Podcasts about Goodluck Jonathan

Max Pearson presents a collection of this week's Witness History episodes from the BBC World Service.We hear about the historic moment in Nigerian politics when Goodluck Jonathan made a phone call to General Buhari marking the peaceful handover of power in 2015.Our expert is historian and creator of the Untold Stories podcast, Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie, who takes us through Nigeria's political history in the leadup to the phone call that changed Nigeria.We find out about Harold Riley who was the only artist to ever be granted a sitting to paint Nelson Mandela and how the portrait was unveiled in 2005.Plus the moment co-pilot, Andreas Lubitz, crashed Germanwings Flight 4U 9525 into a mountain killing 150 people on board in 2015.In 1991, when a Yugoslav People's Army Commander died in mysterious circumstances during the Croatian War of Independence. Finally, the creation of a new genre of music called Ethio-jazz in 1960s New York.Contributors:Dr Reuben Abati - one of Goodluck Jonathan's special advisers Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie - Historian and creator of the Untold Stories podcast Archive of Harold Riley - the only artist to be granted a sitting with Nelson Mandela General David Galtier - military person who led the Germanwings plane crash search operation Mulatu Astatke - musician and 'father of Ethio-jazz'Eye-witness accounts brought to life by archive. Witness History is for those fascinated by the past. We take you to the events that have shaped our world through the eyes of the people who were there. For nine minutes every day, we take you back in time and all over the world, to examine wars, coups, scientific discoveries, cultural moments and much more.Recent episodes explore everything from football in Brazil, the history of the ‘Indian Titanic' and the invention of air fryers, to Public Enemy's Fight The Power, subway art and the political crisis in Georgia. We look at the lives of some of the most famous leaders, artists, scientists and personalities in history, including: visionary architect Antoni Gaudi and the design of the Sagrada Familia; Michael Jordan and his bespoke Nike trainers; Princess Diana at the Taj Mahal; and Görel Hanser, manager of legendary Swedish pop band Abba on the influence they've had on the music industry. You can learn all about fascinating and surprising stories, such as the time an Iraqi journalist hurled his shoes at the President of the United States in protest of America's occupation of Iraq; the creation of the Hollywood commercial that changed advertising forever; and the ascent of the first Aboriginal MP.(Photo:Nigerian president Muhammadu Buhari (L) speaks with outgoing president Goodluck Jonathan (R) Credit: Pool / Nigeria Presidency Press Office/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

In 2015 Goodluck Jonathan became the first Nigerian president to concede election defeat. It allowed the transfer of power to the opposition party in Africa's biggest democracy - a country that had hitherto experienced vote-rigging and violence. His special adviser on media and publicity Dr Reuben Abati tells Josephine McDermott about the moment when the president phoned his opponent Muhammadu Bahari to congratulate him on winning the election.Eye-witness accounts brought to life by archive. Witness History is for those fascinated by the past. We take you to the events that have shaped our world through the eyes of the people who were there. For nine minutes every day, we take you back in time and all over the world, to examine wars, coups, scientific discoveries, cultural moments and much more.Recent episodes explore everything from football in Brazil, the history of the ‘Indian Titanic' and the invention of air fryers, to Public Enemy's Fight The Power, subway art and the political crisis in Georgia. We look at the lives of some of the most famous leaders, artists, scientists and personalities in history, including: visionary architect Antoni Gaudi and the design of the Sagrada Familia; Michael Jordan and his bespoke Nike trainers; Princess Diana at the Taj Mahal; and Görel Hanser, manager of legendary Swedish pop band Abba on the influence they've had on the music industry. You can learn all about fascinating and surprising stories, such as the time an Iraqi journalist hurled his shoes at the President of the United States in protest of America's occupation of Iraq; the creation of the Hollywood commercial that changed advertising forever; and the ascent of the first Aboriginal MP.(Photo: President Goodluck Jonathan and Gen Muhammadu Buhari before the 2015 election. Credit: Getty Images)

As we all delve deeper into the neoliberal vortex, a common coping mechanism is the tendency to look back nostalgically at the “good old days" — wishing for a return of bygone eras when more ‘competent', ‘kind hearted' or ‘decisive' leaders held the reins. While romanticizing past presidents appears to be a global phenomenon, there is a particular version in Nigeria that is especially sickening — insofar as the leaders in question (those that held power during the 4th Republic [1999 — present]) were among the architects of the current madness. All this begs the question: why are we so quick to forgive and forget with past presidents? Why the sudden pining for the return of Goodluck Jonathan? We examined the habit of romanticizing past tenures and why people struggle to situate bygone leaders within a policy and ideological trajectory. We also try to understand why presidents loom so large in Nigerian public discourse relative to, say, finance ministers… And then finally, after all our grammar, we succumb to the stupid game and each reveal our own rankings of the worst presidents in the 4th Republic. Stick around to the end to find out who is Mege's least favorite, and let us know what you think/if you agree.

En Côte d'Ivoire, le pouvoir ne semble pas vouloir donner suite à la demande de l'opposition d'ouvrir un dialogue inclusif sur ce qu'elle appelle les « défaillances » du système électoral. Par ailleurs, le pouvoir laisse aux députés d'opposition la responsabilité de déposer ou non une proposition de loi en faveur de l'amnistie des opposants qui, à l'heure actuelle, ne peuvent pas être candidats à la présidentielle d'octobre 2025. Amadou Coulibaly est ministre de la Communication et porte-parole du gouvernement ivoirien. Il répond aux questions de Christophe Boisbouvier. Et tout d'abord, il s'exprime sur la deuxième édition du SICA, le Salon international du contenu audiovisuel, qui s'ouvre demain, mardi 5 novembre, à Abidjan. RFI : En Afrique, l'industrie audiovisuelle est dominée par deux pays anglophones : le Nigeria et l'Afrique du Sud. Quelle est votre ambition ? Amadou Coulibaly : Notre ambition est de positionner la Côte d'Ivoire, pays francophone, justement, dans cette industrie audiovisuelle et cinématographique. Nous pensons que nous en avons les moyens. Nous avons les infrastructures qu'il faut, nous avons les hommes qu'il faut, nous avons le matériel qu'il faut. Il est important, donc, que la Côte d'Ivoire qui, pendant longtemps, a été la plaque tournante de la musique au niveau du continent, puisse occuper également cette place au niveau du cinéma et de l'audiovisuel. Telle est notre ambition donc.Alors concrètement, le SICA, le salon qui s'ouvre mardi 5 novembre va réunir quelque 250 professionnels.Oui.Donnez-nous un peu leur profil ? Qu'est-ce que vous attendez d'eux ? Ce salon va réunir aussi bien des producteurs, des réalisateurs que des acteurs et des acheteurs. Nous voulons constituer un marché qui va permettre justement de pouvoir échanger des marchandises entre réalisateurs, producteurs et différents acheteurs. Nous avons pratiquement une trentaine de chaînes de télé qui seront présentes, aussi bien des chaînes africaines que des chaînes européennes ou américaines, comme Natyf TV du Canada et TV5 Monde, Canal+. On aura aussi des speakers. Nous aurons Alex Berger, producteur de la série à succès Le bureau des légendes. Nous aurons aussi un producteur turc qui vient, Isef, qui va nous partager son expérience. Donc, c'est quasiment le monde qui se retrouve. Nous avons plus d'une vingtaine de nationalités qui seront présentes donc en Côte d'Ivoire à l'occasion de ce SICA. Au Nigeria, le succès de Nollywood, c'est-à-dire du cinéma local, doit beaucoup aux aides de l'État. Par exemple, en 2010, le président Goodluck Jonathan a lancé un fonds d'intervention de quelque 200 millions de dollars avec l'aide de deux banques nigérianes. Qu'est-ce que peut faire l'État ivoirien pour ses producteurs, pour ses réalisateurs ? L'État a déjà pris des initiatives, il s'agit maintenant d'augmenter ces initiatives de l'État. Au niveau du cinéma par exemple, il y a le Fonsic, qui est le Fonds de soutien à l'industrie cinématographique. Au niveau de l'audiovisuel, il y a les compétences de l'ASDM, qui est l'Agence de soutien au développement des médias, qui a été élargie pour prendre en compte la production audiovisuelle. Justement, l'ambition du SICA, c'est de faire participer le privé. Vous faites bien de souligner qu'au Nigeria, c'est avec l'aide de deux banques privées que l'État a pu décupler son soutien à l'industrie cinématographique. Donc, nous voulons faire connaître cet écosystème au secteur privé, notamment aux banques, assurances et autres sociétés privées, afin qu'elles viennent soutenir l'État dans cette initiative. D'ailleurs, nous aurons deux panels sur les financements : un panel avec les financements publics et des acteurs publics comme le Fonsic, l'ASDM et la BNI, qui est une banque publique, et un autre panel exclusivement réservé aux banques privées, panel qui sera animé par un avocat d'affaires. Selon un récent rapport de l'Unesco, le secteur de l'audiovisuel et du cinéma représente déjà en Afrique quelque 5 millions d'emplois. Quelle est votre ambition ? Il faut que la Côte d'Ivoire puisse faire du cinéma un secteur qui soit véritablement pourvoyeur d'emplois et créateur de richesse. Les quelques indications que nous avons au niveau du pays indiquent que ce secteur contribue à environ 3% au PIB. Nous avons l'ambition de faire augmenter cette contribution au PIB. Et au moment où le chef de l'État a décrété donc une année de la jeunesse, nous pensons que le cinéma peut également apporter sa contribution en termes de création d'emplois pour les jeunes. Donc le cinéma et l'audiovisuel ont leur place et nous ambitionnons donc de l'occuper pleinement. Mais ne faut-il pas pour cela qu'il y ait des narratifs africains qui intéressant les producteurs internationaux ? Vous êtes là en plein cœur d'une des raisons pour lesquelles nous organisons ce SICA. Oui, l'Afrique a un narratif à proposer au monde et les échanges que vont faciliter le SICA vont permettre à l'Afrique de proposer ce narratif. Mais nous restons ouverts. C'est pourquoi nous parlons d'échange. En termes d'échange, nous avons par exemple une coproduction africaine et européenne qui est aujourd'hui sur une plateforme. Et je veux parler de Bienvenue au Gondwana, tourné en Côte d'Ivoire et en France avec des acteurs français, des acteurs ivoiriens et des producteurs français, je parle des frères Altmayer. Donc, vous voyez, il y a une collaboration qui est possible et le SICA veut être la plateforme qui ouvre cette collaboration, qui tient compte du narratif africain. Amadou Coulibaly, vous voulez aussi que la Côte d'Ivoire devienne un lieu de tournage incontournable. Mais vous savez bien que, quand un producteur cherche un pays pour tourner, la première question qu'il se pose, c'est combien ça coûte ? Alors s'il vient chez vous, est-ce qu'il va devoir payer des droits de douane et des taxes ?Déjà, ce qu'il faut savoir, c'est qu'avec la politique mise en place par le président de la République, l'investissement en Côte d'Ivoire est très incitatif. Il y a des dispositions qui ont été prises pour rendre attractif le pays. Mais je suis d'accord avec vous que le secteur de l'audiovisuel reste un secteur particulier et nous sommes en train de travailler de façon à mettre en place un dispositif qui soit adapté à ce secteur-là, de sorte à pouvoir exonérer tous ceux qui sont intéressés à venir tourner en Côte d'Ivoire. Donc, exonérés de certains frais. Nous y travaillons et très bientôt, nous ferons une proposition au gouvernement pour que notre pays soit encore plus attractif du point de vue du cinéma et de l'audiovisuel.Tout à fait autre chose, monsieur le ministre. Le 21 septembre, 15 partis politiques de l'opposition, dont le PDCI de Tidjane Thiam, ont écrit au gouvernement pour lui demander d'ouvrir un dialogue inclusif afin de « corriger les défaillances du système électoral ». Qu'est-ce que vous répondez ? Je voudrais rappeler que nous avons eu une dernière phase du dialogue politique qui a été ouvert de décembre 2021 à mars 2022. Au cours de cette phase, l'un des premiers points qui a rencontré l'adhésion de toutes les parties, ça a été de dire que, aujourd'hui dans notre pays, les institutions sont toutes installées et fonctionnent normalement. Il a été convenu que toutes les questions relevant du fonctionnement de certaines institutions leur soient adressées. Nous sommes aujourd'hui un État véritablement démocratique, nous sommes un État de droit. Je peux comprendre que, à une certaine époque, on s'en référait au tout-puissant président de la République, mais aujourd'hui les institutions fonctionnent. Donc, moi, j'inviterai l'opposition, pour certaines de leurs préoccupations, à s'adresser aux institutions qui en ont la charge, et, relativement à cette question, je pense que l'opposition peut s'adresser à la Commission électorale indépendante. L'opposition affirme que dans sa composition, la CEI, la Commission électorale indépendante, n'est ni équilibrée ni impartiale. Est-ce que vous seriez prêt à envisager une réforme de cette CEI ? Je rappelle, en citant ce dernier dialogue politique, que c'est à l'issue de celui-ci que le PPA-CI [de Laurent Gbagbo] a intégré la Commission électorale indépendante. C'est donc dire que tout peut se régler au niveau de la Commission électorale indépendante. Mais je pense qu'il n'est pas juste de prétendre que cette Commission n'est pas équilibrée. Au contraire, l'opposition y est majoritaire, puisqu'ils ont cinq représentants et la société civile en a six, dont deux du barreau et un de la magistrature. Évidemment, elle a beau jeu de dire que le représentant du chef de l'État ou du ministère de l'Intérieur sont proches du pouvoir, mais je rappelle que, lorsque Laurent Gbagbo était au pouvoir, il avait un représentant aussi bien de la présidence et un représentant du ministère de l'Intérieur. Ce sont des dispositions qui existaient bien avant que le RHDP n'arrive au pouvoir. Vendredi dernier, sur RFI et France 24, vous avez pu entendre l'opposant Charles Blé Goudé qui lançait un appel au président Ouattara pour qu'il fasse passer une loi sur l'amnistie afin que lui-même puisse être candidat l'an prochain. Pensez-vous que cela est envisageable ? Une fois de plus, je le répète, nous sommes un État de droit où toutes les institutions sont installées ou fonctionnent. Je suis toujours surpris qu'aujourd'hui, on veuille toujours en revenir au chef de l'État, alors qu'il y a des institutions qui fonctionnent. L'Assemblée nationale est le lieu où on peut faire également des propositions de loi. Il me semble que l'opposition est très bien représentée à l'Assemblée nationale. Elle pourra bien sûr introduire une proposition de loi à ce niveau, parce que les lois que le chef de l'État peut prendre sont encadrées aujourd'hui. Et est-ce que le RHDP au pouvoir serait prêt à voter une telle proposition de loi ? Mais il faut que déjà elle arrive sur la table de l'Assemblée. Et après ? Et après, le jeu démocratique va s'imposer et puis il appartiendra aux députés, qui sont les députés de la nation, une fois qu'ils ont voté, de juger de l'opportunité d'adopter cette loi ou pas. 

Political Actors Must Listen To Citizens' Voice - Goodluck Jonathan Recalls How 18 Elders Advise Sani Abacha ~ OsazuwaAkonedo #Abacha #Abiola #Bola #democracy #Ebele #Goodluck #Jonathan #June12 #MKO #news #Sani #Tinubu Former Nigeria President, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan Has Called On All Political Actors Especially In Nigeria To Listen The Voices Of Their Citizens. https://osazuwaakonedo.news/political-actors-must-listen-to-citizens-voice-goodluck-jonathan-recalls-how-18-elders-advise-sani-abacha/12/06/2024/ #Politics Published: June 12th, 2024 Reshared: June 12, 2024 9:48 am

The Electoral Commission of South Africa hopes to maintain its track record of running free and fair elections. International observers are adamant that this will be the case. They say there is a lot to learn from South Africa. Former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan is leading the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy for Africa to observe elections in South Africa. The former statesman has vast experience in observing elections as he has led many missions since he left office.

People are trapped under rubble in the Lagos church compound. The eyes of the world are now on TB Joshua. Beneath the collapsed building is 23-year-old Princess, from South Africa. Her mother says she's told: “just pray”. Disciple Emmanuel goes to the scene. “You could hear people, and their voices are fading. From louder, it's getting weaker.” As suspicion about the cause of the collapse intensifies, Nigeria's president, Goodluck Jonathan, flies in to offer his condolences to TB Joshua and the bereaved families. Meanwhile, the prophet gives a bizarre explanation.Hosts Charlie Northcott and Yemisi Adegoke unravel a story of miracles, faith and manipulation, carried out by one of the most powerful religious figures of the century.Please note, this season of World of Secrets contains graphic descriptions of sexual and physical violence, including sexual assault, rape and the language associated with it.If you've been affected by any of the issues in this series, please contact support organisations in your own country. For a list of organisations in the UK that can provide support for survivors of sexual abuse, go to bbc.co.uk/actionlineArchive: Channels TV, Associated Press, CGTN Africa, The Synagogue Church of All Nations, Emmanuel TV, TV360, MrBallu58#WorldofSecrets

Vous écoutez, le Maquis, un podcast de l'AMECAS (Amicale des étudiants caribéens africains et sympathisants) affiliée à l'Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne. Dans cette conversation sur l'élection présidentielle nigériane (2023), nous allons échanger avec un jeune nigérian, sur le bilan du président sortant Muhammadu Buhari, de l'influence de Goodluck Jonathan avant lui et des grilles d'analyse de la politique nigériane (la classe social, l'aire culturelle et la religion). Références : Updates on the 2023 elections, covering news on candidates, voting and other related issues. 29 November 2022, Nigeria's Police Has Started Rolling Out Arms Ahead of the 2023 Polls By Hillary Essien, Senior Associate Editor, The republic Journal In the Mould of Aminu Kano Rabiu Kwankwaso and the Kwankwassiya Movement in Kano by Afolabi Adekaiyaoja July 7, 2022 June/July 2022 Nigeria, The republic Journal Tinubu Becomes APC's Frontrunner The Results of the APC Presidential Primary Election by Tomisin AwosikaJune 8, 2022 June/July 2022, News Nigeria, The republic Journal The Dilemma of a Ruling Party The Challenges Ahead of APC's Quest to Retain Power by Afolabi Adekaiyaoja February 28, 2022 February/March 2022, Nigeria, vol6-no1, The republic Journal Atiku's Early Victory The Results of the PDP Presidential Primary Election by Tomisin Awosika, May 31, 2022 April/May 2022, News Nigeria, The republic Journal Who's Running for Nigeria's Presidency in 2023?, The Republic Journal APC Will Charge Presidential Candidates 100 Million To Run for Office by Tomisin Awosika, April 21, 2022 April/May 2022, News Nigeria, The republic Journal STEARS, Explore data-driven insights on Nigeria Presidency: Obasanjo writes Nigerian youth, endorses Peter Obi, Vanguard, January 1, 2023 The Civil Soldier : The Political Legacy of Olusegun Obasanjo by Chukwudi Ukonne, 04 August 2021 The last 50 years Crazy History of Nigerian Politics | Politea Ep. 1, Madeaux So You Want to Be a Nigerian Politician? | Politea Ep. 2, Madeaux Pour continuer la conversation, vous pouvez nous retrouver sur tous nos réseaux sociaux et via le hashtag #Lemaquis. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/amecas/message

The Bugle turns it's focus to Africa, and Goodluck Jonathan.Hear more of our shows, donate and see our live dates here: thebuglepodcast.com/This episode was produced by Chris Skinner and Laura Turner. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Nigeria's Economic and Financial Crimes Commission says a federal high court has ordered the final seizure of properties owned by former petroleum resources minister Diezani Alison-Madueke. This is the latest court ruling related to corruption allegations against her - charges she denies. Ms. Alison-Madueke served as Nigeria's petroleum minister between 2010 and 2015 and was a key figure in the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan. The assets being seized include houses and cars worth $3m.

Pas de décisions immédiates hier (samedi 4 juin) à Accra (au Ghana), mais les chefs d'État de la Cédéao ont demandé aux juntes militaires de Guinée, du Mali et du Burkina Faso de faire des avancées d'ici le prochain sommet prévu dans un mois, le 3 juillet. Jean-Claude Kassi Brou préside la commission de la Cédéao. Au micro de Christophe Boisbouvier, il explique à quelles conditions le Mali pourra voir alléger les sanctions et à quelles conditions le Burkina Faso pourra y échapper. Rfi: Pas de nouvelles décisions sur le Mali, le Burkina Faso et la Guinée, peut-on parler d'un sommet pour rien ? Jean-Claude Kassi Brou: Non, pas du tout. Ce n'est pas du tout un sommet pour rien. Je commence d'abord par le Burkina Faso. Vous savez que le 25 mars 2022, il y a eu un sommet extraordinaire qui avait examiné la situation du Burkina et qui avait estimé que le chronogramme de la transition, de 36 mois, décidé initialement, n'était pas acceptable. Il avait donc décidé de sanctions économiques et financières qui devaient prendre effet le 25 avril s'il n'y avait pas de progrès. Les autorités ont alors indiqué à la Cédéao qu'elles souhaitaient avoir une mission d'évaluation pour voir la situation du pays, en matière humanitaire et sécuritaire. Cette mission a eu lieu et ce rapport a été présenté au sommet. Cette initiative a fait que les sanctions n'ont pas été appliquées et, aujourd'hui, le sommet a pu réexaminer la situation et a pris note des avancées faites dans le domaine de la sécurité. Les progrès en termes de sécurité dans certaines localités ont permis le retour de certains déplacés mais, tout de même, on note que la situation sécuritaire reste encore très difficile. Le sommet a donc demandé que les efforts se poursuivent et que la situation du Burkina soit réexaminée le 3 juillet. Trois ans, c'est trop ? Oui, c'est trop ! Le sommet a dit clairement que ce n'était pas acceptable, qu'il fallait revoir le calendrier, en avoir un beaucoup plus acceptable. On parle d'une médiation éventuelle de l'ancien président du Niger, Mahamdou Issoufou. Oui, ça a été également une décision du sommet. Je crois que cela avait déjà été évoqué, il y a trois mois, et le sommet a désigné le président Mahamadou Issoufou pour prendre la tête de la médiation, pour faciliter le retour à l'ordre constitutionnel. Sur le Mali, ce samedi midi, de retour de Bamako, le médiateur nigérian Goodluck Jonathan vous a donné un schéma de sortie de crise. Quel est ce schéma ?   Il y a eu effectivement une visite du médiateur qui a fait son rapport. Vous savez que la Cédéao avait indiqué qu'une transition de 12 à 16 mois était suffisante mais les autorités maliennes avaient estimé qu'elles avaient besoin de 24 mois. On avait déjà fait un gros effort de rapprochement parce que, si vous vous rappelez, on était parti de pratiquement 5 ans au départ et 12 mois, donc malgré les progrès, on n'y était pas encore. Le sommet a demandé au médiateur d'essayer de finaliser les discussions pour permettre une levée progressive des sanctions. C'est-à-dire que le médiateur va retourner à Bamako pour voir si un compromis est possible entre 24 et 16 mois, d'ici le 3 juillet ? Il y a eu des progrès, je pense qu'il y a eu des avancées, mais une fois qu'on aura l'accord complet, il y aura la levée des sanctions. Il y aura un mécanisme de suivi qui va être mis en place pour aider nos frères maliens dans la gestion de ce processus de transition jusqu'aux prochaines élections. Le report de toutes ces décisions au 3 juillet n'est-il pas aussi dû au fait que les chefs d'État ne sont pas d'accord entre eux ? Nous avons 12 pays, puisque 3 sont suspendus qui ne participent pas. Il y a beaucoup d'échanges, beaucoup de points de vue mais au niveau de la Cédéao, on a un principe : c'est le consensus. Oui, mais quand même, ce samedi, le Niger et la Gambie sont restés sur une position de fermeté à l'égard des autorités maliennes, alors que le Togo a montré une très grande indulgence. Comment concilier les points de vue aussi opposés ? Toutes les décisions de la Cédéao reposent sur le consensus. Nous ne disons jamais - et d'ailleurs, vous n'allez jamais voir cela dans nos rapports des sommets – quelle a été la position de chaque pays. Non, jamais. D'ailleurs, lors d'une réunion, vous pouvez avoir un pays qui prend une position et, après les échanges, qui module sa position et après un troisième tour, se rapproche … On ne regarde jamais la position d'un pays. On regarde les arguments avancés, l'analyse qui est faite puis, les chefs d'État. C'est par consensus que les chefs d'État arrivent à prendre des décisions et c'est ce qui fait la force de notre communauté. C'est vraiment très rarement que vous allez voir des votes. Ça renforce la solidarité et l'esprit de communauté. 

In this episode of #Adu&TheGuru, the hosts had Prof Joseph Abugu (S.A.N) & Charles Kalu as guests. They analyzed various trending conversations as, how money is the determiner of the #2023generalelectionsprimary, explaining how aspirants used money and cars to solicit for votes. They also discussed other things from the possibilities of Goodluck Jonathan emerging as the consensus candidate from the #APCPrimaries, to posing and analyzing the question 'How independent is the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC?' and more.

In this session of #ThePeoplesPerspective, Trust hosted the show, talking on three major stories that made rounds in the news, the Lynching of Deborah in the north, Goodluck Jonathan's reaction to the fulani getting him the presidential ticket without him being aware from the get go, emiefele went to court to request an injunction to be a part of the APC primaries, which was denied.

As the 2023 elections draw near, the scramble for power has intensified.Amidst the most recent surprising and not so surprising moves, reports of an  unknown group purchasing the 100 million Naira APC nomination form for Goodluck Jonathan is one of those that stand out.In this episode of Nigeria Daily, we uncover the true identity of the unknown group.

The election fever is here so we has more political events. Top on the list is President Buhari's unexpected silence of the APC's presidential form. Former President, Goodluck Jonathan spoke on his possible presidential quest and there was a nollywood glamorous wedding

Life sometimes has a funny way of turning out. Sometimes a dire situation presents itself and the outcome is much better than we could have ever imagined. In this particular case, it took a mother to show her true love, courage and support and possibly willingly risk jail time to prove  to her son that she loved him with her whole heart.  While convalescing at home, Chisom finally was courageous enough to come out to his loving parents. Bedridden and home bound after his initial collapse, he was convinced it was time to open up to his parents about his sexuality. At a most vulnerable time in his life, he was scared and nervous about telling his parents the truth, that he was gay.  He was certain that both his parents loved him unconditionally but  was afraid this was going to be too much for them.  "Knowing that my parents loved me so much, made it that much easier to come out to them and be open with them," added Chisom. His mother's response was " I know, I've always known," says my guest.On a grander scale, writing a personal essay about being a member of the LGBTQ community and  having his story published in the NY Times Modern Love Column was frighting.  Possibly the whole world could read it and find out the truth, that Chisom was a member of the gay community. Chisom's essay is an endearing story of his parent's love for their son. His mother, who's name is Gift, is exceptionally open and honest and loving of her son, regardless of his sexual preference. One can only hope, that everyone struggling with coming out to their loved ones, will receive the same openness and acceptance.Chisom's message to his mother "You are a rock star. You are a gift to me. And I love you very much. Words can't describe how much I love you and how much you mean to me. Everything I do, I do it for you. You are always there for me and you always support me. You always tell me to shoot for the stars".**In February 2021, Chisom has hired to be the Deputy Editor and Culture and Technology reporter  of @Livingfree_UK.  https://livingfreeuk.org/"Living Free UK is a registered community interest company founded in 2018 out of the struggles of millions of LGBTIQ+ Africans who are still battling with their sexuality and gender identity, especially in countries where it is still illegal to live their truth and in some cases lose their lives while trying to find liberty and acceptance.Our main aim is to provide support and validate the lived experiences of LGBTIQ+ Africans, people seeking asylum, and refugees. As research shows, there are 72 countries where homosexuality is still a crime and even in the UK, LGBTIQ+ Africans experience immense difficultly when finding a safe space to express themselves freely and openly without fear of racism, afrophobia, or prejudice of any kind. Some are also unable to return home because of the danger that awaits them.**Now a budding journalist and recent nominee for a journalistic award- this is from Chisom's LinkedIn Acct. (March 2022)"Yesterday  was the Future Awards Africa, and I was nominated for the journalism prize and was also the second youngest nominee in the awards. While I didn't win, I'm grateful for the opportunity to be seen.As a young journalist covering policies and minority groups in Nigeria and Sub-Saharan Africa, the work I do can be pretty dangerous, but getting nominated for this is a "stepping stone," as my ma put it. Also, I did receive a certificate of nomination, so yay!!Here is to more extraordinary things in 2022 and beyond because I am just getting started." https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/nigeria/10570304/Nigeria-passes-law-banning-homosexuality.htmlThe Act to Make Provisions for the Prohibition of Relationship Between Persons of the Same Sex, Celebration of Marriage by Them, and for Other Matters Connected Therewith, also known as the Same Sex (Prohibition) Act 2006, was a controversial draft bill that was first put before the both houses of the National Assembly of Nigeria in early 2007. Seven years later, another draft was passed into legislation by president Goodluck Jonathan as the Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act 2013**Link To March 2022 NY Times Modern Love Essay: https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/11/style/modern-love-heart-attack-gay-nigeria.html?  Twitter: @peterjob_Instagram:  

This episode is also available as a blog post: https://osazuwaakonedo.news/goodluck-jonathan-escapes-death/06/04/2022/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/support

This episode is also available as a blog post: https://osazuwaakonedo.news/lets-use-this-ramadan-period-to-seek-peace-reconciliation-in-nigeria-goodluck-jonathan/02/04/2022/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/support

Nigeria's former President and Chair of the Economic Community of West African States Council of the Wise, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, says the sub-region would not accept the five-year transition period proposed by the military government in Mali because it is too long. Jonathan says military regimes had become an aberration in the sub-region and could no longer be tolerated. Jonathan stressed that the proposal for a five-year transition period for the military regime by the Malian parliament was unacceptable because the time was not only too long but also untenable.

This episode is also available as a blog post: https://osazuwaakonedo.news/goodluck-jonathan-did-nothing-on-second-niger-bridge-only-this-nigeria-will-never-forget-buhari-femi-adesina/18/02/2022/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/support

President Goodluck Jonathan, the Vice President until President Yar'Adua's death in May 2010 sought a mandate in his own right triggering a debate about the zoning of the country's highest office. This election also offered a flash of the changes in Nigeria's political system as the prominent opposition was now formed by two newly formed parties: Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), and the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). The elections would also produce a wave of violence which threatened to impact the progress of Nigeria's democracy.

Today on the Big Issue we'll be discussing the dust raised by insinuations in the political circle of plans to draft former President Goodluck Jonathan into the 2023 presidential race.

President Muhammadu Buhari has pledged to assist Mali in every way possible within the ambits of the Economic Community of West African States. The president made the promise when he received a special envoy from Mali's Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralization, Colonel Abdoulaye Maiga at the State House. Buhari says that every country has its issues and even Nigeria had fought her own civil war, it is impossible to know the totality of the internal politics within Mali. He also met with the head of the ECOWAS Mediation Team and former President of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan in a parley, at the statehouse.

President Muhammadu Buhari has pledged to assist Mali in every way possible within the ambits of the Economic Community of West African States. The president made the promise when he received a special envoy from Mali's Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralization, Colonel Abdoulaye Maiga at the State House. Buhari says that every country has its issues and even Nigeria had fought her own civil war, it is impossible to know the totality of the internal politics within Mali. He also met with the head of the ECOWAS Mediation Team and former President of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan in a parley, at the statehouse.

President Muhammadu Buhari has pledged to assist Mali in every way possible within the ambits of the Economic Community of West African States. The president made the promise when he received a special envoy from Mali's Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralization, Colonel Abdoulaye Maiga at the State House. Buhari says that every country has its issues and even Nigeria had fought her own civil war, it is impossible to know the totality of the internal politics within Mali. He also met with the head of the ECOWAS Mediation Team and former President of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan in a parley, at the statehouse.

Pour l'avenir du Mali, le sommet extraordinaire de la Cédéao, dimanche prochain à Accra, sera sans doute décisif. C'est pourquoi Goodluck Jonathan, l'envoyé spécial de la Cédéao, vient le préparer dès ce mercredi à Bamako. Les dirigeants de l'Afrique de l'Ouest vont-ils accepter une transition militaire de cinq ans au Mali ? À priori, non. Mais attention, avec les divisions au sein de la Cédéao, tout peut arriver, nous explique Niagalé Bagayoko, chercheuse au Réseau africain pour le secteur de la sécurité, basé à Accra. RFI : « La transition doit faire des réformes institutionnelles structurantes pour que les futures élections soient équitables », dit le rapport final des Assises nationales de Bamako. Qu'est-ce que vous en pensez ?  Niagalé Bagayoko : C'est l'un des volets qui, d'un point de vue déclaratoire, pourrait être le plus crédible selon moi dans la mesure où l'on s'aperçoit que les cycles électoraux successifs suscitent de moins en moins l'adhésion des populations, que l'on est face à une sorte de désillusion démocratique, et que donc l'idée que la mise en œuvre de réformes doit primer sur l'organisation des scrutins peut s'entendre. Ce qui est le plus problématique en revanche, ce sont les délais prévus pour la mise en œuvre. Parce qu'un délai de cinq ans, en réalité six ans et quelques mois depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir de la junte, est véritablement problématique. Cela excède même la durée d'un mandat électif dans un grand nombre de démocraties.  Et la presse malienne de souligner le fait également que le colonel Assimi Goïta devrait tirer la leçon de l'histoire qui montre que tous ses frères d'armes qui ont pris le pouvoir par la force en sont ressortis par la petite porte. Est-ce que c'est si vrai que cela ?  Alors, c'est vrai dans une certaine mesure, mais ils sont quand même demeurés au pouvoir pendant de très longues années. Si l'on prend le cas de Moussa Traoré qui a effectivement quitté le pouvoir seulement au bout d'une vingtaine d'années. Moussa Traoré qui, d'ailleurs, est demeuré, paradoxalement ou non, jusqu'à son décès récent, une figure perçue comme très crédible et comme un recours éventuel en termes de conseil ou d'orientation politique. Le cas d'Amadou Toumani Touré est différent puisque lui-même avait choisi de laisser le pouvoir aux civils et il est revenu par le biais d'un scrutin démocratique. Et si l'on prend le cas d'Amadou Sanogo, il n'a effectivement pas pu prolonger son passage au pouvoir, mais il a bénéficié d'une amnistie. Donc, je ne partage pas totalement cette analyse.  Et, est-ce que les 23 ans de régime du général Moussa Traoré peuvent être le modèle du colonel Assimi Goïta et du Premier ministre Choguel Maïga ?  Je pense que c'est extrêmement difficile, mais que tout l'enjeu se situe là en réalité. Parce que ce qui est au cœur de la situation malienne aujourd'hui est de savoir ce qu'est réellement la démocratie, parce que bien entendu le contexte international n'est absolument pas le même que celui dans lequel a exercé ses fonctions Moussa Traoré, mais l'on s'aperçoit d'un durcissement sur la scène internationale plus généralement qui pourrait suggérer qu'en effet des pouvoirs plus autoritaires s'installeront. Cela dit, aujourd'hui, à l'heure des réseaux sociaux, à l'heure où un certain nombre d'organisations de la société civile ont acquis une certaine liberté de parole, si ce n'est d'influence, il pourra, à mon avis, être extrêmement difficile de s'inspirer de l'expérience de Moussa Traoré.  Ces Assises nationales de Bamako ont été boycottées par de grandes coalitions de l'opposition, mais malgré tout, est-ce que la junte et son Premier ministre Choguel Maïga ne bénéficient pas tout de même d'une certaine base populaire ?  Il semble que oui, indéniablement. Ce qui caractérise l'actuel régime au pouvoir au Mali est à la fois une grande habileté d'un point de vue diplomatique, sur la scène internationale, mais aussi la capacité à répondre à certaines des aspirations populaires qui ont provoquées les manifestations massives qui ont conduit à la destitution du président IBK. Je pense notamment à la mise en œuvre de cette politique en matière de lutte contre la corruption qui est extrêmement populaire, tout comme de l'intention manifeste d'élargir les partenariats stratégiques avec les différents acteurs internationaux. Mais il n'est cependant pas certain que la junte réponde à toutes les attentes, et notamment d'un point de vue sécuritaire parce qu'aujourd'hui c'est quand même l'enjeu majeur.  Dimanche se tiendra un sommet extraordinaire de la Cédéao sur le Mali. Qu'est-ce que vous en attendez ?  Je pense que ce sommet est absolument crucial. Non pas seulement pour le Mali, mais pour la Cédéao elle-même. Parce que l'on parle très souvent du sentiment qui se manifeste contre la France, contre la Minusma, contre les acteurs internationaux en général, derrière lesquels on voit une instrumentalisation, mais on parle beaucoup moins de ce rejet de plus en plus massif dont fait l'objet la Cédéao en raison des contradictions entre son mandat et les objectifs qu'elle s'est fixée et les décisions prises. De manière très concrète, la Cédéao, à travers la vision 2020 qui avait été adoptée en 2007, avait résolu de passer d'une Cédéao des États à une Cédéao des peuples. Et on s'aperçoit, à l'inverse, qu'il s'agit d'une organisation dont les décisions sont de plus en plus intergouvernementales et qui contribuent à asseoir, si ce n'est des coups d'États, en tout cas des manipulations ou des changements constitutionnels qui sont peu conformes notamment au protocole de 2001 sur la démocratie et la bonne gouvernance. Donc, il s'agira de voir dans quelle mesure ce sommet permettra à la Cédéao de jouer sur cette ligne de crête extrêmement étroite entre des sanctions crédibles et qui puissent être efficaces, parce que touchant au cœur du fonctionnement de l'État malien, sans se mettre à dos les populations maliennes ou plus largement celles de la sous-région.  Donc vous êtes contre un éventuel blocus économique du Mali ?  Toute la difficulté des sanctions économiques est précisément le fait qu'elles touchent avant tout les populations davantage que les dirigeants. La Cédéao a adopté récemment des mesures qui touchent un nombre limité de personnalités, quand je dis limité c'est un nombre qui est relativement large, et cela de manière inédite puisqu'il s'agit de 150 personnes, dont les biens et les avoirs et les possibilités de voyager ont été restreints. Mais on voit très bien que cela n'a absolument pas empêché les autorités actuelles de prendre des décisions qui vont à l'encontre des demandes de la Cédéao. Donc, effectivement, les mesures les plus efficaces sont celles qui touchent le plus grand nombre de Maliens, mais attention pace que le rôle des opinions publiques, le rôle de la colère et de l'exaspération populaire devient, à mon avis, le facteur central de l'évolution actuelle de la gestion de la crise malienne et plus largement de la crise sahélienne.  Et quelle est l'alternative à un blocus économique ?  Il y a, en réalité, extrêmement peu de solution. C'est là que l'on voit la problématique posée par tout le décalage entre l'arsenal institutionnel et juridique, qui a été construit depuis les années 2000 dans le cadre de la Cédéao et de sa mise en œuvre, si l'on regarde l'ensemble de ces textes, y compris le protocole dont je parlais, qui est additionnel au mécanisme de gestion des conflits lui-même adopté en 1999 et aux différents codes de conduite des forces armées et de sécurité. Tous les éléments existent d'un point de vue formel. Mais on s'aperçoit que leur mise en œuvre n'a finalement jamais, véritablement, été appliquée, donc on se retrouve face à une situation dans laquelle les possibilités d'action sont extrêmement restreintes. Aujourd'hui, je crois malheureusement que l'on s'achemine vers des régimes davantage autoritaires, sans doute beaucoup moins respectueux d'un certain nombre de pratiques démocratiques, mais dont il ne faut pas croire qu'ils pourront s'éterniser au pouvoir, puisqu'une fois de plus, je pense qu'il faut qu'ils répondent aussi aux attentes des populations dont l'exaspération pourrait aussi, très rapidement, les balayer.  Donc en fait, vous prônez la clémence pour les dirigeants ouest-africains qui se réuniront dimanche prochain, c'est ça ?  Non, absolument pas. Moi, je pense qu'il faut absolument appliquer les principes qui sont consignés dans les textes et être extrêmement ferme dans leur imposition. Mais je ne suis pas certaine qu'ils puissent être suivis d'effets étant donné l'ensemble des contradictions que l'on a vues dans la prise de position d'instances comme la Cédéao ou comme l'Union africaine au cours des dernières années.  Oui, c'est-à-dire que vous pensez qu'il y a des divisions au sein de la Cédéao, avec des États inflexibles comme le Niger, et des États peut-être plus compréhensifs à l'égard de la junte malienne comme le Sénégal ?  Absolument, comme le Sénégal, comme le Togo, que l'on peut citer également. On voit très bien que le camp le plus inflexible n'est pas forcément majoritaire à l'intérieur de l'organisation. Et c'est là que l'on en revient à la logique intergouvernementale dont je parlais, où le type d'accession au pouvoir des différents présidents actuellement en place ne peut que peser sur les décisions qu'ils sont amenés à prendre par la suite.  Et si la Cédéao cède à la junte malienne sur cette transition de cinq ans, est-ce qu'elle ne devra pas céder aussi à la junte guinéenne ?  Tout à fait, c'est à cela que je pensais. C'est pour cela, à mon avis, que l'enjeu de ce sommet est tout aussi important pour l'avenir de la Cédéao elle-même que pour celui du Mali. Aujourd'hui, il en va de la crédibilité de tout ce qui a été construit pendant une vingtaine d'années, qui est mis à l'épreuve des faits, et il est attendu, effectivement, de l'ensemble des acteurs de voir s'ils sont capables de mettre en application les principes qu'ils prônent pour leurs voisins de la sous-région, sans pour autant se les appliquer à eux-mêmes.  Lors des travaux de conclusions des Assises nationales de la semaine dernière, les Russes ont été applaudis à Bamako. Les Occidentaux dénoncent publiquement l'arrivée du groupe Wagner au Mali, mais sans annoncer le retrait de la force Barkhane ou de la force Takuba. Est-ce à dire que la junte au pouvoir à Bamako est en train de réussir son pari de faire cohabiter soldats français et mercenaires russes ?  C'est là que l'on voit tout le danger qu'il y a eu à fixer sans arrêt de nouvelles lignes rouges qui ont finalement toujours été franchies par les autorités maliennes, que ce soit lorsque la France a exigé que toute négociation avec des groupes jihadistes soit exclue ou lorsqu'elle a demandé à ce que le calendrier électoral soit respecté. Et de nouveau aujourd'hui, en ce qui concerne l'arrivée de ce groupe, en effet, la déclaration du 23 décembre qui a été adoptée par un grand nombre de pays européens, quinze, plus le Canada, est effectivement étonnante puisque, alors qu'il avait été répété notamment par la France qu'elle quitterait le Sahel ou enfin en tout cas qu'elle ne pourrait absolument pas cohabiter avec le groupe Wagner, cette déclaration affirme que la France, les partenaires européens, resteront dans le pays. Donc, oui, à mon avis, il s'agit d'une victoire diplomatique pour la junte malienne de ce point de vue-là. Mais est-ce que cela pourra tenir d'un point de vue opérationnel ? Là encore, on pourra se poser la question dans la mesure où l'on voit très bien que le grand nombre d'acteurs sécuritaires internationaux d'ores et déjà présents sur place a eu les plus grandes difficultés à coordonner ses actions les unes avec les autres. Et l'on peut douter que cela s'améliore avec l'arrivée de ce nouvel acteur. 

Kenim O breaks down the latest on the AstroWorld Festival. Join the Member's Lab here: https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/members-lab-usd Follow us on IG https://www.instagram.com/BrandVideoPro/ If you'd like us to create an ADVERT or DOCUMENTARY for your brand please email info@ominekventuregroup.com For MEDIA CONSULTING please book an appointment at https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/you Pop Culture Media Literacy understanding the business of media and the media of business. Monetizing In The Metaverse SAT Dec 4th – 2pm EST Duration: 1hr 30 mins As Facebook as changed it's name to Meta, the race to the metaverse is in full swing. This is the digital gold rush, and much like the voyages to California in the 1800s, whoever arrives there first will be in the lead. Because right now, this isn't about being the best, it's about getting there first. Much like how Amazon and Google rushed to dominate the dot.com era /Web 1.0. The Metaverse marks our evolution into Web 3.0. And if you get there early enough, you can play a major part in defining the era. So Don't miss out. In this one-time-only live webinar, you will learn about: Emerging Trends & Opportunities In The Metaverse Creating A Sustainable NFT Strategy The Creator Economy's Growth In The Metaverse Challenges & Work Arounds In The Metaverse Monetization Strategies For The Metaverse Let's build the future together! One time only (No playbacks, nor redos) Instructor: Kenim O Kenim is a media entrepreneur with over 16 years of experience. She's worked across a vast range mediums and sectors of media. Some include; broadcast tv, live events, fashion shows and festivals, new media, digital marketing, e-commerce, feature films, documentary and music video productions and more. She's made documentaries and filmed interviews featuring exclusive interviews with Presidents Obama, Clinton, Buhari and Goodluck Jonathan. She's worked on sets with A list celebrities including Ariana Grande, Chris Brown and many more. She has produced a range of scripted dramas, documentaries.

Kenim O breaks down why Top Shop closed down and how that affects the metaverse. Join the Member's Lab here: https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/members-lab-usd Follow us on IG https://www.instagram.com/BrandVideoPro/ If you'd like us to create an ADVERT or DOCUMENTARY for your brand please email info@ominekventuregroup.com For MEDIA CONSULTING please book an appointment at https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/you Pop Culture Media Literacy understanding the business of media and the media of business. Monetizing In The Metaverse SAT Dec 4th – 2pm EST Duration: 1hr 30 mins As Facebook as changed it's name to Meta, the race to the metaverse is in full swing. This is the digital gold rush, and much like the voyages to California in the 1800s, whoever arrives there first will be in the lead. Because right now, this isn't about being the best, it's about getting there first. Much like how Amazon and Google rushed to dominate the dot.com era /Web 1.0. The Metaverse marks our evolution into Web 3.0. And if you get there early enough, you can play a major part in defining the era. So Don't miss out. In this one-time-only live webinar, you will learn about: Emerging Trends & Opportunities In The Metaverse Creating A Sustainable NFT Strategy The Creator Economy's Growth In The Metaverse Challenges & Work Arounds In The Metaverse Monetization Strategies For The Metaverse Let's build the future together! One time only (No playbacks, nor redos) Instructor: Kenim O Kenim is a media entrepreneur with over 16 years of experience. She's worked across a vast range mediums and sectors of media. Some include; broadcast tv, live events, fashion shows and festivals, new media, digital marketing, e-commerce, feature films, documentary and music video productions and more. She's made documentaries and filmed interviews featuring exclusive interviews with Presidents Obama, Clinton, Buhari and Goodluck Jonathan. She's worked on sets with A list celebrities including Ariana Grande, Chris Brown and many more. She has produced a range of scripted dramas, documentaries.

Kenim O breaks down why Top Shop closed down and how that affects the metaverse. Join the Member's Lab here: https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/members-lab-usd Follow us on IG https://www.instagram.com/BrandVideoPro/ If you'd like us to create an ADVERT or DOCUMENTARY for your brand please email info@ominekventuregroup.com For MEDIA CONSULTING please book an appointment at https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/you Pop Culture Media Literacy understanding the business of media and the media of business. Monetizing In The Metaverse SAT Dec 4th – 2pm EST Duration: 1hr 30 mins As Facebook as changed it's name to Meta, the race to the metaverse is in full swing. This is the digital gold rush, and much like the voyages to California in the 1800s, whoever arrives there first will be in the lead. Because right now, this isn't about being the best, it's about getting there first. Much like how Amazon and Google rushed to dominate the dot.com era /Web 1.0. The Metaverse marks our evolution into Web 3.0. And if you get there early enough, you can play a major part in defining the era. So Don't miss out. In this one-time-only live webinar, you will learn about: Emerging Trends & Opportunities In The Metaverse Creating A Sustainable NFT Strategy The Creator Economy's Growth In The Metaverse Challenges & Work Arounds In The Metaverse Monetization Strategies For The Metaverse Let's build the future together! One time only (No playbacks, nor redos) Instructor: Kenim O Kenim is a media entrepreneur with over 16 years of experience. She's worked across a vast range mediums and sectors of media. Some include; broadcast tv, live events, fashion shows and festivals, new media, digital marketing, e-commerce, feature films, documentary and music video productions and more. She's made documentaries and filmed interviews featuring exclusive interviews with Presidents Obama, Clinton, Buhari and Goodluck Jonathan. She's worked on sets with A list celebrities including Ariana Grande, Chris Brown and many more. She has produced a range of scripted dramas, documentaries.

Kenim O breaks down why Top Shop closed down and how that affects the metaverse. Join the Member's Lab here: https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/members-lab-usd Follow us on IG https://www.instagram.com/BrandVideoPro/ If you'd like us to create an ADVERT or DOCUMENTARY for your brand please email info@ominekventuregroup.com For MEDIA CONSULTING please book an appointment at https://www.brandvideoproagency.com/you Pop Culture Media Literacy understanding the business of media and the media of business. Monetizing In The Metaverse SAT Dec 4th – 2pm EST Duration: 1hr 30 mins As Facebook as changed it's name to Meta, the race to the metaverse is in full swing. This is the digital gold rush, and much like the voyages to California in the 1800s, whoever arrives there first will be in the lead. Because right now, this isn't about being the best, it's about getting there first. Much like how Amazon and Google rushed to dominate the dot.com era /Web 1.0. The Metaverse marks our evolution into Web 3.0. And if you get there early enough, you can play a major part in defining the era. So Don't miss out. In this one-time-only live webinar, you will learn about: Emerging Trends & Opportunities In The Metaverse Creating A Sustainable NFT Strategy The Creator Economy's Growth In The Metaverse Challenges & Work Arounds In The Metaverse Monetization Strategies For The Metaverse Let's build the future together! One time only (No playbacks, nor redos) Instructor: Kenim O Kenim is a media entrepreneur with over 16 years of experience. She's worked across a vast range mediums and sectors of media. Some include; broadcast tv, live events, fashion shows and festivals, new media, digital marketing, e-commerce, feature films, documentary and music video productions and more. She's made documentaries and filmed interviews featuring exclusive interviews with Presidents Obama, Clinton, Buhari and Goodluck Jonathan. She's worked on sets with A list celebrities including Ariana Grande, Chris Brown and many more. She has produced a range of scripted dramas, documentaries.

On this episode of the Dailies, the following stories were brought to you from the major newspapers to keep you abreast of the latest happening across the nation. Some of these stories were incisively treated by our seasoned analysts: · FG bans 91 billionaires, VIPs' jets, insists on N30bn duty · Power generation falls by 849.2MW, Gencos blame consumers · Ramaphosa visit/Omicron: Virologists differ as FG lists delegates for testing on day two · Nigeria's exchange rate strategy discourages investors, increases inflation – World Bank · As an introvert, I shouldn't have been in politics- Goodluck Jonathan

Goodluck Jonathan served as the President of Nigeria from 2010 to 2015. He rose through the ranks from Deputy Governor of Bayelsa to Vice-President before becoming President of Nigeria. Who was he and what was his journey like? You can contact us at allaboutnigeriapodcast@gmail.com Make sure to follow us on and join the discussion on our Twitter page @AllAboutNigeria

This episode is also available as a blog post: https://osazuwaakonedo.news/goodluck-jonathan-the-ever-shining-light-of-democracy-in-nigeria-africa-atiku-abubakar/20/11/2021/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/support

This episode is also available as a blog post: https://osazuwaakonedo.news/cancer-prevention-former-president-goodluck-jonathan-commends-lapo-founder-godwin-ehigiamusoe/18/11/2021/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/support

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Popular socio-political activist and the former aide to ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, Reno Omokri has accused Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the National Leader of the All Progressives Congress, APC, of campaigning for the presidency even from his sick bed in London.He also accused President Muhammadu Buhari of mis-governing Nigeria from London.He tweeted: “Bola Tinubu is campaigning to govern Nigeria from London. Buhari partially misgoverns Nigeria from London.“With the reality of this fact, why did we gain independence from Britain only to shackle ourselves with London based despots who are worse than the British?”It has been over two months since ruling party chieftain Bola Tinubu left the shores of Nigeria for medical treatment in London.While in London, the former Lagos State governor had played host to several top Nigerian politicians including Preident Buhari, Governor Akeredolu and Governor Fayemi .In the meantime, there are speculations that the APC National Leader might contest for the president of Nigeria in 2023.

The unbelievable happened this week. Former Minister,Femi Fani-Kayode joined the APC and he had some words for his critics. On the hand, speculations emerged on a possible change of ship to APC by former president, Goodluck Jonathan. Also,the Ganduje's were in the news but not good reasons. Catch up exciting updates of major issues that occurred this week.

Les premiers détenus d'opinion guinéens emprisonnés par le régime d'Alpha Condé ont quitté ce mardi la prison de Conakry. C'était l'un des principaux engagements des putschistes à l'origine du coup d'état de dimanche. Au Mali, la mission de la Cédéao menée par Goodluck Jonathan se dit "préoccupée": elle ne pense pas que le pays réussira à organiser des élections en février 2022 comme promis. Enfin, nous vous emmenons à Kinshasa où des artistes réinventent des détritus pour dénoncer la pollution.

Mr Femi Otedola has narrated in his new book how Babangiga told him to ask Goodluck Jonathan to sit on the sit of the President. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/latest247/message

Expert Business Panel Kat Kanavos interviews Business Experts and authors Frank Zaccari , Dr. Sally and Nathan Perez on the Secrets to Leadership, Networking and Love for Success in our business and personal life. After working from home during the COVID epidemic, many “workers” have switched hats and become “entrepreneurs.” How do successful business people network, become leaders, and balance home and business success? Is it possible to network in 20 minutes? And how do the experts make success look so easy? You decide as our expert panel answers these questions with poignant true stories. Find inspiration for your business and personal life as you gain a deeper insight into the meaning of Success. Guests: Dr. Sally Adukwu-Bolujoko https://sallybolujoko.com/, Nathan A Perez https://nathanaperez.com/,  Frank Zaccari www.frankzaccari.com  Bios: Dame Sally Nkem Adukwu-Bolujoko, PhD, FNIM, CNIM, OON. says, “Praise is like fire—a good servant but a bad master.” Dr. Sally is the author of many books, including her latest published by WEBE Books, Leading Without Title: Real Life Leadership Philosophy That Works. She's a speaker, a seasoned administrator, educationist, management consultant, community leader and loving mum. A committed Christian, Dame Sally's life mission is to serve and worship God- a difficult endeavor during these challenging times. She is the Founder of Ministry of Divine Empowerment, an NGO, through which she touches the lives of orphans and widows. Dr. Sally Adukwu-Bolujoko was conferred the prestigious national award of the Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) by former President Goodluck Jonathan. “Dr. Adukwu-Bolujoko's book captures the tribal and religious conflicts; the rift between privileged bureaucrats and average people, and the incessant fighting that has held back the great potential of Africa's most populous country. It underscores the tragic plight of Christians and women, in particular, struggling to survive in the cultural crossfire of a nation on the brink.”~Peter Canova-International award-winning author of Pope Annalisa Learn more here: https://sallybolujoko.com/ Nathan A Perez- Nathan A. Perez is the award-winning author of The 20-Minute Networking Meeting which offers step-by-step guidance on how to make networking really work for you, and relieve your hesitancy. Whether you are doing your networking online over Zoom or having a face-to-face meeting, those 20 minutes can change your life and make you stand out ahead of others who are stymied by the tepid job market during a pandemic. Nathan is a national speaker and executive career and job-search coach at Career Innovation. He brings to his clients a rare viewpoint on networking, job-search and career development. A formally trained actor with a BFA in Theatre, Nathan's 20-year career in the arts was supported by simultaneously developing a business career, which involved an inordinate amount of resumes, networking meetings and interviews in multiple business and industries. Utilizing that background, Nathan tied together his deep live audience experience with nearly two decades in the executive search industry, delivering webinars, seminars and guest speaking engagements each year on the topics of networking, job search, and career development. Learn more here https://nathanaperez.com/ Frank Zaccari- is the author of many books including his latest Business Secrets for Walking on Water, published by WEBE Books. He is an engaging key note speaker and written communicator, with a successful history of guiding companies through transitions and turnaround environments. One of his favorite quotes is, "The secret to walking on water is to know where the rocks are. Frank will help you find the rocks.." Frank has had a long and successful career as a professional problem solver committed to growth and process improvement. He has helped countless organizations to quickly determine what is and isn't working, make the necessary changes, create a foundation and establish processes and procedures to sustain success. Frank also hosts a TV/ROKU show called Life Altering Events, many of which are used as examples in his book. Frank says, “These life altering events occur in every aspect of our professional, personal, and family lives. Life altering events present us with opportunities to seize the moment and make difference in our own life, and those of our loved ones, friends, and business associates.” Learn more here: www.frankzaccari.com Teaser- How has the pandemic changed the business industry and leadership? You decide as our Expert Business Panel answers these questions and much more from a Personal Perspective that includes poignant true stories on challenges facing Christianity, education, and leadership in Nigeria that is mirrored worldwide. She will help you find inspiration for your life as you gain a deeper insight into the meaning of Leadership without Titles. Video Version: https://youtu.be/xl3orl2ZkPg Call in and Chat with Kat during Live Show with Video Stream: Call 646-558-8656 ID: 8836953587 press #.  To Ask a Question press *9 to raise your hand Have a Question for the Show? Go to Facebook– Dreams that Can Save Your Life Facebook Professional–Kathleen O'Keefe-Kanavos http://kathleenokeefekanavos.com/

Leading Without Title! Transform Your Life Kat Kanavos interviews Dr Sally Bolujoko on Leadership vs Titles. Do we need a title to lead? You decide as Dr. Sally answers these questions and much more from a Personal Perspective that includes poignant true stories on challenges facing Christianity, education, and leadership in Nigeria that is mirrored worldwide. Find inspiration for your life as you gain a deeper insight into the meaning of Leadership without Titles. Guest: Dr. Sally Adukwu-Bolujoko https://sallybolujoko.com/ Bio: Dame Sally Nkem Adukwu-Bolujoko, PhD, FNIM, CNIM, OON. says, “Praise is like fire—a good servant but a bad master.” Dr. Sally is an author/speaker, a seasoned administrator, educationist, management consultant, community leader and loving mum. She prefers to be addressed with no titles, just Sally. Her seasoning is a mix of the rare spices of a solid education, sound moral fiber and decades-long professional experience. A committed Christian, Dame Sally's life mission is to serve and worship God. A difficult endeavor during these challenging times. Recipient of over 30 merit awards and 15 chieftaincy titles across Nigeria, giving back to society comes naturally for this highly accomplished woman of substance as she is deeply committed in community service. She is the Founder of Ministry of Divine Empowerment, an NGO, through which she touches the lives of orphans and widows. In recognition of her accomplishments and in appreciation of her selfless contributions to the growth of Nigeria, Dr. Sally Adukwu-Bolujoko was conferred the prestigious national award of the Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) by former President Goodluck Jonathan. She is author of many books, including her latest by WEBE Books, LEADING WITHOUT TITLE: REAL LIFE LEADERSHIP PHILOSOPHY THAT WORKS, journal contributions and has delivered countless lectures at global fora. “Dr. Adukwu-Bolujoko's book captures the tribal and religious conflicts; the rift between privileged bureaucrats and average people, and the incessant fighting that has held back the great potential of Africa's most populous country. It underscores the tragic plight of Christians and women, in particular, struggling to survive in the cultural crossfire of a nation on the brink.”~Peter Canova-International award-winning author of Pope Annalisa Learn more here: https://sallybolujoko.com/ Do we need a title to lead? You decide as Dr. Sally answers these questions and much more from a Personal Perspective that includes poignant true stories on challenges facing Christianity, education, and leadership in Nigeria that is mirrored worldwide. She will help you find inspiration for your life as you gain a deeper insight into the meaning of Leadership without Titles. Video Version: https://youtu.be/lO1oAR0fDX4 Call in and Chat with Kat during Live Show with Video Stream: Call 646-558-8656 ID: 8836953587 press #.  To Ask a Question press *9 to raise your hand Have a Question for the Show? Go to Facebook– Dreams that Can Save Your Life Facebook Professional–Kathleen O'Keefe-Kanavos http://kathleenokeefekanavos.com/

West African leaders suspended Mali from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) at an extraordinary summit Sunday, but stopped short of reimposing sanctions, after a second military coup in nine months.Ten regional heads of state and three foreign ministers attended the summit in the Ghanaian capital Accra, with former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan serving as a mediator in the crisis.“The suspension from ECOWAS takes immediate effect until the deadline of the end of February 2022 when they are supposed to hand over to a democratically elected government,” Ghana's Foreign Minister Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey said after the meeting.The final declaration called for the immediate appointment of a new civilian prime minister and the formation of an “inclusive” government.In a statement, ECOWAS also reiterated that “the head of the transition, the vice-president and the prime minister of the transition must under no circumstances be a candidate for the future presidential election”.Mali's new president Colonel Assimi Goita — who was the nation's vice-president until Friday — had arrived in the Ghanaian capital Accra on Saturday for preliminary talks.Goita led the young army officers who overthrew Mali's elected president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita last August over perceived corruption and his failure to quell a bloody jihadist insurgency.After the takeover, the military agreed to appoint civilians as interim president and prime minister under pressure from ECOWAS.But on Monday, soldiers detained transitional president Bah Ndaw and prime minister Moctar Ouane, releasing them on Thursday while saying that they had resigned.The twin arrests triggered a diplomatic uproar and marked Mali's second apparent coup within a year.Mali's constitutional court completed Goita's rise to full power on Friday by naming him, transitional president.With the junta going back on its previous commitment to civilian political leaders, doubts have been raised about its other pledges, including a promise to hold elections in early 2022.The faction said this week it would continue to respect that timetable, but noted that it could be subject to change.Meanwhile, French leader Emmanuel Macron said in an interview with the Journal du Dimanche newspaper published Sunday that Paris “could not stay by the side of a country where there is no longer democratic legitimacy or a transition”.

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Investigative journalist David Hundeyin found himself having to flee the country recently because his reporting has rubbed some powerful people the wrong way. In this conversation, I started by asking him how Nigeria’s promising democratic evolution ended up at this point. We also talked about former President Goodluck Jonathan’s public relations problem, his "beef" with the non-profit Feminist Coalition that came to prominence during the nationwide protest against police brutality, and other things. You can download/listen directly on the player on the website or get the episode on any of the popular platforms like Spotify, Apple, and Google Podcasts. This is a public episode. Get access to private episodes at www.ideasuntrapped.com/subscribe

The remains of billionaire oil magnate and renowned philanthropist, High Chief Olu Benson Lulu-Briggs, were on Saturday finally laid to rest in his hometown, Abonnema, in Akuku-Toru Local Government Area of Rivers State. Meanwhile, Widow of the billionaire business mogul Chief OB Lulu-Briggs, Dr Seinye Lulu-Briggs was absent as her husband was laid to rest.Chief OB Lulu-Briggs died two years ago in Ghana but was not buried because of disagreement in his family over the circumstances surrounding his death.The funeral attracted prominent politicians, business leaders and other dignitaries who gathered in Abonnema district in Akuku Toru Local Government Area of Rivers State to pay their last respect to the philanthropist.Also, the last rites was attended by former President Goodluck Jonathan, his wife Patience, Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, his deputy, Dr Ipalibo Harry, Minister of State for Petroleum, Timipre Sylva and his wife.Other dignitaries at the well attended event included the representative of Catholic Pope Francis, Cardinal John Onaiyekan; former Cross River State Governor Donald Duke and his wife; and the Special Assistant to the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) on special duties in Rivers and Bayelsa States, Enemina Obunge.

Oluwasegun Kosemani popularly called Lamilami is a popular face on Nigerian TV especially in the entertainment industry where he was present and VJ with music channel, Nigezie for over 5years.The University of Lagos graduate also had a brief stint working as a personal assistant on media to the house committee chairman on infrastructure in 2008. In 2014 he became a communication strategy consultant for the presidential jobs board under the Goodluck Jonathan administration job creation office.Lami speaks on how he ventured into the world of technology, coding, and software development despite his entertainment background.

Oluwasegun Kosemani popularly called Lamilami is a popular face on Nigerian TV especially in the entertainment industry where he was present and VJ with music channel, Nigezie for over 5years.The University of Lagos graduate also had a brief stint working as a personal assistant on media to the house committee chairman on infrastructure in 2008. In 2014 he became a communication strategy consultant for the presidential jobs board under the Goodluck Jonathan administration job creation office.Lami speaks on how he ventured into the world of technology, coding, and software development despite his entertainment background.

Oluwasegun Kosemani popularly called Lamilami is a popular face on Nigerian TV especially in the entertainment industry where he was present and VJ with music channel, Nigezie for over 5years.The University of Lagos graduate also had a brief stint working as a personal assistant on media to the house committee chairman on infrastructure in 2008. In 2014 he became a communication strategy consultant for the presidential jobs board under the Goodluck Jonathan administration job creation office.Lami speaks on how he ventured into the world of technology, coding, and software development despite his entertainment background.

« La mission de l’organisation sous –régionale a bouclé hier ses valises », rapporte l'Informateur. Relayé par Maliweb, le journal rappelle que la délégation « conduite par son médiateur, l’ancien président nigérian Goodluck Jonathan, avait posé ses  valises lundi sur les bords du Djoliba, pour évaluer les avancées de la transition ». « Et après deux jours de rencontres, d’échanges avec les autorités de la transition et les forces vives de la nation malienne », reprend Le Pays, dans son communiqué final, la délégation « a salué les avancées du processus de transition ». Mais elle a aussi appelé les autorités et les acteurs sociaux au dialogue, « pour préserver les intérêts du Mali », souligne encore Le Pays. Par ailleurs, « Goodluck et sa délégation ont tout de même déploré la non dissolution, jusque-là, du CNSP », la junte militaire. Le Pays cite ici le communiqué de la Cédéao précisant en effet qu'après l'installation des organes de transition « le conseil national pour le salut du peuple devrait être formellement dissout ». Un match présidentiel en Ouganda La presse nous présente aussi ce matin le match présidentiel qui se profile demain, jeudi 14 janvier, en Ouganda. « Au pouvoir depuis 35 ans, Yoweri Museveni, président sortant, brigue un sixième mandat. Il aura pour principal adversaire le chanteur Bobi Wine, 38 ans qui mobilise la jeunesse ». Avec ces mots, Walf, le journal sénégalais, pose le décor mais il prévient d'emblée : « Yoweri ne veut rien lâcher ». « Modification de la Constitution en 2017, suspension à l’accès à l’ensemble des réseaux sociaux et services de messagerie jusqu’à nouvel ordre, harcèlement de journalistes, musèlement de la presse… Ce n’est que la face visible de l’iceberg pour prolonger le bail de Yoweri Museveni à la tête de l’Ouganda, déplore Walf, citant ici l’ancien président des Etats-Unis, Barack Obama lors d'un voyage au Ghana : « l’Afrique n’a pas besoin d’hommes forts, mais plutôt d’institutions fortes ». Et cela, ironise Walf, « l’Amérique nous le montre avec ce loufoque de Donald Trump, qui, grâce à la solidité des institutions américaines va, malgré toutes ses velléités de se maintenir au pouvoir, sortir par une petite porte de la Maison-Blanche. Mais, des types comme Yoweri Museveni, l’Afrique n’en a plus besoin », conclut l'article. En France Libération de son côté consacre une double page à cette présidentielle ougandaise. Le quotidien évoque un « régime corrompu » et une répression violente qui « fait voler en éclats la légende d'une démocratie pacifique ». L'affaire Diary Sow La presse française suit aussi l'affaire Diary Sow. « La meilleure élève du Sénégal » qui étudie à Paris où elle est portée disparue depuis le 4 janvier. Et Le Parisien croit savoir que "l'hypothèse criminelle semble désormais écartée" par les enquêteurs, mais « il convient de rester prudent ». Selon le quotidien, la police judiciaire française parisienne « pencherait en effet pour l'hypothèse d'une disparition volontaire ». En tout cas, le consul général du Sénégal en France salut ici l'enquête de « grande envergure » menée par la police française. En Côte d’Ivoire, sur les traces des « déguerpis » d'Adjoufou À lire en Côte d'Ivoire, énième conséquence des drames migratoires. Vous vous en souvenez peut-être, on en a bien sur parlé sur RFI : Le 8 janvier 2020, le jeune ivoirien Laurent Barthelemy Ani Guibahi, 14 ans, était retrouvé mort à Roissy. Il s'était caché dans le train d'atterrissage d'un avion Air France qui assurait la liaison Abidjan-Paris. Eh bien, L'intelligent d'Abidjan nous rappelle ce matin, qu'il y a un an jour pour jour, en réaction à ce drame, les autorités ivoiriennes avaient annoncé leur intention « de raser un périmètre de 200 mètres » autour de l'aéroport. Pour sécuriser la zone et éviter qu'un autre adolescent ne puisse passer.  « Ce qui obligeait les riverains à quitter les lieux ». Un an après donc, l'Intelligent dresse le bilan : cette « opération de déguerpissement » a été menée à bien par endroits mais ce n'est visiblement pas le cas dans le quartier d'Adjoufou, qui comptait quelque 600 habitants. « Après nous avoir remis 30.000 FCFA par personne comme dédommagement, témoigne un propriétaire, plus personne n'est revenu nous voir. Pour ce qui me concerne, je n'ai pas bougé », nous dit-il. Les habitants avaient dû enlever le toit de leur maison, beaucoup ont été rapidement réinstallés. «70% des gens sont revenus » selon ce propriétaire. Et L'Intelligent s'interroge : « doivent-ils leur salut à la présence de plusieurs entreprises étrangères dans le périmètre ? » Ces dernières, elles, n'ont pas été inquiétées et « ils sont même en train de construire une Usine Mercedes » affirme un autre habitant... Alors, « un an après, nous interpelle le journal, finalement, que retenir de cette affaire de l’enfant parti du train d’atterrissage d’un avion Air France ? ».  

La presse s’intéresse ce matin à la visite entamée hier à Bamako. « Le Médiateur de Cédéao, Goodluck Jonathan, ancien Président du Nigeria, effectue une visite de 48 heures », affiche Le Républicain. Le journal malien précise l’objectif de cette mission : c'est à dire évaluer les « progrès réalisés dans le processus de la transition ». Pour sa part, Malijet, croit déjà savoir que « trois domaines ont constitué le centre d'intérêt de la mission » : à savoir « la feuille de la transition, l'inclusivité du processus et le niveau de concertation avec les différents segments de la société ». Selon le site internet, « le médiateur a aussi fait remarquer que l’ébullition du front social et les récentes arrestations ne sont pas de nature à faciliter la conduite de la transition ». « Le réquisitoire du M5-RFP contre la junte » De son côté Malikilé relaie le réquisitoire du M5-RFP. Le quotidien explique d’abord que la délégation de la Cédéao « a bouleversé son agenda initial en décidant de rencontrer la classe politique hier, lundi à partir de 19h, au lieu du mardi initialement prévu ». Une réunion tenue à l’hôtel Salam, « de nombreux partis politiques, notamment de l’ex majorité présidentielle ont participé ».  Et à l’occasion de cette rencontre, le mouvement de contestation a en effet adressé un « réquisitoire contre la junte », parlant « d’une seule voix », nous dit Malikile. « Non seulement pour se faire mieux entendre mais aussi pour dire à la CEDEAO qui ne cesse de la snober qu’il continue à exister bel et bien » […] Dans son intervention, conclut le quotidien malien, le M5-RFP n’a pas fait dans la dentelle, il a, avec la précision du chirurgien, décortiqué les maux qui minent la transition. » Une visite suivie par la presse ouest-africaine « La Cedeao, de nouveau au chevet de la transition », titre Le Djely en Guinée. Il souligne que l’institution, « garante de la conduite à bon port de la transition au Mali, surveille de très près ce qu’il s’y passe depuis l’arrivée de Bah N’Daw aux affaires ». Et cette mission ne « saurait se contenter d’une simple profession de foi », notamment sur la tenue d’élections transparentes et crédibles, croit savoir Le Djely. Même écho du côté du Pays, au Burkina Faso, pour qui « cette mission d’évaluation a toutes les allures d’un marquage à la culotte ». « C’est de bonne guerre, nous dit Le Pays, surtout quand on connait l’attachement de l’institution sous régionale à la défense de la démocratie, même si elle donne parfois l’impression de ramer plus dans le sens des intérêts des têtes couronnées que de ceux des populations des zones concernées ». Mais la question centrale maintenant pour Le Pays, c’est de savoir si la CEDEAO « saura encadrer la Transition malienne jusqu’au bout, et surtout si elle saura recadrer les choses en cas de besoin ». Disparition de la « meilleure élève du Sénégal » Un autre dossier maintenant, suivi par la presse sénégalaise comme par la presse française : la disparition de la « meilleure élève du Sénégal ». « Où est passée Diary Sow ? se demande Le Monde Afrique. De Dakar à Paris, cette question tourmente des millions de Sénégalais, qui s’inquiètent pour celle qu’ils nomment leur « petite sœur » explique le quotidien français. « Miss Sciences en 2017 au Sénégal, mais surtout « meilleure élève » du pays en 2018 et 2019 », précise Le Monde, Diary Sow a disparu dans la capitale française depuis le 4 janvier, où elle étudie au prestigieux Lycée Louis-le-Grand. Le Parisien Aujourd’hui En France revient aussi sur sa disparition ce matin, comme le quotidien sénégalais 24 Heures. Il suit justement la presse française et cite La Dépêche, un quotidien régional qui affirme que Diary Sow aurait été aperçue pour la dernière fois à Toulouse, dans le Sud-Ouest. Elle y elle aurait été en vacances mais « a-t-elle quitté la ville rose », comme on l'appelle s'interroge 24H. « Les questions se multiplient tandis que l'angoisse monte » conclue-t-il. « Les enfants fantômes du Burkina Faso » À lire enfin dans La Croix : « Les enfants fantômes du Burkina Faso », les enfants non déclarés. « Sans état civil, ils restent invisibles, exclus, souvent aux portes de la violence », et ils représentent pas moins de « 23% des burkinabè de moins de 5 ans » selon La Croix. Le quotidien catholique relaie notamment la frustration d'Amado. « Dans son village de Guirgho, à 70 km au sud de Ouagadougou, il était l’an dernier le seul élève de sa classe de CM2 à ne pas pouvoir passer son certificat d’études primaires ». Eh oui, sans acte de naissance pas d'examen. Pire, Amado a été contraint de redoubler. Mais grâce aux initiatives et au travail d'ONG, sa situation va être régularisée, et il pourra passer son certificat cette année. La Croix met aussi en lumière le travail de deux ingénieurs, français et burkinabè, qui proposent un dispositif innovant pour l’enregistrement des naissances à distance : « iCivil ». Un système de QR code attribué à la naissance et déjà déployé dans 98 centres de santé répartis dans 9 régions burkinabè.

I have long admired the thoughts of foreign policy analyst Chris Ogunmodede through his Twitter feed, and it was a pleasure having this conversation with him. Our jump-off point was the tragic fallout from the EndSars protests. Chris’ knowledge and grasp of the core issues ensured he had deep insights on all my questions. (P.S he had some fun bashing economists).You can rate us here. If you want to support our efforts in bringing you the thoughts of brilliant thinkers through these conversations, you can be a patron here.TranscriptTL: This Ideas Untrapped and my guest today is Chris Olaoluwa Ogunmodede. He is a foreign policy analyst, a writer, editor and political risk consultant. His work centers on political institutions and foreign policy of African countries, particularly the West African region, and he has extensive experience working across Africa, Europe, and the United States. He's an editor at the Republic, a Pan-African global affairs publication. You're welcome, Chris, it's a pleasure to have you here. CO: It's a pleasure, thanks so much for having me on your podcast. I'm glad to be here.TL: We cannot really avoid the events of the last couple of weeks with the EndSARS protest and some of the tragic turn that things have taken since that very momentous period in the history of the country, so I think where I would like to start interrogating the issues is about the Nigerian security force, generally, not just the police. Because we know and as things turned out with the confrontation of the army with the protesters that the issue of abuse, extrajudicial killing and basically the overuse and exercise of power is symptomatic of our security force. So I want to know, what do you think are the underlying issues that makes this such a systemic problem and that makes it so very difficult to solve? So there are two views I've encountered in talking about this. One is about colonialism, so I want to ask you - how much influence do you think the colonial establishment and governance has on our institutions? Is it still a relevant factor? Should we still keep using that framework and analysis in looking at our institutions today?CO: That's a very good question and, you know, that's a very relevant question. I would say that the legacy of Nigeria's security forces are bound up in the colonial experience in the sense that the security forces, whether it's the police [or] the armed forces were created to repress local populations, to put down resistance movements, whether they were anti-tax ones, whether they were ones pushing for women's rights, you know, native rule, things like that. That is the contextual emergence from which modern Nigerian policing and the armed forces broadly, as you pointed out this is a problem that straddles across the security services, not just the police. And that's where [the] police, the army and other security elements of Nigerian society have emerged from: the suppression of popular expression of dissent. Essentially what you had was the colonial authorities, when they departed, post independence, they were essentially replaced by a new class of elites who frankly were happy to pick up the baton from the colonial authorities because they too had a stake in continuing this repressive practices and you can still see many of these elements around Nigerian society. For example, loitering as a crime in Nigeria is something that came from the colonial experience where if you were seen to be in a neighborhood you weren't supposed to be in, you would be arrested or taken away. That's still happening in many parts of Lagos and other cities in Nigeria. If you look like you don't belong in a neighborhood, you will attract the attention of the police. It's like when you listen to some stories about SARS for example, they look at you as a young person driving a nice car, you look a certain way, in a certain neighborhood. Again, all of this is part of a legacy of oppression that has been passed down from that colonial heritage. Now, this is not to say that the current elites, "post colonial elites" don't have any agency their own, but institutional change is harder than it sounds. You know, it's hard to get rid of bad habits. Old habits die hard. And once there hasn't been a social contract between constituent and authority in the sense that as soon as Nigeria got it's independence, it became a republic [in] 1963 and then the military took over in '66 and essentially we have been living through a militarised society, practically speaking since 1966. Yes, there was the transition to the second republic and that collapsed, and you had the third republic and that collapsed. Now we have the fourth republic. But fundamentally Nigeria's context has been one, at least post-1966, has been one of that same structure of violence and abuse. Unless you have a proper social contract between the citizen and the state regarding what kind of policing do they want? What kind of law enforcement do they want? What kind of national security policies do they want? And these things have to be reflected, not just in the Constitution, but in the way individuals relate with themselves in their neighborhoods, with the way the political class relates with voters. As long as that doesn't exist, that colonial legacy of policing will continue to manifest itself regardless of the fact that we are continuing, of course, to go farther and farther of colonial experience, but those underpinnings of the colonial state haven't been removed and the only way to remove them is by underwriting a social contract between constituent and authority.TL: It's interesting you talked about social contract because it's something I've also been thinking about in relation to a lot of these issues. I know you hinted at that, but is that really part of the problem that we are seeing here in terms of the relation between the citizens and the security forces? For example, the policeman's job leans more towards the protection of the regime or the people in power, as opposed to the protection and security of the public. And this relationship exist despite what the Constitution says, despite what rights we think we have and things like that, such that the police are basically an instrument of power or the expression thereof. So how does social contract become part of the social cognition of a population?CO: That's a very excellent question and frankly it's not one that there are obvious answers for, but I will certainly try to give my own take. First of all, when you look at the way a Constitution is written, there are many ways to do this - you could have a constitutional conference, you could have a constitutional convention, you could have a constituent assembly, so many countries have various iterations of the process by which they arrive at what they would regard as a Constitution that governs the social, legal and political interaction between the citizen and state. In Nigeria's case, to the extent that we have ever done that, it hasn't been very well considerate of all of the factors of society. In the sense that, Nigeria's Constitution whether it's 1979, whether it's 1999 Constitution, first of all, has often been written in secret. Not secret in the sense of being shot somewhere, but the consultation between these various elements of society has not been there. You know, you think of the fact that the '99 Constitution itself was, in large part, based on the conclusions of the Abacha constitutional conference understudied in '94 and they finished it in '95 where Abacha essentially handpicked a bunch of people who he wanted to draw a Constitution that was favourable to the armed forces. So this is the kind of thing I'm referring to. If that is the way you arrive at a Constitution, then it stands to reason that the old order, the order that protects the status quo, is what you're going to get. Now, on the flip side, you look at Chile. They recently had a vote to overturn the Pinochet Constitution - Augusto Pinochet was the military dictator in Chile. This was a process that the Chilean left in particular who opposed Pinochet, it's something they've been fighting on for decades. There have lots of debate as to whether they were going to having consultative assembly and things of that nature, a constitutional conference. In any case, because the recognition was that that Constitution was not written with the will and consent of the Chilean people, as they wanted a constitution to be written. You cannot have such a Constitution continue to govern a democracy. So Chile transitioned to a democracy in 19...there was a plebiscite in '88 and the president took office in 1990, then Pinochet stepped aside. But the Pinochet Constitution remained there. So there was the recognition for that democratic transition to come full circle, you have to get rid of that Constitution because that Constitution protects so much of the political order Pinochet has created that even though Chile has been a democracy for 30 years now, it's still very much an authoritarian construct. So bringing it back to Nigeria, that's precisely what I'm getting at, that until you have an understanding of a Constitution as Nigerians collectively want it, if it's a constitution that was written or reflects a previous era where there wasn't a broad-based consultation of people, the kind of social contract that you want to write to reflect in that Constitution is not going to be there. So if you, for example, want police reform and what that would look like in the Nigerian Constitution where some of the things you favour, including state police, boards of arbitration, an independent investigative panel to look at SARS and things like that, then if you want those things to reflect in the Nigerian Constitution, you have got to consult with all the elements of society to see what their views are about that. Has happens at the moment, the Nigerian Constitution creates a federalized police. So those reforms that you might want, at least if you favour that kind of reform where you have a more decentralized police force, you're simply not going to get it. And you are not going to get at the kind of social contract between citizen and state where the police force is accountable to your governor, in your state, as opposed to your president in Abuja. I mean, imagine if you live in Cross River and you are the victim of SARS brutality. OK, yes, now there's the state panels and all of that. But until those state panel, what was your way of getting accountability? You had to go all the way to the Nigerian police force. Of course, this was when FSARS was still the structure, later on they brought them to the police command, but in reality, because the Nigerian police force is a federalized structure, you have to go all the way to Abuja to get any sort of restitution for yourself. So if you want a social contract reflecting local accountability in policing, you have got to consult with other elements of society who share those views with you and this is where a responsible, robust civil society could come in. In a society like Chile, the ability to get rid of that Constitution, the Pinochet Constitution, was because several elements of civil society were able to rally themselves together and to create enough of the critical mass to put pressure on the political system to make that a salient issue. Thus far in Nigeria, we've been unable to do that. There are lots of organizations out there doing lots of great work on police reform, you know, CLEEN foundation and likes, but there have got to be much more voices in civil society trying to create that kind of momentum if they indeed favour a state/localized approach towards policing. They've got to be able to create that critical mass enough to get the National Assembly to take a look at that issue and make the necessary constitutional amendments that would make it happen. So it's all about what the society itself wants to do to make it's elites conform to the desires of it. Elites are naturally going to protect the status quo, it's up to you as civil society to organize yourselves to get that kind of social contract that you want.TL: Another theory I would like to get your push back - if you have any - on is that our institutions basically reflect our level of development and that these things usually improve the more developed, the more rich a society becomes. How credible is that view? Because if you look at it from a state capacity angle, it's nice to have all these things, but we can also argue that there is some form of, I mean discounting motives, now, there is some level of incompetence in the way we do reform in Nigeria. You get a sense, a very deep sense that some of the necessary skills whether people or technical skills that are actually needed to be marshalled to solve some of these problems are critically lacking, especially in our bureaucracies. So do the problems that we have now just simply reflect our level of development, the level of education and wealth and human capital in an economy, generally? CO: Right off the bat I will say that I'm much less a fan off the new institutional economics school of thought. Back when I was in undergrad I really used like, well, I still very much appreciate the arguments of Douglas North, Wallace and people like that, but overtime it's become very clear to me that one, as I mentioned earlier, institutional change is harder than it sounds. Two, institutions in and of themselves are not a panacea for anything in the sense that institutions are created and upheld by people. Something I've been talking about a lot over the last couple years of the Trump administration is the fact that, so many people, I remember having so many arguments with so many of my friends, colleagues, old classmates about if Trump were to win, what's gonna happen blah blah blah...and so many people will say oh, America's institutions are so great, they're so this, so that. Now, I tend to look at institutional quality a little different. They don't collapse overnight. There is usually a point where there's an indication something isn't quite working as it ought to, or maybe it used to. There's a moment of a stress test. We've seen Trump got impeached, he didn't get convicted, but there's been so many things he has done that have run afoul of, frankly, the law or norms or traditions, and it seems like there's been no one able to stop him. And, usually, my response to people who make these pronouncements is that well, institutions are not automatic, they rely on people to want to defend them. To want to uphold them. So in Nigeria's case, the institutions Nigeria has reflect, one: the time they were created. They reflect the purpose they were created for, and they reflect the fact that institutional change is going to have to come when the incentive structure change.When people hear institution they actually think of organizations. The way Douglas North talked about...and Douglas North was an institutional economists. When he talked about institutions he was referring to the rules of the game, you know, whether they be formal rule or informal rule, norms and things like that. So what most People understand to be institutions are actually organizations. So, like, people would say oh, institutions like the CBN, the Nigerian army... those are organizations. The institutions are the rules that bring them in existence in the first place. So I would say [the] separation of powers, for example, is an institutional norm, and then the reflection of those norms are the fact that we have [the] Villa, we have the National Assembly, we have the supreme court. In that sense, when you look at Nigeria's institutions, they can only perform what they were created to do. When you look at Nigeria security forces, to go back to our previous conversation, because they were created to repress and because the institutional arrangements around security, law enforcement, policing, civil defence and things like that haven't been underwritten by a broad-based social contract like we refer to, they will only do what they were created to do, which is kill a lot of people. Until a social contract is reflected in the institutional change process, the institutions will do what they were created to do. They're not static in the sense that because they were created to do one thing at a certain time, they will always do that. However, it does recognize that, if there are no updates made to the system around them...the system governing those institutions, they will simply reflect the times they were created. So in that sense, institution can be static. And like I said, because [in the] Nigerian society, by and large, the institutions that make up government, for example, are ones that are largely unaccountable to a broad public, are ones that regard distance between citizens and the government, that's simply what they will always do. So in that sense, Nigeria's economic institution... we've talked about political and security, let's talk about Nigeria's economic institutions. You can't ignore the fact that the government is the largest employer, for example, of labour in Nigeria. And the fact that registering a company, for example, is incredibly bureaucratic. That is because, by and large, a society where the average Nigerian did not have to depend on either the government or some other pillar of society like the church is one where people are going to be rebellious.If people have what Amartya Sen called capability to do the things they want, how they want, when they want, then dissent becomes easier. And in Nigeria, the institutions Nigeria has do not tolerate dissent. So if the government can control your economic well-being, can control the way you try to pursue your livelihood, it believes you are more likely to be responsive. So that's why you want to go register a company, they have to make it difficult for you because the people in the bureaucracy, you know, the civil servants, or whomever feel like it is their role and responsibility as economic agents really and truly to be able to control what you do. They feel it's their role, they feel it's their entitlement and you've got to pay due deference to that. Otherwise, you won't be able to pursue your own livelihood. That's the reason why, for example, the ease of [doing] business is very difficult because once everything is hunky dory, you can setup your own thing, you can pursue whatever economic activities you want, you don't need to always defer to the government, and because [the] Nigerian government is so paternalistic in its outlook, it has no other alternative but to essentially make your life a living hell. So in that sense, Nigeria's institutions can only reflect the time and purpose for which they were created. TL: That's an interesting thought. It's also interesting that you referenced Douglas North because I've been wanting to talk to you about Why Nations Fail by Daron Acemoglu and John Robinson. So how do their framework which is that institutions are either inclusive, that is, they value freedom and allow for innovation, or extractive where they're corrupt and sometimes they frown on dissent like you are also describing - how do their framework differ from what you've been describing so far - which is that institutions functions according to the purpose for which they were designed? I know you hate that book so much, where did it fail and what's missing?CO: So I think one of my major gripes with the book is the lack of specificity as to what inclusive and extractive means. You know, 'cause they used those two terms very loosely. For example, when you say "oh, inclusive institutions!" It's impossible for anyone to disagree with that because there's absolutely nothing incontrovertible about that. But then, when you get down to the nitty gritty of what inclusive and extracted means... for example, they portrayed China as one of the more extractive societies. OK, now fine, that's a perfectly legitimate argument to me. But it seems like China has been setup to essentially be a contrast to the US in terms of what successful institutions look like. You know,  America's Constitution, separation of powers... It makes a lot of casual arguments about how American institutions emerged.They talk about things like land rights and so many English market traditions and things like that. But for one thing, it ignores the role of slavery and things of that nature. So at one point they talk about how growth under extractive political institutions, as in China, will not bring sustained growth and is likely to run out of steam. It ignores that economic growth and development is a process and they don't say in specificity when that's going to happen. Because, you know, when you look at the US, America's economic growth was quite helter-skelter. America didn't become a developed as we would understand... and, you know, this goes into so many different ways of understanding what developed and all of that [means]. That's a separate conversation.But to understand America's economic growth as a developed economy, that didn't happen until roughly 1900 to be quite frank. You know, the late 19th century is when America started to really emerge as a developed economy, are we going to say then that everything that happened up until that point meant that America was an extractive economy? I mean, you can make that argument, but you would also be ignoring a number of factors that led up to that point. For example, the civil war, the nullification crisis, there are so many things that get in the way of making these kinds of causal arguments...you know, the Louisiana purchase, and this is a problem with economists generally. They tend to use a lot of bad history in making rather causal... this is something professional historians tend to say a lot that economists because they have where they're going to, they will go there A to B and they won't look anywhere else.That's a lot of what Acemoglu and Robinson have done. They have ignored a lot of arguments that contradicts their own points. Like I've made with the comparison about the US and China where they say China will run out of steam. OK, but when? And it ignores, for one thing, the role of politics. A lot of what has happened to China really has been because Xi Jinping took over and he has pursued a different orientation of political economic management. You know, before him, you had Hu Jintao, Jiang Zemin who more or less where guys who ruled by committee. And I should say that I'm not a China specialist by any means, all I know is what I read from people who are China specialists. But these are sort of broad, commonly understood trends. But Xi Jinping has moved towards a more Maoist approach towards governing, foreign policy, economic policymaking. So who's to say that had that same trajectory continued from Jintao downward? Who's to say where China would be today? Because by all accounts China has stepped back economically from what it was, you know, a couple of years ago. They've hit a little bit of a wall in the economy and growth has slowed. So in that sense, Acemoglu and Robinson's sort of path dependent arguments is contradicted by the fact that there are things that can happen which can alter the entire course of history. You can't always ignore those very important elements of history, which can change so much. Nothing is ever cast in stone, and when you say inclusive and extractive institution, it makes it seem as though those things are ends as opposed to means to an end. What are inclusive institutions? What are they supposed to do for you? What are extractive institutions doing to the society? Those things are a means to a path, they're not necessarily ends in and of themselves. And so much of what Acemoglu and Robinson discussed in Why Nations Fail just seems to be cribbed from, you know, Mancur Olsen, Charles Tilly, and so many of these guys, but a lot of it is bad impressions of what they have written because it's so simplistic, it makes so many sweeping generalizations and categorization that it just seems as though they've read so many different parts of these authors I've mentioned, put together a sort of literature review, picked in some random theories that they had and created a justification for it. So in that sense, it's not a very helpful way for thinking about why nations fail. I just feel much of what they believe seem to be predetermined and they looked for justifications for them. TL: We'll come back to Chile in a second. But as long as we're bashing economists...LaughsTL: Two economists, a couple of years ago, Ashraf and Galor - Oded Galor, I forgot the first name of the other guy - also wrote a paper talking about the path to development and the long-run determinants of development, generally. And they talk about ethnic heterogeneity and homogeneity as the determinant of development. So their model and, of course, their conclusion say that if a society is too heterogenous then that's bad, if it's too homogenous that's also bad and there's a sort of goldilocks zone in between. And that goldilocks zone is always Western Europe, for some reason. LaughsCO: Right.TL: So, what do you think? I know that that particular paper has come under some severe criticism on methodological grounds, on ethical grounds, and so many others. But you have to ask yourself, and I'm trying to defer with common sense here, can we honestly say that part of the complexity that we are experiencing with governance in Nigeria has absolutely nothing to do with the fact that we are 250 ethnicities who speak twice as many languages?CO: I recognize, like you mentioned, that that paper has come under severe criticism. The most famous one that I do remember was this "is poverty in our genes" or something like that that was written by this Harvard anthropologist. That's probably the most famous critique of it I've read but there have been several others. In any case, the problem with looking at heterogeneity as a source of anxiety in plural societies is that it's quite simplistic in its understanding of cohesion. Essentially, when you control for certain norms around certain institutional variables, you will find that ethnic diversity and heterogeneity is mostly...the effect of it is mostly negligible. One of the good things about the social trust literature in the last 20 years I would say is that it's become quite robust, you know, people have started to use better variables to measure social trust as well as heterogeneity. And one thing a lot of scholars have found, especially sociologists have found, is that in many instances as opposed to ethnic diversity and heterogeneity, you are looking at the quality of certain institutions. For example, you look at Nigerian elections, how everyone always say that Nigerians are divided by religion, by tribe and to a certain extent that's true. It's one thing to say that, it's quite another thing to make a leap from that assumption to the fact that one of the reasons why we struggle to get "good governance" - and I have a problem with that term of good governance but that story for another day. Let's just go with it for now - it's one thing to go from Nigerians are divided by ethnicity and religion and all that to one of the reasons we can't have good governance is because we are too diverse, we're too this and that.Rather than that, another way to look at this is why has good governance fail to come to Nigerians despite the fact that the average Nigerian provides his own light or her own light, security and all of this stuff? So rather than this being a problem of ethnic diversity, what it is is a collection of political elites across the entire spectrum of the Nigerian society have connived to become essentially roving bandits denying everybody the spoils of democratic governance. So once you can get to a place where certain indicators of good governance can be improved across the board, ethnic diversity no longer becomes a strong variable in the equation of ethnicity and governance. If you can get to a point where credible elections can be held where there isn't as much ballot snatching, vote rigging and things of that nature, then it becomes very difficult to say that, for example, the police force, which a lot of people use for rigging elections, is, you know, a contributor to ethnic or religious or tribal divisions in Nigeria. Essentially, the point I'm trying to make is that once you can control for certain institutional variables in society and how those institutions respond to the collective of the people, it doesn't mean that heterogeneity stops becoming a source of social angst or things like that. It just means that the state capacity, once you can raise that beyond a certain minimum, it no longer becomes a case of ethnicity becoming a hindrance to getting good governance. You know, that argument is no longer able to fly. What you can then see is that you have raised the bar for governance. Now, how you do that very much depends on so many other things, but it no longer becomes that the reason we cannot get good governance is because, you know, Nigeria is ethnically divided and people are only going to cater for themselves and their own ethnic groups and things like that. Once you can raise the lowest common denominator across the board, the strength of the ethnic angle no longer becomes very potent if that makes sense. TL: Talking about state capacity now, we return to Charles Tilly and he developed this war makes states hypothesis which so many other scholars have expounded on overtime. I just want get your response to how much... since we're talking about long-run determinants of institutions here, and one of the measures that scholars have used along the lines of Tilly over the years is that civil war was a lot more common in Africa as opposed to interstate wars and that may have affected our development or our ability to have state capacity because interstate wars give you the ability to develop manufacturing whether in weapons, coordination, collecting taxes and all these other things that most of our bureaucracies now struggle with. So how valid do you think that is? CO: Yeah, I mean, to a certain degree, your state capacity is hurt when you fight civil conflicts because state formation first of all, as well as capacity is a collective effort requiring the participation and legitimation of all, at least, a broad-based snapshot of society. So, you know, the various ethnic groups, various social classes, people at different education level. So when you fight civil conflicts, you are more likely to cause lasting damage towards your own internal capacity as a state. You know, there's a reason why countries like Liberia, Rwanda, and others like them in Africa that have fought civil conflicts, have mostly continued to struggle with economic development. Because to begin with, they never had much state capacity and then when conflict breaks out, you have a situation where the state that's fragile to begin with starts to attack itself. And because many African countries have lots of large landmass and things like that it becomes very difficult to fight a protracted civil conflict. It takes time, it takes money, resources, people...so that just means an attritional battle that simply reduces the totality of your ability to rebuild, because even when the conflict is over, there is a peace agreement or what not, you are going to have to rebuild your society, not just in terms of physical infrastructure and things like that, but political settlements, peace agreement, reconciliation and things of that nature. Because when you think of state formation and state transformation, these are the elements that come into play, not just economic - you know, building an economy and your physical infrastructure, there's the social forces you have to contend with. One of the reasons why Europe was able to rebuild after the war was the Marshall Plan, and this was of course a collective effort among the European countries to rebuild their economies using American assistance. Of course, they were lots of American companies who went to invest in Europe and made strategic investments in key sectors of European economies and things like that. Those kinds of agreements are easier to arrive at when it's sort of interstate because there are many more participants who are brought to the negotiating table and these intervening institutions that I've mentioned have much more of the institutional memory of creating that kind of atmosphere that can lead to this type of situation where you have a Marshall Plan. Whereas in a civil conflict, how do you do that? I mean, yes, you can have international organizations like the World Bank and commit to reconstruction and things like that, but that is a much more political process, because for one thing you have a situation where warring parties in the country don't even agree, or at least are trying to get to a place where there can be some sort of agreement amongst each other as to what do we do next. Whereas when it's interstate, they are much more interdependent on one another. Economic interdependence, for example, is understood in international relations to be something that prevents the outbreak of war. Now, that's a contested idea, but it's one that continues to have some resonance in international relations. So when there is much more riding on states and other units of interaction in the international system to avoid that kind of situation where states go to war with each other and should they go to war with each other, in order to prevent the 2nd and 3rd order consequences of that outbreak of conflict, to manifest itself going further, there is much more of an avenue to, first of all, get them to stop fighting to end the conflict and then rebuild.Part of the rebuilding of Europe was, well, one, self interested in that the United States saw an opportunity to remake Europe in its image and likeness but also to prevent the outbreak of further conflict. You know, to integrate European economies. That's much more it easier to do on an interstate level than it is to do intrastate. So in that sense, rebuilding state capacity gets harder, especially if you never had much of it to begin with, and when you look at Africa as a continent, there are many more states with weak state capacity than there are those that have strong state capacity. So in that sense there is some merit to the notion that war can make the state. There is some merit to the idea that states can use the defence sector as a means of scaling up other industries, you know whether  it is manufacturing or otherwise, or information technology. But to get there, you needed to have had state capacity to be able to do so in the first place and for many African countries, they don't. So at best, all they would be able to do would be to get to a low intensity level of defence production and they wouldn't be able to create the kinds of high yield defense and manufacturing product that they might be able to sell on the international market and things like that. Because, you know, those are not capabilities they have. But they'd be able to create capabilities that would be able to be disrupted. So in the end they win nothing.TL: I'll also like to return to your point earlier about actors as some kind of exogeneous shocks to long-run institutional patterns or memory. 2015 was hopeful for a lot of people in Nigeria. It was a transition to an opposition party. The elections were largely peaceful. People actually voted out a government which they have agreed was corrupt and has lost a lot of legitimacy. Now here's my puzzle, even though I had my disagreements at the time, how did the APC-led government lose its way so freaking fast? Like, what happened? Somehow it seems like these guys are not prepared to govern and we can see some of the symptoms of that incapability even now. You know, you see rival government agencies... well, not rival government agencies, different government agencies coming to social media to argue about ridiculous things. You have agencies acting as laws unto themselves, there seems to be no coordination, communication, whether from the Ministry of Information or the Central Bank, is always messed up. You know, and some people will look back and say, Oh yeah, we shouldn't have expect anything different because maybe these guys were just a ragtag band of the disgruntled. But it's still puzzling. How did a coalition that rode the wave of popularity and, I'll say, illegitimacy, lose it's way that fast?CO: Like you correctly pointed out, this government came in...at least, President Buhari came in with so much goodwill. You know, I've always said that Buhari came in with probably the largest amount of goodwill of any Nigerian president probably since Shehu Shagari. And that was because, you know, Shagari came in as the first president of the second public and there was so much anticipation and goodwill. Much the same was true of Buhari. Of course, it's a different context, but as you said, he's the first opposition president to take office. He won a fairly convincing election. Yes, it was very bitter, people had their disagreements and it was well contested. But as you noted, it was peaceful. The Buhari campaign, and it's very important to talk about it without being too colored by the experiences of what's happened after. Looking at it purely from the lenses of 2014/15, it was a truly remarkable campaign, you know. Back in the day I was a volunteer for the Obama campaign and I remember just how that experience was incredibly...was probably one of the best political campaigns that many Americans had ever experienced. The Buhari campaign was kind of like that for many Nigerians. It was by the standards of Nigerian presidential campaigns, it was a remarkable exercise not just of messaging, but also of marketing, of connection with the Nigerian public in ways that previous presidential candidates or campaigns hadn't done. And then, of course, just bring to it back to the Obama thing, I remember hearing that they'd hired some Obama campaign vets as consultants. So, everything made sense in the way that the messaging of Buhari as this sort of transformational figure who would changed so much about Nigeria based on his antecedents as a anticorruption crusader and all of this stuff. It was a really remarkable campaign. It was kind of decentralized. You know. You had the Southwest APC caucus who were doing their own thing. Who were largely in charge of the sort of the policy messaging and the branding and all of that stuff. And then you had the Northwest caucus of APC, who mostly did a lot of the groundwork and the get out the vote operations, and... you know, it was a truly organic campaign in ways that few Nigerian campaigns had ever been.And then they won big and the APC also won big in the National Assembly elections and the governors' races. So frankly, the APC didn't anticipate winning by as much as they did and they were clearly unprepared to govern. You know, because when they get this big win, all of a sudden there's all this infighting among themselves about, oh, who gets to become principal officers in the senate and all of this stuff. We all remember what happened with Saraki, Dogara and all these other guys. This was a party that was lacking in discipline, frankly.The desire to defeat Jonathan sort of papered over all of those cracks in their coalition. First of all, don't forget that APC was formed in 2013 or something like that. Yes, they've been in discussions for quite some time about a merger, but I always say that ABC resembled and continues to resemble a parliamentary coalition, rather than a Presidential System Party. Like when you look at Isreal, for example, where in a cabinet you might have... Let's say if it's a right wing cabinet, you might have the Likud, you might have Shas, Yisreal Beiteinu...these are all right wing parties. They have very little in common other than the fact that they don't like The Left and their government fall apart very quickly, one person resigns...That's what APC has often felt like because there was very little that they had in common beyond "we want to get rid of this guy called Goodluck Jonathan" and as soon as they do that, it's like, well, OK, now what? And that's when all the stuff starts with the principal officers and all of the cat and mouse games that they're playing, and then the fact that the President takes six months to form a cabinet, especially given the scale of the challenge, everything he had promised, everything he talked about. That just told the entire world that this wasn't a party that was ready to govern. I mean, the country was teetering on the edge of a...TL: Of an economic collapse.CO: Right, right. I mean, times were really terrible when president Buhari took office. Like, it's hard to overstate just how awful Nigeria's economic conditions looked at the time and he takes six months to put together a government. And then when they do eventually put together a government, it's one of the most underwhelming set of picks you could ever ask for. You know, in terms of the weight of the expectation and all... TL: I remember my mode upon seeing that cabinet list..that day, man, it was just... seriously, we waited six months for this?CO: Right. TL: Like, seriously?CO: That was literally how so many people thought that "this is what we waited six months for? You've got to be kidding". So in political science they talk about political capital. That's when the leader, typically a new one, comes in. You know, you have all the goodwill, so many people are behind you, there's the euphoria of your inauguration and all of these stuff. There's why they talk about the first 100 days in the US, [that's] when president, frankly, has so much room to do a lot of things and what you do may even go on to shape the rest of your presidency. I always say that President Buhari, frankly, could have come in and done anything he wanted in, let's say, June of 2015, and the country would have overlooked it. They would have looked the other way cause such was the [goodwill]. The goodwill and expectation and hope was so high, so the fact that they took six months and when they put together, it was that cabinet. They've lost six months of policy initiatives, they've lost six months of political capital, they've lost six months of contact with foreign governments because that's also a part by virtue of the fact that there's no minister of foreign affairs or ministers of any kind. You know, governments, investors donors, they weren't sure what to do. Like, who do we talk to? Who do we go to? Do we wait? So there was so much that was lost and by the time the government get into shape and putting together the motions to start creating some policymaking motion, a lot of time had been lost. And then don't forget that the president was ill a lot of 2016. He was away from the country, so effectively the president lost half of his term either due to ill health or the delays of picking a government and all of that. So there was so much the president lost that he, frankly, has never gotten back. And that is why the recovery such as it was, was quite underwhelming because there was the potential for a much stronger, and I'm not an economist, but you know, that's the way economic cycles work. Depending on what you do, there was the potential for a much stronger recovery, but then you had all this stuff with the currency, they were dithering back and forth between several ministries and, you know, there was such an incoherence in terms of government planning that a lot of Nigerians who were very sympathetic or supportive outright started to have second thoughts about "do these people know what they're doing?" and blah blah blah...before you know it, it's 2017. In 2018, they're starting to think about running again. So, there is the fact that this party was simply not prepared to govern. They just weren't, you know. And this is despite the fact that they were and are so many experienced people in the party who've been in politics for a long time. Because, after all, their APC was formed as a merger of ACN, CPC, the new PDP as they call themselves and some people from APGA and, you know, these aren't newbies to politics. These are people who've been around for a long [time]. So you would think they'd be able to marshall some sort of urgency, but again, that speaks to the lack of party discipline inside APC, you know. For all of the faults of PDP...because, one, it's a much more established party and because of its origins it's been the elite guard of previous iterations of the party, whether it was people from NPN or former military officers, this the party that had a much more...they were much more ready to govern. Parties like PDP and the likes are what political science literature will call authoritarian successor parties. That's parties formed within a political transition from authoritarian rule to democracy. So PDP was formed in '98 based on a number of elites who were opposed to Abacha, Solomon Lar and all these other people, put together the G34 and that's how they form it. These are people who've been in government for a long time. They've been in politics for a long time and they, frankly, were organized. So as soon as Abacha dies, Abdulsalam scraps the Abacha transition and creates a new one, they gather themselves together, pick candidates all over the place, win, they get into office and they're ready to govern because so many of these have brought administrative and bureaucratic skills whether as former military officers or former governors or party heads, and things like that. And there was some sense of party discipline. There wasn't much party internal democracy, but there was at least some party discipline. Whereas in APC, there wasn't a whole lot of party discipline or party internal democracy. That's why over the last five years, so many factions have been fighting each other.Remember the last round of primary elections? How "aww, my God" in fact, in a number of states, the weren't able to field candidates in the general election, such was the chaos where there were parallel congresses, parallel primaries, this thing and the other thing, they didn't file candidates in time, so they couldn't put up a... That's the kind of thing you've got under APC because this was not a well ordered party. This was a party where they had a strong figure in President Buhari, and that's about it. Everything else, there was no sense of...unity isn't even quite the word, but there wasn't a sense of party organization where, yes, all parties have there internal disputes all the time, but, you know, there wasn't any sense of: this is the goal. This is what the party believes in, this is the mechanism to resolve dispute.The whole time Oyegun was fighting this camp, that camp was fighting that camp, and even in the states... I remember a time when there were nearly three wings inside APC in Lagos State, I mean, they've got so ridiculous during Ambode's time. So APC has a party never had time to develop organically and it showed. And it spilled into governance. I always say that you can't separate politics from governance. You know, one necessarily begets the other. You get to form a government because you need to win election. How do you win election? Mostly by forming political parties. So you can never separate the two and perhaps it's not even necessary to separate the two because after all, party politics is an expression of democratic politics just as much as governing is because after all you a mandate somehow... under the banner of a party and all of that, but it didn't seem like and still doesn't as far as I'm concerned that APC understood any of this. So going forward and I stand to be corrected if I'm wrong on this, but it would be interesting to see what happens going forward...so this year we've had with two elections in Ondo and Edo. They won in Ondo and lost in Edo. I think the Edo elections are a harbinger of what's to come, frankly speaking, because there will come a time where there are so many people who are going to want to succeed President Buhari. There are so many governors, there are senators and those are people only within the party. There are some people who are in PDP who are still going to defect and all of this other stuff, I struggle to see how the center will hold. If for no other reason than the fact that the uniting figure that kept everyone in line is going to be on his way out, presumably anyway. So when there is no more Buhari, what is going to hold the party together? I really don't know. I really don't know. This is a public episode. Get access to private episodes at www.ideasuntrapped.com/subscribe

Elle pourrait devenir la première femme africaine à diriger l’OMC, l’Organisation mondiale du commerce. La Nigériane Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala est en effet en compétition avec la Sud-Coréenne Yoo Myung-hee. Elle a le soutien de l’Europe et de l’Afrique mais pas encore des Etats-Unis. Portrait de celle que ses compatriotes surnomment parfois « la dame de fer ».  Clip de promotion, conférences en ligne, interviews Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala ne ménage pas sa peine depuis des mois pour convaincre les 164 pays membres de l’OMC qu’elle est la mieux à même de diriger l’organisation.  « Je pense que je suis la bonne candidate. Je crois que l’OMC a besoin à sa tête d’un regard neuf, et ce afin de trouver des solutions, d’adopter de nouvelles approches, et de conduire les réformes. Et je pense être la seule candidate qui possède à la fois une expertise des questions commerciales et des décennies d’expérience au sein des organisations internationales. » Il est vrai que son CV a de quoi impressionner. Deux fois ministre des Finances de son pays, ancienne numéro deux de la Banque mondiale, actuelle envoyée spéciale de l’Union africaine pour la lutte contre la pandémie, dirigeante du GAVI l’alliance mondiale pour la vaccination, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala fait figure de candidate idéale, c’est du moins l’opinion de Gilles Yabi, fondateur du cercle de réflexion, Wathi.  « Je crois que c’est une femme qui est engagée, c’est une femme qui a un parcours international et un parcours national. Et cela la rend parfaitement capable d’assumer cette fonction. » A 66 ans, l’ancienne étudiante d’Harvard, soigne son image… et pas uniquement ses célèbres fichus bleus, ses robes traditionnelles et ses lunettes cerclées. Sa réputation est au cœur d’un narratif savamment élaboré autour de quelques idées fortes. Une femme de fer, pourfendeuse de la corruption, courageuse et déterminée.  Mais l’histoire que Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala nous raconte n’est-elle pas un trop belle, s’interroge le chercheur Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos ? Notamment au regard de son action au sein du gouvernement du président Goodluck Joathan, jusqu’en 2015. « Si on devait faire un bilan de sa mandature au début des années 2010, ce bilan serait négatif. Donc c’est un peu étonnant de voir qu’on la présente aujourd’hui comme quelqu’un qui va réformer l’OMC et permettre à cette institution de décoller. » Pour le chercheur français, Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, n’a pas réussi à mettre en place le système anticorruption au sein de l’administration comme elle le souhaitait, c’est le président Buhari qui le fera quelques années plus tard. Ce qui faire dire au chercheur français que Ngozi a surtout servi de caution morale au régime de Goodluck Jonathan.  « C’était un peu la personne ressource que l’on présentait à  la communauté internationale, et qui séduisait beaucoup les diplomates occidentaux. Pour, disons, faire un peu oublier les turpitudes du président Goodluck Jonathan qui lui, en revanche ne s’est pas fait remarqué par sa bonne gouvernance, c’est le moindre que l’on puisse dire. » Le politologue Gilles Yabi préfère quant à lui mettre en avant le courage d’une femme plongée dans un système politique à la fois complexe et impitoyable.  « Il n’y a pas vraiment de scandales que l’on puisse associer à sa gouvernance. Bien sûr, elle a accepté de jouer un rôle sous la présidence de Goodluck Jonathan, mais la question est de savoir, dans ce type de situation si l’on choisit d’y aller ou non. Et parfois, il y a aussi la volonté de servir son pays, d’apporter son expérience, tout en sachant que l’on risque de porter une part de responsabilité de l’administration à laquelle on appartient. » Durant la longue campagne pour la direction générale de l’OMC, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala a fait preuve de combativité et de persuasion. L’Afrique partait en ordre dispersé avec quatre candidats, le président Buhari ne l’a soutenu que du bout des lèvres. Au final, elle a reçu l’appui de l’Europe et d’une partie de l’Asie, reste le 9 novembre prochain à vaincre un dernier obstacle : obtenir l’assentiment des Etats-Unis. 

On this episode, Reuben Abati, former spokesperson to a president who also dealt with popular uprising, Goodluck Jonathan, grants a very instructive interview about how transient power is and what he learnt working for the former president, he hasn’t been this personal about his time in Aso Rock in any conversation before this.

West African leaders have indicated they might lift the sanctions they have imposed on Mali following last month's coup. Their envoy, the former Nigerian President, Goodluck Jonathan, disclosed this on arrival in Mali, adding that the military officers who overthrew President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta were acceding to international calls for a transition to civilian rule. His comments suggest the West African regional body, Ecowas, could accept the appointment of a former defence minister, Bah Ndaw, as interim president, with the coup leader, Colonel Assimi Goita, as vice-president. Imports to land-locked Mali have slumped since the imposition of a trade embargo. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/newscast-africa/support

La question est sur toutes les lèvres au Mali. Et la réponse serait oui, s’il faut en croire les dernières déclarations de Goodluck Jonathan, le médiateur de la Cédéao qui est sur place à Bamako depuis ce mercredi. En effet, pointe le quotidien en ligne Malikilé, « Goodluck Jonathan s’est réjoui du fait que toutes les recommandations de la Cédéao aient été mises en œuvre, et est venu avec une bonne nouvelle, puisqu’il a annoncé que les sanctions qui frappaient le Mali depuis le coup de force du 18 août dernier seraient levées dès demain vendredi, après la mise en place du président de la transition. La bonne nouvelle l’avait d’ailleurs précédée car son programme de séjour indiquait clairement qu’il participerait à l’investiture du président de la transition Bah N’Daw. Un message on ne peut plus explicite. […] Reste maintenant, relève encore Malikilé, après l’investiture du président de la transition, la nomination d’un Premier ministre, qui va être un civil, et la formation d’un nouveau gouvernement pour que la transition au Mali prenne son envol ! » Le quotidien L’Indépendant reste pour sa part prudent. « Goodluck Jonathan, qui en est à sa cinquième visite au Mali depuis le début de la crise, a laissé entendre hier à sa descente d’avion, relate-t-il, que "la Cédéao s’impatientait pour faire une déclaration relative à la levée des sanctions". Selon lui, Nana Akufo-Addo, le président ghanéen et président en exercice de la communauté, "fera probablement une déclaration demain vendredi après l’investiture du nouveau président malien", pour la levée de l’embargo. Goodluck Jonathan qui dit espérer que "les sanctions seront levées". » Partage des portefeuilles En attendant le verdict de la Cédéao, les tractations pour la nomination d’un Premier ministre se poursuivent en coulisses. Et, croit savoir Le Pays au Burkina, « il ressort des bruits de couloirs des négociations en cours entre la junte militaire et les forces vives de la nation que proposition a été faite au mouvement du 5 Juin de lui attribuer le poste de Premier ministre. La junte souhaiterait en contrepartie obtenir les ministères de la Sécurité, de l’Équipement, des Mines et de l’Administration territoriale. » Commentaire du quotidien ouagalais : « même si rien n’est encore définitivement scellé, on ne peut que constater la boulimie de pouvoir des militaires qui, après avoir rusé avec les injonctions de la Cédéao, entendent s’octroyer les portefeuilles ministériels les plus stratégiques et les plus juteux. Dans ce contexte, poursuit Le Pays, on peut douter de la volonté de la junte de gérer de façon inclusive le pouvoir. Et on peut se demander si le poste de Premier ministre proposé au M5-RFP n’est pas juste un appât destiné à taire les récriminations qui se sont fait entendre suite à "l’imposition démocratique" de Bah N’Daw. Pire, on peut même se demander si ce poste n’est pas un os jeté par la junte à une meute de loups affamés qui auront du mal à s’entendre pour le dévorer. En tout cas, il y a de fortes raisons de croire que l’unanimité sera difficilement faite autour de la personnalité à désigner à la primature. » Mettre la machine transitoire en marche Pour L’Observateur Paalga, « tout semble indiquer que la Cédéao va se mettre au garde-à-vous devant les militaires maliens. » Avec comme objectif de « vite se dépêtrer de cette situation. La France, qui joue, on le sait, un rôle capital dans ce pays miné par le terrorisme, la France n’a-t-elle pas d’ores et déjà, par la voie d’Emmanuel Macron, félicité le nouveau président qui sera installé demain vendredi ? Tout le monde semble se satisfaire de cette solution plutôt boiteuse, pointe L’Observateur Paalga, l’essentiel étant de mettre la machine transitoire en marche pour un retour à une vie constitutionnelle normale. Il ne reste donc plus que le M5-RFP rentre dans le rang, moyennant le nombre et l’épaisseur des portefeuilles ministériels qui lui seront proposés. Et c’est là le prochain défi et peut-être la pierre d’achoppement de ce long processus, conclut le quotidien burkinabè. D’autant plus quand on sait que les putschistes peuvent être tentés de faire main basse sur des ministères de souveraineté comme l’Intérieur, la Défense ou les Mines. »

La désignation du colonel-major à la retraite au poste de président de la transition au Mali provoque bien des réactions dans le monde politique malien ainsi que dans la presse. Le quotidien en ligne Malikilé estime ainsi que les militaires « ont rompu leur serment de travailler de concert avec le M5-RFP et toutes les forces vives de la Nation malienne. En effet, affirme le journal, beaucoup de voix se sont élevées pour dénoncer la manière unilatérale dont ont été nommés le président et le vice-président devant conduire la Transition de 18 mois telle que décidée par les Concertations nationales. Par cet acte, le CNSP exprime sa volonté à peine voilée de prendre le pouvoir, tout le pouvoir. […] Et c’est désormais le clash entre le M5-RFP et le CNSP, pointe Malikilé, ce qui n’est pas de bon augure alors que Goodluck Jonathan arrive à Bamako ce mercredi pour s’enquérir de la prise en compte par la junte des recommandations de la Cédéao dans la mise en œuvre des organes de la Transition. » En effet, relève L’Indépendant, « la Cédéao, qui avait conditionné la levée de l’embargo à la nomination d’un président et d’un Premier ministre civils, n’a pas encore réagi à la désignation de Bah N’Daw. Son médiateur dans la crise malienne, Goodluck Jonathan, est donc attendu ce mercredi à Bamako pour évaluer la situation sur le terrain. » Un Premier ministre civil ? En attendant, poursuit L’Indépendant, la junte a décidé de tendre la main au M5-RFP : « Le CNSP a en effet approché hier le comité stratégique du mouvement de contestation, affirme le journal, pour lui proposer de lui fournir une liste de trois personnalités aux fins de pourvoir le poste de Premier ministre pour la période de transition. Cette mesure vise manifestement, estime le journal, à calmer la colère du M5-RFP qui affirme donc n’avoir pas été associé à la désignation du président de la transition. » L’Indépendant qui croit encore savoir que « le nouveau gouvernement devrait être mis en place au plus tard lundi prochain 28 septembre et qu’il ne devrait pas excéder 25 membres, conformément à la Charte de la transition. » On s’oriente donc vers un partage du pouvoir transitoire avec un président et un vice-président militaires et un Premier ministre civil… Pour l’Informateur, autre publication bamakoise, « il apparaît clairement que pour établir les conditions d’une transition de refondation de l’État, le CNSP voulait disposer de la plus grande marge possible de liberté vis-à-vis des chapelles politiques. Les opposants au défunt régime sont dans une large proportion considérés (par les militaires) comme les syndics de la faillite d’hier, à mettre dans le même panier que l’ex-mouvance présidentielle. » En tout cas, poursuit L’Informateur, « les piliers de l’exécutif mis en place, il va falloir que les opposant d’hier trouvent chaussures à leurs pieds : dénicher la personnalité qui va occuper le poste de Premier ministre et former rapidement un gouvernement dédié au renforcement de la sécurité sur l’ensemble du territoire national, à la promotion de la bonne gouvernance, au lancement du chantier de réformes politiques et institutionnelles, à l’adoption d’un pacte de stabilité sociale et à l’organisation d’élections générales libres et transparentes. » Vers une levée des sanctions ? Reste à connaître donc la position de la Cédéao. Va-t-elle lever les sanctions ? Car le temps presse, l’économie malienne est en péril, comme le constate Jeune Afrique : « Les finances publiques et le commerce sont durement frappés, pointe l’hebdomadaire panafricain. Ainsi, le chiffre d’affaires du commerce marque un recul de 16,7 % contre 1,1 % pour les services marchands, moins affectés. […] "Si les sanctions perdurent, le Mali court vers la catastrophe économique", souligne l’économiste sénégalais et ancien vice-président de la Cédéao, Abdoulaye Fall, et "je pense, poursuit-il, que les militaires ont compris cela". Étant donné que l’approvisionnement en biens transite par les ports de Dakar, Abidjan et Lomé, la fermeture des frontières va très vite asphyxier l’économie, déjà fortement perturbée. » Enfin, pour Le Monde Afrique, une éclaircie est possible. « Selon de bonnes sources, les sanctions financières et la fermeture des frontières pour les produits non essentiels pourraient être rapidement levées, affirme le journal. Ces mesures auraient déjà coûté un point de PIB au Mali, d’après un expert, mais elles ont aussi des effets néfastes sur le transit dans les ports d’Abidjan, en Côte d’Ivoire, et de Dakar, au Sénégal. "Cela devrait passer", espère un diplomate, alors que les médiateurs de la Cédéao sont donc attendus ce mercredi à Bamako. »

Peu ou pas de grandes avancées à l’issue des trois jours de discussion entre les militaires du CNSP et les émissaires de la Cédéao. « La délégation ouest-africaine, conduite par Goodluck Jonathan, et les membres du Comité national pour le salut du peuple sont parvenus à des compromis sur certains points », noteLe Pays, à Bamako. Tout d’abord, « le rétablissement d’IBK dans ses fonctions de président de la République n’est plus à l’ordre du jour ; l’ancien chef de l’État sera autorisé à séjourner dans la résidence de son choix et pourra faire des contrôles médicaux à l’étranger ; le sort du Mali quant à d’éventuelles sanctions sera décidé par les chefs d’État de la Cédéao au cours du sommet extraordinaire prévu pour demain mercredi. » Et c’est tout pour l’instant. Finalement, relève Le Pays, « rien n’a été décidé concernant la future transition, ni sa taille, ni son président et encore moins son gouvernement… » « Laissons ces braves soldats faire leur travail » Justement, « CNSP, ne rien précipiter », titre le quotidien Malikilé, pour qui en effet rien ne presse… « Le CNSP est là et y restera le temps qu’il faudra pour remettre le Mali sur les rails, estime le quotidien bamakois. Remettre le Mali sur les rails, c’est rectifier la marche de la démocratie entamée en 1992, mais que des pseudo-démocrates, délinquants à boubous blancs, ont dévoyé, faisant de notre pays l’un des pays les plus corrompus de la planète. » L’Indépendant, autre quotidien malien, est sur la même ligne : « Laissons ces braves soldats faire leur travail sans interférence. Tournons résolument la page IBK (…). Évitons de déifier ou de prophétiser tel ou tel individu qui serait le Moïse sauvé des eaux. Restons persuadés que le salut passe par une refondation de l’État, de nos textes et lois fondamentaux, la venue d’une nouvelle République et surtout la reconversion de nos mentalités. Travaillons-y avec nos braves soldats. » La tentation de rester au pouvoir ? D’autres médias du pays sont plus circonspects, à l’instar du site d’information Inf@7 : « Ce coup d’État qui vient parachever la longue lutte des forces patriotiques regroupées au sein du M5-RFP a été accueilli avec enthousiasme et soulagement par le vaillant peuple malien. Le meeting de vendredi dernier du M5-RFP n’était rien d’autre qu’un soutien tacite au putsch. Les animateurs de ce grand rassemblement populaire n’ont d’ailleurs pas hésité à qualifier l’acte des militaires de "coup de grâce salvateur et libérateur". » Toutefois, s’interroge Inf@7, « l’Imam Mahmoud Dicko et ses alliés du M5-RFP vont-ils déjà naïvement dérouler le tapis rouge devant le CNSP ? Ne doivent-ils pas revendiquer leur victoire et diriger la transition ? Assimi Goïta et ses hommes vont-ils s’accrocher au pouvoir en permettant juste aux forces politiques de jouer le second rôle dans la gestion de la  ? » Asphyxie économique ? En attendant, il y a le problème de l’embargo imposé par les pays voisins du Mali… C’est ce que pointe Le Monde Afrique : une sanction qui « pourrait vite étouffer nombre de Maliens vivant sur les transferts de fonds, tant les opérateurs ont coupé leurs transactions depuis les pays de la Cédéao. L’embargo sera-t-il levé ? (…) Les émissaires (de la Cédéao) "n’avaient pas de pouvoir de décision", relève un médiateur, "il faudra attendre la conférence des chefs d’État de demain mercredi pour cela", afin que ces premiers puissent rapporter les consultations à l’ensemble des pays membres de l’organisation intergouvernementale. » Vers une levée des sanctions ? Enfin, pour Aujourd’hui Ouagadougou, la Cédéao devrait se montrer clémente demain… « La Cédéao se retrouve piégée par ces soldats, décidemment instruits par les exemples passés ; une Cédéao qui ne pourra demain que lever ces sanctions, estime donc le quotidien burkinabè, en espérant que les militaires feront toujours preuve d’ouverture d’esprit et de compréhension. Mais en même temps, la Cédéao devra être sur ses gardes, prévient Aujourd’hui, car si ce coup d’État a été jugé comme un moindre mal et finalement accepté par la communauté internationale et les Maliens, (on a déjà vu par le passé) des militaires africains qui avaient pris le pouvoir par les armes se diviser, certains estimant qu’ils pouvaient faire tomber le treillis et se faire adouber par les isoloirs. »

Quel avenir proche ? Que va-t-il se passer après le coup d’État de la semaine dernière ? Qui va diriger la transition ? Les discussions entre les militaires et la délégation de la Cédéao dirigée par l’ex-président nigérian Goodluck Jonathan se poursuivent. « Plus de huit heures de négociations mais toujours pas de décision finale, note le site d’information Malijet, entre les militaires qui ont renversé le président IBK et la mission de la Cédéao qui est au Mali depuis samedi. Mais Goodluck Jonathan reste optimiste. (…) Les échanges semblent être fructueux, selon les déclarations du chef de la délégation de la Cédéao. L’ancien président nigérian a affirmé hier que les deux parties avaient pu trouver un accord sur plusieurs points, sans plus de détails. Une nouvelle rencontre est prévue ce lundi. » En tout cas, relève le quotidien L’Indépendant, « c’est l’après-IBK qui semble s’imposer comme une évidence aux émissaires de la Cédéao (…). Au cours des rencontres, à huis clos (de ce week-end), il a surtout été question de la remise en marche de l’État sans le retour du président aux affaires. Cela, contrairement à la position ferme affichée par l’Organisation sous-régionale, lors de son sommet virtuel sur la situation au Mali. » Un militaire à la tête de la transition ? Selon les dernières infos recueillis par RFI, « la Cédéao et les putschistes au pouvoir à Bamako seraient d’accord pour tourner la page IBK. Mais les discussions doivent se poursuivre sur une période de transition de trois ans proposée par les putschistes. » Une transition qui serait dirigée par un militaire. D’ores et déjà, c’est non !, s’exclame le quotidien Le 22 Septembre : « Aucun militaire ne doit prétendre diriger la transition, affirme-t-il. Une transition militaire est inacceptable dans un pays habitué à la démocratie. Ce qui est souhaitable, c’est qu’un consensus puisse prévaloir entre acteurs politiques pour une transition civile. Sans militaire. Avec (à sa tête) le président de la Cour Constitutionnelle, le président de la Cour Suprême, ou encore le Médiateur de la République, entre autres. Tout sauf un militaire pour le retour à l’ordre constitutionnel normal ! » La Cédéao « pragmatique » ? Quoi qu’il en soit, la presse de la sous-région note avec satisfaction la position plutôt souple de la Cédéao… « Enfin, la Cédéao revient à la raison », lance Ledjely en Guinée. « Elle s’était quelque peu égarée et avait conséquemment décidé de sanctions inappropriées et fait des exigences irréalistes à l’endroit du Mali et des militaires qui ont déposé le président Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta. Mais on semble désormais loin de cette posture qui n’était dictée que par la crainte que les derniers développements chez le voisin du nord inspirent au Guinéen Alpha Condé et à l’Ivoirien Alassane Ouattara, tous deux en proie à une forte contestation dans leurs pays respectifs. La Cédéao envisage désormais les choses avec un brin de pragmatisme, note encore Ledjely. La mission de l’organisation sur place a fini par admettre la réalité selon laquelle IBK relève du passé et qu’il fallait bien accepter de dialoguer avec les nouvelles autorités du pays pour essayer de construire le futur. » Revoir sa copie ? En effet, complète Le Pays au Burkina Faso, « la Cédéao risquait de s’aliéner la sympathie du peuple malien si elle s’obstinait à exiger le rétablissement d’IBK dans ses fonctions. » Une chose est sûre, poursuit le quotidien ouagalais, « tant que les pays de l’Afrique de l’Ouest ne rompront pas avec leurs tares - tricherie électorale, corruption, passe-droits et gestion clanique du pouvoir, la Cédéao ne pourra jamais tourner la page des putschs. Elle a donc intérêt à revoir sa copie de sorte à prévenir plutôt qu’à s’évertuer à guérir. Aujourd’hui, par exemple, pointe Le Pays, tout le monde, sauf bien sûr les présidents des pays de la Cédéao, voit se profiler en Guinée le scénario d’un chaos lié à l’entêtement d’Alpha Condé à s’accrocher à son trône. Malheureusement, il n’y a personne parmi ses pairs qui ose lui dire la vérité. » En tout cas, conclut Wakat Séra toujours au Burkina, « il importe maintenant que la junte malienne continue de faire preuve d’ouverture en organisant la transition politique qui devrait déboucher sur la remise du pouvoir aux civils, comme l’exige le jeu démocratique. Et c’est le challenge auquel doit s’atteler la Cédéao, qui doit également chercher à redorer son blason. »

Former Nigerian President, Goodluck Jonathan, go lead other West African leaders to coup-torn Mali on Saturday “to help the search for solutions”. Mali's president, Ibrahim Keita, comot on Tuesday by soliders, wey take him Prime Minister Boubou Cisse and other senior officials into custody.

Au Mali, l'imam Mahmoud Dicko entend jouer un rôle politique dans son pays. Depuis la fin des élections législatives, le mouvement de contestation qu'il dirige, le M5, vise le régime en place, entraînant parfois plusieurs dizaines de milliers de Maliens dans les rues. Après la trêve de la Tabaski, le M5 tente de trouver un nouveau souffle. Cette semaine, plusieurs évènements sont organisés. RFI : Imam Dicko, vous êtes depuis plusieurs mois le leader de la contestation qui réclame la démission d’Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta (IBK). Près de trois mois après la première manifestation du Mouvement du 5 juin, est-ce que vous demandez toujours le départ du président ? Imam Dicko : Vous savez, je n’ai jamais parlé de son départ ou de son maintien, mais d’autres personnes, d’autres voix, se sont levées pour demander son départ. Pour le reste, s’il s’en va… Le problème du Mali, aujourd’hui, est un problème de gouvernance qui doit avoir une réponse meilleure que ce que nous sommes en train de vivre aujourd’hui. Vous avez, en revanche, demandé le départ du Premier ministre Boubou Cissé… Absolument. Il n’a aucune légitimité qui lui permette aujourd’hui de gérer cette crise de la bonne manière et de trouver des réponses adéquates. Il y a des dissensions en interne au sein du M5. Certains souhaitent même votre départ. Quel avenir pour le Mouvement de contestation, aujourd’hui ? Nous sommes un groupe où il y a des idées et nous avons besoin d’un temps pour tout harmoniser. Un groupe où les gens sont libres de donner leur point de vue par rapport à telle ou telle question, cela ne peut pas paraître comme une dissension. Demander mon départ ? Je ne sais pas… Mon départ pour aller où ? Je n’en sais rien. Aujourd’hui, vous respectez l’autorité morale du M5 ? Absolument. La semaine dernière, les hommes politiques du pouvoir ou de l’opposition ont rendu visite au Chérif de Nioro, une autorité religieuse malienne… Vous y êtes allé aussi. C’est lui qui vous a appelé ou c’est vous qui avez besoin de lui ? Nous avons, lui et moi, des relations très particulières. Chaque fois que de besoin, je me lève pour aller le voir et pour le consulter pour qu’on échange. C’est moi qui y suis allé. Selon nos informations, Goodluck Jonathan, qui est donc le médiateur de la Cédéao, souhaiterait que le Chérif de Nioro remplisse le rôle de médiateur de la crise. Est-ce que vous avez accepté cette proposition ? Pas du tout. Le chérif et moi n’avons pas abordé cette question. On sent l’influence du chérif de Nioro dans le gouvernement restreint formé par IBK et le premier ministre Boubou Cissé. On ne sent pas votre influence, ni celle du M5. C’est vous qui dites que vous sentez son influence. Pour moi, tout reste à faire. Abdoulaye Daffé, qui est le nouveau ministre des Finances, est un proche du Chérif de Nioro… Mais est-ce que le fait qu’il soit proche du chérif de Nioro suffit pour dire qu’il est son influence ? C’est un cadre émérite de ce pays, un banquier de renommée internationale. Qu’il ait l’influence du chérif ou pas, il peut être ministre. Est-ce que vous travaillez à trouver un dauphin politique pour vous représenter dans cette arène politique ? Je n’ai pas de dauphin, puisque je ne suis pas au pouvoir. Mais je travaille à accompagner cette jeunesse, cette jeunesse qui aujourd’hui est devenue une proie facile pour des vendeurs d’illusions. Qu’est-ce qu’on fait ? Mais on n’y pense même pas ! On n’y réfléchit même pas ! On n’a pas de politique dans ce sens, on fait semblant… On fait croire aux autres qu’on fait… L’essentiel, ce sont les actes que l’on pose ! Mais ce n’est pas l’imam Dicko qui doit poser ces actes. Avant la manifestation du 11 août, vous avez accusé la France d’interférer dans la politique malienne. Qu’est-ce que vous reprochez précisément aux dirigeants de ce pays ? Je n’ai accusé personne. Je dis tout simplement que nous sommes un peuple souverain qui doit être respecté, comme nous respectons aussi les autres. Il y a des mauvaises langues qui essaient de dire que Dicko c’est quelqu’un qui veut faire un truc bureaucratique… Il veut instaurer la Charia, il veut bafouer le rôle des femmes… C’est parce que je suis musulman ou que je parle arabe, que j’interprète le Coran, que cela suffit pour faire de moi un rigoriste, un anti-Français, un anti je ne sais quoi ? Écoutez, cela ne tient pas debout ! Pourtant, certains de vos partisans ont un discours accusateur. Ils accusent la France d’être en partie responsable des problèmes que connaît le Mali, aujourd’hui. On n’a pas consulté la France pour choisir IBK ! Nous l’avons choisi, nous, ici, souverainement. En tout cas, si la France l’impose autrement, je n’en sais rien. La France n’est pas venue dans nos mosquées pour nous parler d’IBK, c’est nous qui avons fait campagne ! La corruption qui sévit dans notre pays, ce n’est pas la France, c’est nous ! Cette mauvaise gouvernance, c’est nous ! Le fait d’opposer les communautés qui s’entretuent, c’est nous ! Nous avons un problème au Mali. C’est un problème de gouvernance réelle. Nous devons faire face à cela, au lieu de faire les faux-fuyants en essayant d’accuser les gens de tous les maux d’Israël. Qu’est-ce que vous répondez à ceux qui vous accusent d’avoir un double discours, celui pour vos partisans et celui pour les Occidentaux ? Vous voulez que, ce que je dis dans la mosquée, je dise la même chose dans la rue ? Ce n’est pas cohérent ! La mosquée, c’est la mosquée. Quand je suis dehors, je suis un citoyen qui défend ses idées, qui parle du pays… Écoutez, ce n’est pas parce que je suis religieux qu’il m’est interdit de faire cela. Le pape, c’est un chef de l’État ! Ce n’est pas politique, cela ? Imam Dicko, candidat en 2023, cela ne se produira pas ? Ce n’est pas vraiment par malice que je le dis : je suis un imam, c’est ce que je sais faire de mieux. Inch'Allah ! Je resterai imam. Je ne serai candidat de rien !  

Goodluck Jonathan-led ECOWAS mediation effort in Mali hit deadlock +++ COVID-19 updates +++ Ghana goes ahead with WASSCE exams, other West African countries suspended them +++Guinea anti-government protests resumes +++ A Cameroon teen inventor +++ A Kenyan court awards US$12 million to residents of Uhuru slums for lead poisoning

#BREAKING President Muhammadu Buhari has approved the naming of the railway complex in Agbor, Delta State, after Nigeria's former President, Goodluck Jonathan

In 2010 Obama said “One of my favorite pieces of literature is letter from Birmingham jail, and Dr. King had to battle people counseling patience and time. And he said time is neutral and things don’t automatically get better unless people push to try to get things better. So, I don’t begrudge the LGBTQ community for pushing. There has been an issue with visibility of LGBTQ people from Nigeria, when then president Goodluck Jonathan passed the same sex marriage prohibition law in 2014 he said gay people do not exist in Nigeria. In 2020, the conversation is still ongoing do LGBTQ people exist in Nigeria? I too have been trying to answer this same question, coming out has a gay Nigerian man has made me feel like living on an island, people get confused when I say am a gay Nigeria! The fact that am gay is not even as troubling as the conception of being gay and a Nigerian. It is a strong taboo to be gay and also Nigerian, religious leaders have over used the scripture to demonize LGBTQ people as a separate people that would riot in the lake of fire. So, I set on a quest to find out if other LGBTQ Nigerians exist in the diaspora and what made them to come out and fight for the right to be themselves. I spoke with Noni Salma, who uses gender pronouns she/her an MFA candidate at the Vermont college of fine art studying writing and publishing. Interviewed was conducted at St. Mary in Harlem in January of 2020. Noni was the first self-identified Nigerian Transgender person I heard a first-person account of, who identifies as trans and Nigerian. Her interview was very emotional, she narrated her journey to the United States. Noni migrated to the United States in 2014 because home was not safe anymore and the country is just too much for her to handle, issues with family, people getting attacked and she said emotionally, there wasn’t any home for me anymore. She said she migrated to the United States so she can find her tribe. There was nobody when she started transitioning that could tell her where to go and who to go to, as a trans person in Nigeria you are at the mercy of the people. I spoke about courage and ask her do you consider yourself courageous and how do you muster the courage to be yourself in a world that constantly set to marginalize you and she said. That is just who I’m, there is not just this or that option, the other option is me back home in Nigeria, I was just punishing myself. Pre transition in Nigeria, I was just punishing myself, struggling with it every day. She made a case for her love for Nigeria and it hurts her to see that one of their own is being abandoned and pushed away. She said in her words “were not going to be a great country by we all being the same” We should acknowledge the beauty in our difference. She also said she wished people did not ask the question “why did you transitioned?” I embraced people having strong opinion about me. She read a piece of her writing and it was so heartwarming. Full conversation on the interview. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Happy Monday queer fam! Today we're going international as we explore Nigeria's harsh treatment of their LGBT community. After that we head to the Supreme Court (of the United States) and discuss a string of controversial rulings and appeals. Be sure to look out for our upcoming interview with Hillel Gray! The full interview will be available on Patreon at the $5 tier along with many other goodies!

The release of Omoyele Sowore and ex National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki (retd) and the attack by gunmen of the home of former president Goodluck Jonathan in Otuoke, Bayelsa, dominates Nigerian newspaper headlines. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/talkparlour/message

The President of African Development Bank (AfDB), Akinwunmi Adesina has been nominated for a second term by President Muhammadu Buhari ahead of the bank’s election scheduled to hold in 2020. This was disclosed at an award ceremony organized by the Hallmark of Labour Foundation yesterday where Adesina clinched the Emeka Anyaoku lifetime achievement award. Elated by the development, Adesina took to the stage to share how the dream began. He noted that the opportunity first began under former President Goodluck Jonathan’s tenure where he was made to serve as Minister of Agriculture. Reeling out a list of his achievements in his first term, Adesina noted that 16 million people had been provided access to electricity. With these achievements, Adesina announced his intentions to contest for a second term in office. He hoped it would complete the work he started at the bank. He also pledged his support to work hard to fast track the development of the African continent with the support of donors.--- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/newscast-africa/support --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/newscast-africa/support Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The National Health Act has been in existence for four years but its implementation has become a controversial issue in the health sector. It was the lacuna in the 1999 Constitution which failed to adequately provide for a legal framework for health care that birthed the idea for the enactment of the Act. The National Health Bill was first proposed in 2004 during the time of Eyitayo Lambo as minister of health. It however took a decade of consideration before it was eventually passed and signed into law by former President Goodluck Jonathan on October 31, 2014. The signing brings into effect the journey that lasted for about ten years. By this development, it is expected that the enforcers of the Act will commence seamless operation at all levels so as to enable Nigerians enjoy the provisions of the National Health Act. The National Health Act performs the following functions: a) Provides a platform for efficient coordination of the health system in Nigeria b) Provides for minimum package of essential Health services c) Makes provision for social inclusion and addresses the issue of equity in health d) Protects families from catastrophic health expenditure e) Accelerates Nigeria’s progress towards Universal Health Coverage f) Cumulatively and consequently saves the lives of millions of mothers, new-born and under-fives and thus supporting Nigeria’s response to poor health care indices g) Provides a better legal basis to address the restiveness of health professionals and other canker worms that have daunted our health system over the years. The National Health Act has seven parts with each part addressing a major domain of the health system. The parts are: I. Responsibility for health and eligibility for health services and establishment of National Health System II. Health establishments and technologies’ III. Rights and obligations of users and health care personnel IV. National Health Research and Information System V. Human Resources for Health VI. Control of use of blood, blood products, tissue and gametes in humans VII. Regulations and miscellaneous provisions --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/mapradiong/message

My first guest on the Tami Jackson Show* will be Jeff Crouere. Jeff Crouere is the host of Ringside Politics, a radio program in New Orleans dedicated to examining the top issues of the day on the local, state and national levels. Crouere offers listeners political debate, analysis, and interviews with interesting political leaders and commentators. The show airs weekdays from 7-11 a.m. on WGSO 990-AM. Crouere is also the host of Ringside Politics, a weekly television version of the radio program, which airs Fridays at 7:30 p.m. and Sunday at 10 p.m. on WLAE-TV, a PBS affiliate in New Orleans. He writes daily, weekly, and monthly political analysis columns and editorials for a select number of print and online publications, including BayouBuzz.com, Townhall.com, Canada Free Press, GOPUSA, the Bogalusa Daily News, The Daily Star of Hammond, and the Kenner Star. Every two months, Crouere hosts a local version of “Politically Incorrect” at the Eiffel Society in New Orleans called Politics with a Punch which includes a panel of comedians, politicians, media personalities, and newsmakers. He has held many leadership positions in the Louisiana Republican Party, including Deputy Chairman and Executive Director. In March of 2009, he founded the Northshore Tea Party, which has sponsored over a dozen popular citizen rallies attracting presidential candidates like Herman Cain, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum as well as over 10,000 attendees. As a commentator and analyst, Crouere has been interviewed for his perspective by the New York Times and national cable television networks such as Fox News, CNN, CNN Headline News, CNBC, and MSNBC. Jeff Crouere is the author of the 2016 book, America's Last Chance, which warned of the dire consequences should Republicans not unite behind Donald Trump and defeat Hillary Clinton and the Left. Join us as Jeff and I discuss his recent articles Hillary Clinton, Sorest Loser in History, Tim Allen is the Last Man Standing, First Redskins, Now LSU Tigers Are Targets of PC Lunatics, and Reality Bites Winner as She Faces Long Prison Sentence. ******************* In the second 1/2 hour I will be joined by James Hartman. A native of Washington, D.C., and a graduate of Tulane University, James Hartman is the founder of James Hartman & Associates, a political consulting and communications firm. His firm's clients have included the Civic Democratic Party in the Czech Republic, President Goodluck Jonathan and the People's Democratic Party of Nigeria, U.S. Sen. David Vitter (R-LA), U.S. Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA), Congresswoman Mary Bono Mack (R-CA), Public Service Commissioner Eric Skrmetta, and numerous elected officials in Louisiana. The firm has also represented a variety of non-profit and commercial organizations. Hartman has been a guest lecturer at William Carey University and Tulane University, and before the Conservative and Reformist Caucus of European Parliament, and a featured speaker at numerous Republican Party events in Louisiana. He has been a member of the St. Tammany Republican Parish Executive Committee since 2004 and is a lay preacher at the Metropolitan Community Churches of New Orleans and Baton Rouge. He has authored three books and four plays. He lives in Mandeville, New Orleans and Baton Rouge. Listen in as James and I talk about his recent article Thanks To Mitch Landrieu I'm Done With New Orleans, and the crime problem in New Orleans (and elsewhere) and what steps Mayor Landrieu and the NOPD can do to remedy the situation. Follow Jeff Crouere on Twitter at @jeffcrouere, James Hartman at @JamesHartman3, and me at @tamij AND tweet your questions/comments during the show using hashtag #tjrs. *Sponsored by Rentacomputer, your premier source for Server Rentals , by ROBAR® Guns, a True Custom firearms and firearms finishing shop located in Phoenix, AZ, and found online at RobarGuns.com, and by Dispatches, your site for the BEST conservative resources to fight and win the information war.

On March 28-29, Nigeria elected Muhammadu Buhari as the country's new president, defeating incumbent Goodluck Jonathan. Robert Beaman, Managing Editor for European and African crude oil, discusses the impact of the election on the oil industry and on the physical oil markets with editors Eklavya...

Nathan, Mike, and Mahler talk about the end-Triassic mass extinction, the brain of a female rat, Neo-nazification, a coup, a PR stunt, growing a beard, Goodluck Jonathan, NSA recruitment, Flimmer, dog unemployment, mandatory water restrictions, religious freedom, and teachers behind bars.

World Policy Institute — After six weeks of delays over "security concerns," former Nigerian dictator Muhammadu Buhari emerged as the successor to Goodluck Jonathan in the most recent Nigerian elections. David Stevens of Fireside Research discusses the results and gives a preview of other elections taking place across Africa.

Supporters of Mohammadu Buhari are celebrating his victory in the presidential Nigerian election. Accepting defeat the outgoing president, Goodluck Jonathan, asked those unhappy with the result, to respect the constitutional process. Incoming Nigerian President, Mohammadu Buhari has commended Jonathan for conceding defeat. Buhari has called on Nigerians to put emotions aside and become one nation after a gruelling election campaign. Olufunto Akindiro, electoral and political processes expert with the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) spoke to Sakina Kamwendo from Abuja, Nigeria

General Muhammadu Buhari looks set to win Nigeria’s presidential election and unseat the incumbent Goodluck Jonathan after a closely fought contest. Fiona Symon talks to William Wallis about the significance of what would be the country’s first democratic transferrence of power. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Saudi-Arabian troops are continuing to clash with Yemeni forces, days after Saudi airstrikes on Yemeni targets. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10810 On the heels of Indiana's controversial religious freedom law, Arkansas lawmakers gave final approval to a similar measure — and the governor says he'll sign it. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10808 Negotiators from the United States, Iran and five other nations extended their deadline until Wednesday as they struggled to agree on a preliminary accord to limit Tehran’s nuclear program. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10806 A one-thousand-year-old medieval garlic and bile potion kills the MRSA superbug. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10811 Indiana Republican Governor Mike Pence vowed that the state would alter a religious liberties bill that has drawn widespread criticism. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10804 Nigerian opposition presidential candidate Muhammadu Buhari is set to defeat Goodluck Jonathan, the first time in the nation's history when an incumbent did not win reelection. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10798 The Github distributed denial of service (DDoS) attack is linked to the Chinese government. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10813 Canada voted 142-129 to extend its Anti-ISIS mission for up to a full year, and also authorized bombing runs against targets belonging to Daesh in Iraq and Syria. http://www.infobitt.com/b/10784 http://infobitt.com http://www.facebook.com/groups/infobitt http://twitter.com/infobitt

Africa's most populous and oil-rich country goes to the polls today. The election looks to be the tightest in the 16 years since military rule ended in Nigeria and it appears likely that the contest between President Goodluck Jonathan and former military dictator Muhammadu Buhari could devolve into violence. We earlier spoke to SABC Foreign Desk Editor, Sophie Mokoenain Abuja, Nigeria....

Nu Boko Haram door een tegenoffensief in het nauw gedreven lijkt, trekken steeds meer bewoners terug naar hun dorpen in het noord-oosten van Nigeria. Correspondent Femke van Zeijl sprak met hen en maakte een radioreportage in pas bevrijd gebied. Het hard aanpakken van Boko Haram was een verkiezingsbelofte van de zittende president Goodluck Jonathan. Of hem dat op winst komt te staan aanstaande zaterdag bij de presidentsverkiezingen in de grootste economie van Afrika, is afwachten. Een gesprek over verkiezingen ten tijde van bloedig conflict met Nigeria-kenner David Ehrhardt van de Universiteit Leiden.

Nu Boko Haram door een tegenoffensief in het nauw gedreven lijkt, trekken steeds meer bewoners terug naar hun dorpen in het noord-oosten van Nigeria. Correspondent Femke van Zeijl sprak met hen en maakte een radioreportage in pas bevrijd gebied. Het hard aanpakken van Boko Haram was een verkiezingsbelofte van de zittende president Goodluck Jonathan. Of hem dat op winst komt te staan aanstaande zaterdag bij de presidentsverkiezingen in de grootste economie van Afrika, is afwachten. Een gesprek over verkiezingen ten tijde van bloedig conflict met Nigeria-kenner David Ehrhardt van de Universiteit Leiden.

Veckans boss är Goodluck Jonathan. Nigerias president Goodluck Jonathan är den människa på jorden som har flest likheter med seriefiguren Alexander Lukas. Han är en man som verkligen lever upp till sitt namn och har turen på sin sida.

Goodluck Jonathan is facing a challenge from former military ruler Muhammadu Buhari in next month’s presidential election in Nigeria, which comes at a time when the outlook for the country is bleak. The economy has been hit by the falling oil price and the Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast is becoming a serious security threat. Fiona Symon discusses the rival candidates with William Wallis. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

If Nigeria's Dead were Oil Profits The UN has called on Nigeria to restore law and order in the northeast and investigate mass killings alleged, to have been carried, out in the past few weeks by the militant group, Boko Haram. Boko Haram's the same lot that last spring kidnapped 276 girls, most of whom have never been recovered. This January, while world attention was focused on the killings in Paris, Boko Haram waged an assault on two northern towns. Satellite imagery 'before and after' shows the town of Bega and its neighbor razed to the ground. The Nigerian government says 150, human rights groups say more than ten times that many were slaughtered. The exact numbers are hard to confirm. But one thing's pretty certain: if what's been dismissed as a religious squabble in the north was taking place in oil pipeline territory in the south, neither the government in Ajuba, nor the world's most powerful nations, would be watching the violence escalate. Black lives don't matter as much as white to the West, that's clear. But everywhere #profitsmattermost. Western media stereotypes notwithstanding, Nigeria's not some tin-pot state. The largest economy on the continent, a founding member of OPEC, one of the world's leading oil producers, it's not the government that's poor, only the vast majority of its people. Nigeria's seen billions of oil dollars flow through it, the lion's share to corporations including Chevron, Exxon and Shell, but the oil giants have kicked back plenty to Nigerian leaders, elected and not, in exchange for protection. The military's annual budget exceeds $6bn, and they've never been reluctant to use it to protect pipelines. The price of "security" has been paid in human life. In the mid 1990s when demonstrations by the people of Ogoniland threatened to shut down oil production, much of the Niger Delta was put under military occupation and "maintaining law and order" led to the killing of leading Ogoni activists including Ken Saro Wiwa. When a Chevron platform was occupied by youths, the company even provided its own helicopter to fly the armed forces in where they shot two unarmed protestors dead. Nigerians are going to the polls in mid February. President Goodluck Jonathan may be replaced. But it's the wealth that needs shifting, not just the politicians in Nigeria. More oil money going to taxes, and things the Ogoni activists were demanding, like schools, clean water and healthcare, might have produced more democracy and less corruption, and perhaps less of that military budget would be ending up in generals' pockets. And who knows? If poverty was a bit less dire and popular discontent a bit less severe, Nigeria just might be less fertile territory for misogynist maniacs promising power and vengeance. Would the West care more if Nigerians were white? No doubt. But one thing's for sure, if you could make money from school girls, the most powerful people in the world would be all over this. Watch my interview with Patrick Cockburn about the perils of the West's reaction to the Paris killings at GRITtv.org and watch The Laura Flanders Show, 9 pm Fridays on LINKtv. Write to me: laura@GRITtv.org.

Nigeria's military and presidency claims to have reached a ceasefire agreement with Boko Haram militants which will see the release of more than 200 kidnapped schoolgirls. President Goodluck Jonathan's Principal Secretary, Hassan Tukur, confirmed that an agreement to end hostilities has been reached following talks, as well as the release of 219 girls held captive since April. We spoke to The Voice of Nigeria's, Timothy Choji....

It took the abduction of more than 200 school girls to focus international attention on the appalling level of violence and insecurity in north-eastern Nigeria. The brutal conflict between the Islamist militant group Boko Haram and government security forces has killed thousands. Hardtalk speaks to Doyin Okupe, a senior adviser to President Goodluck Jonathan. Are Nigeria's leaders capable of rescuing their country?(Photo: Doyin Okupe)

O primeiro-ministro da China, Li Keqiang, realizará sua primeira visita à África entre os dias 4 e 11 de maio. Ele visitará Etiópia, Nigéria, Angola e Quênia. A visita também será a primeira ao exterior este ano do primiê chinês. O embaixador chinês na Nigéria, Gu Xiaojie, disse que essa visita de Li Keqiang é muito significativa para amizade sino-africana. A convite do presidente da Nigéria, Goodluck Jonathan, Li Keqiang vai visitar o país entre os dias de 6 e 8 deste mês e participará da reunião integral da Cúpula do Fórum Econômico Mundial. A Nigéria, que é a maior economia influente no continente africano, será uma parada importante durante a visita de Li Keqiang. Desde o estabelecimento das relações diplomáticas entre a China e a Nigéria, especialmente após o estabelecimento das relações de parceria estratégica em 2005, as relações entre os dois países se desenvolveram de forma saudável e sustentável nos setores de política, comércio e cultura.

Premio Paulo Coelho: 1. Jocelyn, una cristiana de Puerto Rico por tener un sueño y decidir alertar a la gente de sus estupideces. (Artículo aquí) 2. El presidente de Nigeria , Goodluck Jonathan por firmar la ley en contra de las personas homosexuales en su país. (Noticia aquí) 3. El párroco de Beniarrés, Andreu Susarte por su famoso cuestionario. (Noticia aquí, aquí y el cuestionario) 4. Gwen Goodwin demócrata de NY por acusar a su oponente de magia negra. (Noticia aquí) 5. El concejal Marco Fidel Ramírez de Bogotá, Colombia por sus declaraciones claramente religiosas y por pasarse la separación de iglesia y estado por donde no le da el sol. (Vídeo aquí) Noticias: http://www.patheos.com/blogs/friendlyatheist/2014/01/06/how-to-ruin-your-gay-kids-life-inside-linda-harveys-book-maybe-hes-not-gay http://www.patheos.com/blogs/friendlyatheist/2014/01/11/south-african-pastor-orders-his-congregation-to-eat-grass-terminates-demonic-pregnancy El artículo del cartel de Caleb: http://elpostantillano.com/justicia-social/5831-david-caleb-acevedo.html Al carajo: http://www.patheos.com/blogs/friendlyatheist/2014/01/11/dear-god-thank-you-for-not-giving-me-functioning-legs http://www.lgbtqnation.com/2014/01/nigeria-gay-crackdown-1-man-flogged-10-others-face-possible-death-by-stoning http://www.patheos.com/blogs/friendlyatheist/2014/01/03/bryan-fischer-thinks-people-who-accept-evolution-should-be-disqualified-from-holding-political-office http://www.patheos.com/blogs/friendlyatheist/2014/01/05/mormon-comparing-himself-to-gandhi-vows-to-continue-hunger-strike-until-utah-stops-allowing-gay-marriage http://www.patheos.com/blogs/friendlyatheist/2014/01/10/father-of-boy-who-died-thwarting-a-suicide-bomber-is-very-happy-cant-wait-for-other-son-to-get-martyred-too Cita de Cierre: “Todas las religiones, amigo mío, han evolucionado simplemente del fraude, el miedo, la codicia, la imaginación y la poesía”. -Edgar Allan Poe Participan en la discusión: @angelarnal, Elijah Snow y@ManoloMatos. Puedes bajar el podcast o subscribirte en iVoox, iTunes y RSS. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/ateorizar/message

Rivers State is at the heart of Nigeria's oil industry, which produces 20% of the country's wealth. Yet more than one billion dollars a month is being lost to thieves who syphon it off from remote pipelines. Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi is Governor of Rivers State, a key figure in addressing the problem. But he's locked in a highly public dispute with the president, Goodluck Jonathan. Their supporters have had to be separated by the police, and the power struggle has prevented the state assembly from meeting since May. Isn't it time he focused on the day job?Picture: Children sail past an oil pipeline in Rivers State, Nigeria, Credit: Pius Utomi Ekpei, AFP/Getty Images

How Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan's recent visit to China represented a major geo-political realignment as Abuja sees longterm interests more aligned with Beijing's than Washington's | China's relationship with Angola and how the billions of dollars in oil money may end up helping the Angolan masses | The mass exodus of illegal Chinese migrants out of Ghana.

Tom O'Sullivan talks to the FT's west Africa correspondent Tom Burgis about what the atmosphere is like in the Niger Delta as president Goodluck Jonathan gears up to revealing whether or not he will stand for re-election in January, and, whether or not Goodluck has so far kept his promise to bring peace to the area, allowing for free and fair elections. Produced by LJ Filotrani See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.