clicking here: https://anchor.fm/humanvoiceswakeus/support Tonight we leave the Celtic myths with an overview of The Great Myths #8-18 (which can be listened to here), and then read one final story, of Cuchulainn's fight with Ferdiad, from Thomas Kinsella's translation of the Táin bo Cúailnge. The translations I have read from or referenced in these episodes include: Jeffrey Gantz, Early Irish Myths & Sagasand The Mabinogion; Thomas Kinsella, The Táin; Patrick Ford, The Mabinogi and Other Medieval Welsh Tales; Ann Dooley & Harry Roe, Tales of the Elders of Ireland; Nessa Ní Shéaghdha, The Pursuit of Diarmuid and Gráinne; Kenneth Jackson, A Celtic Miscellany. The nonfiction books I've relied on include: James MacKillop, Oxford Dictionary of Celtic Mythology; Mark Williams, Ireland's Immortals: A History of the Gods of Irish Myth; and the book/documentary series that got me started on it way back when: Carmel McCaffrey and Leo Eaton's In Search of Ancient Ireland. Any comments, or suggestions for readings I should make in later episodes, can be emailed to humanvoiceswakeus1@gmail.com. I assume that the small amount of work presented in each episode constitutes fair use. Publishers, authors, or other copyright holders who would prefer to not have their work presented here can also email me at humanvoiceswakeus1@gmail.com, and I will remove the episode immediately. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/humanvoiceswakeus/support
Madera County District Attorney, Sally Moreno, discusses the anticipated release of Kenneth Jackson who was convicted of setting 21 fires in Yosemite Lakes Park. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Kenneth Jackson is an award-winning crime reporter and television producer in Ottawa, Ont. with nearly two decades in the business. He got his start in community newspapers before joining the Ottawa Sun in 2007. In 2011, Jackson joined APTN to break the Bruce Carson scandal. The former senior aide to Prime Minister Stephen Harper tried using his contacts in the federal government to sign water deals with First Nations. The RCMP would charge Carson with influence peddling based on APTN's reporting. The case would make it all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada, which upheld his conviction in 2018. Kenneth recently received the 2020 Michener Award, the top journalism award in Canada, for his reporting on child welfare.
As we wrap up our discussion on Michelle Alexander's “The New Jim Crow” with Trinity United Methodist Church, Kenneth Jackson returns to the conversation to address the problems of trying to address a system built to consistently, repetitively keep people down. It leads to a discussion about what the church – and what we, as individuals – are required to do by our love of Jesus and willingness to follow his direction. The discussion will continue in the coming weeks, depending on what you ask us about! Reach out to us with a question: fmhouston.com/ama.
As we wrap up our discussion on Michelle Alexander’s “The New Jim Crow” with Trinity United Methodist Church, Kenneth Jackson returns to the conversation to address the problems of trying to address a system built to consistently, repetitively keep people down. It leads to a discussion about what the church – and what we, as individuals – are required to do by our love of Jesus and willingness to follow his direction. The discussion will continue in the coming weeks, depending on what you ask us about! Reach out to us with a question: fmhouston.com/ama.
In the middle chapters of “The New Jim Crow,” Michelle Alexander breaks down racism baked into the justice system, and the group talks about being raised with different expectations, and passing those lessons along to their children. Plus, the exhaustion that comes with constantly being teachers, but the responsibilities we have to educate the people that we talk to. Got a question or a response? Reach us at fmhouston.com/ama!
In the middle chapters of “The New Jim Crow,” Michelle Alexander breaks down racism baked into the justice system, and the group talks about being raised with different expectations, and passing those lessons along to their children. Plus, the exhaustion that comes with constantly being teachers, but the responsibilities we have to educate the people that we talk to. Got a question or a response? Reach us at fmhouston.com/ama!
In our premiere episode exploring artists and their art, we talk with Kenneth Jackson about his process, his (many) projects and what inspires him to be an artist.
Since 2013, 178 Indigenous children have died in connection to Ontario’s child welfare system – with 147 of those children tied to First Nations child welfare agencies. How did we get to this point? Cullen Crozier and Kenneth Jackson continue their look at the child welfare system in Ontario.
Support us at commonspodcast.com Jonathan Marchand is one of the thousands of young disabled people living in long-term care. But Marchand doesn’t want to fix the system. He doesn’t think it can be reformed. Marchand is an abolitionist. For a century and a half, Canada has hidden away disabled people in institutions where they were neglected and abused. Is long-term care just the latest incarnation of this dark history? COMMONS: Pandemic is currently focusing on how COVID-19 is affecting long-term care in Canada. Featured in this episode: Jonathan Marchand, Sharon J. Riley (The Walrus), Kenneth Jackson (APTN News), Madeline Burghardt, Dustin Galer To learn more: “When Is a Senior No Longer Capable of Making Their Own Decisions?” by Sharon J. Riley in The Walrus “‘Sitting duck’: Disabled woman, 27, lives in Toronto seniors home with COVID-19 outbreak” by Kenneth Jackson in APTN News Working Towards Equity: Disability Rights Activism and Employment in Late Twentieth-Century by Dustin Galer Broken: Institutions, Families, and the Construction of Intellectual Disability by Madeline Burghardt Hope Is Not a Plan This episode is sponsored by Freshbooks Additional music from Audio Network
Press Freedom Award winner KENNETH JACKSON. Plus, inspirational speaker, advisor, and mentor CINDY LYNN MARTIN.
APTN reporter Kenneth Jackson is on the show to talk about his story "Death as Expected." Plus, Ry Moran, the Director of the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation on the NCTR, healing and moving forward.
Cory and Gage bring on Columbus photographer Kenneth Jackson to talk about the local music scene and how to get started as a freelance photographer. Find Kenneth on social media @hiphopcbus Help us out by donating to the Ko-Fi page: ko-fi.com/gabstreetpodcast --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/gab-street/message
On this episode of Mid-South View Point, host Byron Tyler takes you to the Agricenter International in Memphis, TN for 2019 Information Fair Senior Expo. You’ll hear from Jan Hamilton, Judy Hall, and Ann Meier from Professional Network on Aging, Brandis Leverette from Oasis of Hope, Mary Williams from The Good Shepherd Pharmacy, Kenneth Jackson from Creative Aging, Chris Hardaway from WKNO’s “The Best Times”, and two of Bott Radio Network listeners Marcia Berry and Pat Chandler. Mid-South View Point radio show airs Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday at 3:00 pm central time on the Bott Radio Network affiliate 640 AM and 100.7 FM in Memphis, TN.
How does the chaos pan out from the quarantine outbreak? Hosts Veronica Valencia and Taquaila Jackson discuss Shaun, Morgan, and Dr. Park's first solo surgery, the relationship between Dr. Park and his son Kellan, and Glassman's new discovery with his health. We also take time to highlight a real life good doctor. This week we highlight Dr. Kenneth Jackson, an obstetrician who travels to remote areas on horseback! When a young autistic surgeon relocates to the surgical unit at a San Jose hospital, drama will be there with him and ALL of the feels! Join us for THE GOOD DOCTOR AFTERBUZZ TV AFTER SHOW to break down every episode of drama, feeling, and heartache as we discuss The Good Doctor! Every week, tune in for plot discussion, character arch breakdowns, and special guest interviews! Subscribe, rate, and comment to stay up to date on all things The Good Doctor! ABOUT THE GOOD DOCTOR: Shaun Murphy, a young autistic surgeon who has savant syndrome, relocates from a quiet country life to join the surgical unit at the prestigious San Jose St. Bonaventure Hospital -- a move strongly supported by his mentor, Dr. Aaron Glassman. Having survived a troubled childhood, Shaun is alone in the world and unable to personally connect with those around him, but he finds his niche using his extraordinary medical skill and intuition to save lives and challenge the skepticism of his colleagues. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Kenneth Jackson, a former Ottawa Sun crime reporter trying his hand as a freelancer, got the box. In it were documents with politicians' names, someone who had a personal connection to the prime minister and a mass of information about First Nations water. Jackson put the box in the trunk of his car and drove to the Ottawa home of his best friend, a reporter named Jorge Barrera who had been working at APTN as a web reporter. That launched one of the most widely reported investigations into a Canadian political scandal. Spoiler alert: Kenneth got a job at APTN.
Independent Kenneth Jackson is a candidate for Charlottesville City Council. Two of the five seats on council will be determined in the November 7 general election. Other candidates in this race include John Hall (I), Heather Hill (D), Amy Laufer (D), Paul Long (I), and Nikyuah Walker (I). Each candidate was interviewed by Charlottesville Tomorrow and asked 10 questions about their qualifications, priorities and important quality of life issues. Included in the box at the right are links to the full transcript and audio recording of those interviews. Bio: Kenny Jackson is a 50-year- old native of Charlottesville, Virginia who would be honored to serve on Charlottesville City Council. Kenny firmly believes that local government needs to govern for the people, be accessible and answerable to them. The role of government is to promote and foster an environment in which people can flourish and contribute to the well-being of their communities. Education: Kenny attended Burnley Moran and Clark Elementary Schools; Buford Middle School; and graduated from Charlottesville High School in 1986. Kenny studied Business Management at Piedmont Virginia Community College and Criminal Justice at Southside Virginia Community College. He received a Certificate in Political Studies from the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership. Occupation: Kenny has 30 years’ experience in business management and has held supervisory roles. Previous political experience: Ran as a Republican for City Council in 2004 Age on Election Day: 50 Neighborhood: Johnson Village Hometown: Charlottesville Family: He is the proud father of a 28-year- old daughter who attended and graduated from the Charlottesville Public School System. Other interests and experiences: Since the age of 18, Kenny has been involved in Community Service Boards and organizations in and around Charlottesville. Telephone: (434) 390-7598 Email: kwj34@embarqmail.com Website: www.kennyjacksoncville.com Download
At the final City Council candidate forum for the 2017 general election, the six candidates for two open seats were asked for their views on whether Charlottesville is a place where everyone is able to be successful. “A strong community is one where all sectors are thriving,” said Andi Copeland-Whitsett, the moderator for the event held Wednesday at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center. Copeland-Whitsett asked the candidates what their plans are to support and build the African-American and Hispanic middle class in Charlottesville. Independent Kenneth Jackson said the question was loaded and said Councilors cannot take actions to address one racial demographic over others. “If you were to ask me what I would do for poor people, we would put programs like we had before into effect like the Wheels to Work program and job training,” Jackson said. “That helps pick the lower-income people up.” Democrat Heather Hill said the city should invest in child-care programs to help the youngest community members to have a place to go so their parents can work. Investing in education is also important. “I think every three and four-year old in our preschool system should have access to a free education starting at those ages and working up through our public education system,” Hill said. “For our minority communities we need to make sure we are supporting them with mentoring that can happen in the middle-schools and into high school.” Independent Nikuyah Walker said decisions need to be made by more diverse groups and existing policies need to be challenged. “There isn’t a system in Charlottesville that isn’t broken in terms of making sure the needs of black and Hispanic families are met,” Walker said. Walker said the city needs a citizen police advisory board with enforcement powers and there needs to be reform in the Commonwealth’s Attorney office to stop the targeting of African-Americans. Independent Paul Long called for more government programs to address poverty. “The black community needs special attention because it’s been systematically oppressed,” Long said. “But numerically nationwide there are more poor white people than there are black people so trying to uplift people out of poverty should be to lift up everybody.” Long said both the University of Virginia and Charlottesville businesses should be forced to pay employees more. He called upon people to picket outside of fast-food restaurants. Democrat Amy Laufer, a member of the city school board, said the number of pre-school seats has been increased to 260 seats and city tax dollars have gone to extend that to three-year olds. “This has been a very effective way of helping families to access great services,” Laufer said. “There are organizations like ReadyKids. There are things happening that we should strengthen such as City of Promise.” Laufer said she would like to expand the city’s Growing Opportunities workforce program which she said has trained bus drivers and electricians. Independent John Edward Hall sounded a similar note. “Job training is good no matter what the color of your skin,” Hall said. “Employers need to be considered in the answer. Money from city council subsidies could help employers provide good jobs with a living wage.” Copeland-Whitsett took aim at whether Charlottesville’s central core was truly a place for everyone. “For downtown and midtown to thrive, there must be accessibility to workers and consumers alike,” she said. “What is your plan to guarantee affordable access to all?” Hill said the city needs to do more in this area. “I think both our public transit system is falling short within the city and within the region, and I feel like we don’t have safe paths for people to take alternative forms of transportation whether they want to walk or bike,” Hill said. “I also feel like we have to create an environment that they want to be invited to. There is not diversity in our downtown area that reflects the broader community. We have to unlock and understand why.” Walker agreed there is a lack of diversity on the Downtown Mall and on West Main Street but there shouldn’t be. “You have a community like Friendship Court which is right downtown and within walking distance and you do not see representation of that community being that close to the Downtown Mall area,” Walker said. “It’s also about who is working in those spaces and who is able to create employment options.” Walker said she is concerned redevelopment of Friendship Court by adding market-rate units will change the diversity of the community. Later in the forum, she said she would try to halt development on West Main Street because it is not benefiting the entire community. Long said an improved public transit would bring more people downtown to shop but the current stores cater to the rich. “The stores in the Downtown Mall area are boutique stores and if you’re making over $200,000 a year some of those stores may be of interest to you,” Long said. “There needs to be a greater diversity in the types of businesses down there. We need businesses owned by African-Americans.” Laufer agreed that the Downtown Mall is mostly boutique stores but the CVS is always crowded. “I though a great addition was the Market Street Market because that actually has groceries that people need,” Laufer said. “A lot of what is offered [on the Mall] is geared for tourism. There should be a wider variety of businesses.” Hall said the city’s sidewalks and streetlights need to be repaired. Jackson said the city’s “master plan” needs to be updated. “The city’s master plan only has the boutiques and the little upscale shops where most of us don’t even eat and shop in,” Jackson said, adding things were better in the 1970’s before all of the department stores left for shopping centers. Jackson said Downtown establishments such as the Paramount are too expensive for people who live in Garrett Square, referring to the old name for Friendship Court. Closing statements While there will be campaign events up until Election Day, candidates had one last opportunity to make a closing statement. Laufer said campaigning has not been easy. “It really makes you introspective in ways that you had no idea,” Laufer said. “I campaigned six years ago for the school board and the city really has changed a lot. I knocked on a lot of the same doors and it is a lot different. We need to be aware of that and come up with policies and budgetary decisions that can help our community as it is changing to be the best it can be.” Long thanked and lauded his fellow candidates, and encouraged more participation from voters. “I’m not going to ask people to vote for me,” Long said. “I’m going to ask people to vote your conscience. I’ve been in this community long enough and you just don’t hear from me when elections come around. I’ve been in this community protesting and having demonstrations year-round.” Walker asked for people to show up on Election Day. “I posted on Facebook the other day ‘let’s have a rebellion at the polls’ and no matter who you vote for, make sure that you’re voting for the future where everyone can thrive in Charlottesville,” Walker said. “I have been doing this work for so long behind the scenes questioning, challenging and no matter who you elect, I’m going to continue to do the work I do.” Hill said transparency is a major part of her campaign. “That could not be more important now as we look at our local government and our national government,” Hill said. “More than ever we need strong leaders who are committed to taking responsibility and seeking the answers all of us are so desperately seeking.” Jackson said he is not a perfect candidate and is a person just like everyone else. “I don’t hold my color up because I know my color does not define me,” Jackson said. “It is who I am inside and the education I get… I am proud of who I am and I want everyone in Charlottesville to be proud of who they are. We are all role models, each and every one of us.” Hall said he has been excited to participate in the forums. “If elected to City Council on Nov. 7, I will help fellow Councilors as a freshman team player,” Hall said. “Because of the events stemming from the plan to remove the Lee and Jackson statues, the good work of the City Council has been delayed by public demonstrations.” TIMELINE FOR PODCAST: 01:00 – Introduction from moderator Andi Copeland-Whitsett 02:00 - Opening statement from Independent John Edward Hall 03:20 - Opening statement from Independent Kenneth Jackson 05:30 - Opening statement from Democrat Heather Hill 08:00 - Opening statement from Independent Nikuyah Walker 10:20 - Opening statement from Independent Paul Long 12:40 - Opening statement from Democrat Amy Laufer 15:30 - Question #1: There is a perception that a populist agenda has taken hold of Council. Can you address that? 28:00 - Question #2: What are your plans if you're elected to develop a strong middle-sector particularly among the African-American and Hispanic communities? 41:30 - Question #3: For downtown and midtown to thrive, there must be accessibility to workers and consumers alike. What is your plan to guarantee affordable access to all? 52:30: - Candidates were given another opportunity to address a previous question May 1:05:10 - Closing statement from Laufer 1:06:15 - Closing statement from Long 1:07:35 - Closing statement from Walker 1:10:00 - Closing statement from Hill 1:12:00 - Closing statement from Jackson 1:14:25 - Closing statement from Hall Download
The six candidates for two seats on the Charlottesville City Council were asked to give their views on governance at a forum held Wednesday by the area branch of the League of Women Voters. “We do take position on issues but never on candidates,” said Marge Cox, the moderator of the event. This was the third time the candidates in the general election race met in an open forum. One previous event was held by Virginia Organizing and the other was sponsored by the Fry’s Spring and Johnson Village neighborhood associations. Democrat Heather Hill said her background as an industrial and systems engineer has helped prepare her for the position. “Transparency and accountability in how our city is managed has always been a top priority of mine and I feel like it could not be more important than now,” Hill said. “Our city needs strong leaders who are committed to taking responsibility, finding the answers we desperately seek and working with our community to solve its most complex issues.” Kenneth Jackson told the audience he is running as an independent because he does not want to be beholden to a party. “To me this is people’s lives and it’s not a game,” Jackson said. “I don’t want to be beholden to business or industry. I want to be beholden to the citizens.” Democrat Amy Laufer, a member of the League of Women Voters, was elected to the school board in 2011. “This summer has been really traumatic and this past couple of months have been full of their own tumult,” Laufer said, adding Councilors need to listen to the concerns of people and come up with solutions. Independent Paul Long has lived in Charlottesville for nearly twenty years and ran in 2009 and withdrew from the race in 2011. “I’m running for City Council because I believe the present City Council is a disgrace to this city and their lack of leadership has further aggravated the problems that we’re facing,” Long said. Independent Nikuyah Walker said her service working as substance-abuse counselor for Region 10 is one of the most important jobs she has performed. It also led to her current desire to run for Council. “The very first time I came to a City Council meeting was in 2011 or 2012 asking the Council at that time to provide oversight for money they had signed off on, grant funding for Region 10 that I didn’t think we were fulfilling,” Walker said. “Since that time I have spent a considerable amount of time at Council meetings, very involved, watching meetings, writing emails.” Independent John Edward Hall said he suffers with bipolar disorder but he is on good medication now. “I will be sure to take what is necessary,” Hall said. “I am sure that as a design engineer with six U.S. patents and two U.S. copyrights as an illustrator, I am best qualified for the office of councilor.” The role of the Dillon rule The first question asked the candidates about an aspect of state government that prevents localities from writing its own laws. “Virginia is not a home-rule state,” Cox said. “It’s a Dillon Rule state. The Virginia courts have concluded because of that that local governments in Virginia have those powers that are specifically conferred upon them by the Virginia General Assembly. They have those powers that are ‘necessarily or fairly implied’ from a specific grant or authority. And they have those powers that are essential to the purposes of government and not simply convenient but indispensable.” Cox did not ask a specific question but candidates ruminated on those definitions. “That means we have very limited authority,” Laufer said. “I know a couple of years ago we talked about reduced sentencing for people who had small amounts of marijuana. We couldn’t do that. I know there are a lot of housing issues we can’t enact because of the Dillon Rule. I don’t know what else I can say. Almost every aspect that we’d want to do something different, the state won’t allow it. We saw that most recently with the [Confederate statues].” Long said it is a disgrace that the Dillon rule is in effect. “According to Jeffersonian democracy, the best government is at the local level and I think the Dillon rule should be repealed and replaced,” Long said, adding the city should have the ability to ban militias from carrying rifles at local rallies. Walker said she has been working to increase the minimum wage in the city and has come up against the Dillon rule on multiple occasions. “Being able to increase that wage, the city has the authority to say they will pay a higher wage within the city government but to mandate it for businesses within the city, that’s something prohibited by the Dillon Rule,” Walker said. Walker went on to say many economic disparities in Charlottesville could be addressed if higher wages could be mandated. Hill said the Dillon Rule affects the ability of the city to require that more affordable housing is built. “We’re constrained and there’s only so much we can ask of developers given what the state has determined,” Hill said. She credited former Charlottesville Mayor Dave Norris for helping lobby the General Assembly for permission to receive cash contributions from developers. “With the right kind of focus, we actually can create change and go to the state level and get those rules in place,” Hill said. “But we continue to be very bound by the restriction put in place that are done by-right.” Jackson said the Dillon Rule is not stopping affordable housing from being built. “It’s our own ordinances which for decades the City Council has made so difficult and then they put fees and taxes and stuff on people,” Jackson said. “Who do you think the landlords will pass that on to?” The changing character of Charlottesville Cox’s second question built on the first one. “The character of the city is changing with increasing gentrification, fewer vacant lots, new technology companies and a growing senior population,” she said. “How should the City Council address these changes?” Jackson said he thought Council can take action to fix the tax issues he said come with gentrification. “You buy a house and someone puts a big McMansion that’s $400,000 and suddenly you’re paying almost the same tax they’re paying,” Jackson said. “The city does not have to do that. The city doesn’t have to charge you the same.” Laufer said Charlottesville has changed a lot since she was first elected in 2011. “I’ve really seen the neighborhoods change,” Laufer said. “We can see the schools too have changed and we have increased enrollment. We are a changing community and I don’t think we can just stop. I think we should count ourselves fortunate that we are a place that people want to be.” Laufer said the city needs to do more to help people maintain their own homes. She called for the raising of the maximum income level for seniors to qualify for the city’s tax reduction program. Long said the increases in property tax assessments this year were a disgrace. “They went up outrageously,” he said. “I think City Council should have done something. I can stand to be corrected, but I believe some assessments went up 200 to 300 percent. There’s no way that should have happened.” Walker said the policies that have led to a changing Charlottesville were enacted by decision-makers who were around the table at the time. “The character of the city is changing and that didn’t happen by an act of God,” Walker said. “It happened because people are at the table implementing policies that haven’t been equitable.” Walker said the city needs to limit tax breaks and other incentives for developers. For instance, she said Council should not have approved the extension of an $850,000 loan given to developer Keith Woodard recently for 57 units at Dogwood Housing. Hall said the city should partner with the county and the Jefferson Area Board of Aging to address the community’s senior needs. Hill said the city lacks a vision for growth. “I think too often in Neighborhood Development Services, it’s very transactional and about whatever development is happening at this time,” Hill said. “It’s not really looking forward to where we’re going to be and I think that’s gotten us into the situation we’re in.” Hill said the city does need to partner with the private sector to develop affordable housing. Charlottesville’s form of government The final question from the moderator dealt with the make-up of city government. “Considering the fact that Charlottesville has a city manager form of government, what do you see as the proper relationship between Council, the city manager and his staff, as well as appointed boards and commission, and paid or citizen consultant groups?” Cox asked. Walker said Council frequently overrides recommendations of staff and cited a time when Council overturned a recommendation from Parks and Recreation staff to open Smith Aquatic Center later on Saturdays. “There were some patrons who came in who wanted the center to remain open on Saturday mornings even though staff going through the budgeting process decided it wasn’t producing the revenue to keep the center open,” Walker said. “Without consulting the city manager and his staff there was a decision made immediately because Council did not want citizens to be upset about the closing of it.” After the events in Charlottesville on August 12, Walker said more power needs to be given back to staff to make decisions and set priorities. Hall said he believes that City Manager Maurice Jones has done a good job. “I believe the city manager form of government serves Charlottesville well and will continue to do so,” Hall said. “The city manager is the quarterback of the City Council ‘football team.’” Hill said she agreed with Walker that Council often burdens staff with conflicting directions. “We also have to arm them with the right tools in which to prioritize,” Hill said. “I feel like staff is constantly chasing their tails trying to figure out who they are reporting to and following. The onus does certainly fall on Council to understand its role. Its role is to have accountability on the city manager.” Jackson said power rests with City Council. “The City Council governs and runs with the city and that’s what they’re elected to do,” Jackson said. “The city manager is underneath them and he oversees the day-to-day operations. We should always have a working relationship with the city manager.” Jackson also said Council should listen more to the recommendations and rely less on consultants. Laufer said the school board has a similar relationship with Superintendent Rosa Atkins that Council has with Jones. “The role of the council or the school board is to set a vision,” Laufer said. “They are directly responsible for evaluating and hiring the manager or superintendent. They make budgetary and policy decisions based on the vision that they’re working toward.” However, Laufer said it is hard for school board members or Councilors to avoid getting involved with day-to-day operations, but elected officials must hold themselves back from overly doing so. For that to work, staff must provide information and frequent reports. Long said Jones is “doing an excellent job” but Council has abdicated its responsibility and has allowed Mayor Mike Signer to have too much power. “I believe this city is spending too much money on outside consulting firms coming in and doing studies,” Long said. Election Day is Nov. 7. The last day to register to vote is Monday. TIMELINE FOR PODCAST 00:45 – Introduction from moderator 02:00 – Opening statement from Democrat Heather Hill 04:15 – Opening statement from Independent Kenny Jackson 06:30 – Opening statement from Democrat Amy Laufer 08:40 – Opening statement from Independent Paul Long 10:20 – Opening statement from Independent Nikuyah Walker 12:30 – Opening statement from Independent John Edward Hall 13:40 – Question #1: Candidates are asked to weigh in on the Dillon Rule 22:30 – Question #2: Candidates are asked to weigh in on changing nature of Charlottesville 34:50 – Question #3: Candidates are asked to describe their views on the appropriate relationship between city council, city manager and appointed boards and commissions 46:30 – Summary statement from John Edward Hall 48:45 – Summary statement from Heather Hill 51:00 – Summary statement from Kenneth Jackson 53:00 – Summary statement from Amy Laufer 55:15 – Summary statement from Paul Long 57:25 – Summary statement from Nikuyah Walker 59:50 – Audience question #1: Do you support the approach of Solidarity Charlottesville to disrupt city government meetings? Why or why not? 1:09:30 - Audience question #2: As a city councilor, describe your own approach to working with city staff and appointed boards. 01:20:30 – Audience question #3: With political climate so volatile what concrete steps will you take to bring unity to Charlottesville? 01:30:40 – Audience question #4: When the collective wisdom of city council fails to answer a question, would you be willing to refer the matter to the voters in a referendum? Download
Weeksville was a bustling community, far off in the wilds of Brooklyn, established by former slave James Weeks in 1838 for free African- Americans. This was only 11 years after the abolition of slavery in New York state-- a time when African- Americans had very few opportunities for land ownership. That area is now where Bedford- Stuyvesant, East New York, and Brownsville meet. Your hosts Kathleen and Kate tell you all about how Weeksville was started, how it was almost lost from history forever, and the miraculous rediscovery and restoration of this amazing town in African- American history. Links to check out after listening to the 'cast: The Weeksville Heritage Center Thirteen.org's excellent video about Weeksville A video of a white guy talking about Weeksville. Kenneth Jackson is a Professor of History at Columbia University. A great blog post featuring Weeksville in NYPL's awesome digitized map collection. As always, our Facebook page has a ton of bonus images!
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Wall Street.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Weeksville.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the John Street Church.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Seneca Village.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Fort Amsterdam.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Rikers Island.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the African Burial Ground.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the Colored Orphan Asylum.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the Execution Grounds.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Five Points.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, on the Abyssinian Baptist Church.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Fraunces Tavern.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Hughson's Tavern.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Marcus Garvey.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the 369th Street Armory.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Rikers Island.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Fraunces Tavern.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the 369th Street Armory.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Hughson's Tavern.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the John Street Church.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Marcus Garvey.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Weeksville.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Seneca Village.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Wall Street.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the Execution Grounds.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the Colored Orphan Asylum.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses the African Burial Ground.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, on the Abyssinian Baptist Church.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Fort Amsterdam.
Kenneth Jackson, Jacques Barzun Professor in History and the Social Sciences, Columbia University, discusses Five Points.
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