Podcast appearances and mentions of Simon Kuper

The World Cup - the goals, the corruption and the colonialism!In this week's Lowdown podcast, Nick Cohen talks to Professor Stefan Szymanski, Professor of the Economics of Sports at Michigan University, about the World Cup and the evolution of global football. They explore how the tournament has shifted from being hosted by nation-states to being controlled by oligarchical interests, with Stefan explaining how FIFA's corruption stems from colonialism's legacy and the post-colonial power struggle within the organisation. The conversation covered dramatic price increases in World Cup tickets from 1994 to the present, with final match tickets rising from $475 (inflation-adjusted) to $10,000 calculated for this year's final! Stefan argues the problem isn't the high prices themselves but where the money is being directed. They discuss the tension between FIFA and UEFA, the flow of talent from developing to developed nations, and the political challenges facing future World Cup hosts including the current tournament in the United States and Canada. The interview concludes with a discussion about whether the World Cup could eventually unravel due to political tensions and boycotts, similar to what happened with the Olympics.Read all about it! Stefan Szymanski @sszy is Professor of the Economics of Sports at Michigan University, a leading sports historian, academic and podcaster - author of Crickonomics: The Anatomy of Modern Cricket, which was Shortlisted for the Sunday Times Sports Book Awards 2023. Stefan is co-host of the Soccernomics podcast, alongside hosted by renowned football author Simon Kuper and Ashish Malhotra. Nick Cohen's @NichCohen4 latest Substack column Writing from London on politics and culture from the UK and beyond. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Donald Trump's public position is that his agreement with Iran is great, and better than Obama's nuclear deal. But a leaked draft of the MOU raises some real questions about which side benefits the most, and whether the United States is any better off than before the war. New York Times reporter David Sanger, whom Trump called over the weekend when the agreement was made, joins the show.  Also on today's show: journalists Yeganeh Torbati and Bozorgmehr Sharafedin on their book "Stolen Revolution"; journalist and soccer commentator Simon Kuper, author of "Soccernomics"; Elizabeth Economy, Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University    Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The World Cup kicked off over the weekend, and so far the mood is meh. Fans are fuming over sell-your-kidney ticket prices, frightened by reports that ICE may target matches, tailgates, and sports bars, and generally feeling down on this quadrennial celebration. We wanted to know: Is there any joy left in this thing? So we called up Simon Kuper. He's a columnist at the Financial Times, "one of the best sportswriters in the English language today" (The New Yorker), and author of the Next Big Idea Club must-read World Cup Fever. He's also attended every World Cup since 1990. Simon tells us how the tournament bridges political divides, why suicides decline during the World Cup, whether “sportswashing” really works, and which storylines to follow, no matter if you're a die-hard footy fan or a first-time viewer.

Simon Kuper, author of World Cup Fever, dissects the language of the World Cup.

The World Cup descends on North America this week, bringing with it billions of viewers, billions of dollars, and no shortage of political controversy. But according to Financial Times columnist Simon Kuper, none of that is new - the tournament has always reflected the world around it. On GZERO World, Kuper and Ian Bremmer discuss how national teams have become flashpoints in debates over immigration and identity, why FIFA remains one of the world's most powerful and least accountable organizations, how Iran's World Cup campaign could become a geopolitical spectacle, and what the tournament reveals about nationalism, belonging, and power in the modern world. Yet for all the politics, money, and controversy surrounding the tournament, Kuper argues the World Cup remains one of the few events capable of captivating entire countries and bringing billions of people together. The result is a tournament that reflects the hopes, divisions, and identities of the nations watching it.  Subscribe to the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer Podcast on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or your preferred podcast platform, to receive new episodes as soon as they're published. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

The World Cup descends on North America this week, bringing with it billions of viewers, billions of dollars, and no shortage of political controversy. But according to Financial Times columnist Simon Kuper, none of that is new - the tournament has always reflected the world around it. On GZERO World, Kuper and Ian Bremmer discuss how national teams have become flashpoints in debates over immigration and identity, why FIFA remains one of the world's most powerful and least accountable organizations, how Iran's World Cup campaign could become a geopolitical spectacle, and what the tournament reveals about nationalism, belonging, and power in the modern world. Yet for all the politics, money, and controversy surrounding the tournament, Kuper argues the World Cup remains one of the few events capable of captivating entire countries and bringing billions of people together. The result is a tournament that reflects the hopes, divisions, and identities of the nations watching it.  Subscribe to the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer Podcast on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or your preferred podcast platform, to receive new episodes as soon as they're published. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Soccer has a massive following around the world. So why do teams lose money? Stefan Szymanski is professor of sport management at the University of Michigan and a leading sports economist. He joins host Krys Boyd to discuss why, with all the money and sponsorships and hype around professional soccer teams, they operate on thin margin and how “moneyball” style analytics could change the game. His book, written with co-author Simon Kuper, is “Soccernomics (2026 World Cup Edition): Why European Men and American Women Usually Winand American Men Don't (Yet).”   Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The FT's Simon Kuper joins us to kick off our World Cup series, on why tiny social democracies keep producing the best football teams, why FIFA is laundering reputations for dictators, and why this tournament will say more about geopolitics than any leaders' summit this year. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

For billions of people around the globe, the FIFA World Cup is the ultimate sporting event. But what does the tournament reveal about the world beyond the pitch? This week, we welcome Financial Times journalist and New York Times bestselling author Simon Kuper to discuss his latest book, "World Cup Fever: A Soccer Journey in Nine Tournaments." Drawing on more than three decades of firsthand reporting from World Cups spanning Italy 1990 to Qatar 2022, Kuper reflects on how football's greatest spectacle has evolved — and what that evolution says about politics, culture, globalization, nationalism, media, money, and power. Far more than memorable matches and legendary players, we explore the World Cup as a unique lens through which to view modern history itself. Kuper recounts his experiences covering tournaments staged amid political upheaval, examines FIFA's transformation from a relatively modest governing body into a global commercial powerhouse, and reflects on the growing tensions between football's grassroots appeal and the immense corporate and geopolitical forces that now surround the game. Along the way, we discuss how World Cups have served as stages for dictators and democracies alike, why the tournament remains one of the few truly shared global cultural experiences, and whether the event has become more accessible — or more distant — from the ordinary fans whose passion fuels it. + + +  SUPPORT THE SHOW:  Buy Us a Coffee: https://ko-fi.com/goodseatsstillavailable The "Good Seats" Store: http://tee.pub/lic/RdiDZzQeHSY BUY THE BOOK:  "World Cup Fever: A Soccer Journey in Nine Tournaments": https://amzn.to/4dV2SKN SPONSOR THANKS:  Old School Shirts.com (10% off promo code: GOODSEATS): https://oldschoolshirts.com/goodseats Royal Retros (10% off promo code: SEATS): https://www.503-sports.com?aff=2 FIND AND FOLLOW: Linktree: https://linktr.ee/GoodSeatsStillAvailable Web: https://goodseatsstillavailable.com/ Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/goodseatsstillavailable.com X/Twitter: https://twitter.com/GoodSeatsStill YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@goodseatsstillavailable Threads: https://www.threads.net/@goodseatsstillavailable Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/goodseatsstillavailable/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/GoodSeatsStillAvailable/ LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/good-seats-still-available/

Of je nou van voetbal houdt of niet: over twee weken begint het grootste sportevenement ter wereld — midden in het Amerika van Donald Trump. Wordt dit het meest politieke WK ooit? Dat bespreken we in de nieuwe Europa Draait Door met gast Simon Kuper, columnist van de Financial Times en schrijver. Hoe corrupt is de FIFA geworden? En waarom blijft een serieuze boycot van dit WK eigenlijk uit? Ook Iran en de dreiging rond de Straat van Hormuz mag niet ontbreken en praten we met redacteur Tom Dohle over de toekomst van Europese ontwikkelingshulp.

Sports · Simon Kuper, Stefan Szymanski, Ashish Malhotra

“Soccer matches are poorly designed experiments — you don't necessarily find out which team was better. But any soccer fan will tell you that. Oftentimes, the better team does not win.” — Nick Greene, via a NASA scientist On June 11, the World Cup comes to North America. Fifty-six years ago, I watched the searing injustice of Johann Cruyff's Holland getting robbed in the 1974 final by Germany. Today I talk with someone who explains how this kind of injustice is built into the game's DNA. Nick Greene — long-suffering Newcastle United fan and author of How to Watch Basketball Like a Genius — has a new book, How to Watch Soccer Like a Genius, which tells us what architects, stuntwomen, paleoanthropologists and computer scientists tell us about the beautiful game. What they tell us is that the game isn't fair. One NASA scientist tells Greene that soccer is a “poorly designed experiment” because the low-scoring nature of the game means results don't reliably identify the better team. Thus the dark fate of the free-scoring, brilliantly inventive Hungarians in 1954 and the Dutch in 1974. So if you want to watch the World Cup like a genius, don't expect the best team to win the tournament. Which may explain why Greene suspects that England — where the pain of World Cup injustice is a national fetish — will win in 2026. On penalties probably. Arsenal style. After 120 minutes of goalless football. Five Takeaways •       Soccer Is a Poorly Designed Experiment: A NASA scientist published a peer-reviewed paper concluding that soccer is a “poorly designed experiment” — the low number of goals means results don't reliably identify the better team. Greene's observation: any soccer fan could have told him that, and saved the journal space. But this is also what makes the game what it is. Unlike basketball's seven-game playoff series — which gives the best team enough chances to emerge on top — a single World Cup match, in a single-elimination tournament, means one error can have outsized consequences. The imperfect and the human are inseparable. •       Justice Has Nothing to Do With It: The 1974 Dutch vs 2004 Greece: Andrew's most painful memory: the 1974 World Cup final, where the magnificent Dutch side led by Cruyff was beaten by the Germans. The Dutch didn't win, but they are remembered as one of the greatest teams in history. The 2004 Greek side, which won Euro 2004 by parking the bus and grinding nil-nil victories, actually won — and are remembered as a fluke. The lesson Greene draws: the shared understanding built into soccer watching is that winning is only one metric, and often not the most important one. It is an imperfect and profoundly human enterprise. •       How to Appreciate Defense: The cliché American complaint about soccer is the low scoring. Greene's response: this is partly a failure to appreciate defense, which in soccer can look like the absence of good offense. He discusses Italy's history of outstanding defensive play — the Catenaccio system, Paolo Maldini, Beckenbauer — and the intelligence required to prevent goals. Andrew's contribution: his wife, who watches American football, taught him that defense is where the sophistication lives. The same is true of soccer. The genius watcher watches the defenders. •       VAR: Too Much, Going in the Right Direction: Greene's measured verdict on VAR — video assistant refereeing. His worst case: when it ruins a goal celebration. The player scores, the crowd erupts, the flag goes up, three minutes of review, okay everyone start celebrating again. That destroys the cathartic moment that makes soccer's rare goals so electrifying. His prediction: VAR will evolve toward the coach's challenge model used in American football and basketball — a limited number of challenges per half, preserving the flow of the game while correcting the worst errors. It's relatively young. It'll be futted and fidgeted with. •       Don't Bet On It. Watch the Game: Greene's best advice for American newcomers to soccer. Not about tactics, not about history. Betting on soccer is a mug's game — partly because results don't reliably reflect the better team (the NASA paper again), and partly because talking about your bets is the least interesting conversation you can have about sport. His prediction for the tournament: England. Reasoning: Harry Kane is playing. Andrew's reaction: Kane is a Spurs man, so reluctant endorsement. But please, Nick. Don't. About the Guest Nick Greene is a contributing writer at Slate and the author of How to Watch Soccer Like a Genius: What Architects, Stuntwomen, Paleoanthropologists, and Computer Scientists Reveal About the World's Game (Abrams Press, May 12, 2026) and How to Watch Basketball Like a Genius (Abrams Press, 2021). His work has appeared in the Washington Post, Chicago Magazine, and elsewhere. He is a Newcastle United fan and lives in Berkeley, California. References: •       How to Watch Soccer Like a Genius by Nick Greene (Abrams Press, May 12, 2026). •       Simon Kuper, Going to the Match — referenced in the introduction as a recent KOA episode on nine consecutive World Cups. •       Franklin Foer, How Soccer Explains the World — referenced as the prior KOA World Cup episode. •       David Winner, Brilliant Orange: The Neurotic Genius of Dutch Soccer — blurbed the book; relevant to the 1974 Dutch discussion. About Keen On America Nobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States — hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,900 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting. WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple PodcastsSpotify Chapters: 

Maarten de Fockert. Ook wel Heintje Davids genoemd. Stoppen, doorgaan. Stoppen, doorgaan. Er gebeurt veel in dat koppie. Maar, nu is hij er uit. Hij stopt echt met voetballen. En dat terwijl Vriends de hoogtijdagen van zijn carriere beleefd. Met Adelaide United wordt er volop gestreden voor 'Europees' voetbal. En Verhaar dan, veilig spelen met Exca en de show stelen met zaalvoetbal. Dat is maar weinigen gegeven hoor. Dat en veel meer in deze Cor Potcast! Het is tevens de laatste aflevering samen met FC Afkicken. En we kunnen terugkijken op 7 prachtige seizoenen, waarin zelfs vriendschappen zijn ontstaan. Wat wil je nog meer! Veel luisterplezier! AanradersVerhaar: De serie The TestamentsFockert: Het concert van Nick Mulvey in Paradiso + het boek De ByzantijnVriends: De film Marty Supreme ESPN Compleet Neem nu een ESPN Compleet abonnement en mis niks van de ontknoping in de VriendenLoterij Eredivisie en Keuken Kampioen Divisie! Kijk snel op espn.nl/cor! Haal nu je kaartjes voor Maarten de Fockert in gesprek met Simon Kuper: https://onlineveilingmeester.nl/nl/veilingen/8860/kavels Pre-order nu het boekkie van Vriends, Jonas: https://www.overamsteluitgevers.com/boek/3655/jacobine-de-brauw-en-bart-vriends-jonas.html Volg ons op Instagram: @corpotcastVolg onze Spotify-lijst: Cor Potcast Elftal van de MaandSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Toen Nelson Mandela sprak over zijn droom van een regenboognatie, zag hij sport (en vooral voetbal) als veel meer dan een spel. Het moest een land dat verscheurd was door apartheid samenbrengen. Maar ruim dertig jaar later blijft de vraag hangen: kan voetbal écht politieke en sociale verdeeldheid overbruggen?In deze aflevering van De Africast gaan we daarover in gesprek met Simon Kuper, internationaal journalist en auteur van klassiekers als Voetbal als oorlog en Soccernomics. Vanuit Parijs blikt hij terug op de rol van voetbal in Zuid-Afrika: van de laatste jaren van apartheid tot het iconische WK van 2010, dat het land aan de wereld moest presenteren als verenigd en vernieuwd.We bespreken hoe zwarte spelers al tijdens apartheid langzaam doorbraken in “witte” competities, waarom het WK van 2010 zo'n emotioneel moment was voor miljoenen Zuid-Afrikanen en wat er overblijft van Mandela's sportieve ideaal nu ongelijkheid, werkloosheid en politieke spanningen opnieuw oplopen.Daarnaast hoor je een bijdrage van de Koolkast⁠Volg onze LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/showcase/africastpodcast?originalSubdomain=nlVoor mooie beelden, quizjes en 'behind the scenes', volg onze Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/africast_podcast/Link met Jos of Joeri via LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/jos-hummelen/ & https://www.linkedin.com/in/joerinortier/

Met vandaag: de beschikbaarheid van gezondheidszorg in Gaza neemt nog steeds af | Thelma Schoon kiest op haar dertigste voor het priesterschap | Brussel zoekt naar een onderhandelaar voor in de Oekraïne-oorlog | Simon Kuper onderzocht diepgewortelde mythes in het voetbal | Kiest cabaretier Yora Rienstra de skinny-bike als alternatief voor haar fatbike? | Presentatie: Chris Kijne.

Waarom gaan al die ploegen toch naar Ibiza? Dat antwoord hoort u vandaag in de Cor Potcast. Want, hoe belangrijk is zo'n teamuitje nu? En werkt het beter voor een ploeg die wat gepresteerd heeft, of juist voor een ploeg die net even in een dipje zit? Wij zijn het er in ieder geval over eens: een fietstochtje met hartslagmeter door Valencia doet geen enkele ploeg kwaad. Veel luisterplezier! Afsluitende nummerThomas Verhaar - Maarten de Focker, vieze vuile ... AanradersVerhaar: Het WK Voetbal QuizboekFockert: De film MichaelVriends: Het boek Wij vinden dat fijn van Stephanie Hoogenberk ESPN Compleet Neem nu een ESPN Compleet abonnement en mis niks van de ontknoping in de VriendenLoterij Eredivisie en Keuken Kampioen Divisie! Kijk snel op espn.nl/cor! Doe nu mee met de veiling voor het Prinses Maxima Centrum op: https://onlineveilingmeester.nl/nl/veilingen/8860/kavels Haal nu je kaartjes voor Maarten de Fockert in gesprek met Simon Kuper: https://onlineveilingmeester.nl/nl/veilingen/8860/kavels Pre-order nu het boekkie van Vriends, Jonas: https://www.overamsteluitgevers.com/boek/3655/jacobine-de-brauw-en-bart-vriends-jonas.html Volg ons op Instagram: @corpotcastVolg onze Spotify-lijst: Cor Potcast Elftal van de MaandSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Great presentations are rarely accidents. They work because the speaker respects one brutal truth: audiences are distracted, overloaded, and ready to tune out fast. That is why Simon Kuper's advice lands so well. It is not theory for academics or conference organisers. It is practical guidance for anyone who has to stand up in front of a room, win attention, and leave people remembering something useful. In Japan, the US, Europe, and across Asia-Pacific, the pressure on presenters has only increased in the post-pandemic era. Hybrid meetings, shorter attention spans, and dense slide decks have made clear speaking more valuable than ever. Whether you are a corporate leader, sales professional, entrepreneur, or team manager, the same rule applies: simplify, sharpen, and connect. The best speakers do not try to say everything. They make one clear point and make it stick.  Why do audiences switch off before a presenter even begins? Audiences often arrive mentally exhausted, so your opening has to win attention immediately. If earlier speakers have dragged on, overloaded the room with jargon, or read from slides, your audience is already halfway gone before you say a word. That is why the first few seconds matter so much. A hesitant walk to the stage, fiddling with a laptop, apologising for the time slot, or opening with a stale joke tells people to check their phones. Strong presenters do the opposite. They walk on with intent, start cleanly, and give the room a reason to listen. In a Tokyo boardroom, a Sydney conference, or a New York client pitch, that same principle holds. Attention is not granted out of politeness anymore. It has to be earned fast. The opening should sound like the start of a conversation that matters, not the start of an obligation. Do now: Rehearse your first 20 seconds until they feel crisp, confident, and natural. Cut any opening line that sounds generic, apologetic, or slow. What is the one thing people actually remember from a presentation? Most audiences remember one key idea, not your entire slide deck. That means the real job of a presenter is not to cram in more content. It is to make one central message impossible to forget. This is where many business presentations go wrong. Executives, SMEs, and multinational teams often try to squeeze in every data point, every caveat, and every side issue. The result is message cannibalisation. Instead of clarity, the audience gets clutter. A stronger approach is to choose one big idea, support it with evidence, and wrap it in stories or anecdotes people can recall later. Research in communication and memory repeatedly shows that narrative sticks better than raw data alone. Numbers are useful, but stories give them shape. If your audience leaves saying, "The big point was clear," you have succeeded. If they leave saying, "There was a lot in there," you probably have not. Do now: Write your presentation's core message in one sentence. If a slide does not strengthen that sentence, delete it or move it to backup material. Should presenters speak for less time than they are given? Yes, finishing early is usually smarter than filling every minute. A 15-minute speaking slot is often best delivered in 12 minutes, because brevity creates clarity and leaves the audience wanting more, not less. We have all seen the opposite. The speaker realises time is running out, starts racing through important slides, skips examples, and leaves everyone feeling short-changed. This happens in corporate town halls, startup pitches, industry panels, and internal training sessions across every market. Speaking slightly under time forces discipline. It pushes you to remove repetition, sharpen transitions, and focus only on what matters. In high-context business cultures like Japan, concise delivery also signals preparation and respect for the audience. In US or European settings, it helps maintain pace and energy. Less content, handled well, usually lands harder than more content delivered in panic. Do now: Build your talk to 80 percent of the allotted time. Use the remaining margin for pauses, reactions, and audience engagement. Do you need to memorise a presentation word for word? No, but you do need strong structure and enough rehearsal to sound fluent. Reading a speech kills connection, while rigid memorisation can make you brittle if anything goes off-script. A better method is to know your flow, not every syllable. Think in chapters, landmarks, or signposts. That is how experienced lecturers, trainers, and keynote speakers stay natural while keeping their order intact. Your slides can help guide you, and notes are perfectly respectable if they support rather than dominate. The goal is not to perform like an actor reciting lines. It is to sound like a thinking professional who knows the terrain. This matters for leaders in every environment, from Rakuten-style fast-moving corporate settings to more formal multinational presentations. When you know the structure deeply, you can adjust tone, pace, and examples to match the room without getting lost. Do now: Rehearse out loud several times using only your key headings. Train yourself to speak from structure, not from a script. How should presenters use movement, slides, and visuals? Movement and visuals should support your message, not compete with it. A speaker who paces aimlessly or shows cluttered slides creates distraction, not engagement. Purposeful movement can be powerful. Step closer to the audience when making a personal point. Use broader physicality when addressing the whole room. But nervous wandering makes you look unsettled. The same is true for slides. Great visuals are simple enough to grasp in a few seconds. Dense text, tiny charts, and overloaded graphs force audiences to choose between reading and listening, and that is a battle the speaker usually loses. This problem is common across industries, especially in expert-led fields like finance, consulting, engineering, and economics, where presenters know too much and try to show it all. Your mouth is for words. Your slides are for reinforcement. The visual should serve the talk, not become the talk. Do now: Check every slide with a two-second test. If the audience cannot get the point almost instantly, simplify it. What language and humour actually work in business presentations? Simple language beats clichés, jargon, and recycled jokes nearly every time. Audiences respond better to fresh, direct speech than to empty formulas they have heard a hundred times before. That means dropping lines like "without further ado," "last but not least," or "I know it is a difficult slot after lunch." These phrases add nothing and quietly signal laziness. The same goes for motherhood statements such as "all stakeholders need to work together" or bland claims that every company "values all employees." People know these lines are stock phrases. They do not trust them. Clearer language works better, especially for international audiences and non-native English speakers. In Asia-Pacific and Europe, where many business events include mixed-language audiences, simplicity is not dumbing down. It is smart communication. Even quotes need care. Famous lines from Marcus Aurelius or other overused sources rarely feel fresh. New, precise language beats borrowed grandeur. Do now: Replace every cliché in your talk with a plain-English sentence that sounds like something a real person would actually say. Final takeaway Excellent presenters are memorable because they are disciplined. They start strongly, focus on one idea, speak briefly, use structure instead of scripts, simplify visuals, and speak in clear human language. That combination is what makes a conference talk, client pitch, or team presentation worth attending. For leaders, executives, and salespeople, the next move is straightforward: stop treating presentations as information dumps and start treating them as decisions about attention. The audience does not reward effort. It rewards clarity. Simon Kuper's advice is valuable because it reminds us that good presenting is less about showing how much we know and more about making sure other people can use it.  Author bio Dr. Greg Story, Ph.D. in Japanese Decision-Making, is President of Dale Carnegie Tokyo Training and Adjunct Professor at Griffith University. He is a two-time winner of the Dale Carnegie One Carnegie Award in 2018 and 2021, and the recipient of the Griffith University Business School Outstanding Alumnus Award in 2012. As a Dale Carnegie Master Trainer, Greg is certified to deliver leadership, communication, sales, and presentation programmes globally, including Leadership Training for Results. He is the author of several books, including the best-sellers Japan Business Mastery, Japan Sales Mastery, and Japan Presentations Mastery, as well as Japan Leadership Mastery and How to Stop Wasting Money on Training. His books have also been translated into Japanese, including Za Eigyō, Purezen no Tatsujin, Torēningu de Okane o Muda ni Suru no wa Yamemashō, and Gendaiban "Hito o Ugokasu" Rīdā. Greg also publishes daily business insights on LinkedIn, Facebook, and Twitter, and hosts six weekly podcasts. On YouTube, he produces The Cutting Edge Japan Business Show, Japan Business Mastery, and Japan's Top Business Interviews, followed by executives looking for practical success strategies in Japan. 

In de FC Afkicken Daily van donderdag 23 april bespreken Bart Obbink, Jean Paul Rison en Hugo Heinen het laatste voetbalnieuws. Met vandaag onder meer het ontslag van Liam Rosenior bij Chelsea, Frenkie de Jong nieuwe Nederlandse recordhouder bij Barcelona, de blessure van Yamal die misschien wel roet in het eten gooit in de aanloop naar het WK, Te Kloese in verband gebracht met een terugkeer naar Mexico en het escortschandaal in Milaan! (00:00) Intro(00:56) Rosenior ontslagen(10:03) Frenkie verbreekt record van Cuco(12:37) Race tegen de klok voor Yamal(14:10) WK voorbereiding Afkicken(14:49) Dennis te Kloese in verband gebracht met Monterrey(16:20) Telstar zet goede stap richting lijfsbehoud(18:58) Eredivisiewedstrijden vanavond(23:16) Escortschandaal in Milaan(24:39) Gaat Italië Iran vervangen op het WK?De Macht van het WK, dé geopolitieke WK-voorbeschouwing met Simon Kuper!Van de bestuurskamer van FIFA-baas Infantino tot de banlieues van Mbappé: De Macht van het WK Voetbal geeft je een unieke blik op de sport én de wereldpolitiek. Waarom helpt voetbal ons om de wereld beter te begrijpen?Kaarten vindt je via: https://www.haagschcollege.nl/college...RØDEBen je zelf op zoek naar de beste podcast apparatuur voor in de studio of onderweg? Check: https://rode.com/en-nlhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=us9P3NmP1EUSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In de FC Afkicken Daily van woensdag 22 april blikken Mart ten Have, Stan Wagtman en Mounir Boualin vooruit op de transferzomer van Ajax, PSV en Feyenoord, de waarschijnlijke aanstelling van Joris Mathijsen bij Fortuna Sittard en Paul Simonis bij Sparta!De Macht van het WK, dé geopolitieke WK-voorbeschouwing met Simon Kuper!Simon KuperVan de bestuurskamer van FIFA-baas Infantino tot de banlieues van Mbappé: De Macht van het WK Voetbal geeft je een unieke blik op de sport én de wereldpolitiek. Waarom helpt voetbal ons om de wereld beter te begrijpen?Kaarten vindt je via: https://www.haagschcollege.nl/college/machtvanhetwkvoetbalCoach van het JaarInschrijven voor onze FC Afkicken subleague bij Coach van het Jaar? Dat kan via: https://www.coachvanhetjaar.nl/app/RØDEBen je zelf op zoek naar de beste podcast apparatuur voor in de studio of onderweg? Check: https://rode.com/en-nlSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

World renowned and best selling author Simon Kuper returns to CURVA MUNDIAL to discuss his latest book, "World Cup Fever," his updated version of "Soccernomics," and the 2026 World Cup for this special EXTRA TIME episode. Get your World Cup inspired gear from our Merch Store!EXTRA TIME is when we bring back a previous guest and catch up on what they are doing as we prepare for the upcoming season of CURVA MUNDIAL.

In the first of our occasional 'Football In A Library' series, Adrian Goldberg interviews Simon Kuper about his book 'World Cup Fever'.Prdouced by Adrian Goldberg. Socials by Mark Machado/Football Smash.

In de FC Afkicken Daily van vrijdag 3 april bespreken Mart ten Have, Hugo Heinen en Kenneth Lentze het laatste voetbalnieuws. Met vandaag onder meer Girona coach Míchel, die in verband wordt gebracht met Ajax, Branco die openlijk solliciteert naar Feyenoord, wederom een nieuw hoofdstuk in 'Paspoort Gate', en blikken de heren vooruit op het aankomende Eredivisie weekend.(00:00) Intro(01:00) Míchel nieuwe trainer Ajax(05:20) Ajax neemt het op tegen Twente(10:30) Coach Van Het Jaar(15:00) PSV kan officieus kampioen worden tegen Utrecht(18:30) Feyenoord reist af naar Volendam(22:30) Branco solliciteert bij Feyenoord(25:30) AZ verwelkomt Fortuna Sittard(26:20) Paspoort Gate(27:20) Excelsior in eigen huis tegen NEC(29:40) De IJsselderby(35:00) Overige wedstrijden(36:00) DEDB in de VolkskrantDe Macht van het WK, dé geopolitieke WK-voorbeschouwing met Simon Kuper!Van de bestuurskamer van FIFA-baas Infantino tot de banlieues van Mbappé: De Macht van het WK Voetbal geeft je een unieke blik op de sport én de wereldpolitiek. Waarom helpt voetbal ons om de wereld beter te begrijpen?Kaarten vindt je via: https://www.haagschcollege.nl/college/machtvanhetwkvoetbalCoach van het JaarInschrijven voor onze FC Afkicken subleague bij Coach van het Jaar? Dat kan via: https://www.coachvanhetjaar.nl/app/RØDEBen je zelf op zoek naar de beste podcast apparatuur voor in de studio of onderweg? Check: https://rode.com/en-nlSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In de FC Afkicken Daily van donderdag 2 april bespreken Lars van Velsum, Bart Obbink en Jean-Paul Rison het laatste voetbalnieuws! Met vandaag onder meer nieuwe ontwikkelingen in paspoort-gate, de zware poule van Oranje op het WK, Wout Weghorst die bij Twente wordt genoemd en Spurs dat De Zerbi aanstelt!(00:00) Intro(01:31) Paspoort gate gaat door!(14:18) Nederland op 2 na zwaarste groep van WK(17:38) Japan wint van Engeland(19:40) Anco Jansen niet tevreden over Ake en de Vrij(21:20) Bastoni krijgt haatreacties(25:03) Wout Weghorst op weg naar Twente?(27:48) Leo Sauer het hele seizoen gebleseerd(30:39) Simon Kuper komt naar Nederland(34:20) Johan Plat nieuwe trainer van Cambuur(36:46) De Zerbi naar Tottenham Hotspur(38:45) Outro De Macht van het WK, dé geopolitieke WK-voorbeschouwing met Simon Kuper! Van de bestuurskamer van FIFA-baas Infantino tot de banlieues van Mbappé: De Macht van het WK Voetbal geeft je een unieke blik op de sport én de wereldpolitiek. Waarom helpt voetbal ons om de wereld beter te begrijpen? Kaarten vindt je via: https://www.haagschcollege.nl/college/machtvanhetwkvoetbal RØDEBen je zelf op zoek naar de beste podcast apparatuur voor in de studio of onderweg? Check: https://rode.com/en-nlSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

“When Haiti plays Brazil, Haitians will feel equal. Football gives even the weakest and the poorest a fighting chance. That is profound.” — Dimitry Elias LégerYesterday, Simon Kuper defined the World Cup as a religious feast for all of humanity. Today, Dimitry Elias Léger asks whether God is watching. His new novel, Death of the Soccer God, is a fictional reimagining of the most famous goal in American World Cup history — scored in 1950 by a non-American. Joe Gaëtjens was a half-German, half-Haitian teenager sent to New York to study, not to play football. He picked up the game in Central Park, somehow (as a non-American) made it onto the US team at the 1950 World Cup in Brazil, and scored the goal that famously beat England one–nil in Belo Horizonte. England was so heavily favoured that the football-mad BBC didn't even send a reporter.Léger — a Haitian-born writer and (for his sins) an Arsenal fan — spent three weeks in Brazil researching the novel, two of them in Belo Horizonte. The philosophical question at the core of the book asks if God loves Haiti. Does God, Léger wonders, have a particular affection for the poorest people on earth?And now, for the first time in decades, Haiti have qualified for the World Cup. In the United States of all places. They're in the toughest group — with Morocco and, yes, Brazil. For ninety minutes, Haiti will be the Seleção's equal. The democratic spectacle of football, Léger says, gives even the weakest and the poorest a fighting chance. God might even be watching. Five Takeaways•       The Most Famous Goal in American World Cup History Was Scored by a Haitian: Belo Horizonte, 1950. The US beat England one–nil. The scorer was Joe Gaëtjens — a half-German, half-Haitian teenager sent to New York to study, not to play football. He picked up the game in Central Park. He couldn't tell his parents he was playing for America in the World Cup. The BBC didn't even send a reporter. England was so heavily favoured it wasn't supposed to matter.•       Football Is the Only Arena Where Foot-Eye Coordination Is the Dominant Skill: We use our hands for everything. Football inverts it. That's why it seems miraculous when Pelé or Maradona or Messi does what they do. The feet are not supposed to be that graceful. It's more art than science, more jazz than chess.•       Pelé Looks Like a Typical Haitian Kid: The first televised World Cup final was 1958 in Stockholm. Pelé was sixteen and scored a hat-trick. He looked like a majority of the planet's population. That helped football explode globally. He introduced the bicycle kick, the samba flair. Brazil won three World Cups in twelve years.•       Papa Doc Disappeared Him: In real life, Gaëtjens returned to Haiti after his glory years, ran afoul of the dictator François Duvalier, and was disappeared — never seen again. In the novel, the hero confronts the dictator face to face. Dictators have always used football to drape themselves in glory. The beautiful game has a very dark side.•       Haiti Play Brazil This Summer: Haiti have qualified for the World Cup for the first time in decades. They're in the toughest group — with Brazil and Morocco. For ninety minutes, Haiti will be Brazil's equal. Football gives even the weakest and the poorest a fighting chance. That is profound. About the GuestDimitry Elias Léger is a Haitian-born novelist and Arsenal supporter. He is the author of God Loves Haiti and Death of the Soccer God.References:•       Death of the Soccer God by Dimitri Elias Léger — the novel under discussion.•       Episode 2856: One Life in Nine World Cups — Simon Kuper on football fever. The companion conversation.•       Episode 2849: How Stories Can Save Us — Colum McCann on storytelling and empathy. Léger is the novelist to McCann's activist.About Keen On AmericaNobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States — hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,800 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting.WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple PodcastsSpotify Chapters:(00:31) - Introduction: World Cup fever, Kuper, Foer, and going fiction (02:30) - Joe Gaëtjens: the Haitian teenager who beat England (04:19) - Half German, half Haitian: the immigrant who wasn't even American (06:45) - Does God exist? The philosophical question behind both novels (08:20) - Football as foot-eye coordination: why it seems miraculous (10:15) - Maradona, Messi, Pelé, Ronaldo: who is the greatest? (12:08) - Pelé in the first televised World Cup final: looking like a typical Haitian kid (14:22) - Football and jazz: the improvisational connection (16:30) - Belo Horizonte: two weeks walking the pitch (18:45) - Papa Doc disappeared him: the dark side of football and dictators (20:55) - Haiti qualified for the World Cup. They play Brazil. (23:10) - Equal footing for ninety minutes: what football gives the poorest

“The World Cup is a kind of religious feast. It's like Easter, or Passover, or Eid, but it's for all of humanity.” — A Church of England vicar, quoted by Simon KuperNick Hornby measured his (sad) life in Arsenal fixtures. The FT columnist Simon Kuper has measured his in World Cups. His new book, World Cup Fever: A Soccer Journey in Nine Tournaments, is the Kuper story told through the nine tournaments he attended as a journalist — from Italy 1990 to Qatar 2022.World Cup Fever is as irresistible as a Maradona slalom or a Pelé feint. In 1990, three Oxford students blag their way into Italy on Mars corporate tickets, pulling out library cards at the Swiss border to prove they're not Liverpool hooligans. In 1998, France's World Cup victory changes Kuper's life — he buys an apartment/office in Paris and never really leaves, even writing World Cup Fever there. In 2006, the newly reunited Germany reinvents itself as the nice guy of World Cups, and the German Football Association's designated handler of World War Two queries receives exactly zero calls. In 2014, Brazil loses one–seven to Germany in the most stunning result in tournament history — and Kuper watches Brazilian football lovers line the road to applaud the German bus.But, after Russia in 2018 and Qatar in 2022, those glory days might now be history, Kuper fears. The North American World Cup this summer will be the biggest yet — forty-eight teams, three host countries, and a grifter FIFA president (Gianni Infantino) not unlike Donald Trump. What could possibly go wrong?So who will win in 2026? Kuper thinks England have their best squad since 1966. Spain are probably the best team. Messi will be thirty-nine. But the World Cup has so many random elements that none of that really counts. What matters, a Church of England vicar told Kuper, is that the World Cup is a religious feast for all of humanity. In a time when we're increasingly lonely and miserable, it's the most joyous communal event we have. As the non-doctrinal Kuper promises, “it's like Easter, or Passover, or Eid, but it's for all of humanity.” Five Takeaways•       Every World Cup, You Remember Where You Were: Kuper's first was 1978 — eight years old, sitting with his parents and grandparents in the Netherlands. His mother is now dead. His grandparents are long dead. But he can see it: June 25th, 1978. Nick Hornby measured his life in Arsenal fixtures. Kuper has measured his in World Cups.•       The Oxford Library Card Got Them Past the Border Guards: Italy 1990. Three students blag World Cup tickets from Mars. The Italian border guards see “Liverpool” on a passport and think: hooligans. Five years after Heysel. They pull out their Oxford library cards. “Studenti, Oxford.” The guards make a snap sociological analysis and let them in.•       One–Seven: The Wall Came Down: Brazil 2014. The home of World Cup football loses to Germany in the most shocking result in tournament history. Brazilian fans line the road to applaud the German bus. They've accepted it: the era is over. Brazil will never again be impregnable. Kuper compares it to the fall of the Berlin Wall — equally stunning, no going back.•       The World Cup Is a Religious Feast for All of Humanity: A Church of England vicar told Kuper: it's like Easter, Passover, or Eid, but everyone's allowed to join. In a time when we're all atomised and on separate screens, the World Cup is the biggest communal event we have. Fans hug, exchange shirts, celebrate shared nationhood and shared humanity.•       England's Best Chance Since 1966: Kuper and his co-author Stefan Szymanski say this is the strongest England squad in sixty years. One-in-six chance of winning. Spain are probably the best team. Messi will be thirty-nine. France have reached four of the last seven finals. But the World Cup has so many random elements that quality alone won't decide it. About the GuestSimon Kuper is a columnist for the Financial Times and the author of Soccernomics (with Stefan Szymanski), The Barcelona Complex, and World Cup Fever. Born in Uganda to South African parents, raised in the Netherlands, educated at Oxford, he lives in Paris.References:•       World Cup Fever by Simon Kuper — the book under discussion.•       Simon Kuper's FT column — his political and society writing for the Financial Times.About Keen On AmericaNobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States — hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,800 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting.WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple PodcastsSpotify Chapters:(00:00) - (00:31) - Introduction: life measured in four-year increments (02:07) - First World Cup: Holland 1978, sitting with the dead (05:45) - Nine tournaments in a row: the double life of a football writer (09:25) - Italy 1990: Oxford library cards, Italian border guards, and Mars tickets (12:35) - Gascoigne, Cameroon, and England's last real chance (16:03) - USA 1994: Maradona's primal scream and the end of Germany as villain (18:23) - France 1998: the World Cup that changed his life (22:16) - Korea/Japan 2002: feeling four years old in Tokyo (24:36) - Germany 2006: Wannsee, the new Germany, and zero queries about the war (31:20) - South Africa 2010: nation building in his parents' backyard (34:26) - Brazil 2014: one–seven and the end of an era (38:48) - Russia 2018: Peruvians on Red Square and the policeman who'd never met a foreigner (43:46) - Qatar 2022: the World Cup of the Global South (46:30) - USA 2026: forty-eight teams, Trump, Infantino, and why we shouldn't boycott

n de FC Afkicken Daily van dinsdag 24 maart bespreken Bart Obbink, Mart ten Have en Joost Blaauwhof het laatste voetbalnieuws! Met vandaag onder meer alle heisa rond Dean James, Go Ahead Eagles en NAC, Ronald Koemand die geen vervanger voor Memphis bij Oranje ziet, Manchester City dat de League Cup wint en de 436 wedstrijden van Marten de Roon voor Atalanta!(00:00) Intro(01:08) Dean James-Gate(20:52) Wij gaan samenwerken met Simon Kuper(24:06) Memphis Depay doet toch niet mee(31:52) Manchester City wint de League Cup!(34:40) Marten de Roon meeste duels gespeeld voor Atalanta(37:01) Kenneth Taylor blinkt uit bij Lazio(38:58) Johan Cruijff 10 jaar geleden overleden(39:40) Outro De Macht van het WK, dé geopolitieke WK-voorbeschouwing met Simon Kuper! Van de bestuurskamer van FIFA-baas Infantino tot de banlieues van Mbappé: De Macht van het WK Voetbal geeft je een unieke blik op de sport én de wereldpolitiek. Waarom helpt voetbal ons om de wereld beter te begrijpen? Kaarten vindt je via: https://www.haagschcollege.nl/college/machtvanhetwkvoetbal RØDEBen je zelf op zoek naar de beste podcast apparatuur voor in de studio of onderweg? Check: https://rode.com/en-nlSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Le sort des Libanais, attaqués par Israël en réponse aux tirs du Hezbollah, préoccupe la presse hebdomadaire. C'est « la guerre de trop » pour Le Point, ou encore « une guerre qui n'est pas la leur », comme le titre Le Nouvel Obs, qui ajoute : « À Beyrouth, comme dans les villages pris en étau dans le sud du pays, on commence à redouter que Tsahal "fasse comme à Gaza" ». Il faut dire que le ministre israélien d'extrême droite Bezalel Smotrich en a brandi la menace : « Très bientôt, Dahiyeh (banlieue sud de Beyrouth et bastion du Hezbollah, ndlr) ressemblera à Khan Younès », ville de Gaza rasée par l'armée israélienne. Le Nouvel Obs a rencontré le docteur Abu-Sittah, qui travaille à l'hôpital de Nabatieh, à une cinquantaine de kilomètres de Beyrouth. « À ses yeux, nous dit le Nouvel Obs, ce qui se passe au Liban s'inscrit dans la continuité de ce qu'il a observé à Gaza : « Il y a un schéma qui se répète. Les deux territoires sont pris au piège entre la mer, Israël d'un côté, et un régime hostile de l'autre ». « Sans compter, ajoute encore le docteur Abu-Sittah, que le massacre commis en Palestine a contribué à normaliser un niveau de brutalité extraordinaire. Tout ce qu'Israël fait au Liban paraîtra presque acceptable en comparaison de Gaza ».  Engrenage destructeur L'hebdomadaire Le Point s'est lui aussi rendu au Liban. Plus précisément à Dahiyeh, cette banlieue sud de Beyrouth, fief du Hezbollah, qu'Israël dit vouloir anéantir. Le Point précise d'ailleurs : « La menace de faire de Beyrouth un nouveau Gaza figurait noir sur blanc sur des tracts de propagande largués par avion le 13 mars, appelant la population libanaise à collaborer avec les services israéliens, pour mettre fin au piège tendu par le Hezbollah ». « Depuis que l'organisation chiite a repris les hostilités, le 2 mars, en soutien à son parrain iranien, poursuit l'hebdomadaire, l'angoisse d'un engrenage destructeur s'est emparée de Beyrouth ». Le Point a rencontré Walid Joumblatt, présenté comme « l'expérimenté chef de la communauté druze, longtemps à la tête du Parti socialiste progressiste » qui déclare : « Je ne vois aucune lueur d'espoir. Toute la population libanaise est prise en otage. Les chiites sont otages de cette faction irano-libanaise qu'est le Hezbollah ». Faisant allusion aux centaines de milliers de Libanais déplacés par cette nouvelle guerre, Walid Joumblatt ajoute : « Les distributions de tentes rappellent l'exode des Palestiniens en 1948 : cela devait durer deux semaines, cela fait soixante-dix-huit ans. » Croisade Le Nouvel Obs s'intéresse à celui qu'il appelle « le guerrier de Trump ». Autrement dit, Pete Hegseth, « ancien animateur de Fox News devenu le visage de l'offensive contre l'Iran », explique l'hebdomadaire, qui le décrit ainsi : « Machiste, belliqueux et inconséquent, le secrétaire américain à la Défense, auto-rebaptisé ministre de la Guerre, a entrepris de transformer l'armée des États-Unis pour en faire une machine à tuer ». L'hebdomadaire n'y va pas de main morte, mais il faut dire que Pete Hegseth, ancien militaire lui-même, aligne les déclarations guerrières sans sourciller. « Nous ne sommes plus des défenseurs, clame-t-il. Nous sommes des guerriers entraînés à tuer l'ennemi et à briser sa volonté. Fini les règles d'engagement correctes, place à une létalité maximale ». « Le patron de l'armée », poursuit le Nouvel Obs, estime « que les objectifs de démocratisation en Irak et en Afghanistan ont détourné les militaires de leur objectif : tuer l'ennemi ». Il s'agit « d'une croisade idéologique et religieuse », précise encore l'hebdomadaire. Outre « ses tatouages représentant notamment la croix de Jérusalem et la devise latine Deus Vult (Dieu veut) », « Pete Hegseth dirige régulièrement des séances de prières avant les frappes ». Donald Trump n'y trouve rien à redire et salue « un grand chef militaire, une source d'inspiration incroyable pour nos forces armées ». «Voilà, quoi...» Courrier International nous fait découvrir un article du Financial Times. Un article qui explique comment « parler parisien », écrit donc par un journaliste britannique, Simon Kuper, et ça ne manque pas d'humour. Le journaliste s'amuse ainsi de nos expressions « bouche-trous » comme « "voilà quoi", pour finir une phrase quand on n'a plus rien à dire. Ou "du coup", formule de remplissage qui veut dire "ainsi" ou "par conséquent". » Bien sûr, Simon Kupper a aussi remarqué que notre belle langue française ne manquait pas d'anglicismes : « burn-out, brainstorming, ou encore team et corporate ». Il remarque également que « le français emprunte depuis longtemps à l'arabe et aux langues africaines, et prend pour exemple le mot "baraka" », utilisé de longue date.   Il y a aussi bien sûr le verlan, le « renversement des syllabes ». « La plupart des Parisiens, hormis les vieux bourgeois, utilisent le verlan, en particulier dans les situations décontractées, remarque enfin Simon Kupper. "Femme" devient "meuf" et "un truc de fou", "un truc de ouf" ».  À lire aussiGuerre au Moyen-Orient : le Liban risque d'affronter une grave crise alimentaire

Guest host Nora Young speaks with Reuters national security reporter Phillip Stewart about Washington's military objectives as the United States and Israel-Iran war intensifies, and Iranian-Canadian journalist Maziar Bahari discusses the situation inside IranFinancial Times columnist and author Simon Kuper discusses how the World Cup reflects global politics, culture and powerToronto Star national columnist Susan Delacourt and The Economist's Canada correspondent Rob Russo take stock of Mark Carney's first year as prime ministerUniversity of Waterloo associate professor Troy Vasiga and New York Times technology reporter Natasha Singer look back on "learn to code" campaigns and whether they delivered on their promise as AI disrupts tech

Een leven tussen Zuid-Afrika, Groot-Brittannië, Frankrijk en Leiden maakte van Simon Kuper een wereldburger. „In deze tijd van nativisme en Geert Wilders is dat geen populair ding." Toch voelt hij zich verbonden met Nederland, met name met ons voetbal: „Mijn hart slaat voor Oranje. En dat is raar, want ik ben nooit Nederlander geworden.” Als kosmopoliet raakt hij gefrustreerd als hij Nederlanders hoort klagen: „Dan denk ik: je moet je bewust zijn van waar je over klaagt.”Kupers liefde voor voetbal sluit kritiek op haar misstanden niet uit. Mussolini, Videla, Poetin, Trump... „Het uitleveren van het WK aan dictators zat er vanaf het begin al ingebakken.” Toch moet je toeschouwers het plezier niet ontzeggen: „Veel van die mensen hebben weinig plezier in hun leven.” En het WK verbindt volgens Kuper. Bij Nederland–Uruguay in 2010 keek driekwart van de bevolking. „Dat is waarschijnlijk het meest gemeenschappelijke moment dat Nederland statistisch gezien ooit heeft gehad."Heeft u vragen, suggesties of ideeën over onze journalistiek? Mail dan naar podcast@nrc.nl.Presentatie: Pieter van der WielenRedactie en productie: Merel van Waalwijk van DoornMixage: AudiochefMuziek: Rufus van BaardwijkFoto: NRCZie het privacybeleid op https://art19.com/privacy en de privacyverklaring van Californië op https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This week on Taking Stock Susan Hayes talks to renowned writer Simon Kuper about why Donald Trump does not actually meet the criteria of being called a 'fascist'. In the monthly 'Techscape' slot Susan talk to Helen Coffey of The Independet about her experience of being interviewed by an AI recruiter.Plus, Susan is also joined by Claer Barret of the FT and by Jennifer Loftus of the Acorn Life Group to talk about the growing number of people who don't want to retire.

Could Trump woo the upcoming 2026 World Cup and subvert the world's most beloved sport for his own ugly ends? Not according to Simon Kuper, the Anglo-Dutch-French football writer whose adventures at the last nine World Cups are documented in his upcoming book World Cup Fever. Mussolini failed to control the 1934 World Cup in Italy, Kuper reminds us, and Trump won't have any more success manipulating the 2026 competition in America. Rather than a stage for political power, he argues, the World Cup represents the greatest of all communal sporting experiences. The Beautiful Game 1 Authoritarians 0. Justice is round. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

It's that time of year when we gather together with friends from near and far, indulge in seasonal treats, and take a lighthearted look at the stories that are rounding out these past 12 wild months. It's our annual Christmas extravaganza (

With next year's World Cup on the horizon, a new book explores the impact of the world's largest sporting event, from its effect on culture to its political and social role. Joining guest host Tom Dunne to discuss is Simon Kuper, Financial Times Writer and author of ‘World Cup Fever: A Footballing Journey in Nice Tournaments'...

Met vandaag: - Politiek verslaggever Wilma Borgman en goede vriend Johran Willigers over de nieuwe Tweede Kamervoorzitter Thom van Campen; - Schrijver en journalist Simon Kuper bezocht negen WK's voetbal en schreef erover in 'De wereld aan mijn voeten'; - Documentairemaker Sinan Can volgde het spoor van de Nederlandse Oekraïne-strijder Jesse; - Journalisten Dick Drayer en Diederik Samwel over de spanning rond de mogelijke WK-kwalificatie van Suriname en Curaçao; Presentatie: Coen Verbraak.

We spelen vandaag met een vijfmans verdediging: Simon Kuper, Nico Dijkshoorn, Frans Thomése, Wessel Penning en Thomas Heerma van Voss. Waarom weten Nederlanders veel over voetbal, waarom vinden we voetbal leuk en we weten wie de nieuwe spits van Oranje is. Deze podcast wordt mogelijk gemaakt door Staatsloterij. Bekijk de podcast ook op ons YouTube-kanaal. Probeer het zelf of geef Hard gras cadeau! https://www.hardgras.nl/#ABONNEMENTSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Aan tafel deze week: VNO-NCW-voorzitter Ingrid Thijssen, CEO ASML Christophe Fouquet, voorzitter RvC Gasunie Diederik Samsom, journalist Simon Kuper Presentatie: Twan Huys Wil je meer weten over de gasten in Buitenhof? Op onze website vind je meer informatie. Daar kan je deze aflevering ook terugkijken en je vindt er natuurlijk nog veel meer gesprekken: https://bit.ly/buitenhof-16-nov-25 De komende weken gaan CDA en D66 onder leiding van informateur Sybrand Buma aan het werk om plannen voor Nederland te schrijven. Grote problemen wachten al lang op een antwoord. Hoe kijkt VNO-NCW-voorzitter Ingrid Thijssen naar de ontwikkelingen in Den Haag? En hoe groot is het belang voor het bedrijfsleven dat er snel een stabiel kabinet komt? Christophe Fouquet, de CEO van ASML, is bij ons te gast. Zijn bedrijf werd besproken door de groten der aarde, zoals Xi Jinping en Donald Trump, en is wereldwijd marktleider in de ontwikkeling van chipmachines. Wat is de impact van de veranderende wereld op ASML? Waarom is ASML in de wereld van AI gestapt? En heeft het bedrijf nog adviezen aan de informateurs? Al meer dan dertig jaar maakt Diederik Samsom zich hard voor de strijd tegen klimaatverandering: van activist tot politicus, van ondernemer tot Europees ambtenaar. Achter de schermen geldt hij als één van de architecten van de Europese Green Deal. In zijn boek Groene Supermacht blikt Samsom terug op zijn jaren als kabinetschef van Eurocommissaris Frans Timmermans. Tevens praten we met hem over de COP in Brazilië, waar de wereld zich buigt over nieuwe stappen in het klimaatbeleid. En journalist Simon Kuper schuift aan. Hij heeft Zuid-Afrikaanse ouders, een Britse opvoeding gehad en woont nu in Parijs. Kuper woonde ook jarenlang in Nederland en werd hier verliefd op voetbal en het WK. Voor zijn boek De wereld aan mijn voeten trekt hij langs negen WK's. Kuper noemt het boek zelf een liefdesverklaring aan het WK. Hij laat zien hoe politiek voetbal is, maar vooral hoe de sport verbindt. 

A first networking event in years - a breakfast event at The Reform Club on Belfast's Royal Avenue in the company of business leaders, listening to journalist Simon Kuper talk about what business can learn from sport. Simon has written books on Barcelona, taking a different approach to Damian Hughes but also writes extensively across other areas than sport. A journalist for the FT he brought a perspective to the topic that has me moderating my own view - that sports teams and business teams are very different my nature - there are clearly some areas of crossover. A very worthwhile event and grateful for the invite as well as the opportunity to meet some very interesting people from different corners of the north. (thanks to Joanne at Clarendon and AAB and MLN.)

We speak with author and ‘Financial Times’ journalist Simon Kuper about his new book, ‘World Cup Fever: A Footballing Journey in Nine Tournaments’, on how football has transformed the world.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Simon Kuper Joins Dotun Adebayo and Tim Vickery to discuss his new book World Cup Fever about her personal journey travelling to the last 9 World CupsWatch this episode on Youtube: https://youtube.com/live/OtC8-18DQCgPurchase the book here: https://stanchionbooks.com/products/world-cup-fever-a-footballing-journey-in-nine-tournamentsWe'll be back on Football Smash later this week with the Global Soccer Interactive, with all the latest from this round of World Cup qualifying.

Donald Trump zaprezentował przywódcom państw arabskich swój plan pokojowy dla Strefy Gazy. Zakłada on zawieszenie broni, zwolnienie przez Hamas zakładników, rozmieszczenie w Gazie sił stabilizacyjnych oraz wycofanie stamtąd Izraela. Jednocześnie prezydent USA skrytykował Wielką Brytanię, Francję i kilka innych państw Zachodu, które uznały państwowość Palestyny. W poniedziałek w Waszyngtonie będzie z nim rozmawiał Benjamin Netanjahu, któremu propozycja Trumpa krzyżuje własne plany, m.in. zapowiadanej coraz śmielej aneksji Zachodniego Brzegu Jordanu. Tymczasem armia izraelska bombarduje miasto Gaza. Tylko w czwartek zginęło tam kilkadziesiąt osób, a dalsze ataki zagrażają milionowi Palestyńczyków. Dariusz Rosiak relacjonuje w tym tygodniu bezpośrednio z Jerozolimy, skąd opowie o reakcjach Izraelczyków na amerykańską propozycję oraz o tym, jak wojna w Strefie Gazy zmieniła życie wszystkich w regionie.W niedzielnych wyborach obywatele Mołdawii zadecydują o tym, czy ich kraj będzie nadal dążył do członkostwa z Unią Europejską. Partia prezydent Mai Sandu może utracić większość w parlamencie – a tego bardzo chciałby Władimir Putin. Dlaczego w Mołdawii tak silne są nastroje prorosyjskie?Trzy lata po eksplozjach, które uszkodziły gazociągi Nord Stream 1 i 2, wciąż nie wiadomo, kto stał za tym sabotażem. A w Niemczech pojawiają się pomysły wznowienia dostaw gazu z Rosji. Czy to możliwe – i czemu mogą w tym pomóc Amerykanie?Stany Zjednoczone wracają do paliw kopalnych i utrudniają naukowcom badania klimatu. Czy osiągamy właśnie moment, w którym na zapobieżenie planetarnej katastrofie będzie po prostu za późno?Eksperci ONZ wzywają federacje sportowe FIFA i UEFA do wykluczenia z rozgrywek międzynarodowych piłkarskiej reprezentacji Izraela. Jaki sens mają sportowe sankcje? Oraz jaką siłę w polityce stanowią kibice?Rozkład jazdy: (03:06) Dariusz Rosiak w Jerozolimie — zaczynamy kolejny „Raport” wyjazdowy(14:18) Gershon Baskin, negocjator w rozmowach z Hamasem, o nastrojach w Izraelu(28:40) Dariusz Rosiak o tym, czym Izrael różni się od Rosji (32:46) Jakub Pieńkowski: Czy Mołdawia zwróci się w stronę Rosji?(54:22) Podziękowania(1:00:52) Marcin Pośpiech: Czy Nord Stream wraca do łask?(1:13:56) Szymon Malinowski: Zmiany klimatu: czy już jest za późno?(1:33:13) Simon Kuper i Michał Banasiak: Futbol i polityka(1:59:47) Do usłyszenia---------------------------------------------Raport o stanie świata to audycja, która istnieje dzięki naszym Patronom, dołącz się do zbiórki ➡️ ⁠https://patronite.pl/DariuszRosiak⁠Subskrybuj newsletter Raportu o stanie świata ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠➡️ ⁠https://dariuszrosiak.substack.com⁠Koszulki i kubki Raportu ➡️ ⁠https://patronite-sklep.pl/kolekcja/raport-o-stanie-swiata/⁠ [Autopromocja]

This week I'm in South Africa on a book and speaking tour and am chatting at the Franschoek Literary Festival, so we are all South Africa today. A country of contradictions, rich in resources, vibrant in culture, yet S.A. is held back by inequality, corruption, and the long shadow of apartheid. In this episode, we explore its uneasy present and remarkable past: from Mandela's legacy to Elon Musk's childhood, from empire and race to why Donald Trump has fixated on white Afrikaners. We travel through Cape Town and Johannesburg, unpacking it all with FT journalist Simon Kuper, and along the way, we encounter pencil tests, Springboks, slabs of the Berlin Wall, and the political ghosts of the Cold War. Is South Africa being used, once again, as a pawn in someone else's game? Join the gang! https://plus.acast.com/s/the-david-mcwilliams-podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Americans, it's time to move to Europe! The American geo-strategist Jason Pack anticipated last week's advice from Simon Kuper and moved to London a few years ago during the first Trump Presidency. Pack, the host of the excellent Disorder podcast, confesses to be thrilled to have escaped MAGA America. He describes the esthetics of contemporary Washington DC as "post-apocalyptic" and criticizes what he sees as the Trump administration's hostile atmosphere, ideological purity tests, and institutional destruction. Contrasting this with Europe's ideological fluidity, Pack warns that Trump's isolationist policies are increasing global disorder by fundamentally undermining America's global leadership role with its erstwhile European allies. Five Key Takeaways* Pack left America because he found the "esthetics" of working in policy and media spaces increasingly distasteful, particularly during Trump's first administration.* He argues that European political systems allow for greater ideological fluidity, while American politics demands strict partisan loyalty.* Pack describes Washington DC as "post-apocalyptic" with institutions functioning like zombies - going through motions without accomplishing anything meaningful.* Unlike European populists who want to control institutions, Pack believes Trump's administration aims to destroy government institutions entirely.* Pack warns that America's deteriorating relationships with traditional allies is creating a "rudderless world" with increased global disorder and potential for conflict. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. Over the last few days, we've been focusing on the impressions of America, of Trump's America around the world. We had the Financial Times' controversial columnist, Simon Cooper, on the show, arguing that it's the end of the American dream. He had a piece in the FT this week, arguing that it's time to move to Europe for Americans. Not everyone agrees. We had the London-based FT writer Jemima Kelly on the show recently, also suggesting that she hasn't quite given up on America. She is, of course, a Brit living in the UK and looking at America from London. My guest today, another old friend, is Jason Pack. He is the host of the Excellent Disorder podcast. Jason's been on the shows lots of times before. He's an observer of the world's early 21st century disorder. And he is an American living in London. So I'm thrilled that Jason is back on the show. Jason, did you have a chance to look at Simon Cooper's piece? Is it time for Americans to move to Europe?Jason Pack: You've already moved. Well, he's just popularizing what I've believed for eight or 10 years already. So yeah, I looked at the piece. I really enjoyed your podcast with him. I don't think many Americans will move because most Americans are not particularly global in their outlook. And as disenchanted as they will be, their networks of family and of perspective are in America. Some elites in media and finance will move. But for me, I just found the aesthetics of America becoming distasteful when I worked in D.C. during the first Trump administration. And that's why I pursued a European citizenship.Andrew Keen: Jason, it's interesting that you choose the word aesthetics. Two thoughts on that. Firstly, America has never been distinguished for its aesthetics. People never came to America for aesthetics. It's never been a particularly beautiful country, a very dynamic place, a very powerful place. So why do you choose that word aesthetic?Jason Pack: Because for most upper middle class Americans, life under Trump, particularly if they're white and heterosexual, will not change tremendously. But the aesthetics of working in the policy space or in the media will change. Having to deal with all the BS that we hear when we wake up and turn on the TV in the morning, having to interact with Republican nutcase friends who say, oh, the fat is being trimmed by the doge and don't worry about all those people who've been being laid off. The aesthetics of it are ugly and mean. And I have found among some Republican colleagues and friends of mine that they love the vileness of this dog-eat-dog aesthetic.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's an interesting way of putting it. And I understand exactly what you're saying. I'm less concerned with the aesthetics as with the reality. And my sense in some ways of what's happening is that the Trump people are obsessed with what you call aesthetics. They want to appear mean. I'm not actually sure that they're quite as mean as they'd like to think they are.Jason Pack: Oh, they're pretty mean. I mean, people are running around the NIH offices, according to colleagues of mine. And if you're out to the bathroom and your card is inserted in your computer, they go in, they steal the data from your computer.Andrew Keen: Actually, I take your point. What I meant more by that is that whereas most traditional authoritarian regimes hide their crimes against migrants. They deny wrongdoing. My sense of the Trump regime, or certainly a lot of the people involved in this Trump administration, is that they actually exaggerate it because it gives them pleasure and it somehow benefits their brand. I'm not convinced that they're quite as bad as they'd like to think.Jason Pack: Oh, I agree with that. They make Schadenfreude a principle. They want to showcase that they enjoy other people's pain. It's a bizarre psychological thing. Trump, for example, wanted to show his virility and his meanness, probably because he's an inner coward and he's not that feral. But we digress in terms of the aesthetics of the individual American wanting to leave. I experienced American government, like the State Department, and then, the bureaucracy of the policy space, say think tanks, or even the government relations trade space, say working for oil companies and government relations, as already authoritarian and ass-kissing in America, and the aesthetics of those industries I have always preferred in Europe, and that's only diverging.Andrew Keen: One of the things that always struck me about Washington, D.C. It was always uncomfortable as an imperial city. It always has been since the end of the Second World War, with America dominating the world as being one of two or perhaps the only super power in the world. But Washington, DC seems to always have been uncomfortable wearing its imperial mantle cloak in comparison, I think, to cities like London or Paris. I wonder whether, I'm not sure how much time you've spent back in America since Trump came back to power. I wonder if in that sense DC is trying to catch up with London and Paris.Jason Pack: I actually was giving a briefing in Congress to staffers of the House Foreign Affairs Committee only three weeks ago, and DC seemed post-apocalyptic to me. Many of my favorite restaurants were closing. There was traffic jams at bizarre hours of the day, which I think this is because the Trump people don't know how public transport works and they just ride their cars everywhere. So, yes, it seemed very bizarre being back. You were trying to gauge the interlocutor you were speaking to, were they merely pretending to be on board with Trump's stuff, but they actually secretly think it's ridiculous, or were they true believers? And you had to assess that before you would make your comments. So there is a slide to a kind of, again, neo-authoritarian aesthetic. In my conference, it became clear that the Republican Congressional staffers thought that it was all junk and that Trump doesn't care about Libya and he doesn't understand these issues. But we needed to make lip service in how we expressed our recommendations. So, fascinatingly, various speakers said, oh, there's a transactional win. There's a way that cheaper oil can be gotten here or we could make this policy recommendation appeal to the transactional impulses of the administration. Even though everyone knew that we were speaking in a Democrat echo-chamber where the only Republicans present were anti-Trump Republicans anyway.Andrew Keen: Describe DC as post-apocalyptic. What exactly then, Jason, is the apocalypse?Jason Pack: I don't think that the Trump people who are running the show understand how government works and whether you're at state or the NIH or USAID, you're kind of under siege and you're just doing what you're supposed to do and going through the motions. I mean, there's so much of like the zombie apocalypse going on. So maybe it's more zombie apocalypse than regular apocalypse, whereby the institutions are pretending to do their work, but they know that it doesn't accomplish anything. And the Trumpian appointees are kind of pretending to kind of cancel people on DAI, but the institutions are still continuing.Andrew Keen: I'm going to vulgarize something you said earlier. You talked about Trump wanting to appear bigger than he actually is. Maybe we might call that small penis syndrome. Is that, and then that's my term, Jason, let's be clear, not yours. Maybe it's fair or not. He probably would deny it, but I don't think he'll come on this show. He's more than welcome. Is that also reflected in the people working for him? Is there a bit of a small penis syndrome going on with a lot of the Trump people? Are they small town boys coming to America, coming to D.C. And in all their raison d'état trying to smash up the world that they always envied?Jason Pack: 100%. If you look at the Tucker Carlson and the Hegset, who went to Princeton in 03, and obviously Tucker Carlsen's WASP elite background is well known, they wanted to make it conventionally and couldn't. Hegson didn't achieve the rank of lieutenant general or colonel or anything in the army. He didn't make it in finance and Vance, obviously had just a minor career in finance, they didn't make the big time except through their hate and resentment of the establishment that succeeded on merit. So, I mean, you could call that small penis syndrome. I think another thing to point out is that many of them have been selected because whether they've been accused of rape or financial crimes or just meanness, they owe the great leader their ability to be in that position. And if he would throw them overboard they're entirely exposed, so that cash patels of the world and the Hexeds of the world serve at the mercy of the great leader, because if they were thrown to the wolves, they could be devoured for their misdeeds. And I think that that makes it a place where it's all about loyalty to the boss. But maybe we could pivot to the initial topic about how I think Europe is a place where you can reinvent yourself as an individual now. Certainly in the political and ideology space, and America really hasn't been for much of my left.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting. And this is how actually our conversation you're doing. You're a much better podcast host than I am, Jason. You're reminding us of the real conversation rather than getting led down one Trumpian byway or another. I did a show recently on why I still believe in the American dream. And I was interviewed by my friend, David Maschiottra, another old friend of the show. And I suggested I originally came to America to reinvent myself and that's always been the platform with which Europeans have come to America. You're suggesting that perhaps the reverse is true now.Jason Pack: I really enjoyed that episode. I thought you were a great guest and he was a natural host. But I realized how it wasn't speaking to me. Many of my European friends who work in law, finance, tech, startup, you know, they finished their degrees in Italy or in England and they moved to America. And that's where they raised venture capital and they go on the exact success trajectory that you explained and they fetishize, oh my God, when my green card is gonna come through, I'm gonna have this big party. That never resonated with me because America was never a land of opportunity for me. And it hit me in hearing your podcast that that's because what I've aspired to is to work in government slash think tank or to be a professional expert. And if you don't ally yourself with one of the major political movements, you're always branded and you can never move ahead. I'll give a few examples if you're interested in the way that my trying to be in the center has meant that I could never find a place in America.Andrew Keen: Absolutely. So you're suggesting that your quote-unquote American dream could only be realized in Europe.Jason Pack: So I moved to the Middle East to serve my country after 9/11. If Gore had been elected president, I likely would have joined the army or the Marines or something. But Bush was president and I knew I needed to do this on my own. So, you know, I lived in Beirut, then I went to Iraq. Where did you graduate from, Jason? I graduated from Williams in 2002, but I was changing my studies as soon as the 9-11 happened. I stopped my senior thesis in biology and I pivoted to doing the Middle East. I thought the Middle East was going to be the next big thing. But I didn't realize that if you wanted to do it your own way, for example, living in Syria prior to working in government, then you couldn't get those security clearances. But in the UK, that's not really a problem. If you go to Leeds or Oxford and you got sent to study Arabic in Syria, you can work for the UK government, but not in America. If your went and did that your own way, your loyalties would be questioned. You wouldn't get your security clearance. I got an internship to work at the U.S. Embassy in Muscat, where I fell afoul of my supervisors because I was someone who wanted to speak in Arabic with Omanis and, for example, go to hear prayers at the mosque and really be a part of the society. And I was told, don't do that. But aren't we here to understand about Oman? And they're like, no, it's really important to mostly socialize with people at the embassy. But my British colleagues, they were out there in Omani society, and they were, for example, really participating in stuff because the relationship between the Omanis and the Brits and the Americans is a happy one. That's just a small example, but I wanna make the kind of further point, which is that if you wanna get promoted in think tank world in America, it doesn't matter whether it's Cato or Heritage on the right or New America Foundation or Middle East Institute on the left. You have to buy in hook, line, and sinker to the party line of those institutions. And if that party line is DEI, as it was at the Middle East Institute when I was there, and you're a white heterosexual male, you're not going to get promoted. And if, for example, you want to then interact with some Zionist think tank like FDD, the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, I was going to a fellowship there for work that I had done about monitoring ISIS in Libya, and they had proposed a funding line for my project, which was just technically reading jihadi Facebook posts and monitoring them. And then they did some more research on me, ironically, after we had already signed the funds. And they said, oh, we're so sorry, we are going to have to pull back on this. We are going have to pay you a kill fee. We are really, really sorry. And I came to understand why that was. And it was because I had advocated that the Iranians should be allowed to get the bomb so that they could have mutually assured destruction theory with Israel.Andrew Keen: Well, Jason, I take your point, but everyone has their own narrative when it comes to why their career didn't did or didn't take off and how they know what that doesn't happen in Europe. I'm just making a contrast. Let me just come back to my argument about America, which is it isn't necessarily as straightforward as perhaps at first it seems. I think one of the reasons why America has always been a great place for reinvention is because of the absence of memory.Jason Pack: No, but what I'm saying is Google will inspire on you, and if you're not within the ideological cadre, you cannot progress at these kind of institutions.Andrew Keen: Okay, I take your point on that, but thinking more broadly, America is a place where you can, I've done so many different things in this country from being a scholar to being an internet entrepreneur to being an expert on technology to being a critic of technology to being against podcasts, to being a podcaster. And you can get away, and I've failed in practically all of them, if not all of them, but the fact is that because people don't have memory, you can keep on doing different things and people won't say, well, how can you get away with this? Last week you were doing X. My sense, and maybe correct me if I'm wrong about London or Europe, is there is much more memory. You can't get away with perpetual reinvention in Europe as you can in the U.S. and maybe that's because of the fact that in your language, living in Europe with its memory and respect for memory is more aesthetically pleasing. So I'm not suggesting this is as simple as it might appear.Jason Pack: I agree with that last point, but I think I'm trying to bring something else out. In spheres like tech or podcasting, there isn't credentialism in America. And therefore, if you're just good at it, you don't need the credentials and you can get going. And you and other Europeans who had great merit, as you do, have benefited from that. And in Europe, you might run up against credentialism, but, oh, but you didn't work at the BBC, so you don't get the job. I'm making a different point about ideological purity within the very specific realms of, say, working for an American presidential candidate or briefing a policymaker or rising up at a think tank. I have briefed labor MPs, Lib Dem MPs and Tory MPs. And they don't ask my politics. I can go in there and get a meeting with Keir Starmer's people on Libya, and they don't care about the fact that I want him to do something slightly different. Criticized him and praised him at different times on my podcast, try having an influence with some Trump people and then say, Oh, well, you know, I really think that I can help you on this Libya policy, but I happened to run a fairly anti-Trump podcast. No, you just can't get the briefing because America is about ideological purity tests and getting your ticket punch in the government and think tank and exporting professions, and therefore it's not some place you can reinvent yourself. If you're clearly an anti-Trump Republican McCainite, you can't all of a sudden become an AOC Democrat for the purpose of one meeting. But in Europe you can, because you can be a Lib Dem like Liz Truss and then be a Tory Prime Minister. And no one cares what my position on these topics are when they ask me to brief Keir Starmer's people and that's something that I find so fantastic about Europe.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting. I mean, you know this stuff better than I do. But isn't someone like Truss rooted in ideological purity? She was a Lib Dem when she was at Oxford. Yeah, but that was a long time ago. I can reverse that, Jason, and say, well, when Trump was young, he ran around with Bill and Hillary Clinton, he went to their wedding, he funded them. He never was even a Republican until 2014 or 15. So, I mean, he's an example of the very ideological fluidity that you idealize in Europe.Jason Pack: I agree with your point. I think that he's an exception there and he wouldn't have allowed it from his staffers. They now have essentially loyalty tested everything. It's not a place where if you were Democrat with ideas that would benefit the Trumpian establishment, you can be heard. I'll give an example. I like the Abraham Accords and I have a colleague who wants to help extend the Abraham Accords to Pakistan, she can only work with ideologically pure Republicans in the pitching of this idea. She can't work with someone like me because I don't have the ideological purity, even though this is a nonpartisan idea and it should be embraced if you can get the Trumpians to be interested in it. But that's not how America works and it has not been. Reagan, of course, if you said that you like taxes, and I'm someone who likes taxes and I don't believe in the Laffer curve, and neoliberalism is a sham, you couldn't be on that economic team. So there are different ideological tests. Trump was never a politician, so he's not an expert like me in the expert class where we've been litmus tested our whole careers.Andrew Keen: Interesting. Jason, yesterday I was talking to someone who was thinking of hiring me to do a speech in Europe to a business group, and we were discussing the kinds of speeches I could give, and one of the things I suggested was a defense of America, suggesting that we can believe in America and that everyone's wrong. And these people have hired me before. I've often made provocative counterintuitive arguments, there was a little bit of a silence and they said, you can't make that speech in Europe. No one will take it seriously to a business community. What's generally, I mean, you travel a lot, you talk to lots of different people. Have people really given up on the promise of America, particularly within the establishment, the business establishment, the political establishment?Jason Pack: I don't know. I think that many Europeans still think that this is a passing phase. I will comment on the fact that I do not see anti-Americanism in my daily life as a result of Trump, the way that, for example, you do see anti-Semitism as a results of Netanyahu's policy. The individual Jew is tarred by horrible things happening in Gaza, but the individual American is not tarred by the deporting and illegal detentions and sacking of people by Doge because people in Poland or London or even the Middle East understand that you're likely to not be a Trump supporter and they're not targeting you as an individual as a result of that. So I think they believe in the promise of America and they still might like to move to America. But on individual level if you want to be a political animal inside the beast of campaigns, rising up to be a David Axelrod kind of figure. America has been a place of these litmus tests. Whereas in Europe, you know, I feel that there's tremendous fluidity because in Italy they have so and so many political parties and in Germany, what's the distinction between the SPD at one moment in the CDU and the Greens and there's a tradition of coalitions that allows the individual to reinvent himself.Andrew Keen: One of the things that came up with Cooper, and he's certainly no defender of Marine Le Pen or Meloni in Italy, but he suggested that the Trump people are far to the right of Le Pen and Meloni. Would you agree with that?Jason Pack: Because they want to break down institutions, whereas Le Pen and Meloni simply want to conquer the institutions and use them. They're not full-blown, disordering neopopulists, to use the language of my disorder podcast. When Meloni is in power, she loves the Italian state and she wants it to function merely with her ideological slant. Whereas the Trumpians, they have a Bannonite wing, they don't simply wanna have a MAGA agenda, use the U.S. Government. No, they want to break the Department of Agriculture. They want to break the EPA. They simply want to destroy our institutions. And there's no European political party that wants that. Maybe on the fringe like reform, but reform probably doesn't even want that.Andrew Keen: But Jason, we've heard so much about how the Bannonites idealized Orban in Hungary. A lot of people believe that Project 2025 was cooked up in Budapest trying to model America on Orban. Is there any truth to that? I mean, are the Trump people really re-exporting Orbanism back into the United States?Jason Pack: That there is some truth, but it can be overplayed. It can go back further to Berlusconi. It's the idea that a particularly charismatic political leader can come to dominate the media landscape by either having a state media channel in the Berlusconi sense or cowing media coverage to make it more favorable, which is something that Orban has done geniusly, and then doling out contracts and using the state for patronage, say, Orban's father's construction business and all those concrete soccer stadiums. There is an attempt potentially in Trump land to, through an ideological project, cow the media and the checks and balances and have a one-party state with state media. I think it's going to be difficult for them to achieve, but Chuck Carlson and others and Bannon seem to want that.Andrew Keen: You were on Monocle recently talking about the Pope's death. J.D. Vance, of course, is someone who apparently had a last, one of the last conversations with the Pope. Pope wasn't particularly, Pope Francis wasn't particularly keen on him. Bannon and Vance are both outspoken Catholics. What's your take on the sort of this global religious movement on the part of right-wing Catholics, and how does it fit in, not only to the death of Francis, but perhaps the new Pope?Jason Pack: It's a very interesting question. I'm not a right-wing Catholic, so I'm really not in a position to...Andrew Keen: I thought you were Jason, that's why you could always come on the show.Jason Pack: I think that they don't have the theological bona fides to say that what they call Catholicism is Catholicism because obviously Jesus turned the other cheek, you know, and Jesus didn't want to punish his enemies and make poor black or Hispanic women suffer. But there is an interesting thing that has been going on since 1968, which is that there was a backlash against the student protests and free love and the condom and all the social changes that that brought about. And Catholics have been at the forefront, particularly Catholic institutions, in saying this has gone too far and we need to use religion to retake our society. And if we don't, no one will have children and we will lose out and the Muslims and Africans will rule the roost because they're having babies. And that right-wing Catholicism is caught up in the moral panic and culture wars since 1968. What I argued in the monocle interview that you referenced from earlier today is something quite different, which is that the Catholic Church has a unique kind of authority, and that that unique kind of authority can be used to stand up against Trump, Bannon, Orban, and other neopopulists in a way that, say, Mark Carney or Keir Starmer cannot, because if Mark Kearney and Keir Stormer say, you guys are not sufficiently correctly American and you're not following the American laws, blah, blah blah, the kind of Americans who support Trump are not convinced by that because they say, these are just, you know, pinko Brits and Canadians. I don't even care about Mark Kearny, but it's quite different if the next Pontiff is someone who comes not only from the school of Francis, but maybe more so is a great communicator vested in the real doctrines of the church, the Lateran Councils and Vatican too, and can say, actually this given thing that Trump has just said is not in line with the principles of Jesus. It's not inline with what the Vatican has said about, for example, migration or social equity. And I find that that is a unique opportunity because even the right-wing Catholics have to acknowledge the Pope and Christian doctrine and the ability of the Catholic hierarchy to say this is not in line with our teachings. So I think there's a very interesting opportunity right now.Andrew Keen: Perhaps that brings to mind Stalin's supposedly famous remarks to Churchill at Potsdam when they were talking about the Pope. Stalin said to Churchill, the Pope, how many divisions does he have? In other words, it's all about ideology, morality, and ultimately it doesn't really. It's the kind of thing that perhaps if some of the Trump people were as smart as Stalin, they might make the same remark.Jason Pack: That was a physical war, and the Pope didn't have divisions to sway the battles in World War II, but this is an ideological or an influence war. And the Pope, if you've just seen from media coverage over the last week, is someone who has tremendous media influence. And I do think that the new pontiff could, if he wanted to, stand up to the moral underpinnings of Trump and pull even the most right-wing Catholics away from a Trumpian analysis. Religion is supposed to be about, because Jesus didn't say punish your enemies. Don't turn the other cheek and own the libs. Jesus said something quite different than that. And it will be the opportunity of the new Catholic leader to point that out.Andrew Keen: I'm not sure if you've seen the movie Conclave, which was very prescient, made by my dear London friend, or at least produced by Tessa Ross at House Productions. But I wonder in these new conversations whether in the debates about who should the new Pope be, they'll mull over TikTok presence.Jason Pack: I hope they will. And I want to point out something that many people probably are not aware, which is that the College of Cardinals that constitutes the conclave does not have to pick one of their member to be pope. For the last six centuries, they have always chosen one of their own number, but they don't have to. So they could choose someone who has not only an ability to make great TikToks, but someone who can put forth a vision about climate change, about tax equity, for example, maybe about AI and what constitutes humanity from within the Catholic tradition, but reaching new faithful. And I think that they might actually consider we're doing this because in places like Western Europe, attendance is down, but in Eastern Europe and Latin America, it isn't. And in Africa, it's surging. So they may want to reach new millennials in Gen Z with a new message, but one which is rooted in their tradition. And I think that that would be a great counterbalance to what Trump and his ilk have done to how media coverage place things like climate change and migrants these days.Andrew Keen: Speaking of Trump and his ilk, Jason, lots of conversations here about the first cracks in his monolith. Speaking to me from London, I always look at the front page of The Telegraph, a conservative English newspaper. I refuse to give the money, so I never actually read any of the pieces. But I'm always curious as to the traditional conservative media attitude to Trump. What do not so much the Conservative Party, which seems to be in crisis in the UK, but what does Conservative media, Conservative thinkers, what's their take currently on Trump? Are you seeing a crack? Are people seeing this guy's absolutely insane and that the tariff policy is going to make all of us, everybody in the world poorer?Jason Pack: Well, Trump has always been a vote loser in the UK. So that even though Farage brags about his relationship, it isn't something that gets him more votes for reform. And whether it's Sunak or Badnak, and Badnak is the current leader of the Tory party, which is an opposition, she can't so closely associate herself with Trump because he's not popular in even right-wing British circles. However, the Tory media, like the telegraph and the spectator, they love the idea that he's owning the Libs. We talked about Schadenfreude, we talked about attacking the woke. The spectator has taken a very anti-woke turn over the last five to 10 years. And they love the ideal of pointing out the hypocrisies of the left and the effeminacy of it and all of that. And that gets them more clicks. So from a media perspective, there is a way in which the Murdoch media is always going to love the click bait, New York post bait of the Trump presidency. And that applies very much, you know, with the sun and the Daily Mail and the way that they cover media in this country.Andrew Keen: Although I was found in the U.S. That perhaps the newspaper that has been most persistently and usefully critical of Trump is the Wall Street Journal, which is owned by Murdoch.Jason Pack: Yeah, but that's a very highbrow paper, and I think that it's been very critical of the tariff policy and it said a lot of intelligent things about Trump's early missteps. It doesn't reach the same people as the New York Post or the Daily Mail do.Andrew Keen: Finally, Jason, let's go back to Disorder, your excellent podcast. You started it a couple of years ago before this new Trump madness. You were always one of the early people on this global disorder. How much more disordered can the world become? Of course, it could become more disorded in terms of war. In late April 2025, is the world more disordered than it was in April 2024, when Biden was still in power? I mean, we still have these wars in Gaza, in Ukraine, doesn't seem as if that much has changed, or am I wrong?Jason Pack: I take your point, but I'm using disorder in a particularly technical sense in a way by which I mean the inability of major powers to coordinate together for optimal solutions. So in the Biden days of last year, yes, the Ukraine and Gaza wars may be waging, but if Jake Sullivan or Blinken were smarter or more courageous, they could host a summit and work together with their French and British and Argentinian allies. Put forth some solutions. The world is more disordered today because it doesn't have a leader. It doesn't have institutions, the UN or NATO or the G7 where those solutions on things like the Ukraine war attacks could happen. And you may say, but wait, Jason, isn't Trump actually doing more leadership? He's trying to bring the Ukrainians and the Russians to the table. And I would say he isn't. They're not proposing actual solutions. They don't care about solving underlying issues. They're merely trying to get media wins. He wants the Japanese to come to Washington to have the semblance of a new trade deal, not a real trade deal. He's trying to reorder global finance in semblance, not in reality. So the ability to come to actual solutions through real coordinating mechanisms where I compromise with you is much weaker than it was last year. And on the Disorder Podcast, we explore all these domains from tax havens to cryptocurrency to cyber attacks. And I think that listeners of Keen On would really enjoy how we delve into those topics and try to see how they reflect where we're at in the global system.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's a strongly, I would strongly agree with you. I would encourage all keen on listeners to listen to Disorder and vice versa if this gets onto the Disorder podcast. What about the China issue? How structural is the tariff crisis, if that's the right word, gonna change US relations with China? Is this the new Cold War, Jason?Jason Pack: I'm not an economist, but from what I've been told by the economists I've interviewed on my podcast, it's absolutely completely game changing because whether it's an Apple iPhone or most pieces of manufactured kit that you purchase or inputs into American manufacturing, it's assembled everywhere and the connections between China and America are essential to the global economy. Work and it's not like you can all of a sudden move those supply chains. So this trade war is really a 1930s style beggar thy neighbor approach to things and that led to and deepened the great depression, right? So I am very worried. I had the sense that Trump might back off because he does seem to be very sensitive to the markets. But maybe this is such an ideological project and, you know, Andrew Ross Sorkin on CNBC was just saying, even though he's willing to back off if the T bill rate changes, he thinks that his strategy is working and that he's going to get some deals. And that terrifies me because that's not what's happening. It isn't working. And God forbid that they'll push this to its logical conclusion and cause a new recession or depression.Andrew Keen: I know you've got to run Jason. So final question, let's return to where we began with America and the changing nature of America. Your last episode of Disorder was with Corey Sharpe, who is a very, very good and one of Washington DC's, I think, smartest foreign policy analysts. She asks, what's America without allies? If this continues, what, indeed, I mean, you're happy in London, so I don't sound like you're coming back, whatever. But what will America become if indeed all these traditional allies, the UK, France, Germany, become, if not enemies, certainly just transactional relationships? What becomes of America without allies?Jason Pack: Wow, great question. I'm gonna treat this in two parts, the American cultural component and then the structural geopolitical component. I'm a proud American. Culturally, I work on Sundays. I don't take any holiday. I get angry at contractors who are not direct. I am going to be American my whole life and I want an American style work ethic and I wanna things to function and the customer to always be right. So I didn't move to Europe to get European stuff in that way, and I think America will still be great at new inventions and at hard work and at all of that stuff and will still, the NFL will still be a much better run sports league than European sports leagues. Americans are great at certain things. The problem is what if America's role in the world as having the reserve currency, coordinating the NATO allies. If that's eviscerated, we're just going to be living more and more in the global enduring disorder, as Corey Schacke points out, which is that the Europeans don't know how to lead. They can't step up because they don't have one prima inter Paris. And since the decline of the British Empire, the British haven't learned how, for example, to coordinate the Europeans for the defense of Ukraine or for making new missile technologies or dealing with the defense industry. So we're just dealing with a rudderless world. And that's very worrying because there could be major conflict. And then I just have to hope that a new American administration, it could be a Republican one, but I think it just can't be a Trumpian one, will go back to its old role of leadership. I haven't lost hope in America. I've just lost hope in this current administration.Andrew Keen: Well, I haven't lost hope in Jason Pack. He is an ally of ours at Keen On. He's the host of the Excellent Disorder podcast. Jason, it's always fun to have you on the show. So much to discuss and no doubt there will be much more over the summer, so we'll have you back on in the next month or two. Thank you so much. Keep well. Stay American in London. Thank you again.Jason Pack: It was a great pleasure. Thanks, Andrew. See you then. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

In contrast with yesterday's guest, the Paris based Financial Times writer Simon Kuper, the newspaper's London based columnist Jemima Kelly hasn't quite given up on the United States of America. Trump, she suggests, might be the end of the line for the MAGA movement. Indeed, like another recent guest on the show, former Wired editor Peter Leyden, Kelly suggests that the Republicans might be flirting with the destruction of their brand for the next political generation. Unlike Leyden, however, Kelly isn't particularly bullish on the future of the Democratic Party, arguing that there is a desperate need for a formal national opposition to Trump's MAGA Republicanism. And in contrast with Leyden, Kelly doesn't see much of an opposition - moral or otherwise - from seemingly spineless tech billionaires like Mark Zuckerberg or Marc Andreessen. 5 Key Takeaways* Kelly is most concerned about Trump's "utter disregard for the legal system and the kind of lawlessness" that characterizes his second administration.* She believes Democrats lack cohesive opposition structure, noting America could benefit from a shadow cabinet system like the UK's to provide clear alternative voices.* Kelly predicts "MAGA is going to finish with Trump" as there's no viable successor who can match his charisma and stage presence.* She criticizes tech leaders like Mark Zuckerberg for capitulating to Trump, questioning how they justify abandoning values for business interests.* Kelly argues that maintaining moral principles is crucial for Democrats, as sinking to Trump's level only erodes institutional trust, which has already been significantly damaged. Full Transcript Andrew Keen: Hello, everybody. It is Wednesday, April the 23rd, 2025. Headlines today remain dominated by Donald Trump. Every story above the fold, at least above the digital fold in the Financial Times, seems to be about him. Yesterday, we talked to FT columnist Simon Cooper, a Dutchman living in Paris, who had an interesting piece earlier this week suggesting Americans should move to Europe, indicating the American dream was over. Cooper seemed to relish this news. Today, we're talking to another FT columnist, Jemima Kelly. She's based in northeast London, in Hackney, and she's talking to us today from the FT offices in the heart of London City. Jemima, what's your take on Simon's column this week? Is it indeed time for most Americans to move to Europe?Jemima Kelly: I thought it was a very interesting column. I'm particularly interested in this idea that you discussed on your show about the brain drain that has been going in the direction of America and that might start to come back in the other direction, which I hadn't really properly considered before in those terms. But I must say that I'm not really a fan of encouraging people to all be digital nomads. He's actually followed it up with a piece today about how to be a digital nomad in Paris. I'm not really a fan of that kind of lifestyle because I think that it means people aren't particularly invested in their local communities, and I think it makes a bit of a crappy neighborhood if everyone is just working their own jobs. The dream of earning a US salary while working remotely living in Europe—I'm just like, please don't do that because then we're just importing inequality.Andrew Keen: Although to be fair, was Simon actually saying that?Jemima Kelly: I think he did say that the ultimate life, the ultimate arbitrage was doing that. And it's true, it is the ultimate arbitrage. It's just not one that I would particularly want people to pursue. It's like the Airbnb culture—it's destroyed a lot of cities and priced out local people, meaning certain cities you visit have no locals, just tourists, which is quite crap as a tourist.Andrew Keen: I guess the other critique of Simon's piece, which is an extension of yours, is for Americans who don't like Trump—and there are many, including myself—it's not time to move to Europe. It's not time to retreat. It is time to stay and fight and try to change America. So there's no reason why you have to shift. Jemima, you're a columnist at what you call on your X account "Friends of the Deep State" (FT). I'm using you as the voice of the European deep state. What's the take from London on Trump on April 23, 2025? It's so hard to make any sense of it. In a meta sense, in a structural sense, what's your take on what's happening?Jemima Kelly: I'm going to answer that in three parts. First, the "Friends of the Deep State" is obviously a reference to Liz Truss, who referred to the FT as the deep state.Andrew Keen: I want to come on to Truss later, another rather clownish character, your version of Donald Trump.Jemima Kelly: Yes, Britain's proudest export. Second, I would probably not want to speak for Europe or Britain. Maybe I can start by saying what I think the mood is.Andrew Keen: You live in Hackney in northeast London, so maybe you can speak on behalf of Hackney. What's the take on Trump from Hackney?Jemima Kelly: Just utter dismay. And I mean, I would say that's probably the mood I'm getting, even from people who thought there was too much hyperbole used about Trump in the run-up to his election. I didn't think comparisons to Hitler were particularly helpful.Andrew Keen: You're not alone. We've had that conversation many times on the show. I strongly agree with you.Jemima Kelly: So while there were people who were very hysterical about the idea of a Trump 2.0 being worse than the first time, I think so far, it does seem kind of worse, doesn't it?Andrew Keen: I'm asking you.Jemima Kelly: I would say there is a sense that things are quite scary at the moment. I think what I personally find most worrying, and that many balanced people are talking about, is the utter disregard for the courts and the rule of law. I was amazed looking at Truth Social earlier. I saw a post from Trump about an alleged MS-13 gang member.Andrew Keen: The Venezuelan who was illegally extradited or seized and taken to El Salvador.Jemima Kelly: I think this guy is actually Salvadoran. Trump has posted a picture of an alleged knuckle tattoo with four symbols which some people have extrapolated to mean MS-13. It's very obviously just computer-generated text superimposed on the image. Trump has posted it and appears to believe this is actually tattooed onto the man's knuckles, using that as justification. I think the utter disregard for the legal system and the lawlessness of Trump 2.0 is for me the most disturbing aspect because where does that end? It's just utter chaos.I might write this week about how Trump sees the world as just deal-making and transactions. The ends will always justify the means. He's openly saying he's going to keep pushing as hard as he can to get what he wants. But his followers, who are constantly rushing to justify everything he does, including his vice president, are glorifying the means themselves, which Trump himself doesn't even really believe in. People are willing to take what he says at face value and make it happen, like Vance going to Greenland on this supposed visit.Andrew Keen: You said in an excellent column earlier this month that Vance has "the zeal of the convert" and that's the problem.Jemima Kelly: Yes, because he once called Trump "America's Hitler."Andrew Keen: And he didn't mean it in a complimentary way.Jemima Kelly: I don't think he did.Andrew Keen: So, Jemima, stand back a little. Simon noted that he'd always believed in America growing up. A lot of his friends went to America. You're a slightly younger generation from Simon. When you graduated from university, did a lot of your friends go to America? Did you ever think maybe you should go to America as a singer or a journalist?Jemima Kelly: Did any of my friends? It's quite difficult as a British person going to America. Quite a few of my friends have ended up there, particularly in LA for some reason. I almost moved to New York with my previous employer, Reuters, and have considered it, but wanted to stay in London. I love America; it's a completely amazing and fascinating place. But it does feel like people I speak to at the moment are feeling concerned. Someone in New Orleans told me that when conservative columnists in the New York Times are writing that it's time for some kind of uprising...Andrew Keen: That was David Brooks. And Simon wrote about a friend of his in Georgia who said he couldn't even go out because he was scared to bump into Trump people.Jemima Kelly: I saw that. That's not how I personally believe that divisions should be handled. The idea that you shouldn't go out because you might bump into some Trump fans—I don't know about that.Andrew Keen: I couldn't agree more. Your last column, in the spirit of Easter, was titled "It's the hope that saves you." It was a broader column, not just about America. But do you still have a vestige, a glimmer of hope in America? Have you given up?Jemima Kelly: Oh, God, yes, I still have hope. I am an optimist. But I also believe that being optimistic and hopeful, which as I explain in the column are slightly different things, gives you a higher chance of things going well. If you don't resort to cynicism and nihilism, which I don't think is particularly helpful.Another column I would like to write in the coming weeks is that I am becoming convinced that MAGA is going to finish with Trump. There is no MAGA after Trump. One thing that convinced me of this was listening to the "Triggered" podcast with Donald Trump Jr. I tried to listen to a range of podcasts, some more painful than others, and I listened to a full episode the other day and couldn't believe the level of imbecility.Andrew Keen: Well, we know what you mean anyway, even if that isn't the word.Jemima Kelly: And he's the best friend of the vice president, who's supposedly this genius.Andrew Keen: I'm sure in a year or two JD will have moved on to other "best friends."Jemima Kelly: Maybe, but I think they've been friends for a while. The thing with Trump is that he masks so much with his charisma and stage presence and what he calls "flexibility," not U-turning. And his people skills. Then you get the distilled version of him without all of that, and it's just so painfully bad and unpersuasive. There's no successor. Vance is the only one who the bookies currently have as the favorite, but that's because there's no leader on the other side; we don't know who the Democratic leader is.Andrew Keen: Peter Leyden, who was on the show a few days ago, the former editor-in-chief of Wired, believes that Trump is essentially destroying the Republican brand for a generation. It does provide an opportunity for the Democrats in the long term, although the Democrats probably have many problems of their own. Do you agree that ultimately the Republican brand has been decimated and is headed for 20 or 30 years of political isolation?Jemima Kelly: I think what they have going for them is that MAGA has its own name—there was always the MAGA part of the Republican Party and then the "other part" and the RINOs. Now they have somewhat merged, but I imagine that will start to separate if the Trump project keeps doing as badly as it seems to be. But it doesn't feel like there's any separation now between Trump and the institutions that are supposedly independent, with the Fed being an exception despite his saying he'd terminate Powell and then claiming the press made a big deal of it. It does feel like it will be difficult for Republicans to extricate themselves from Trump. There isn't anyone standing up and being vocally anti-Trump on that side at the moment.Andrew Keen: You noted that your satirical X profile "Friends of the Deep State" was borrowed from Liz Truss, who made a fool of herself and now is in political exile. Can we learn anything from the Truss fiasco? It seems to me as if Trump a couple of weeks ago on the bond front was, so to speak, "Trussed"—the market spoke and he had to retreat. Can we learn anything from recent British political or economic history to make sense of what's happening in the US, particularly in terms of Truss, who was humiliated by the markets?Jemima Kelly: Trump has the advantage of shamelessness, doesn't he?Andrew Keen: So you're saying that Liz Truss is not shameless?Jemima Kelly: That's a very good point. You could see the embarrassment on her face. Maybe that is just my projection of how I would feel.Andrew Keen: For people just listening, it's a picture of Liz Truss in New York with a MAGA hat on looking like a complete idiot.Jemima Kelly: Just before the inauguration saying, "It can't come soon enough."Andrew Keen: And she says "the West needs it," whatever that means.Jemima Kelly: She's constantly "saving the West." She was at a Bitcoin conference last weekend giving a speech on saving the West. It's really exciting that we have such capable hands to save the West.Andrew Keen: Especially at the Bitcoin conference.Jemima Kelly: Exactly. They're the real people to do it. What can we learn from Truss? What we can learn, and this takes us into the Democrats, is that a few people have floated the idea that America should have some form of shadow cabinet. One of the reasons that Truss lasted for only 42 days—less than the lettuce—was that we have such a vocal opposition in this country. It's very clear who the spokesperson is from the opposing party. So when a journalist is writing a story about Truss's mini budget, right away, you've got the shadow chancellor to tell you why it's a terrible idea. In America, it's not so clear, and I think that's a disadvantage.Andrew Keen: You wrote an excellent column in the last month on why America needs a "serious opposition."Jemima Kelly: It really opened my eyes, this idea of the shadow cabinet. Obviously, the government has a different structure in the US, and it's not a monarchy, etc. But the idea of some form—even if just in name only—if the Democrats were able to put forward a representative for each of the major government departments, it would help. It made me think that American media often sees itself as "the resistance"—the media is the resistance. I feel like our job is to report the news. Too often it feels like the media was trying to stop Trump from getting reelected or trying to hide that Biden was too old for another four years. The media is far too often doing the work that an opposition should be doing.It dawned on me that this is partly because of the lack of structure that we have with the constant back and forth. As a journalist, rather than having to explain why the Liz Truss mini-budget was bad, you've got someone on the other side to tell you. The Democrats are in disarray. Usually, there's nothing like a common enemy to unite you, and Trump should be that. Amid the tariffs, the trade war, the deportation of immigrants, threats to deport others to horrific Salvadoran prisons—if there were a time to be united, it would be now. This is peak Trump fear, and yet the Democrats have record low approval ratings among their supporters. A Gallup poll showed Republican approval of their congressmen is at 76 percent while Democrats are at 39 percent among Democrats. There is a real void of cohesive or coherent opposition.Andrew Keen: You've been quite critical of the Democrats. Back in July, you talked about the "Biden debacle" and the absurdity of a man clearly out of his depth. But you've also written more recently about Democrats not abandoning their morals. When historians look back, how much of a debacle was the Biden regime? Will it be seen as the trigger that enabled Trump 2.0, or would these things be seen separately?Jemima Kelly: I don't think it was Biden's administration; I think it was the cover-up of his physical decline.Andrew Keen: I wasn't surprised by that debate he had with Trump. He clearly was way beyond his shelf life. It was self-evident if you watched interviews with him.Jemima Kelly: It was already evident. I got into trouble for talking about this before the 2020 election because he had gotten the name of an interviewer wrong, and fact-checking organizations rushed in to say he hadn't. They were lying on his behalf, which shocked me.Andrew Keen: Does that make Trump's point on Truth Social that the media is really the Democratic party, or the two are inseparable?Jemima Kelly: It's funny because every time I've written about this, I've gotten pushback. I was the first "ritual sacrifice" on BlueSky a few months ago because I dared to say it was an echo chamber. Apparently, I implied that I wanted more Nazis on BlueSky, which is obviously sarcasm. One thing I find interesting—if you type "New York Times" into BlueSky, you'll get people complaining about how pro-Trump they are or how they're "both-sides-ists." If you type "New York Times" into X, you'll get people complaining about how anti-Trump they are and how it's just an extension of the Democratic Party.I think there's something like 3-4% of American journalists who vote Republican, so clearly, the media does lean left or Democrat. Trump is now letting really marginal right-wing news outlets into his briefings, which in some ways I don't think is all bad. I think it would be good to have a more balanced media.Andrew Keen: You wrote a good piece in December, "Democrats must not abandon their morals," which I guess goes without saying. There are still morals in the Republican party. Well, certainly ex-Republicans like David Brooks and Peter Wehner seem to be the most convincingly moral Americans. But that's another issue. What advice would you give the Democrats? On one hand, you've got a civil war within the party between its left—Bernie Sanders and AOC—versus centrists. They agree on almost nothing apart from being in the same big tent party. What advice would you give Democrats?Jemima Kelly: I don't feel in a position to give advice.Andrew Keen: What would you like to see then?Jemima Kelly: Just to be clear about the "Democrats shouldn't abandon their morals" column, that was written after Biden pardoned his son Hunter, which I found uncool. I hate that. I was arguing that if you're going to talk about how immoral the Trump project is and how full of lies it is—and it is all those things—then you have to show that you're better. I felt that was a failure during the first Trump term.I think outlets like the New York Times are doing better this time around. But there was an op-ed written after the first Trump victory about how objectivity needed to be abandoned, like there was a new game to play. I think that's really short-termist and will set a terrible precedent. Trump has come in again on the back of a massive loss of trust in institutions, which was already happening but was made worse by COVID—all the debates about origins, vaccines, etc. That chipped away at trust in science, government, and institutions in general.I write a lot about virtue and honor. I just wrote about hope. I don't think we think about values enough. Only the right in America seems to talk about religion. I'm not even a Christian myself—I was raised Catholic but don't consider myself that anymore—but I feel that values and morality aren't spoken about enough. The Democrats need to take the high ground. They were pulling up placards saying "Lie" at Trump's address to Congress, wearing colors to represent protest. AOC was doing videos saying "choose your fighter," trying to appeal to young people. It was all so cringe and inauthentic. When Trump is being seen as authentic, and Bernie Sanders, who does come across as authentic, there's such a vacuum of authenticity.Andrew Keen: You noted that one of the reasons why Trump is so successful is his eccentricity. That's one of his attractive qualities. A couple of quick questions before we go. You're at the FT, so you're supposed to understand the global economy. Back in September, you talked about America's crypto election. I have a nagging suspicion that crypto might be one of the things that ultimately blows up Trump. There is a lot of fraud within the administration on crypto, with some people making vast fortunes. Trump or his administration is in bed with the Bitcoin bros. What do you make of this association? Because Trump historically has always been ambivalent about crypto. Is this a sideshow or could it become the main show?Jemima Kelly: I don't think it could become the main show just because crypto is still not systemically important enough. If we compare it to the trade war, it pales in comparison in terms of numbers. The IMF downgrading forecasts by one percentage point for the US—that is far more likely to bring down Trump economically.Andrew Keen: Could we be seeing a restructuring of the global financial economy where crypto becomes an alternative to the Fed, given Trump's hostility towards the Fed?Jemima Kelly: God, no, not in my opinion. My ultimate point with crypto—and by the way, people who believe in Bitcoin (and I use the word "believe" deliberately because I do regard it as a belief system) think that Bitcoin is different from other crypto because it's the first one and will only have 21 million coins ever minted. But these are just strings of digits. Then someone comes along and says, "oh no, Bitcoin and Ethereum," and someone else adds Dogecoin as well.These aren't companies like the S&P 500 where there's a finite list. Each of these coins does absolutely nothing, and there's no limit to the number that can exist. I could speak about crypto for hours, but I always come back to the fact that there is no scarcity. Bitcoiners hate when I say this because they claim Bitcoin is different. There is no limit to the number of cryptocurrencies that can exist. If you look at CoinMarketCap.com, they used to count how many cryptocurrencies there were, but I think it got embarrassing because the counter disappeared. There are tens of thousands, maybe hundreds of thousands at this point. How can there be value when there's no scarcity?Andrew Keen: I hope you're right on that front. Finally, you've been very critical of Silicon Valley and big tech. You wrote a piece recently on Mark Zuckerberg caving into Trump. Zuckerberg caved in, Bezos appears to have with the Washington Post, some law firms have, some haven't. Do you think this will come back to haunt opportunists like Zuckerberg? Is it in the interest, not just moral but economic, of American business leaders, university leaders, and heads of law firms to stand up to all this nonsense?Jemima Kelly: I think so, yes. We have so glorified wealth that people only seem to think value exists in financial terms. If I were Mark Zuckerberg, I would care about what people thought of me, but that's even superficial. I would care about being able to sleep well at night. I don't know how these people justify it.I heard a Mark Andreessen podcast a few months ago where he said, "The one thing people don't understand about billionaires is they don't care about money. They just want people to like them." I thought that was really interesting, but it doesn't seem to match their actions.Andrew Keen: Well, we probably should end. I'm not sure if you've written any columns on Musk, but he seems to represent all of this. He's clearly distancing himself from Trump, just as Trump is distancing himself from Musk. Are we beginning to see the end of this love affair between the Musks and the Andreessens with Trump?Jemima Kelly: It's interesting because Musk was supposedly the savior of electric cars, but the current-day Musk would be so skeptical of electric cars. It's weird that he was that guy and now has to keep being that guy to a certain extent because it's his brand. I think he's been radicalized by people not liking him, and he's being pushed further into this corner because he wants to feel part of a tribe. Now he feels like he fits in at Mar-a-Lago and hangs out with Trump.Do I think that's the end of their relationship? It's hard to know. I wouldn't be surprised if they did fall out quite soon. But they're both very strange people, aren't they?Andrew Keen: To put it mildly. You've got a big picture of the two of them in a Tesla on the cover of the Financial Times. I think they're both secretly fans of Millwall Football Club with their famous song "Nobody Loves Us, We Don't Care."Jemima Kelly: What?Andrew Keen: I'm joking, but maybe the same is true of Donald Trump and certainly Elon Musk.Jemima Kelly: They care so much. That's what's funny. Trump cares more than anyone about people loving him. I think that's what drives him. He really wants to be seen as a good president, which comforts me when things are going badly because I think he wants people to love him. He really wants the Nobel Peace Prize, which is hilarious, but he does want that.Andrew Keen: Well, one thing we've resolved today is that Donald Trump is not a fan of Millwall Football Club. He wants everybody to love him. He does care if they don't. Jemima, I know you don't really care because you're someone who will always say what you think. We'll have to get you back on the show for The View from London. Not an eccentric view, but an irreverent view. Thank you so much, Jemima Kelly, columnist of the FT. We will have you back on the show. Keep well.Jemima Kelly: Thank you, you too. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

It's official. The American Dream is dead. And it's been resurrected in Europe where, according to the FT columnist Simon Kuper, disillusioned Americans should relocate. Compared with the United States, Kuper argues, Europe offers the three key metrics of a 21st century good life: “four years more longevity, higher self-reported happiness and less than half the carbon emissions per person”. So where exactly to move? The Paris based Kuper believes that his city is the most beautiful in Europe. He's also partial to Madrid, which offers Europe's sunniest lifestyle. And even London, in spite of all its post Brexit gloom, Kuper promises, offers American exiles the promise of a better life than the miserable existence which they now have to eek out in the United States. Five Takeaways* Quality of Life.:Kuper believes European quality of life surpasses America's for the average person, with Europeans living longer, having better physical health, and experiencing less extreme political polarization.* Democratic Europe vs Aristocratic America: While the wealthy can achieve greater fortunes in America, Kuper argues that Europeans in the "bottom 99%" live longer and healthier lives than their American counterparts.* Guns, Anxiety and the Threat of Violence: Political polarization in America creates more anxiety than in Europe, partly because Americans might be armed and because religion makes people hold their views more fervently.* MAGA Madness: Kuper sees Trump as more extreme than European right-wing leaders like Italy's Meloni, who governs as "relatively pro-European" and "pro-Ukrainian."* It's not just a Trump thing. Kuper believes America's declining international credibility will persist even after Trump leaves office, as Europeans will fear another "America First" president could follow any moderate administration.Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello everybody. It's Monday, April the 21st, 2025. This conversation actually might go out tomorrow on the 22nd. Nonetheless, the headlines of the Financial Times, the world's most global economic newspaper, are miserable from an American point of view. US stocks and the dollar are sinking again as Donald Trump renews his attack on the Fed chair Jay Powell. Meanwhile Trump is also attacking the universities and many other bastions of civilization at least according to the FT's political columnist Gideon Rachman. For another FT journalist, my guest today Simon Kuper has been on the show many times before. All this bad news about America suggests that for Americans it's time to move to Europe. Simon is joining us from Paris, which Paris is that in Europe Simon?Simon Kuper: I was walking around today and thinking it has probably never in its history looked as good as it does now. It really is a fabulous city, especially when the sun shines.Andrew Keen: Nice of them where I am in San Francisco.Simon Kuper: I always used to like San Francisco, but I knew it before every house costs $15 million.Andrew Keen: Well, I'm not sure that's entirely true, but maybe there's some truth. Paris isn't exactly cheap either, is it? Certainly where you live.Simon Kuper: Cheaper than San Francisco, so I did for this article that you mentioned, I did some research on house prices and certainly central Paris is one of the most expensive areas in the European Union, but still considerably cheaper than cities like New York and San Francisco. A friend of mine who lives here told me that if she moved to New York, she would move from central Paris to for the same price living in some very, very distant suburb of New York City.Andrew Keen: Your column this week, Americans, it's time to move to Europe. You obviously wrote with a degree of relish. Is this Europe's revenge on America that it's now time to reverse the brain drain from Europe to America? Now it's from America to Europe.Simon Kuper: I mean, I don't see it as revenge. I'm a generally pro-American person by inclination and I even married an American and have children who are American as well as being French and British. So when I went to the US as firstly as a child, age 10, 11, I was in sixth grade in California. I thought it was the most advanced, wonderful place in the world and the sunshine and there was nowhere nice than California. And then I went as a student in my early 20s. And again, I thought this was the early 90s. This is the country of the future. It's so much more advanced than Europe. And they have this new kind of wise technocratic government that is going to make things even better. And it was the beginning of a big American boom of the 90s when I think American quality of life reached its peak, that life expectancy was reached, that was then declined a long time after the late 90s. So my impressions in the past were always extremely good, but no longer. The last 20 years visiting the US I've never really felt this is a society where ordinary people can have as good a life as in Europe.Andrew Keen: When you say ordinary people, I mean, you're not an ordinary person. And I'm guessing most of the people you and your wife certainly isn't ordinary. She's a well known writer. In fact, she's written on France and the United States and parenthood, very well known, you are well known. What do you mean by ordinary people?Simon Kuper: Yeah, I mean, it's not entirely about me. Amazingly, I am not so egomaniac as to draw conclusions on some matters just looking at my own situation. What I wrote about the US is that if you're in the 1% in the US and you are pursuing great wealth in finance or tech and you have a genuine shot at it, you will achieve wealth that you can't really achieve in Europe. You know, the top end of the US is much higher than in Europe. Still not necessarily true that your life will be better. So even rich Americans live shorter than rich Europeans. But OK, so the 1% America really offers greater expansion opportunities than Europe does. Anywhere below that, the Europeans in the bottom 99%, let's say, they live longer than their American equivalents. They are less fat, their bodies function better because they walk more, because they're not being bombarded by processed food in the same way. Although we have political polarization here, it's not as extreme as in the US. Where I quote a European friend of mine who lives in the American South. He says he sometimes doesn't go out of his house for days at a time because he says meeting Trump supporters makes him quite anxious.Andrew Keen: Where does he live? I saw that paragraph in the piece, you said he doesn't, and I'm quoting him, a European friend of mine who lives in the American South sometimes doesn't leave his house for days on end so as to avoid running into Trump supporters. Where does he live?Simon Kuper: He lives, let me say he lives in Georgia, he lives in the state of Georgia.Andrew Keen: Well, is that Atlanta? I mean, Atlanta is a large town, lots of anti-Trump sentiment there. Whereabouts in Georgia?Simon Kuper: He doesn't live in Atlanta, but I also don't want to specify exactly where he lives because he's entitled.Andrew Keen: In case you get started, but in all seriousness, Simon, isn't this a bit exaggerated? I mean, I'm sure there are some of your friends in Paris don't go outside the fancy center because they might run into fans of Marine Le Pen. What's the difference?Simon Kuper: I think that polarization creates more anxiety in the US and is more strongly felt for a couple of reasons. One is that because people might be armed in America, that gives an edge to any kind of disagreement that isn't here in Europe. And secondly, because religion is more of a factor in American life, people hold their views more strongly, more fervently, then. So I think there's a seriousness and edge to the American polarization that isn't quite the same as here. And the third reason I think polarization is worse is movement is more extreme even than European far-right movements. So my colleague John Byrne Murdoch at the Financial Times has mapped this, that Republican views from issues from climate to the role of the state are really off the charts. There's no European party coeval to them. So for example, the far-right party in France, the Rassemblement National, doesn't deny climate change in the way that Trump does.Andrew Keen: So, how does that contextualize Le Pen or Maloney or even the Hungarian neo-authoritarians for whom a lot of Trump supporters went to Budapest to learn what he did in order to implement Trump 2.0?Simon Kuper: Yeah, I think Orban, in terms of his creating an authoritarian society where the universities have been reined in, where the courts have been rained in, in that sense is a model for Trump. His friendliness with Putin is more of a model for Trump. Meloni and Le Pen, although I do not support them in any way, are not quite there. And so Meloni in Italy is in a coalition and is governing as somebody relatively pro-European. She's pro-Ukrainian, she's pro-NATO. So although, you know, she and Trump seem to have a good relationship, she is nowhere near as extreme as Trump. And you don't see anyone in Europe who's proposing these kinds of tariffs that Trump has. So I think that the, I would call it the craziness or the extremism of MAGA, doesn't really have comparisons. I mean, Orban, because he leads a small country, he has to be a bit more savvy and aware of what, for example, Brussels will wear. So he pushes Brussels, but he also needs money from Brussels. So, he reigns himself in, whereas with Trump, it's hard to see much restraint operating.Andrew Keen: I wonder if you're leading American liberals on a little bit, Simon. You suggested it's time to come to Europe, but Americans in particular aren't welcome, so to speak, with open arms, certainly from where you're talking from in Paris. And I know a lot of Americans who have come to Europe, London, Paris, elsewhere, and really struggled to make friends. Would, for Americans who are seriously thinking of leaving Trump's America, what kind of welcome are they gonna get in Europe?Simon Kuper: I mean, it's true that I haven't seen anti-Americanism as strong as this in my, probably in my lifetime. It might have been like this during the Vietnam War, but I was a child, I don't remember. So there is enormous antipathy to, let's say, to Trumpism. So two, I had two visiting Irish people, I had lunch with them on Friday, who both work in the US, and they said, somebody shouted at them on the street, Americans go home. Which I'd never heard, honestly, in Paris. And they shouted back, we're not American, which is a defense that doesn't work if you are American. So that is not nice. But my sense of Americans who live here is that the presumption of French people is always that if you're an American who lives here, you're not a Trumpist. Just like 20 years ago, if you are an American lives here you're not a supporter of George W. Bush. So there is a great amount of awareness that there are Americans and Americans that actually the most critical response I heard to my article was from Europeans. So I got a lot of Americans saying, yeah, yeah. I agree. I want to get out of here. I heard quite a lot of Europeans say, for God's sake, don't encourage them all to come here because they'll drive up prices and so on, which you can already see elements of, and particularly in Barcelona or in Venice, basically almost nobody lives in Venice except which Americans now, but in Barcelona where.Andrew Keen: Only rich Americans in Venice, no other rich people.Simon Kuper: It has a particular appeal to no Russians. No, no one from the gulf. There must be some there must be something. They're not many Venetians.Andrew Keen: What about the historical context, Simon? In all seriousness, you know, Americans have, of course, fled the United States in the past. One thinks of James Baldwin fleeing the Jim Crow South. Could the Americans now who were leaving the universities, Tim Schneider, for example, has already fled to Canada, as Jason Stanley has as well, another scholar of fascism. Is there stuff that American intellectuals, liberals, academics can bring to Europe that you guys currently don't have? Or are intellectuals coming to Europe from the US? Is it really like shipping coal, so to speak, to Newcastle?Simon Kuper: We need them desperately. I mean, as you know, since 1933, there has been a brain drain of the best European intellectuals in enormous numbers to the United States. So in 1933, the best university system in the world was Germany. If you measure by number of Nobel prizes, one that's demolished in a month, a lot of those people end up years later, especially in the US. And so you get the new school in New York is a center. And people like Adorno end up, I think, in Los Angeles, which must be very confusing. And American universities, you get the American combination. The USP, what's it called, the unique selling point, is you have size, you have wealth, you have freedom of inquiry, which China doesn't have, and you have immigration. So you bring in the best brains. And so Europe lost its intellectuals. You have very wealthy universities, partly because of the role of donors in America. So, you know, if you're a professor at Stanford or Columbia, I think the average salary is somewhere over $300,000 for professors at the top universities. In Europe, there's nothing like that. Those people would at least have to halve their salary. And so, yeah, for Europeans, this is a unique opportunity to get some of the world's leading brains back. At cut price because they would have to take a big salary cut, but many of them are desperate to do it. I mean, if your lab has been defunded by the government, or if the government doesn't believe in your research into climate or vaccines, or just if you're in the humanities and the government is very hostile to it, or, if you write on the history of race. And that is illegal now in some southern states where I think teaching they call it structural racism or there's this American phrase about racism that is now banned in some states that the government won't fund it, then you think, well, I'll take that pay cost and go back to Europe. Because I'm talking going back, I think the first people to take the offer are going to be the many, many top Europeans who work at American universities.Andrew Keen: You mentioned at the end of Europe essay, the end of the American dream. You're quoting Trump, of course, ironically. But the essay is also about the end of the America dream, perhaps the rebirth or initial birth of the European dream. To what extent is the American dream, in your view, and you touched on this earlier, Simon, dependent on the great minds of Europe coming to America, particularly during and after the, as a response to the rise of Nazism, Hannah Arendt, for example, even people like Aldous Huxley, who came to Hollywood in the 1930s. Do you think that the American dream itself is in part dependent on European intellectuals like Arendt and Huxley, even Ayn Rand, who not necessarily the most popular figure on the left, but certainly very influential in her ideas about capitalism and freedom, who came of course from Russia.Simon Kuper: I mean, I think the average American wouldn't care if Ayn Rand or Hannah Arendt had gone to Australia instead. That's not their dream. I think their American dream has always been about the idea of social mobility and building a wealthy life for yourself and your family from nothing. Now almost all studies of social ability say that it's now very low in the US. It's lower than in most of Europe. Especially Northern Europe and Scandinavia have great social mobility. So if you're born in the lower, say, 10% or 20% in Denmark, you have a much better chance of rising to the top of society than if you were born at the bottom 10%, 20% in the US. So America is not very good for social mobility anymore. I think that the brains that helped the American economy most were people working in different forms of tech research. And especially for the federal government. So the biggest funder of science in the last 80 years or so, I mean, the Manhattan Project and on has been the US federal government, biggest in the world. And the thing is you can't eat atom bombs, but what they also produce is research that becomes hugely transformative in civilian life and in civilian industries. So GPS or famously the internet come out of research that's done within the federal government with a kind of vague defense angle. And so I think those are the brains that have made America richer. And then of course, the number of immigrants who found companies, and you see this in tech, is much higher than the number percentage of native born Americans who do. And a famous example of that is Elon Musk.Andrew Keen: Yeah, and you were on the show just before Christmas in response to your piece about Musk, Thiel and the shadow of apartheid in South Africa. So I'm guessing you don't want the Musks and Thiels. They won't be welcome in Europe, will they?Simon Kuper: I don't think they want to go. I mean, if you want to create a tech company, you want very deep capital markets. You want venture capital firms that are happy to bet a few billion on you. And a very good place to do that, the best place in the world by far, is Silicon Valley. And so a French friend of mine said he was at a reception in San Francisco, surrounded by many, many top French engineers who all work for Silicon Valley firms, and he thought, what would it take them to come back? He didn't have an answer. Now the answer might be, maybe, well, Donald Trump could persuade them to leave. But they want to keep issuing visas for those kinds of people. I mean, the thing is that what we're seeing with Chinese AI breakthroughs in what was called DeepSeek. Also in overtaking Tesla on electric cars suggests that maybe, you know, the cutting edge of innovation is moving from Silicon Valley after nearly 100 years to China. This is not my field of expertise at all. But you know the French economist Thomas Filippon has written about how the American economy has become quite undynamic because it's been taken over by monopolies. So you can't start another Google, you can start another Amazon. And you can't build a rival to Facebook because these companies control of the market and as Facebook did with WhatsApp or Instagram, they'll just buy you up. And so you get quite a much more static tech scene than 30 years ago when really, you know, inventions, great inventions are being made in Silicon Valley all the time. Now you get a few big companies that are the same for a very long period.Andrew Keen: Well, of course, you also have OpenAI, which is a startup, but that's another conversation.Simon Kuper: Yeah, the arguments in AI is that maybe China can do it better.Andrew Keen: Can be. I don't know. Well, it has, so to speak, Simon, the light bulb gone off in Europe on all this on all these issues. Mario Draghi month or two ago came out. Was it a white paper or report suggesting that Europe needed to get its innovation act together that there wasn't enough investment or capital? Are senior people within the EU like Draghi waking up to the reality of this historical opportunity to seize back economic power, not just cultural and political.Simon Kuper: I mean, Draghi doesn't have a post anymore, as far as I'm aware. I mean of course he was the brilliant governor of the European Central Bank. But that report did have a big impact, didn't it? It had a big impact. I think a lot of people thought, yeah, this is all true. We should spend enormous fortunes and borrow enormous fortunes to create a massive tech scene and build our own defense industries and so on. But they're not going to do it. It's the kind of report that you write when you don't have a position of power and you say, this is what we should do. And the people in positions of power say, oh, but it's really complicated to do it. So they don't do it, so no, they're very, there's not really, we've been massively overtaken and left behind on tech by the US and China. And there doesn't seem to be any impetus, serious impetus to build anything on that scale to invest that kind of money government led or private sector led in European tech scene. So yeah, if you're in tech. Maybe you should be going to Shanghai, but you probably should not be going to Europe. So, and this is a problem because China and the US make our future and we use their cloud servers. You know, we could build a search engine, but we can't liberate ourselves from the cloud service. Defense is a different matter where, you know, Draghi said we should become independent. And because Trump is now European governments believe Trump is hostile to us on defense, hostile to Ukraine and more broadly to Europe, there I think will be a very quick move to build a much bigger European defense sector so we don't have to buy for example American planes which they where they can switch off the operating systems if they feel like it.Andrew Keen: You live in Paris. You work for the FT, or one of the papers you work for is the FT a British paper. Where does Britain stand here? So many influential Brits, of course, went to America, particularly in the 20th century. Everyone from Alfred Hitchcock to Christopher Hitchens, all adding enormous value like Arendt and Ayn Rand. Is Britain, when you talk of Europe, are you still in the back of your mind thinking of Britain, or is it? An island somehow floating or stuck between America, the end of the American dream and the beginning of the European dream. In a way, are you suggesting that Brits should come to Europe as well?Simon Kuper: I think Britain is floating quite rapidly towards Europe because in a world where you have three military superpowers that are quite predatory and are not interested in alliances, the US, China and Russia, the smaller countries, and Britain is a smaller country and has realized since Brexit that it is a small country, the small countries just need to ally. And, you know, are you going to trust an alliance with Trump? A man who is not interested in the fates of other countries and breaks his word, or would you rather have an alliance with the Europeans who share far more of your values? And I think the Labor government in the UK has quietly decided that, I know that it has decided that on economic issues, it's always going to prioritize aligning with Europe, for example, aligning food standards with Europe so that we can sell my food. They can sell us our food without any checks because we've accepted all their standards, not with the US. So in any choice between, you know, now there's talk of a potential US-UK trade deal, do we align our standards with the US. Or Europe? It's always going to be Europe first. And on defense, you have two European defense powers that are these middle powers, France and the UK. Without the UK, there isn't really a European defense alliance. And that is what is gonna be needed now because there's a big NATO summit in June, where I think it's going to become patently obvious to everyone, the US isn't really a member of NATO anymore. And so then you're gonna move towards a post US NATO. And if the UK is not in it, well, it looks very, very weak indeed. And if UK is alone, that's quite a scary position to be in in this world. So yeah, I see a UK that is not gonna rejoin the European Union anytime soon. But is more and more going to ally itself, is already aligning itself with Europe.Andrew Keen: As the worm turned, I mean, Trump has been in power 100 days, supposedly is limited to the next four years, although he's talking about running for a third term. Can America reverse itself in your view?Simon Kuper: I think it will be very hard whatever Trump does for other countries to trust him again. And I also think that after Trump goes, which as you say may not be in 2028, but after he goes and if you get say a Biden or Obama style president who flies to Europe and says it's all over, we're friends again. Now the Europeans are going to think. But you know, it's very, very likely that in four years time, you will be replaced by another America first of some kind. So we cannot build a long term alliance with the US. So for example, we cannot do long term deals to buy Americans weapons systems, because maybe there's a president that we like, but they'll be succeeded by a president who terrifies us quite likely. So, there is now, it seems to me, instability built in for the very long term into... America has a potential ally. It's you just can't rely on this anymore. Even should Trump go.Andrew Keen: You talk about Europe as one place, which, of course, geographically it is, but lots of observers have noted the existence, it goes without saying, of many Europe's, particularly the difference between Eastern and Western Europe.Simon Kuper: I've looked at that myself, yes.Andrew Keen: And you've probably written essays on this as well. Eastern Europe is Poland, perhaps, Czech Republic, even Hungary in an odd way. They're much more like the United States, much more interested perhaps in economic wealth than in the other metrics that you write about in your essay. Is there more than one Europe, Simon? And for Americans who are thinking of coming to Europe, should it be? Warsaw, Prague, Paris, Madrid.Simon Kuper: These are all great cities, so it depends what you like. I mean, I don't know if they're more individualistic societies. I would doubt that. All European countries, I think, could be described as social democracies. So there is a welfare state that provides people with health and education in a way that you don't quite have in the United States. And then the opposite, the taxes are higher. The opportunities to get extremely wealthy are lower here. I think the big difference is that there is a part of Europe for whom Russia is an existential threat. And that's especially Poland, the Baltics, Romania. And there's a part of Europe, France, Britain, Spain, for whom Russia is really quite a long way away. So they're not that bothered about it. They're not interested in spending a lot on defense or sending troops potentially to die there because they see Russia as not their problem. I would see that as a big divide. In terms of wealth, I mean, it's equalizing. So the average Pole outside London is now, I think, as well off or better than the average Britain. So the average Pole is now as well as the average person outside London. London, of course, is still.Andrew Keen: This is the Poles in the UK or the Poles.Simon Kuper: The Poles in Poland. So the Poles who came to the UK 20 years ago did so because the UK was then much richer. That's now gone. And so a lot of Poles and even Romanians are returning because economic opportunities in Poland, especially, are just as good as in the West. So there has been a little bit of a growing together of the two halves of the continent. Where would you live? I mean, my personal experience, having spent a year in Madrid, it's the nicest city in the world. Right, it's good. Yeah, nice cities to live in, I like living in big cities, so of big cities it's the best. Spanish quality of life. If you earn more than the average Spaniard, I think the average income, including everyone wage earners, pensioners, students, is only about $20,000. So Spaniards have a problem with not having enough income. So if you're over about $20000, and in Madrid probably quite a bit more than that, then it's a wonderful life. And I think, and Spaniards live about five years longer than Americans now. They live to about age 84. It's a lovely climate, lovely people. So that would be my personal top recommendation. But if you like a great city, Paris is the greatest city in the European Union. London's a great, you know, it's kind of bustling. These are the two bustling world cities of Europe, London and Paris. I think if you can earn an American salary, maybe through working remotely and live in the Mediterranean somewhere, you have the best deal in the world because Mediterranean prices are low, Mediterranean culture, life is unbeatable. So that would be my general recommendation.Andrew Keen: Finally, Simon, being very generous with your time, I'm sure you'd much rather be outside in Paris in what you call the greatest city in the EU. You talk in the piece about three metrics that show that it's time to move to Europe, housing, education, sorry, longevity, happiness and the environment. Are there any metrics at all now to stay in the United States?Simon Kuper: I mean, if you look at people's incomes in the US they're considerably higher, of course, your purchasing power for a lot of things is less. So I think the big purchasing power advantage Americans have until the tariffs was consumer goods. So if you want to buy a great television set, it's better to do that out of an American income than out of a Spanish income, but if you want the purchasing power to send your kids to university, to get healthcare. Than to be guaranteed a decent pension, then Europe is a better place. So even though you're earning more money in the US, you can't buy a lot of stuff. If you wanna go to a nice restaurant and have a good meal, the value for money will be better in Europe. So I suppose if you wanna be extremely wealthy and you have a good shot at that because a lot people overestimate their chance of great wealth. Then America is a better bet than Europe. Beyond that, I find it hard to right now adduce reasons. I mean, it's odd because like the Brexiteers in the UK, Trump is attacking some of the things that really did make America great, such as this trading system that you can get very, very cheap goods in the United States, but also the great universities. So. I would have been much more positive about the idea of America a year ago, but even then I would've said the average person lives better over here.Andrew Keen: Well, there you have it. Simon Cooper says to Americans, it's time to move to Europe. The American dream has ended, perhaps the beginning of the European dream. Very provocative. Simon, we'll get you back on the show. Your column is always a central reading in the Financial Times. Thanks so much and enjoy Paris.Simon Kuper: Thank you, Andrew. Enjoy San Francisco. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

This episode is sponsored by House of Macadamias -- ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Click Here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ to get our specially curated box that also comes with the free snack bars and 15% offer for CURVA MUNDIAL listeners! ⁠Also, be sure to visit our merch store!⁠In the Season 11 premier of CURVA MUNDIAL, famed economist, acclaimed author and podcast host Simon Kuper joins us to talk about his love of Dutch football, growing up in Netherlands and the big business of our favorite sport.

Back in 1911, the Mona Lisa didn't get a lot of attention. Art critics considered it an excellent example of a painting from the renaissance era, but the general public wasn't nearly so enamored. That changed in August of that year, when someone plucked it off the wall of the Louvre, busted it out of its glass box and frame, and took off with it. Remember, kids, history hoes always cite their sources! For this episode, Kristin pulled from: “Who stole the Mona Lisa?” by Simon Kuper for Slate “Stolen: How the Mona Lisa became the world's most famous painting,” by James Zug for Smithsonian Magazine “Stealing Mona Lisa,” by Dorothy and Thomas Hoobler for Vanity Fair The documentary “Mona Lisa is Missing” “When Picasso went on trial for stealing the Mona Lisa,” by Ian Shank for Artsy.net “The man who stole the Mona Lisa,” by Laura Cumming for The Guardian “The Theft That Made The ‘Mona Lisa' A Masterpiece,” NPR.org Are you enjoying An Old Timey Podcast? Then please leave us a 5-star rating and review wherever you listen to podcasts! Are you *really* enjoying An Old Timey Podcast? Well, calm down, history ho! You can get more of us on Patreon at patreon.com/oldtimeypodcast. At the $5 level, you'll get a monthly bonus episode (with video!), access to our 90's style chat room, plus the entire back catalog of bonus episodes from Kristin's previous podcast, Let's Go To Court.

For centuries, Westminster has been dominated by politicians who attended some of the most prestigious schools in the country. This week on Westminster Insider, host Sascha O'Sullivan finds out whether public schools still dominate or if state educated Rachel Reeves and Bridget Phillipson's move to tax fees reflects the end of the era of Etonians. Sascha visits Eton College and takes a tour around the art school and the theater, hears from an old boy about the kind of education children receive there — and discovers why our prime ministers are far more likely to have been attended this school than any other. Former Labour adviser and old Etonian Patrick Hennessey tells Sascha the confidence a school such as his alma mater instills can easily slip into arrogance. FT journalist and author Simon Kuper explains why privately educated politicians have always tended to banded together in Westminster — and how that can leave those that attended less prestigious institutions out in the cold. Keir Starmer's former adviser Donjeta Miftari describes coming to work in SW1 as a former comprehensive pupil and immediately noticing the networks which the independent sector fosters beyond the school itself. Former David Blunkett adviser Conor Ryan recalls the fights with private school heads when the Blair government axed the state-funded assisted places scheme. Sam Freedman, education expert and former adviser to Michael Gove, explains how the former education's secretary's background informed his attitude to education reform. And Sascha travelled to Brentwood, a private school in Essex, where headteacher Michael Bond tells her Reeves' decision to put VAT on private schools was "punishing" them unfairly, as the private sector was making strides towards making fee-paying schools less exclusive. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Simon Kuper host of the Heros and Humans of Football podcast joins Dotun and Tim to discuss the Dutch legend Johan Neeskens and the impact he had on Dutch Football and the Netherlands.SUBSCRIBE TO BRAZILIAN SHIRT NAME EXTRA FOR EARLY ACCESS AND NO ADS:https://brazilian-shirt-name.hubwave.net/FOLLOW THE BRAZILIAN SHIRT NAME ON INSTAGRAM:https://www.instagram.com/brazilshirtpod/FOLLOW THE BRAZILIAN SHIRT NAME ON FACEBOOK:https://www.facebook.com/BrazilShirtPodFOLLOW THE BRAZILIAN SHIRT NAME ON TWITTER:https://twitter.com/BrazilShirtPod LISTEN TO HEROS AND HUMANS HERE:https://podfollow.com/1735004408

Exclusive INCOGNI Deal ➼ go to https://incogni.com/podsavetheuk to get 60% off your annual plan!Keir Starmer gave his first Labour Conference speech as Prime Minister this week - but his message of “national renewal” was slightly spoiled by a backdrop of poor polling, infighting and their never ending “garm drama”. Journalist Zoë Grünewald joins Nish and Coco on the couch to search for the “light at the end of the tunnel” promised by the new government.Later, Simon Kuper, Financial Times journalist and author of Good Chaps: How corrupt politicians broke our law and institutions - and what we can do about it, joins the show to  delve into the government's first scandal-not-scandal. They discuss how donations have infected our politics and why there's no such thing as a free box at the Arsenal game.Guests: Simon Kuper https://x.com/KuperSimonZoë GrünewaldAudio Credits: ITV NewsPod Save the UK is a Reduced Listening production for Crooked Media.Contact us via email: PSUK@reducedlistening.co.ukWhatsApp: 07494 933 444 (UK) or + 44 7494 933 444 (internationally)Insta: https://instagram.com/podsavetheukTwitter: https://twitter.com/podsavetheukTikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@podsavetheukFacebook: https://facebook.com/podsavetheukYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/podsavetheworld

The writer Simon Kuper returns to the podcast to discuss the follow-up to his book Chums, which highlighted the narrow and highly privileged pathway that often funnels attendees of some the UK's top education establishments into the highest seats of power in government. His new book is Good Chaps, an exploration of the idea that most politicians who have followed a privileged route into power will be naturally predisposed to following the rules and doing the right thing. Kuper is known for his writing and columns in the Financial Times, where he comments on topics ranging from politics to culture and sports. Joining him in conversation for this podcast is Josh Glancy, editor of the News Review at The Sunday Times. We are sponsored by Indeed. Go to Indeed.com/IS for £100 sponsored credit. If you'd like to become a Member and get access to all of our longer form interviews and Members-only content, just visit intelligencesquared.com/membership to find out more. For £4.99 per month you'll also receive: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared episodes, wherever you get your podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series - 15% discount on livestreams and in-person tickets for all Intelligence Squared events - Our member-only newsletter The Monthly Read, sent straight to your inbox ... Or Subscribe on Apple for £4.99: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series ... Already a subscriber? Thank you for supporting our mission to foster honest debate and compelling conversations! Visit intelligencesquared.com to explore all your benefits including ad-free podcasts, exclusive bonus content and early access. ... Subscribe to our newsletter here to hear about our latest events, discounts and much more. https://www.intelligencesquared.com/newsletter-signup/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices