Podcasts about Kikuyu

Das Werk von Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o kreist um den Kolonialismus in Afrika und dessen Folgen. Eine eigene Sprache war für ihn ein Akt der Befreiung. So schrieb er in Kikuyu – und übersetzte sich dann ins Englische. Sein Opus Magnum ist "Herr der Krähen". Netz, Dina www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Lesart

Das Werk von Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o kreist um den Kolonialismus in Afrika und dessen Folgen. Eine eigene Sprache war für ihn ein Akt der Befreiung. So schrieb er in Kikuyu – und übersetzte sich dann ins Englische. Sein Opus Magnum ist "Herr der Krähen". Netz, Dina www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Lesart

Das Werk von Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o kreist um den Kolonialismus in Afrika und dessen Folgen. Eine eigene Sprache war für ihn ein Akt der Befreiung. So schrieb er in Kikuyu – und übersetzte sich dann ins Englische. Sein Opus Magnum ist "Herr der Krähen". Netz, Dina www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Lesart

ONGOING ABDUCTIONS, KENYAN ELECTION & CAREER POLITICIAN, ANTI-ABDUCTION PROTESTS, MUHOHO, WEALTH & LUO - KIKUYU VOTERS

FEELS LIKE HOME Radio – Your weekly house music podcast by Kenn Colt. Tune in to this week’s episode of FEELS LIKE HOME Radio, your one-stop playlist for an hour of the best house music. CamelPhat, Shimza, Idd Aziz – BADO (Extended Mix) Eran Hersh, Bermuda (NL) – Xhosa (Extended Mix) Jessi Selm – Kikuyu […]

*Trigger warning* Torture, human rights abuse and sexual abuse is spoken about frequently in this episode. The Mau Mau Uprising was a pivotal event in Kenya's independence fight against Britain. British land theft in Kenya and the resulting displacement of various ethnic groups led to oppressive colonial rule. British injustices led to the Mau Mau movement being formed by radical activists, however the disproportionate reaction from Britain saw the horrors of the Hola Camp massacre and widespread use of concentration camps. The Mau Mau's persistent resistance weakened British colonial power, contributing to Kenya's eventual independence. We also touch on legal battles for restitution and the recognition of the Mau Mau's role in Kenya's history. Follow us on IG: itsacontinentpod and Twitter: itsacontinent. It's a Continent (published by Coronet) is available to purchase: itsacontinent.com/book   We're on Buy me a Coffee too: https://www.buymeacoffee.com/itsacontinent Visit our website: itsacontinent.com Artwork by Margo Designs: https://margosdesigns.myportfolio.com Music provided by Free Vibes: https://goo.gl/NkGhTg Warm Nights by Lakey Inspired: https://soundcloud.com/lakeyinspired/... Sources: Papers: Coray, Michael S. “The Kenya Land Commission and the Kikuyu of Kiambu.” Agricultural History, vol. 52, no. 1, 1978, pp. 179–93. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3742957. Accessed 24 June 2024. Youtube Doc: Secret History: Mau Mau (1999) Reparations to Africa: Action not Words Web Resources: What Was The Mau Mau Uprising? Kenya Emergency Sins of colonialists lay concealed for decades in secret archive The Mau Mau Rebellion: Anticolonial Upheaval in Kenya Kenya & the Mau Mau Uprising The Hola Massacre: The Last Straw that toppled colonial Kenya Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Global DJ/ Producer Fully Focus on his latest Kikuyu House project | The Hype

Learning about the ways of the Aztec today, we all pretty much agree that their ideas around human sacrifices are barbaric. That they have no place in our “modern” civilizations today. But is this really the case? In this episode, we explore the ways in which capitalism's ways of knowing and doing (its epistemologies) perpetuate the same ideas of human sacrifice today. We start with the more direct examples of workers literally dying for profit—the construction workers who die building homes they cannot afford to live, and the many factory workers who die manufacturing products we can use (deaths we have just come to accept as inevitable or as “accidents”). Then, we move to the indirect examples of people lacking food and shelter because these basic needs have come to be understood as commodities those with capital need to make profit from, and not as just things people need to live. In this, we see how capitalism changes what we know to be true; that houses provide shelter (instead we think of houses as investments we are supposed to make profit from), that forests have ecological value (instead we think of more profitable ways to use of this land, whether by turning it into farms to clearing it to put buildings up on it) etc. We stress how this not normal, exploring how many (non-western) communities in the world recognized the need for lettings things exists as… things. Like the Kikuyu people who despite having a clan-based/individual land ownership system let people farm, and even build on land they didn't own to ensure everyone's needs in the community were met. The Wendat who found the French society having many needy beggars against the backdrop of a glamourous nobility class barbaric. Lastly, we highlight how people have always recognized the absurdity of this idea of the primacy of profit and meeting market needs over their own, like the Maragua women who rejected the idea of growing coffee to make the country foreign currency to pay off its debts while being unable to feed their own families. We hope that by bringing this knowledge to the forefront of people's minds, especially a time when (in Kenya) we are again seeing market needs supersede the collective population needs most visibly with draft laws (Livestock Bill 2023, Animal Production Professionals and Technicians Bill 2023 etc.) undermining people's ability to feed themselves tabled in parliament with the intention of forcing them to be dependent on capitalist agribusiness chains (resulting in more profit for them), we are all reminded that none of this is okay. That maybe, just maybe, we need an economic model built to fulfill our needs, instead of a cruel, barbaric system meant to make profits for a select few. And that we have models all throughout history to draw inspiration from as we take on this work!

Hideki "Catch Me If You Can" Matsuyama absolutely crushed it at the Genesis Invitational, closing with a -9 to blitz the field,  a nice lead up to this year's Masters. Scott and Sean discuss the different grasses on tour, Kikuyu and Santa Ana Couch (aka Cooch - yes, you heard that right), and how it affects ball striking plus share their POV on a saturated PGA Tour tournament schedule.Be sure to subscribe to the SSWING YouTube channel and any of your podcast platforms and give us a follow over on Instagram & Tik Tok for the best clips of the show. Thanks for listening & sharing!

Dive into episode #106 of the Pull Hook Golf podcast, where host Matt Cook offers a solo recap bursting with details from the Waste Management Phoenix Open and Tiger Woods' return at Riviera. Cook's firsthand experience at the Phoenix Open adds an intimate touch as he unravels the "wasted management" affair and tees up a discussion on Tiger's latest moves on and off the course. Matt Cook's one-on-one session tees off with a vivid recount of the Waste Management Phoenix Open, dubbed by some as the "Wasted Management Open." The narrative includes weather setbacks, course conditions, and a detailed account of fans overwhelming the greens. Cook then seamlessly shifts to the anticipation surrounding Tiger Woods' comeback at Riviera, peppering the discussion with predictions and personal anecdotes. Throughout, he integrates his experiences and conversations with golf pros, elevating the episode to more than just a simple summary. Key Takeaways: Matt Cook shares an in-depth recap of the Waste Management Phoenix Open, detailing the unprecedented crowd control issues and adverse weather conditions. Tiger Woods' imminent return to golf at the Riviera course is a central discussion point, with focus on both his health and performance expectations. Cook introduces Tiger Woods' new clothing line, Sun Day Red, offering critique and curiosity for the future of the brand. The episode covers the aftermath of the Live Golf event in Las Vegas, including team performances and celebrity sightings which underscore the dynamic growth of the tournament. A solo episode provides Cook with an opportunity to blend expert analysis with his personal interaction with the events and people that shape the world of golf. Resources: Get 25% OFF at Swannies Golf using Promo Code PULLHOOKGOLF25 at checkout L.A.B Golf is changing the game with their DF3 putter, go to www.labgolf.com to get fitted today! Correction: The grass at Riviera is Kikuyu

Le 12 décembre 1963, il y a soixante ans, le Kenya déclarait son indépendance de l'empire britannique. Cette déclaration était l'aboutissement d'un processus qui a mené dans les années cinquante à l'insurrection de ceux qu'on appelle les « Mau-Mau ». Les colons avaient alors fait passer plusieurs lois très impopulaires leur donnant les droits sur les terres, notamment celles très fertiles autour du Mont Kenya. Les Mau Mau, majoritairement issus des ethnies Kikuyu, Meru et Embu se sont battus pour leurs terres et pour l'indépendance du Kenya. De notre correspondante à Nairobi,Ils s'appelaient l'Armée pour la liberté et les terres du Kenya. L'origine du nom Mau Mau est contestée, mais c'est ce nom qui est resté. Pour Mavingo Nyaga, il est synonyme de courage. Ce Kényan de 31 ans s'est lancé dans un projet : photographier et filmer des survivants de l'époque coloniale. « Il y a le témoignage de Bernard. Il raconte comment il a été arrêté, car il n'avait pas ses papiers d'identité, mais il avait été jugé trop jeune pour être emprisonné, donc à la place les policiers l'ont battu. Il se rappelle n'avoir pas pu s'asseoir pendant trois semaines après ça ! C'est ce qui l'a poussé à rejoindre les Mau Mau. Il organisait la distribution de nourriture aux combattants et fabriquait des armes », raconte-t-il.En 1952, les Mau Mau, armés de machettes, attaquent ceux qu'ils jugent être une menace pour leur mouvement, africains compris, et investissent des fermes de colons pour y voler armes et ravitaillement. Les Britanniques déclarent l'état d'urgence en octobre. C'est le début de la guerre. David Anderson est historien, auteur d'un livre sur le sujet : « Les Mau Mau sont responsables de la mort de 32 européens au cours de tout le conflit, mais avant même le début officiel de leur insurrection, ils avaient déjà tué 300 africains. Les Britanniques avaient décidé qu'il fallait se débarrasser complètement du problème. Au pic du conflit, plus de 80 000 personnes étaient détenues sans procès. Des lois ont rendu passibles de peine capitale le fait d'avoir prêté serment aux Mau Mau ou de soutenir le mouvement. Plus de 1 000 personnes ont été pendues », explique-t-il.Un rôle crucial dans l'indépendance du paysPlusieurs milliers de Kikuyus se retrouvent enfermés dans des camps. Les Mau Mau se réfugient dans les forêts autour du Mont Kenya. Qualifiés de terroristes, ils sont traqués et perdent peu à peu la guerre. Mais la lutte continue dans les prisons. « Il y avait de la résistance dans les camps de détention, des détenus qui refusaient de travailler ou d'obéir aux ordres. En 1959, les Britanniques n'avaient pas l'intention d'accorder son indépendance au Kenya, du moins pas avant les années 1980. Mais, en mars cette année-là, il y a eu un massacre par les autorités dans le camp de détention d'Hola. Cela a créé des problèmes politiques à Londres et les Britanniques ont décidé dans la foulée de décoloniser le Kenya. Donc les Mau Mau ont eu un rôle crucial dans l'indépendance du pays », ajoute David Anderson.En 1960, l'état d'urgence est levé. Trois ans plus tard, le Kenya déclare son indépendance.

As a follow-up to the episode featuring Stephen Jennings, we're releasing two bonus conversations showing the daily life, culture, and politics of Nairobi and Kenya at large. This second installment features Githae Githinji, a Kikuyu elder and businessman working in Tatu City, a massive mixed-used development spearheaded by Jennings. Born in 1958 and raised in a rural village, he relocated to seek opportunities in the Nairobi area where he built up a successful transportation company over decades. As a respected chairman of the local Kikuyu councils, Githae resolves disputes through mediation and seeks to pass on traditions to the youth. In his conversation with Tyler, Githae discusses his work as a businessman in the transport industry and what he looks for when hiring drivers, the reasons he moved from his rural hometown to the city and his perspectives on urban vs rural living, Kikuyu cultural practices, his role as a community elder resolving disputes through both discussion and social pressure, the challenges Kenya faces, his call for more foreign investment to create local jobs, how generational attitudes differ, the role of religion and Githae's Catholic faith, perspectives on Chinese involvement in Kenya and openness to foreigners, thoughts on the devolution of power to Kenyan counties, his favorite wildlife, why he's optimistic about Kenya's future despite current difficulties, and more. Read a full transcript enhanced with helpful links, or watch the full video.  Recorded June 12th, 2023. Other ways to connect Follow us on X and Instagram Follow Tyler on X Join our Discord Email us: cowenconvos@mercatus.gmu.edu Learn more about Conversations with Tyler and other Mercatus Center podcasts here.

Uramati wa unduire is an episode that uncovers our next guest who is a pioneer in Kikuyu documentation. The post S7 Episode 2: Uramati wa Unduire first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

It the best of Kikuyu Gospel Kigoco music mixed and mastered by @DjChaplainKenya from Havoc Crew Ent VIdeo Verison is on my yotube channel Link: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC6XkJmTQFZo45vSJ3PVXKLw

This episode I sit down with Dr. Anthony Chaffee, a neurosurgeon and longtime carnivore, for an eye-opening conversation on the benefits of a meat-based diet. He shares how nutritional research has been influenced by biased studies and religious beliefs, and discusses the weak association between red meat and cancer. He also delves into the physiological effects of carbohydrates on our metabolic system and the potential benefits of a ketogenic diet for hormone regulation and cancer management. His passion for neurosurgery and functional medicine shines through as he explores the powerful role of food as medicine and the impact of diet on our overall health. Join us as we explore the fascinating world of a carnivore diet and learn how it can unleash our true potential. Dr. Anthony Chaffee Instagram Dr. Thiago Lusvarghi Instagram 0:00 - Rapid fire questions 0:15 - Where did you grow up? 0:25 - Where do you live now? 0:42 - What's one of your favorite books? 2:44 - What's one of your super powers? 4:34 - What is holding people back from finding success in their health? 5:54 - Dr. Anthony Chaffee's Carnivore Journey 6:64 - Plants contain several carcinogenic compounds (Paper by Bruce Haynes) 13:30 - How did you find the transition from whole foods diet to pure carnivore? 15:30 - How Artificial sweeteners impact you 17:25 - Why is carbohydrate elimination beneficial? How carbs impact our bodies | PCOS in women (type 4 diabetes) 20:35 - How a ketogenic diet impact our body 22:54 - Leptin and insulin signalling 25:22 - How fructose impacts our body (ghrelin, leptin, and insulin) 27:26 - Fructose is metabolized the same as alcohol and gives dopamine signals just like meth, cocaine, and heroin. 32:29 - Why fructose should be regulated 33:24 - Why vegan breastmilk does not nourish the baby 37:29 - Is it okay to eat fruit in season or any at all? 39:35 - Oxalates above 150mg-200mg/day is damaging. 1 cup of spinach has 700mg 43:55 - fruits today have higher sugar content 44:45 - Surviving ice age conditions with meat, not plants. 45:05 - Isn't saturated fat bad for us? 51:05 - Red meat doesn't cause colon cancer, the evidence is extremely weak. 53:31 - Blue zones studies 54:00 - problems with epidemiological studies about meat 56:00 - how they decided that meat was bad 59:44 - Cancer is a Metabolic Disease (Dr. Thomas Seyfried) 1:00:40 - How cancer starts in our body and what drives it 1:03:00 - Role of mitochondria in cancer 1:09:00 - How a ketogenic diet increases chemo/radiation effectiveness 1:10:00 - Glioblastoma and Glutamine + Case Studies 1:19:00 - Are there any benefits to eating Broccoli? 1:23:00 - Maasai and Kikuyu 1930 nutritional study 1:25:00 - Plant Anti-Nutrients 1:28:00 - Sulfurophane toxicity 1:33:15 - What biomarkers should we observe to maintain health? 1:35:00 - B12 less than 400 can cause neurological damage + reference range 1:36:30 - Magnesium, Calcium, Zinc, Serum Thyroid Level (rT3), HDL, Triglycerides 1:40:54 - Why western medicine doesn't care about these 1:43:00 - Main markers of metabolic health (fasting HbA1C, insulin, glucose) 1:45:26 - Optimal range for free testosterone (600-900) 1:47:55 - Insulin blocks human growth hormone 1:50:29 - Testosterone and estrogen for females 1:53:40 - reverse T3, free T3 1:55:25 - How much does Dr. Chaffee spend on groceries? 1:58:20 - What does Dr. Anthony Chaffee eat in a day? 2:00:00 - How much meat should you eat in one sitting? 2:02:02 - Does Dr. Anthony Chaffee drink milk? 2:02:40 - Does Dr. Anthony Chaffee ever eat carbs or plants? 2:04:27 - Do you add salt on your steaks? 2:07:20 - Does Grain-fed vs Grass-fed beef matter? Do free range vs commercial eggs matter? 2:09:00 - Does Dr. Anthony Chaffee take supplements? 2:11:15 - How should people transition to a carnivore diet? 2:15:11 - What is Dr. Anthony Chaffee's vision for how he wants to practice in the future?

In this episode of The Truth In This Art, host Rob Lee interviews Baltimore-based artist TOSKAGO . Martin Mbuguah better known as TOSKAGO is an artist born in Ol'Kalou, Kenya, raised in Indiana, and currently lives and works in Baltimore, MD. He currently studies painting at the Maryland Institute College of Art (MICA) and expects his BFA by 2024.Born to a poor family of farmers and laborers, Martin's formative years were characterized by a deep sense of anxiety due to rising tribal tensions and growing financial instability. Despite these struggles, Martin and his family had a twist of fate when they won the coveted “green card lottery” and were offered the chance to move to the United States.After arriving in the states Martin's initial anxieties returned, this time taking a different form as he attempted to reconcile his inherited Kikuyu culture and the last tie to his family and homeland with his new adopted culture in the U.S. Martin spent most of his time examining and learning Western customs in an effort to assimilate. It was during this time that Martin also began to acclimate to his new racial identity as a “black man.” Being from an ethnically and racially homogenous village, Martin's understanding of racial structures and hierarchy was distinct from even that of his parents (who were born in British-occupied Kenya).Martin's work is a dialog on the nature of identity and the human condition. Taking from his ancestral Kikuyu practice of storytelling he constructs narratives through painting and film in order to illustrate themes of race, violence, and addiction.Martin's works have been displayed in significant national exhibitions at venues such as the Pratt Manhattan Gallery (New York), and The National YoungArts Foundation Gallery (Miami, FL). His paintings are part of private and public collections around the world, including the Fort Wayne Museum of Art, the St. Claire Collection, and the Timmons Collection. Martin has also been the recipient of numerous prestigious national and international awards. He was a recipient of the coveted Gold Award from the National YoungArts Foundation, as well as a semifinalist for 2020 U.S. Presidential Scholars.Photograph by Dawn BangiCreators & Guests Rob Lee - Host toskago - Guest The Truth In This Art, hosted by Rob Lee, explores contemporary art and cultural preservation through candid conversations with artists, curators, and cultural leaders about their work, creative processes and the thinking that goes into their creativity. Rob also occasionally interviews creatives in other industries such as acting, music, and journalism. The Truth In This Art is a podcast for artists, art lovers and listeners interested in the creative process.To support the The Truth In This Art: Buy Me Ko-fiUse the hashtag #thetruthinthisartFollow The Truth in This Art on InstagramLeave a review on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts.THE TRUTH IN THIS ART IS SUPPORTED IN PART BYThe Gutierrez Memorial FundThe Robert W. Deutsch Foundation ★ Support this podcast ★

Do you know how your Kikuyu name came to be? In this episode, we diverge on the naming process amongst the Agīkūyū and how some names were arrived at. The post S6 Episode 5: Marītwa ma Mūgīkūyū  first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

This episode starts with how knowledge and life lessons were passed down from one generation to the other in a typical Kikuyu household The post S6 Episode3: Gīthomo na Mītugo ya Mūgīkūyū  first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

This episode starts from Mūkūrweinī wa Nyagathanga right down to the daughters of Gikūyū and Mūmbi. The characteristics of the clans and how we get to know the clans we belong to. The post S6 Episode 1: Kihumo Kia Mugikuyu first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

The Contracting Handbook podcast is all about the builders and skilled tradesmen and tradeswomen in the construction industry from all over the world and has recently reached the Top 2% of all podcasts globally. Here you'll meet the tradespeople who took a leap of faith from working their craft to running the own construction company. You'll meet people who left lucrative careers to enter the trades. For newcomers to running a construction business, there is a ton of advice on “how to” run your contracting company. For established contractors, you get to meet other industry leaders and get behind the scenes of their business and stay up to date with industry change. Mike Knoche, your host, keeps the conversation interesting. He's been operating his contracting business for over 15 years in the oddly wonderful, Fairbanks, Alaska. Mike's philosophy is “we are all experts in how we build where we live, but the business basics and business management are universal”. Join us for this global conversation on operating a construction company, mental health, cool projects, and construction industry progress. Please leave us a review on Apple  Podcasts if you have an iPhone or on Podchaser if you are an Android to help spread the word about this 100% Independently Recorded and Produced Construction Podcast! Rate us on Spotify! Host: Mike KnocheWebsite: The Contracting HandbookInstagram: @thecontractinghandbookVenmo: Mike-Knoche-1info@thecontractinghandbook.com Guest: Kali SudbrookInstagram: @kalithecontractor Music Credits: "Tell Nobody (The Contracting Handbook theme)" by Tiny Pancake BreakfastDrew Frick- lead guitarScott Crass- bassBrady Anderson- drumsMike Knoche- rhythm guitar and vocals "Pining for Jordon", "Kikuyu" by Mike Knoche

The ‘family' and ‘tribe' are a traditional way of organising African societies. But they can also be a source of conflict. Unscrupulous leaders can stoke tensions or focus resources on certain groups.In this week's episode, Claude asks three guests from south, east and west Africa about how we can stop ethnic interests from influencing politics in Africa. Is the idea of ethnic groups at odds with the idea of a modern state?Evan Lieberman is professor of politics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). He's just written a book about South Africa's post-Apartheid democracy called Until We Have Won Our Liberty. He tells us how ethnic interests are sometimes inevitable.Mutemi wa Kiama is an activist and community organiser from Nairobi, Kenya. He's part of the movement Wanjikũ Revolution and the media organisation This Is Africa. He's Kikuyu, the same ethnic group as the Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta. But he is very critical of how ethnic groups are used by politicians in Kenya.Bakary Sambe is the Director of the Timbuktu Institute-African Centre for Peace Studies and is based in Dakar, Senegal. He specializes in radicalisation in the Sahel region. He thinks ethnic conflict can often have deeper causes. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

From golf course turf to your well known Kikuyu, Mark Eman grows it all and has done for almost 40 years.

Free Score https://musescore.com/user/3636436/scores/6418725

This is live discussion about Senate Bill 71, Against SB71: An Attempt to End Affirmative Action with advocates Rosa Velázquez and Ryan D. Davis. Ryan D. Davis, Little Rock Freedom Fund Co-Founder: Ryan is dedicated to his family, his work, his church and the community. He's a native of Little Rock where he serves on the boards of various justice and community based organizations, including Arkansas Public Policy Panel, Arkansas Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty, Decarcerate Arkansas, Mosaic Templars Cultural Center (chair), Arkansas Advocates for Children and Families(vice-chair). He's a Co-Founder of Little Rock Freedom Fund. Ryan's writings has appeared in Crisis Magazine, Black Books Bulletin, Arkansas Times, Sphinx, Stand News, The Chicago Defender and Black Issues Book Review. He is the co-author of Conversations in Color. Davis is an advocate for children, who represent the only future we have. He subscribes to the Kikuyu proverb “Work with the clay while it is still wet.” Ryan D. Davis is an ordained elder in the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church, and the Associate Pastor at Bullock Temple C.M.E. Church. Rosa Velázquez, Advocate and Community Organizer Rosa is an advocate and community organizer. she leads impact work in Arkansas and around the country with more than 12 years of community organizing, power building, public policy and philanthropic skillset. Rosa immigrated from México when she was four years old, and has made Arkansas her home. She is a locally and nationally recognized advocate for immigrant's rights and played a critical role in developing the federal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Program. Locally, Rosa led the work for in-state tuition equity, DACA Nurses, DACA Teachers and professional licenses, now laws in Arkansas. She is passionate about social justice, education and racial equity. She has a history of uplifting and cultivating undocumented youth, Latinx organizers, and mentoring powerful women of color. Rosa's current project includes directing The Movement Institute, a Black and Brown led community organizing accelerator aimed at building and shifting power in Arkansas and the deep South. Rosa and her rescue Siberian Husky, Whiskey, have made Little Rock their home. ***************************************************************** More about SB71 If passed, this bill would ban the use of affirmative action in Arkansas. It will prohibit state governmental institutions from considering race, sex, sexual orientation or ethnicity, specifically in the areas of public employment, public contracting, and public education. It would gut state and local protections against discrimination. This will have a major impact on enrollment in medical schools and graduate programs for underrepresented groups as well. Arkansas would become the 9th state to ban affirmative action if this bill is passed into law. SB71 is an attack on equal opportunity that could end minority scholarships, support for women owned businesses, and diversity, equity and inclusion efforts. Read the bill here: https://www.arkleg.state.ar.us/Bills/FTPDocument?path=%2FBills%2F2023R%2FPublic%2FSB71.pdf

This is a blend of kikuyu gospel music (KIGOCO) mixed and blended by @DjChaplainKenya #thedynamicchamp from #havoccrewent #gospelmusic #kikuyugospel #kigoocomusic #djchaplainkenya #djmix #kenyangospel VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_mx7XFuYtFU Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/DjChaplainKE (LIKE) Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/djchaplainke/ (FOLLOW) Twitter - https://twitter.com/DjchaplainKenya (FOLLOW) Email - deejaychaplain@gmail.com / havoccrewentertainement@gmail.com

P. Federico (Guatemala)Como san Basilio y san Gregorio te animo a recorrer este año avanzando en el camino de la santidad, que es casi lo mismo que decir avanzando en el camino de la amistad. No por nada los kikuyu tienen aquel proverbio que dice: “cuando en lo alto de la montaña hay un amigo, resulta más fácil subir”.

Holiday adventures at shagz The post Holiday Special S5 Episode 3 : Magui first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

Mischief holiday shagz chronicles The post Holiday Special S5 Episode 2 : Gukunyanirwo  first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

Holidays in shagz: fun, family and mischief The post Holiday Special S5 Episode 1 : Gacohi first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

Why did the British government air lift thousands of files out of Kenya ? Did they bury their secrets or did they set them on fire? Why did Britain create their own Gulag - concentration camps and detention camps and encasement of whole villages under watchtowers and barbed wired fences..? Did the Kikuyu survive? This week we discuss the Mau Mau Rebellion, a 50 year cover up, and Maxim guns being used against the Ijebu Kingdom... we look at British colonial rule and the effect of WW2 on African liberation movements!  Time stamps Facts 6: 58 Fact discussion 10:40

“There was a lotta negativity because there was just pictures of Black people. That was one of the critiques, that we just photographed Black people. Said, ‘Yeah. You photograph just white people.' That was the argument.” In New York City in 1963, a group of Black photographers came together, naming themselves the Kamoinge Workshop. Translated from the Kikuyu language, kamoinge means a group of people acting together. The artists indeed worked closely together, focusing on reflecting Black life through photographs and increasing Black representation in professional organizations like the American Society of Magazine Photographers (now American Society of Media Photographers). The exhibition Working Together: The Photographers of the Kamoinge Workshop showcases members' work from the 1960s and '70s. In this episode, artist Adger Cowans and Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (VMFA) curator Sarah Eckhardt discusses Kamoinge's history and future as well as the exhibition Working Together. The exhibition is organized by the VFMA and is on view at the Getty Center through October 9, 2022. For images, transcripts, and more, visit https://blogs.getty.edu/iris/podcast-black-photographers-represent-their-world/ or http://www.getty.edu/podcasts To learn more about the exhibition Working Together: The Photographers of the Kamoinge Workshop visit https://www.getty.edu/art/exhibitions/kamoinge/index.html

« Maintenant que nous avons un président élu, quelle voie allons-nous emprunter ? » : ce grand titre du Standard à Nairobi illustre bien l'incertitude qui règne au Kenya après l'élection présidentielle et la victoire sur le fil de William Ruto, victoire contestée par son rival, l'opposant Raila Odinga. En effet, l'écart est mince entre les deux candidats : 233 000 voix d'écart. « Crédité de 48,85 % des votes par la commission électorale, précise Walf Quotidien au Sénégal, M. Odinga, qui convoitait pour la cinquième fois le fauteuil présidentiel, a indiqué qu'il userait de toutes les procédures légales pour faire annuler la victoire attribuée à M. Ruto. La déception de l'opposant historique et de ses partisans est d'autant plus grande, pointe encore le quotidien sénégalais, qu'ils croyaient que cette fois-ci allait être la bonne. Tout ou presque lui prédisait une victoire certaine. Il avait le soutien de deux des trois principales ethnies du pays, les Kikuyu et les Luwo, mais aussi celle du président sortant, Uhuru Kenyatta, dont son adversaire a été le vice-président. En plus, les derniers sondages d'opinion réalisés moins d'une semaine avant la tenue du scrutin lui attribuaient 46,7 % des intentions de vote contre 44,4 % pour William Ruto. » Opacité ? En fait, analyse Le Pays à Ouagadougou, « c'est la commission électorale qui a prêté le flanc : le camp de William Ruto, déclaré vainqueur, doit se garder de tout triomphalisme, estime le quotidien burkinabé, dans la mesure où quatre des sept membres de la commission disent ne pas reconnaître ces résultats qu'ils avaient d'ailleurs rejetés avant même qu'ils ne soient rendus publics. La vice-présidente, qui fait partie des frondeurs, a dénoncé le "caractère opaque du processus". De quoi apporter de l'eau au moulin de Raila Odinga, pointe Le Pays, qui estime que les résultats donnant vainqueur son adversaire ne sont pas valides et entend user de toutes les voies de recours légales pour faire rétablir la vérité des urnes. Reste maintenant à espérer que la Cour suprême kényane, réputée pour être à cheval sur les principes, tranchera en dernier ressort et ce de façon impartiale, en disant le droit ». Nouvel embrasement ? Alors, dissensions au sein de la Commission électorale, échauffourées entre agents électoraux, tensions entre militants des deux camps, nombreux commerces fermés et une vie économique qui tourne au ralenti : « dans ce capharnaüm, il est bien difficile de prédire la tournure prochaine des événements », pointe Le Monde Afrique. « Plusieurs observateurs craignent un possible embrasement du Kenya, comme ce fut le cas lors du scrutin de 2007, où plus de 1100 personnes avaient trouvé la mort dans des affrontements post-électoraux. » En effet, poursuit Le Monde Afrique, on peut s'attendre à « une énième crise post-électorale, malgré les appels au calme », dans ce pays où « deux millions de personnes ont plongé dans la pauvreté depuis la pandémie de Covid-19. La veille de l'annonce des résultats, les candidats se sont rendus simultanément à l'église et y ont tous les deux prêché la paix. Mais, s'interroge Le Monde Afrique, peut-on croire en la bonne foi de William Ruto et de Raila Odinga ? Anciens alliés lors de l'élection de 2007, les deux hommes avaient été au cœur de la pire crise qu'ait connue le Kenya indépendant ». Espoir ? Wakat Séra s'interroge également : « Le feu couve-t-il sous la cendre ? Le Kenya va-t-il vers l'annulation de la présidentielle, comme en 2017 ? Raila Odinga saura-t-il garder sa ligne sage de tenir ses militants éloignés de la rue, afin de permettre au Kenya de conjurer le mauvais sort des violences post-électorales et de ne plus faire rimer élections avec guerre ? L'espoir peut être permis, estime le site d'information burkinabé, surtout que le légendaire vote ethnique semble ne plus faire recette avec cette percée fulgurante de William Ruto, ni Kikuyu, ni Luwo. C'est le clivage social qui aura triomphé du clivage tribal, si la victoire du bleu de la présidentielle est confirmée. Mais pour l'instant, c'est tout un peuple qui retient son souffle ».

William Ruto vainqueur de la présidentielle au Kenya : c'est l'annonce faite hier, lundi 15 août, à Nairobi par la commission électorale. Quelles sont les raisons de sa victoire ? À Nairobi, Francesca Di Matteo est la directrice adjointe de l'IFRA, l'Institut français de recherche en Afrique.  William Ruto vainqueur de la présidentielle au Kenya : c'est l'annonce faite hier, lundi 15 août, à Nairobi par la commission électorale. Quelles sont les raisons de sa victoire ? À Nairobi, Francesca Di Matteo est la directrice adjointe de l'IFRA, l'Institut français de recherche en Afrique. Pourquoi William Ruto a-t-il réussi cette percée électorale ? Alors William Ruto a bien joué ses cartes, il a déjà mis en avant la situation économique et financière, il a beaucoup parlé de crise économique, il a parlé des problèmes de la classe populaire avec ce concept de la « hustler nation », donc les gens de la rue, et ça a vraiment bien pris parce qu'on est dans une situation économique très difficile. La nation des débrouillards ? Oui, je pense qu'on pourrait le traduire comme ça. En fait, le « hustler » ou le débrouillard, à Nairobi et au Kenya, c'est un concept qui était très péjoratif, je n'ai jamais entendu dire que c'était bien d'être un « hustler », mais il a bien réussi à retourner ce mot en le valorisant, donc en valorisant la débrouillardise, et de façon assez populiste comme on l'a vu parfois chez nous aussi en Europe. Donc on peut dire qu'il a tenu un discours contre les élites, contre le système, et que ça a marché ? Exactement, oui. William Ruto n'est ni Kikuyu, ni Luo, il n'appartient à aucun des deux principaux groupes ethniques du pays, est-ce qu'on peut dire que le clivage social a pris le dessus sur le clivage ethnique ? Oui, il n'est pas Kikuyu, pas Luo, mais il est Nandi, il fait partie de ce que le président Moi a appelé les Kalendjins, donc un regroupement de groupes ethniques qui représentent une grosse partie de la Vallée du Rift, donc il ressort quand même d'un groupe ethnique pas minoritaire, mais oui, il a joué la carte du clivage social, et comme il a dit dans son discours [de victoire], il a dit qu'il était content que la mauvaise ethnicité avait été écartée du jeu politique parce que selon lui c'étaient les programmes qui avaient eu une vraie emprise et un vrai succès chez les électeurs. Après, moi, ce que je pense, c'est qu'au niveau local, les clivages ethniques sont toujours assez vifs, à cause des incitations politiques des politiciens. Alors le camp Raila Odinga conteste, mais comment peut-il le faire alors que les procès-verbaux des résultats sont tous en ligne ? C'est ce qu'on se demande tous. Il y a sept commissaires dans la commission électorale, et quatre se sont retirés, ils n'ont pas voulu assister à la proclamation [de la victoire de Ruto], et ils ont dit que c'était parce que le décompte des votes avait été fait d'une façon très opaque, mais ils n'ont pas voulu donner de détails, ce qu'ils feront dans les jours qui suivent, donc on verra. Est-ce que les divisions au sein de la commission électorale sont de nature politique ? Oui, il semblerait qu'elles soient de nature politique. Il semblerait que les commissaires qui ont fait défection, ce sont des commissaires qui ont été nommés après la fameuse poignée de main, donc le « hand shake » de 2018, lorsque le président Kenyatta a serré la main à Raila Odinga. Il parait que ces commissaires ont été nommés à la suite de ce « hand shake » (poignée de main, en français), et de toute façon, on est sûr qu'il y aura un recours devant la Cour suprême, car le porte-parole de la coalition Odinga, il a dit qu'il n'acceptait pas ces résultats, qu'ils n'étaient pas fiables, que le processus n'a pas été transparent, et que la proclamation de Ruto était illégale, donc il semble évident qu'ils formeront un recours.

Ce sont des élections générales. Il s'agit de désigner non seulement le président - principaux candidats : William Ruto et Raila Odinga - mais aussi les députés, sénateurs, gouverneurs et des élus locaux. Un éditorial repris par Nation enjoint les citoyens à « voter intelligemment » et rappelle que « contrairement à ce qui s'est passé dans le passé, les campagnes ont été généralement pacifiques. Nous espérons que la tranquillité prévaudra même pendant le vote, le dépouillement des bulletins et l'annonce des résultats. » Le quotidien burkinabè WakatSera lui aussi va en ce sens, estimant que « le risque s'est considérablement amoindri de laisser les vieux démons s'emparer de cette présidentielle qui pourrait échapper à l'emprise tribaliste. Bonne nouvelle, elle est déjà épargnée de la confrontation par urnes interposées des Kenyatta et des Odinga, qui ont longtemps dominé la vie politique kényane (…) En tout cas, tous les regards sont tournés vers les candidats qui ont le devoir de faire du fair-play leur arme principale afin de démentir cette règle non écrite qui fait rimer élection avec guerre au Kenya. » Pour éviter ces tensions, The Star lance un appel à la commission électorale kényane L'IEBC ne doit « pas céder de terrain aux boucaniers du clavier qui supplanteront l'agence si les informations sont retardées pour toutes sortes de raisons. L'IEBC doit faire circuler l'information en temps réel pour éviter les tensions, les suspicions et l'anxiété qu'engendre le manque d'information. Lorsque l'information ne circule pas, les moulins à rumeurs s'emballent ». Aujourd'hui au Faso met également en garde contre « ces presses-poubelles qui ont essaimé ces derniers jours de la campagne au Kenya, [et qui] avaient pour but de faire le buzz, de se vendre au plus offrant, mais font maintenant planer sur ces votes et sur l'après un grave danger : celui d'une crise post-électorale forcément violente quand le pays s'appelle Kenya. Que distillent ces sites nauséeux ? "Qu'il y aurait des fraudes ! Que Ruto déteste les Kikuyu … (l'ethnie majoritaire)" Bref, la campagne a été empreinte de bidonnage nauséabond lâché par des influenceurs recrutés pour la circonstance. Jeu dangereux s'il en est quand on sait que dans ce pays, le vote communautaire est… la règle. Une "infocalypse" qui rend encore plus inflammable ce scrutin ». Le déplacement d'Antony Blinken sur le continent Le 8 août, le secrétaire d'État américain était en Afrique du Sud. À cette occasion, nous rappelle le Mail and Guardian, « La ministre des Relations internationales et de la Coopération, Naledi Pandor, a reconnu qu'elle et son homologue américain étaient dans des camps opposés sur plusieurs questions, notamment la guerre de la Russie contre l'Ukraine, mais qu'ils étaient déterminés à renforcer la coopération bilatérale ». Aujourd'hui au Faso tente d'y voir clair parmi les propos d'Antony Blinken et estime que « lorsqu'il déclare encore à Pretoria que c'est sans contrepartie, et qu'il veut que les pays africains soient des "alliés cruciaux sur les questions comme le climat, l'insécurité alimentaire", il a raison, mais c'est aussi en costume de VRP que Blinken sillonne l'Afrique ». C'est dans ce contexte que la République démocratique du Congo se prépare à son arrivée aujourd'hui. Politico souligne les intérêts économiques pour les États-Unis en RDC où se trouvent d'importantes réserves de lithium puis rappelle que « les ressources du Congo sont la propriété d'abord des Congolais » avant de s'interroger sur la posture d'Antony Blinken : viendra-t-il « plus en partenaire qu'en donneur d'injonctions » ? C'est toute la question. Accord conclu entre la junte tchadienne et les rebelles « La messe est dite ! » pour Tchadinfos dans son édito qui y voit une « mascarade », « la répétition d'un scénario qui se répète comme dans une comédie écrite par un scénariste qui manque d'imagination ». Le journal qui dans un autre article a recueilli la parole de syndicalistes : « Pour Brahim Ben Seid, secrétaire général de la CLTT, l'accord de Doha est très important, car c'est pour la première fois que les rebelles Tchadiens, plus d'une trentaine arrivent à signer un accord de paix. (…) Barka Michel président de l'UST regrette de son côté que l'accord ne soit pas signé par tous les groupes rebelles. » Lundi 8 août, le chef de la transition Mahamat Idriss Deby a réitéré sa main tendue aux groupes non signataires.

Kenyans will go to the polls on Tuesday to select a new president. In a nation with a history of contested and violent elections, this is the first time a member of the politically dominant Kikuyu tribe is not running. And many claim this is Kenya's first election in which class plays a greater role than ethnicity. Correspondent Neha Wadekar and filmmaker Jack Hewson report. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

Kenyans will go to the polls on Tuesday to select a new president. In a nation with a history of contested and violent elections, this is the first time a member of the politically dominant Kikuyu tribe is not running. And many claim this is Kenya's first election in which class plays a greater role than ethnicity. Correspondent Neha Wadekar and filmmaker Jack Hewson report. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

Kenyans will go to the polls on Tuesday to select a new president. In a nation with a history of contested and violent elections, this is the first time a member of the politically dominant Kikuyu tribe is not running. And many claim this is Kenya's first election in which class plays a greater role than ethnicity. Correspondent Neha Wadekar and filmmaker Jack Hewson report. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

Les Kényans se rendent aux urnes demain mardi pour des élections présidentielle, législatives et locales. Après deux mandats, le président sortant Uhuru Kenyatta n'a pas eu la possibilité de se représenter. Le scrutin est donc dominé par deux figures : celles du vice-président William Ruto et de l'ancien opposant Raila Odinga qui se retrouvent, en raison des jeux d'alliance, dans des postures inattendues. Le président sortant soutient en effet son ancien opposant contre son vice-président. D'où vient cette surprenante entente ? Quelles ont été ses conséquences sur la campagne ? Décryptage avec Nicolas Delaunay, du bureau de l'ONG International Crisis Group à Nairobi. La configuration de cette élection est inhabituelle puisqu'on a un président Uhuru Kenyatta, qui ne peut pas se représenter, mais qui a lâché son vice-président William Ruto pour soutenir de manière explicite un troisième personnage : l'ancien opposant, Raila Odinga. Qu'est-ce qui explique cette rupture ? C'est vrai qu'on se retrouve dans une situation qui est totalement inédite dans l'histoire politique kenyane, avec d'un côté Raila Odinga, qui est une figure historique de l'opposition au Kenya, et qui mène campagne quasiment comme le candidat du pouvoir, vu qu'il est soutenu par le président sortant... Et de l'autre, on a William Ruto, qui est le vice-président sortant et qui, par la force des choses, a presque endossé le rôle de candidat d'opposition. Je pense qu'il faut d'abord comprendre que les alliances politiques au Kenya sont souvent dictées par le pragmatisme et une volonté de survie politique et économique de la part des élites, et beaucoup moins par l'idéologie. Ce sont des alliances qui bougent assez régulièrement. Après, sur les raisons précises de la rupture entre les deux hommes, c'est beaucoup plus flou. Des sources au sein du camp Kenyatta avancent qu'ils étaient préoccupés par les accusations de corruption qui ont marqué la carrière politique de William Ruto. Le camp Kenyatta a également annoncé que William Ruto voyait d'un très mauvais œil le rapprochement qui avait été opéré entre Uhuru Kenyatta et Raila Odinga début 2018. Des sources au sein du camp Ruto avancent que le camp Kenyatta et la famille Kenyatta voient en fait une présidence Ruto beaucoup trop imprévisible, et que leur intérêt économique et politique serait mieux servi par une présidence Odinga. Le sortant Uhuru Kenyatta n'est donc pas candidat à cette élection parce qu'il n'avait pas constitutionnellement droit à un troisième mandat. Est-ce que son ombre tout de même a plané d'une manière ou d'une autre sur la campagne ? L'ombre d'Uhuru Kenyatta a indéniablement plané sur cette élection, on sent qu'il y a une véritable volonté de la part du président sortant de modeler d'une manière ou d'une autre sa succession, tout simplement parce qu'il soutient ouvertement un des deux candidats. Donc ça veut dire qu'il est visible publiquement : il s'affiche, il fait campagne en faveur de Raila Odinga et donc forcément, il occupe un grand espace politique dans cette campagne. Quelles sont les questions qui préoccupent le plus les Kényans à la veille de ce scrutin ? Très clairement, c'est la hausse du coût de la vie. Le Kenya, comme beaucoup d'autres pays, subit toujours les conséquences du ralentissement économique dû à la pandémie du Covid-19, ainsi que la hausse du prix des marchandises, des denrées alimentaires en raison de la guerre en Ukraine. De plus, le nord du Kenya, comme une bonne partie de la Corne de l'Afrique, fait face actuellement à sa pire sécheresse en 40 ans, donc ça a forcément des conséquences sur la santé économique du Kenya. Un autre des sentiments qui prédominent, c'est qu'il y a une sorte de fatigue de la part de l'électorat vis-à-vis des jeux d'alliances des élites politiques. Les candidats ont du mal à convaincre l'électorat qu'ils comprennent vraiment leur situation et on note ce désintérêt de la part des électeurs, notamment auprès des jeunes électeurs qui ne se sont pas inscrits en nombre sur les listes électorales. Et à la veille de ce scrutin, qu'est-ce que vous retenez de la campagne qui vient de se dérouler ? Je retiendrai ce qui me semble être un développement positif pour la scène politique kényane : c'est que la rhétorique de la campagne électorale a été beaucoup moins tournée vers la mobilisation des groupes ethniques en tant que blocs électoraux, et a beaucoup plus porté sur d'autres questions, avec notamment William Ruto qui a beaucoup joué sur la dynamique de l'anti-establishment, en quelque sorte, en jouant sur ses origines beaucoup plus modestes. Qu'est-ce qui explique qu'on ait assisté à ce changement de registre, est-ce que c'est cette configuration politique complètement neuve dont on parlait il y a un instant ? Je pense qu'indirectement, le revirement d'Uhuru Kenyatta a en quelque sorte redistribué les cartes de la politique kényane. Uhuru Kenyatta, qui est issu de la communauté Kikuyu, et Raila Odinga, qui est issu de la communauté Luo, qui sont des rivaux historiques, se sont retrouvés dans une alliance que certains pourraient même qualifier de contre-nature, et c'est ça qui a complètement redistribué les cartes. On se souvient qu'en 2007-2008, les élections avaient conduit à une crise politique, à de très graves violences... Est-ce que le contexte s'est apaisé depuis, ou est-ce qu'il reste inflammable ? Je pense que la situation a beaucoup évolué depuis 2007. On ne peut pas comparer ce qui s'est passé à l'époque et les risques qui existent pour cette élection. On ne peut pas tout prédire, et je pense qu'il faut souligner qu'en 2007-2008 il y avait peu de gens qui avaient prédit l'ampleur des violences qui avaient frappé le Kenya... Je pense malgré tout qu'il est très improbable qu'on ait affaire à des violences d'une telle ampleur. Je pense que les éléments qui ont évolué, notamment, c'est que le Kenya s'est doté à la suite de ces violences d'une nouvelle Constitution. Il y a un certain niveau de décentralisation qui a permis de réduire l'enjeu de l'élection présidentielle, les institutions ont été renforcées, parfois de manière très imparfaite, mais on voit par exemple que les institutions judiciaires ont acquis un certain niveau d'indépendance. En 2017, la Cour suprême avait invalidé le résultat de l'élection présidentielle et avait ordonné qu'un nouveau scrutin soit organisé. Cette Cour suprême a atteint un niveau d'indépendance qui lui a permis de prendre une décision qui n'était pas forcément favorable au pouvoir. Autre chose : on a vu très peu de déclarations incendiaires ou chargées d'un point de vue communautaire, et dès qu'il y a eu des déclarations de ce type, elles ont tout de suite été condamnées par les candidats William Ruto et Raila Odinga. Ce qui reste malgré tout inquiétant, c'est que le vote est vu comme un enjeu existentiel pour les élites politiques, qui sont aussi des élites économiques, et donc verraient une défaite comme une catastrophe pour leur survie politique et économique.

The ‘family' and ‘tribe' have traditionally been seen as a fundamental way of organising African societies. But they can also be a source of conflict. Unscrupulous leaders can stoke tensions or focus resources on select groups. In this week's episode Claude asks three guests from south, east and west Africa how to stop ethnic interests influencing politics in Africa. Is the idea of ethnic groups at odds with the idea of a modern state?Evan Lieberman is professor of politics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). He's just written a book about South Africa's post-Apartheid democracy called Until We Have Won Our Liberty. He tells us how ethnic interests are sometimes inevitable. Mutemi wa Kiama is an activist and community organiser from Nairobi, Kenya. He's part of the movement Wanjikũ Revolution and the media organisation This Is Africa. He's Kikuyu, the same ethnic group as the Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta. But he is very critical of how ethnic groups are used by politicians in Kenya. Bakary Sambe is the Director of the Timbuktu Institute-African Centre for Peace Studies and is based in Dakar, Senegal. He specializes in radicalisation in the Sahel region. He thinks ethnic conflict can often have deeper causes. Our GDPR privacy policy was updated on August 8, 2022. Visit acast.com/privacy for more information.

L' « ethnie » et la « tribu » ont traditionnellement été considérées comme un mode fondamental d'organisation des sociétés africaines. Mais ils peuvent aussi provoquer des conflits. Des dirigeants sans aucun scrupule peuvent attiser les tensions ethniques ou accorder plus de ressources à la résolution des problèmes de certains groupes ethniques.Dans l'épisode de cette semaine, Claude demande à trois invités d'Afrique du Sud, de l'Est et de l'Ouest comment dissocier les intérêts ethniques de la politique en Afrique. L'ethnie a-t-elle sa place dans la politique d'un État moderne ?Evan Lieberman est professeur de politique au Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Il a passé beaucoup de temps en Afrique du Sud. Pour lui, les intérêts ethniques sont incontournables.Mutemi wa Kiama est un militant et leader communautaire à Nairobi, au Kenya. Il est Kikuyu, la même ethnie que le président Kenyan Uhuru Kenyatta. Mais, il critique la façon dont les politiciens au Kenya se servent des groupes ethniques. Bakary Sambe est le directeur de l'Institut de Tombouctou / Centre africain d'études sur la paix, et est basé à Dakar, au Sénégal. Il est spécialiste de la radicalisation dans la région du Sahel. Il pense que d'autres raisons justifient souvent les conflits ethniques. Notre politique de confidentialité GDPR a été mise à jour le 8 août 2022. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

You can tell what kind of person someone was by seeing who attends their funeral. Pio Gama Pinto was buried at City Park Cemetery. On that day, the park was filled with people. Of course there were his friends from politics. Achieng Oneko, his friend from their days in detention on Manda Island. Bildad Kaggia, from their days routing weapons to Mau Mau forest fighters. Oginga Odinga, his staunchest supporter in government, with whom he fought to make Kenya a more equitable, socialist country. Joseph Murumbi, an old friend from Pinto's days working at the Desai Memorial Library. Fitz de Souza, the young Goan Pinto had welcomed to Nairobi and brought into Kenya's freedom fight. And many other politicians that, even if they often disagreed, never doubted that Pinto had a pure heart. But many, many ordinary people also came. Many poor people whom Pinto had helped in their time of need. Many elderly Kikuyu traveled to Nairobi from different parts of Central Province to bid farewell to a man who fought alongside them. It was a shock to the nation. Kenya had not even been an independent country for two years. And a freedom fighter was killed. He was killed by those who, only just a few years earlier, had fought with him against the British. Killed by his own government. So this would be how power would be wielded in our new Kenya. One very important person, a man who used to be a good friend of Pinto, a man whom Pinto had fought to be released from detention and who had visited him in Lodwar—this man was missing from the funeral. President Jomo Kenyatta. Kenyatta sent an ivory sculpture as a gift. But he did not come.

John Samvura, Regional Director of GCC East Africa, joins a conversation with GCC's Director of International Ministries Corey Schmatjen. This episode of Launch is another audio track from an interview done in February 2022.  Link to John Samvura interiew in Vimeo. Episode Transcript Marty Duren:                Welcome to Launch, The GCC Podcast. I'm your host, Marty Duren, director of communications for the Great Commission Collective. We're a global network of churches partnering together to plant churches and strengthen leaders. On today's episode of Launch, you're going to hear GCC's director of International Ministries, Corey Schmatjen in conversation with John Samvura from Africa. John Samvura is a church planter. He is originally from Congo, but he is currently living in Rwanda. In addition to being a church planter, he is GCC's regional director in East Africa. This conversation was recorded via video at the lead conference in February, 2022. This is the audio track from that video, which you can see on our Vimeo channel. It will be linked in the show notes today. Corey:                          Well, welcome. My name is Corey Schmatjen and I serve with the Great Commission Collective as the director of International Ministries. And today I have with me, John Samvura. John is a church planter and our regional director of the Great Commission Collective in East Africa. John is from the Congo, but lives in Rwanda. And John, it is such a joy to have you here today. John:                            Thank you so much. . Corey:                          I was just reminiscing about our time together when we first met over one year ago in Rwanda providentially, got COVID, you know the story well? But yet God allowed us to really get to know one another over that time, get to know you, your wife Zawadi, your son, Jayden. And it was such a joy. And during that time, got to know you on more personal level and realize that, wow, the church planting runs the family. There is a legacy there, and maybe you start off just sharing a little bit about your history, particularly the legacy of your father in church planting in East Africa. John:                            Thank you so much, Corey. As you said, I was born in the Congo, raised in Rwanda, several other countries, and I'm Rwandan actually. I'm from Rwanda. That's where I am a Rwanda national. I live in Rwanda and work in East Africa, as you've said. My father Andres Samvura, was a pastor and a church planter in Rwanda, in Congo, and I grew up seeing him work, and by God's grace, he began the movement of the Church of the Nazarene. So wherever you see the Churches of the Nazarenes in Rwanda and influenced the churches of the Nazarenes in Congo, the Eastern part of Congo as well. And then now, a lot of churches that were well planted during his time, they're still there and they're still growing. And... Corey:                          How many churches? Cause, I mean, I know it's a lot. John:                            Yeah, it is a lot. Now they will get to about 300 churches like local churches, if you were to count local churches. But I have seen many of those churches actually begun in our living room. And as a child, we would move, plan the church, my father was involved in a training assessment and in making sure that things are happening and I saw the hand of God in doing that. And I really believe that God loves the church and the transformation of the world. God works through the church. I have high value for the church and I've seen the church being used to transform real lives and real communities over my lifetime. Corey:                          Now I remember hearing your story that you didn't necessarily want to be a church planter, but God moved on your heart and changed your heart to follow in the footsteps. So to speak of your father. John:                            Actually, I would say, God really grabbed me. I grew up trying not to be not only a church planter, but also not to be a pastor. In where I come from, you are likely going to do what your parents do. I tried not to because one of the reasons is we were moving a lot. And the more I made friends, we move. Whenever I had... I wanted to have my kids have real friends stay in a place. I don't mind moving, but I didn't mind moving even that time. I didn't want to be a pastor at that time because I thought I could do something else. I wanted to do much better. My brother who is actually one of our pastors as well in our network was to be the pastor. He went to do theology, I chose to do business information technology. I didn't want to be a pastor. I tried not, but God grabbed me and you can't run away from God, Corey. You really can't run away from God on my ordination service, I said, "I didn't want to be a pastor," and many people like, "How didn't you want to be a..." But because many of the pastors knew me, they knew how God really brought me and used different... Even as I was trying to run away, He was pursuing me. And He shaping me to this day. Now, I don't think I need something more than what I'm doing. I am so passionate about serving the church and seeing churches planted, not just any church, but Christ centered churches, Bible preaching churches. I am going to do this for as long as I'm still alive and breathing, I want to see to be part of what God is doing. This is God's doing. And I believe that this gospel of the Kingdom will be proclaimed throughout the entire world as the testimony to the nations. And then the end will come. I am pursuing this, Corey. Corey:                          Wait, your heart is evident for church planting. I went to the States for some training. You surrendered to God, His call upon your life. Got some training, came back planted Harvest Mahoko. But your vision, as you mentioned, is so much greater than just planting a single church. You are helping facilitate and lead a church planting network in indigenous church planting network in East Africa. With that said, what would you say to the person who would say, "But John, there are so many churches in Africa. Sub-Sahara Africa, hasn't Africa been evangelized. Why do we need more churches?" John:                            You know what Corey, I am passionate about church planting. And we are not pursuing just any church. We are... As I told you, I am from Rwanda. And Rwanda is known for the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. And statistically, that country was over 80% Christian, but that was more of a movement. It lacked depth. It lacked personal convictions. It goes back to the history where the king became a Catholic and proclaimed the whole country as a Christian nation. And so what says the king, everybody goes. So it lacked the personal change, the personal transformation that a Christian life should be all about. And so we are pursuing making disciples and disciples who are Christ-like, who will walk with Christ, who will seek to glorify Him in all areas of life. By God's grace, we are planting and revitalizing churches in Rwanda. We have a Harvest Mahoko, as you said. It's growing really well. We have Kabare we have in several places in Rwanda, the churches that are really doing well. Now we also have ministries happening in Congo. We have churches in Masisi and Rutshuru, and we already have ready core groups in the city of Goma. And this city of Goma is a very influential city. That is where we have over 20,000 UN staff, and we want to be part of what God is doing. God is calling a people to Himself. Now, Uganda, we have Ernest Hategeka there with Christian Life Bible Church. And there, we are seeing God happen, doing amazing things in Uganda. And we have churches there and we want to plant more and revitalize the existing churches so they can be all about Christ and about His word. When you go to Kenya, we have core groups ready with Andy Ogeto in Kikuyu, we have Ken, we have a Muturi in Nyeri, I can't wait to see what God is going to do in East Africa. And you know what? Burundi as well. And I'm looking at getting to South Sudan because with all this region is known for a lot of, the Great Lakes region with a lot of wars and conflicts. And I believe Christ came so He can reconcile as to Himself and to His father, but also to one another. And we can have a family of Christ. I believe this is the right time for church planting, for church revitalization, not only Rwanda, in Africa alone, but throughout all the nations as a testimony to all nations and then the end will come. Corey:                          I love what you said, "You know our mission, well, planting churches and strengthening leaders." So what I hear is, we want to plant healthy local churches with strong leadership and strong elders and pluralities that can multiply and churches could be formed that are gospel centered and strong and have depth. And I know that is your heart, you're doing that. In just a recap. I mean, all these countries. So Rwanda, Congo, Uganda, Kenya, also Tanzania as well, Burundi. Yeah. John:                            Yeah, yes, and Burundi as well. In the Dar es Salaam, we have a very ready core group with the Florian Camara leading it. And we have visited different parts of Tanzania. The land is ready for Harvest and I can't wait to just be part of what God is doing because God has been working in those countries and He will continue to work. And we just want to be part of that. And it is His mission. We will do the great commission and we want to do it within the Spirit of the great Commandment. Yeah. Corey:                          Well, John, as you look at forming and growing this church planting network in the Great Lakes, East Africa region, what are some of the greatest challenges that you face? And number two, how can we pray for you in that endeavor? John:                            Yeah. We are praying, first of all, that you stand with us in prayers so that God will raise men who are committed and ready to move and to be used by God, and God is raising them, and thank you for praying. And we want to come to pray. The Bible says that the harvest is plentiful, but they harvest as a few that we asked the Lord of the harvest to bring more harvesters to His field. And we are praying and standing and looking and we want to steward out very well those opportunities. And also we are praying that we will get churches, individuals to stand with us. Many of these churches, they just need resourcing to be able to get their leaders trained and equipped well, and also resource to have places of worship to begin with, and we are planting strategically. We want to resource the churches that will multiply and be able to grow on their own. So we are looking at people to stand with us so we can be able to bring together these pastors at least once a year, so we can bring them together for more retraining, strategizing together, praying together, and also being more sharpened and equipped. We are praying that God will help bring people who will stand with us in these countries. In Rwanda, we want to build the churches lands available, and we are looking at resources to put up the buildings. In Uganda as well. Tanzania, Dar es Salaam is ready. The land is available. The core group is ready. We are praying that God will bring forth people to stand with us. So we can launch those churches in Kenya as well. Andy Ogeto in Kikuyu, Ken and Muturi. We are praying that God will bring forth a people who want to go out and with our resources to go and be part of what is God is doing. You may not be able to go physically as Corey, you are coming, but people can stand with us and resource us to go on the field. And we are looking at great harvest and God is in this. And it is His church. It is His mission and ours is to glorify Him and just be part of what He is doing. Corey:                          Well thank you John. Having been in an Africa, I do believe God is on the move and using you in significant ways. It is an honor to have you here with us. We'll be praying for you, and can't wait to see how God grows our partnership with you in the years to come. So thank you so much. John:                            You're most welcome, Corey. Thank you so much. Corey:                          Well, for more information about the Great Commission Collective, you can see gccollective.org, all that we are doing both North America and abroad and fulfilling the Great Commission. Marty Duren:                Thank you for listening to Launch to GCC podcast. If you haven't subscribed already, why not take a moment to do that in your favorite podcast app. Also, rate and review the podcast. When you get a moment that helps us with search results and recommend us to your friends, maybe other pastors that you know, who benefit from the content from this podcast. Also, don't forget to check out our website, if you haven't done that already, it's gccollective.org. That's gccollective.org, and there is a lot of helpful information. There is articles. That is how you can join the GCC, whether a church planter or an existing church, and plenty of other content that will help you grow spiritually and encourage you in your leadership journey.

Makamu rais wa Kenya William Ruto Jumapili alimteua Rigathi Gachagua kuwa mgombea mwenza kwenye uchaguzi wa rais utakaofanyika mapema mwezi Agosti mwaka huu. Gachagua ni kutoka kabila la Kikuyu.

Ndari ya Mwarimû is our episode 4 featuring our fan from Gikondi @LawrenceWanjohi sharing his good boy demeanor growing up The post S4 Episode 4: Ndari ya Mwarimu first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

Another fan episode featuring @TheDivineBandit chatting about his life in uplands and his first bicycle. The post S4 Episode 5: Kamaithikiri first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

Enjoy the last fan episode featuring @TheDivineBandit who shares a mwakenya on Kikuyu romance The post S4 Episode 6: Urugari wa Wendo first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

Say yes to too many things, and busyness will invade every open space in your life and take over. Jim Daly explains the importance of protecting your time. Support family ministry: https://store.focusonthefamily.com/singleitem/checkout/donation/item/panele?refcd=1412501 If you've listened to any of our podcasts, please give us your feedback: https://focusonthefamily.com/podcastsurvey/

This episode features @karryGitau a Shagz Chronicles fan who had a running with Safari Ants. The post S4 Episode 3: Thuraku first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

In this episode, we enjoy the art of storytelling with little to no Kikuyu. Muiruri, one of our fans cracked us up with his ingenious methods of overcoming water problems back in the day. The post S4 Episode2: Mathugumo first appeared on Shagz Chronicles.

Even before colonization, the Agikuyu were a deeply spiritual people who believed that the physical life continuously intertwined with the afterlife.In this episode, Waiyaki and Njeri are joined by King'ori wa Kanyi, to explore the Agikuyu spiritual beliefs on God, self, community and the afterlife. To learn more about Iri and Iriri, look for the books African Ethics by Hannah Wangeci Kinoti, and Mutigairi na Iriri (1937), and Mwendwoniri na Iriri (1937) by Justin Itotia wa Kimacia.