Podcasts about chiang ching

Good afternoon, I'm _____ with today's episode of EZ News. Tai-Ex opening The Tai-Ex opened down 96-points this morning from yesterday's close, at 23,094 on turnover of 3.7-billion N-T. The market lost ground on Monday as a decline on Wall Street at the end of last week resulted in the selling of large cap electronics stocks. Turnover also remained thin as foreign institutional investors remain away from the market for the New Year's Day holiday, making it hard for the main board to rally - leaving the Tai-Ex in consolidation mode. Government revises 2030 carbon reduction target upwards The government has revised its 2030 target for the reduction of carbon emissions upwards - but is warning that uncertainties over electricity usage and climate change technologies remain. According to Environment Minister Peng Chi-ming, the government will now pursue (追求) a goal of reducing carbon emissions by between 26 and 30-per cent by 2030 compared to 2005 levels. That's up from the previous goal of between 23 and 25-per cent set in December of 2022. Peng says the wider margin of error than the previous forecast is due to several uncertainties - including international political and economic developments - which could affect progress on climate change issues differently across countries. Institute publishes new batch of Chiang diaries Academia Historica has published the fourth batch of Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo's diaries. The diaries were formerly a part of a collection at Stanford University The were returned to Taiwan in September of last year following years-long legal battle over their ownership. Academia Historica has since been digitizing them and making them publicly available in chronological (時間順序) order. The fourth and latest set to been released includes Chiang Kai-shek's diaries from 1930 to 1933 and Chiang Ching-kuo's diaries from 1943 to 1944. South Korean Court Issues Arrest Warrant for Impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol South Korea's anti-corruption agency says that a court has issued warrants to detain impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol and search his office. The Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials said in a statement that the Seoul Western District Court issued warrants Tuesday to detain Yoon over his stunning (令人驚嘆的) yet short-lived martial law decree earlier this month and to search the presidential office in central Seoul. The agency said it is investigating whether his declaration of martial law amounted to rebellion. Yoon's powers have been suspended since the opposition-controlled National Assembly voted to impeach him on Dec. 14. The Constitutional Court is to determine whether to dismiss Yoon as president or reinstate him. US: Treasury Targeted by Chinese Hackers US Treasury officials say Chinese state-sponsored hackers breached the department's systems this month, stealing unclassified documents in a "major incident (事件)". Ira Spitzer has more. Greece to Launch GovOperated App Greece says it will enhance parental oversight of mobile devices in 2025 by building a government-operated app, that will help get digital age verification and browsing controls. The country's minister of digital governance said the Kids Wallet app will launch in March and is aimed at safeguarding children under the age of 15 from the risks of excessive and inappropriate internet use. He said the initiative will help hold social media platforms more accountable (應負責任的) for enforcing age controls. The app could be pre-installed on smartphones sold in Greece by the end of next year. That was the I.C.R.T. EZ News, I'm _____. －－－－以下訊息由 SoundOn 動態廣告贊助商提供－－－－ "美股開外掛，股價屢屢創新高，好想跟一波，還來得及嗎？ 馬上搜尋009800、中信NASDAQ，美國那斯達克經典濃縮款，產業龍頭All in One！009801、中信美國創新科技，重壓美國科技巨擘，可望駕馭美股多頭！ 哇，太棒了！想讓投資再次偉大，千萬不能錯過！ 10元起步，投資美國頂尖企業，1/13~1/17速洽全台各大證券商。 https://bit.ly/4gMfIti

It was fun seeing Fox Butterfield, the first New York Times correspondent in China since 1949, in Portland, Oregon back in July. I last visited Portland in 2022, and you never quite get over the sight of Mount Hood dominating the horizon on a clear summer day in its awesome fashion.Fox welcomed me to his home, perched on a small hill in a modestly upscale suburb. A history enthusiast, he has lived through and witnessed some of the most pivotal moments in modern history: from meeting Harry Truman as a teenager with his grandfather, to studying under John Fairbank, the progenitor of Chinese studies in America, to reporting on the Vietnam War and helping expose the Pentagon Papers, which earned him a Pulitzer Prize. Though trained as a China specialist, he only began his reporting inside China in the late '70s, culminating in his book China: Alive in the Bitter Sea. This bestseller set a benchmark for generations of China correspondents. Later in his career, Fox shifted his focus to domestic issues of race and crime, writing acclaimed works like All God's Children and In My Father's House.Talking to Fox was a breeze. I was pleasantly surprised that his spoken Chinese remains impressively sharp — his tones and pronunciations are still spot-on. Of course, we did most of our chatting in English. This piece will explore his early experiences, particularly his family background, his time at Harvard, and his reporting during the Vietnam War. While the bulk of the piece may not focus directly on China, it offers a glimpse into the intellectual formation of one of America's most prominent China watchers and how both domestic and global forces shape U.S. perceptions of China.Enjoy!LeoIndexSeeing China with Joe Biden and John McCain in the 70sCyrus Eaton, Lenin Prize and family legacy in Cold War“Rice Paddies”, and studying under John Fairbank at HarvardFrom Pentagon Papers to VietnamReporting on the frontlines in Vietnam Seeing China with Joe Biden and John McCain in the 70sCould you talk about your first trip to China?I was the Hong Kong correspondent for The New York Times from 1975 to 1979 because that's where we covered China in those days. I couldn't go to China until 1978, when I attended the Canton Trade Fair. That was my first trip to China; I can barely remember it.My second trip to China was much more memorable. In 1979, when the U.S. and China were about to normalize relations, China invited the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to visit, and I was invited as a New York Times correspondent. In those days, China had a shortage of hotel rooms, at least for foreigners, so they made everybody room with somebody else. The Chinese government assigned me to room with the naval liaison to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who was a Navy captain named John McCain.For two weeks, John McCain and I were roommates. We had breakfast, lunch, and dinner together and traveled everywhere. McCain's best friend on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee was Joe Biden. So, the three of us did almost everything together for two weeks. That one is easy to remember. What was your impression of Joe Biden?Joe Biden was a nice man, very earnest, but he was a typical career politician that when he approached somebody, he always grabbed them by the hand. He was tall, had a strong handshake, and would give them a big smile and grab their hands. He kept doing this to the Chinese, who didn't really know what was going on because they're not used to being touched that way, especially not somebody almost breaking their hand.So I finally said to him, “Senator.” And he'd say, “No, call me Joe.” I said, “Okay, Joe, please don't grab Chinese by the hand. It's kind of rude and offensive to them, and they don't understand it.” He would say, “Well, why not?” And I said, “Because that's not their custom.” He'd say, “Okay, thank you very much.” And then, five minutes later, he'd do the same thing over and over again.John McCain and I became good friends, especially because I had seen McCain in prison in Hanoi when I first started working for The New York Times, and we bonded over that shared history during our trip to China. They allowed me to go into his prison in 1969, and I was the first reporter to find out that John McCain was still alive when his jet fighter was shot down over Hanoi.I saw him then and as roommates 10 years later in China. We had a great time, and I would take him out and say, “Let's sneak away from our handlers and see how Chinese really live and what they really say.” We just went out and talked to people, and he thought this was a lot of fun.“He said something straightforward and obvious, but I had never thought about it. He said China is the oldest country in the world with by far the largest population. It's a big, important place.”That's a wonderful tale. What made you initially interested in China?When I was a sophomore at Harvard as an undergraduate in 1958, there was a fear that the United States was going to have to go to war with China over those two little islands, which Americans call ‘Quemoy' and ‘Matsu' and Chinese people call ‘Jinmen' and ‘Mazu'.America's leading sinologist and Harvard professor of Chinese studies, John Fairbank, decided to give a public lecture about the danger of the United States going to war for those two little islands.I attended his lecture. He said something straightforward and obvious, but I had never thought about it. He said China is the oldest country in the world with by far the largest population. It's a big, important place. Why would the United States want to go to war with China over those two little islands? It made no sense logically. And we had just finished the war in Korea. As I listened to him, I realized, “Gee, I don't know anything about that place.”So I began to audit his introductory class on the history of East Asia. And in the spring, I decided to take a second class in Chinese history that Fairbank was teaching. As a Harvard undergraduate, I would find out my exam grades at the end of year from a postcard you put in the exam booklet. When I received my postcard back from the final exam, it said: “please come to see me in my office, tomorrow morning at 10.” “Oh no,” I thought I really screwed up my exam. So I went to see John Fairbank. I was nervous, especially because he was a great man, a big figure on campus, and the Dean of Chinese studies in the United States. So I went in, and he said, “Fox, you wrote a wonderful exam. Have you considered majoring in Chinese history?” I went, “oh, no, I had not considered it.” I was so relieved that I had written a good exam.He said, “Well, if you are, you must immediately begin studying Chinese.” At that time, Harvard did not teach spoken Chinese, only classical written Chinese, and there were just about 10 people, all graduate students.So Fairbank said, “here's what you do. Going down to Yale, they have a special program that teaches spoken Chinese in the summer because they have a contract with the Air Force to teach 18-year-old Air Force recruits how to speak Chinese so they can listen to and monitor Chinese air force traffic.”So I spent the summer at Yale studying Chinese with air force recruits. I took classical written Chinese classes when I returned to Harvard that fall. Luckily, I got a Fulbright Fellowship to go to Taiwan after I graduated, so I studied in the best spoken Chinese program at the time run by Cornell University.Cyrus Eaton, Lenin Prize and family legacy in Cold WarI wonder whether there's any family influence on your China journey. Your father was the historian and editor-in-chief of the Adams Papers, and your maternal grandfather, Cyrus Eaton, was one of the most prominent financiers and philanthropists in the Midwest. Could you speak on the impact of family legacy on your China journey?My father certainly instilled a love of history in me. That was always my favourite subject in school and the one I did best in. Eventually, my major at Harvard was Chinese history. My father didn't know anything about China and never went. My mother visited Taiwan and stayed with me for ten days in the 60s.My maternal grandfather, Cyrus Eaton, would fit the Chinese notion of a rags-to-riches success story. He grew up in a small fishing village in Nova Scotia, Canada, and went to college in Toronto with the help of an older cousin. This cousin went on to become a Baptist minister in Cleveland, Ohio, across the lake. Among the people in his parish was a man named John D. Rockefeller — yes, the original John D. Rockefeller.The cousin invited my grandfather and said he had a job for him. So my grandfather started off as a golf caddy for John D. Rockefeller and then a messenger. Ultimately, he founded his own electric power company in Cleveland — Ohio Electric Power — and became quite influential. He had multiple companies but then lost everything in the Great Depression.During World War II, my grandfather heard about a large iron ore under a lake in Ontario through his Canadian connections. By then, he had already formed connections with President Roosevelt and then Truman, so he said, “If you can give me some money and help underwrite this, I can get Canadian permission to drain the lake for the iron ore deposit,” which became the world's richest iron ore mine, Steep Rock Iron Ore. That's how he got back into business. Truman and my grandfather ended up having a close connection, and he used my grandfather's train to campaign for re-election in 1948. My grandfather was an unusual man. He had a real vision about things.He was trading metals with the Soviet Union as well.I don't know the details, but when Khrushchev came to power, my grandfather became interested in trying to work out some arrangement between the United States and Russia, which is where the Pugwash movement came from. He was inviting Russian and American scientists to meet. They couldn't meet in the U.S. because it was against American law, but he arranged for them to meet in his hometown of Pugwash, Nova Scotia. We had American and Russian nuclear physicists meeting to discuss nuclear weapons in this little village. Eventually, he invited some Chinese people to come.At one of these conferences, I met Harrison Salisbury, an editor of The New York Times and the first NYT Moscow Correspondent. I was just starting out as a stringer for The Washington Post, but Salisbury saw something in me and suggested I send him a story. That connection eventually led to my job at The New York Times.He must have known people pretty high up in China too.I don't know the China connections; he didn't know Mao or Zhou Enlai. He did have a close relationship with Khrushchev, to the extent you could. It started with the Pugwash movement.He just sent a telegram to Khrushchev and became friends?Yes. What do you call that, guanxi?I guess so. Do you remember when he won the Lenin Peace Prize?I do. I think I was in Taiwan at the time. I didn't go to the ceremony.How did you feel about his activities growing up?I was never too sure what was going on. My mother had the intelligence of her father—in fact, she looked remarkably like him—but she was skeptical because she always felt that he was making all these big deals but wasn't looking out for his own family.What was your mom like?My mother was a smart woman. She went to Bryn Mawr during the Depression, but my grandfather refused to let her take a scholarship because it would signal he had no money. She worked full-time while in school and graduated near the top of her class. She was angry at him for making her life difficult for his own pride.My mother worked all her life. By the time I reached college, she was working at Harvard University, which was unusual for the time. She started as a secretary but eventually became the registrar in charge of all the records. When she died in 1978, the Harvard Crimson published a tribute saying she had been the most helpful person to many undergraduates.What did you want to become as a teenager?I wanted to be a baseball player. Yes, for a long time my life revolved around baseball. I thought I was pretty serious. Some time in college, I realized I wasn't going to become a major league baseball player, and I became much more interested in the life of the mind.“Rice Paddies”, and studying under John Fairbank at HarvardDid you think of Asia growing up?There was really almost nothing until I mentioned, in my sophomore year, when I was 19, beginning in 1958 as an undergraduate at Harvard studying with John Fairbank. No courses offered at high school that I could have gone to. Even at Harvard, the Chinese history class was almost all graduate students. Harvard undergraduates could take an introduction class to the history of East Asia, which included China, Japan, and Southeast Asia. Harvard students nicknamed this course “Rice Paddies.”That's the famous course by Fairbank and Reischauer. What was it like studying with those two legends?Well, they were both significant people in every way. Fairbank helped start the field of Chinese history in the United States. Reischauer certainly started studying Japanese history.In my first year, they had just finished a textbook for the Rice Patties course. It had not been published as a book yet, just a mimeograph form. They gave us these big books you had to carry around, like carrying one of those old store catalogues with hundreds of pages printed on one side. You would bring these things into class. One was called East Asia: The Great Tradition, and the other East Asia: The Modern Transformation.What was John Fairbank like as a person?Intimidating. He was a tall, bald man, always looking over his glasses at you. But he was charming and friendly, and if he sensed that you were interested in his field, he would do almost anything for you. He reached out to students in a way that few other faculty members did.“He was an academic entrepreneur and missionary for Chinese studies, and was creating the field of Chinese history in the United States. Before him, Chinese history didn't exist for most Americans to study.”And he had regular gatherings at his house.Yes. His house was a little yellow wooden house dating back to the 18th century, right in the middle of the campus. Harvard had given it to him, and every Thursday afternoon, anybody interested in China who was in Cambridge that day was invited. You never knew who you were going to meet. Fairbank was a kind of social secretary. When you walked in, he'd greet you with a handshake and then take you around to introduce you to some people. He did that all the time with people. He was an academic entrepreneur and missionary for Chinese studies and was creating the field of Chinese history in the United States. Before him, Chinese history didn't exist for most Americans to study. I always wanted to major in history. That subject appealed to me and was my strongest area of study. I took some American history and intellectual history classes, but the Chinese history class became the one that I really focused on. I couldn't tell you exactly why, but it was interesting to me. The more I read, the more I liked it. After that first Fairbank class, I signed up for the more intensive modern Chinese history class and whatever else Harvard had. I signed up for a Japanese history class, too. At the end of my senior year, John Kennedy named my professor Edwin Reischauer his ambassador to Tokyo. So, on my way to Taiwan as a Fulbright scholar, I stopped in Tokyo to meet Reischauer at the US Embassy, and two of Reischauer's grown children took me around Tokyo. I reported in Tokyo later in my career.Was Ezra Vogel working on Japan at the time?Yes, Ezra had. Ezra was in my Spanish class in the first year. He hadn't yet decided what he would focus on then. We sat next to each other. We were always personal friends even though he was a bit older. He was a nice man and became a professor later. I sat in the same classroom with several other older people who went on to teach about China, including Dorothy Borg. Even then, she had white hair. She worked for the Council on Foreign Relations in New York but was taking classes at Harvard. When I first went to China, she was still involved with China.So, from that group of Americans studying China at Harvard at that time, many went on to do things related to China, including Orville Schell, Andy Nathan and me. I did not know Perry Link while in Harvard.Many major figures in China studies today were at Harvard with you.Yale had Mary and Arthur Wright, but they were graduate students at Harvard with me and went on to become full professors at Yale. This must be because that was a place where Fairbank was an evangelical figure that people gravitated towards, and he was preaching this new faith of Chinese studies.From Pentagon Papers to VietnamWhat did you do after Harvard?I spent a year in Taiwan when I graduated. I wanted to stay, but Fairbank hurried me up to get back to graduate school.Did you listen to Fairbank?I was going to get my PhD at Harvard and teach Chinese history, but after five years, I became less interested in actually studying Chinese history.During the 1960s, the Vietnam War happened. Vietnam is kind of a cousin of China, so I started reading everything I could about Vietnam. I even started a course on Vietnam so that Harvard undergraduate and graduate students could learn about Vietnam.I got a fellowship to return to Taiwan to work on my dissertation about Hu Hanmin. At that time, many American GIs were coming to Taiwan on what we call R&R — “rest and recreation.” The U.S. government made a deal with the American military that anyone who served in Vietnam for a year had an automatic R&R, a paid week leave to go anywhere in Southeast Asia. Many chose Taiwan to chase pretty young Chinese girls. So, GIs would show up in Taiwan and didn't know what they were doing. I would see them on the street, go up and talk to them.I became more interested in Vietnam over time. A friend told me, “You're spending so much time reading newspapers about Vietnam, you should become a journalist.” It hadn't occurred to me. By chance, I met a correspondent from The Washington Post, Stanley Karnow, who was the Hong Kong correspondent for the Post and covered Vietnam for quite a while. He asked me to be his stringer, a part-time assistant. So I would send my story to him, but he'd never do anything with it.I was discouraged, and that's when I met Harrison Salisbury through my grandfather in Montreal. Salisbury asked me to send stories to The New York Times. I thought I was a traitor to my job with The Washington Post. But it wasn't really a job; it was in my imagination. When I sent Salisbury my first story, I received a cable from the foreign editor of The New York Times saying they had put my story on the front page and given me a byline. My parents at home in Cambridge, Massachusetts saw it that morning, and they wondered, what is Fox doing?” They thought I was working on my PhD dissertation.“Oh, that looked like our son there.”The story was about Chiang Kai-shek's son, Chiang Ching-kuo, who was becoming Chiang Kai-shek's successor. I wrote about how he was going about it. That was a good news story, so The New York Times sent me a message and said, “If you'd like to work for us, we'll be happy to take more stories.”So I started sending them stories once or twice a week, and after four or five months, they gave me a job offer in New York. That was just one of those lucky breaks. I guess The New York Times correspondent who made that initial contact with me, Harrison Salisbury, who had won several Pulitzer Prizes, must have seen something in me.What's your relationship with your editors over the years? Generally pretty good. They certainly intimidated me at the beginning. The person who actually hired me was the foreign editor at The New York Times, James Greenfield. When I returned to New York, it was New Year's Day, the end of 1971. James asked me about my training and asked me to spend the next couple of months sitting at the foreign desk to watch how they do things. I couldn't even write stories for a while; I just handed them the copy that came up. I later got promoted to news assistant and was asked to find something interesting and write one story a week. I wrote some stories about Asia for the newspaper. They wouldn't give me a byline at first as I wasn't a reporter. My first assignment was to Newark, New Jersey, which had gone through a series of terrible race riots in the late 1960s. I was going to be the correspondent in Newark.This was after they hired you and during those two years of training? Yes. One day, I was covering a story. The new mayor of Newark — the first black mayor of a major American city — called a meeting in city hall to see if he could stop the riots.He was trying to bring people together: white, black and Hispanic. Within ten seconds, everybody was having a fistfight. People were knocking each other out with the police and mayor in front of them. The mayor yelled at people to stop, and they still kept punching and hitting each other with big pieces of wood right in City Hall. And I was there. Two very large black men grabbed my arms behind my back. The nasty term for white people in those days was “honky”. They said, “What are you doing here, honky?” They began punching me in the stomach and hitting me in the head. I thought I was going to die right there before I finally broke free. I got to my office to send my story of the city hall by telephone across New York City. And they put that story on the front page.Your second front page at The New York Times. So the editor of The New York Times was a very intimidating man, Abe Rosenthal, a gifted correspondent who'd won several Pulitzer Prizes. He won a Pulitzer Prize in Poland and Germany. I got this message saying, “Mr. Rosenthal wants to see you in his office immediately.”I thought, “oh jeez I'm getting fired.” I just got beaten up in City Hall and they're going to fire me. So I walked in, and he said, “Fox, that was a really nice story.” He said, “you did a really good job on that story. We have another assignment for you. I want you to go over to the New York Hilton Hotel”, which was about ten blocks away.He told me that one of our correspondents, Neil Sheehan, had gotten a secret government document, the Pentagon Papers, which were boxes and boxes of government documents. Neil couldn't read all that by himself, so I had to go and read it with him. Besides, I knew about Asia. By that point, I had read as much as I could about Vietnam. I also knew Neil Sheen because I had helped him come to Harvard to give a talk about Vietnam while I was a graduate student. So we actually had a good relationship. I spent the next two months in Neil's hotel room reading documents, but two of us were not enough, so a third and eventually a fourth correspondent were brought in. Did you understand the risk you were taking working with the classifieds? You could be arrested. Right, yes. I had to tell my parents, “I can't tell you anything about what I'm doing.”When we finally started publishing, I wrote three of the seven installments, which was amazing because I was a junior person. Abe Rosenthal called me back into his office after we finished, and said, “Fox, you did a nice job on this, so we're sending you somewhere. We're sending you to Vietnam.” He said, “I want you to go immediately.” So I went from the Pentagon Papers to Saigon. That was a surprise. That was not where I wanted to go. In fact, what I really wanted was to go to cover China, but that would have meant Hong Kong. But Vietnam turned out to be fascinating. There was always something happening.Reporting on the frontlines in VietnamCan you talk about your Vietnam experience?It was an experience at many levels. Intellectually, it was seductive because there was so much going on, people getting shot every day. The only way to truly understand it was to be there.You could divide the correspondents into those who stayed in Saigon and those who went out to the field. I wanted to be in the field as much as possible. I spent time on Navy ships and even in a fighter plane, hitting what appeared to be factories.The GIs, or “grunts”, wanted to know what we wrote about them, and some would come to our office in Saigon. Sometimes they were angry. A few correspondents received threats, but we mostly had a good relationship. The more you were willing to go out into the field, the more respect you earned. I was out there from the beginning.Vietnam was more complicated than I initially thought. If you were strictly anti-war or pro-government, you missed the full picture.You had been against the war before. How did you feel once you were there?I was part of the anti-war movement and then found myself in the middle of the war. I got to know many ordinary Vietnamese who were actually happy to have Americans there because the communist soldiers would threaten to confiscate their property. Vietnam was more complicated than I initially thought. If you were strictly anti-war or pro-government, you missed the full picture.What was the relevance of the Pentagon Papers then?The Pentagon Papers showed that the U.S. government was deceiving the public, but we were also helping some people. It was more complex than the extreme positions made it seem.Were you at risk of being arrested for the Pentagon Papers?Possibly, yes. My name was on the case, but by that time, I was in Vietnam. I put it out of my mind.How long were you in Vietnam?I was in Vietnam from 1971 to 1975, with breaks in Japan. The New York Times didn't let anyone stay more than two years at a time because of the exhaustion of war. But I kept going back and stayed until the last day of the war in 1975 when I left on a helicopter to a Navy ship.I took the place of a brilliant female correspondent, Gloria Emerson. I inherited her apartment, and Vietnam was as exciting a place as it could be. There was always something to do, something to see, something that you shouldn't see but wanted to see. Vietnam was all that I talked about for four years. I stayed until the last day of the war, April 30th, 1975.Did you get hurt during the war?I was hit by mortar fragments and lost my hearing for almost a month. Once, I was left behind after the unit I accompanied ran into an ambush. I had to walk three hours to get back to safety.Vietnam absorbed all parts of your brain, your mind, your body, and your psyche. It just took over.How did the war experience change you?It depends on the individual. Some correspondents loved Vietnam and never wanted to leave. Others were terrified and left without a word. Even today, I still belong to an online Google group of ex-correspondents in Vietnam, and I still get dozens of messages every day. They always want to discuss Vietnam.Back in the day, some got afraid and just left. I had several friends who would literally just leave a message at their desk saying, “Please pack my belongings and send them back to New York.” It's hard to generalise and have an ironclad rule about. It was different from regular assignments in most other countries.Well, Vietnam was certainly special.Vietnam absorbed all parts of your brain, your mind, your body, and your psyche. It just took over. When the war ended, I came out on a helicopter that landed on a Navy ship. The captain said I could make one phone call. I called my editor in New York and said, “I'm out, I'm safe.” He replied, “Good, because we're sending you to Hong Kong.”Recommended ReadingsFox Butterfield, 1982, China: Alive in the Bitter SeaJohn Fairbank, Edwin Reischauer and Albert Craig, 1965, East Asia: The Modern Transformation, George Allen & UnwinEdwin Reischauer & John Fairbank, 1958, East Asia: The Great Tradition, Houghton MifflinAcknowledgementThis newsletter is edited by Caiwei Chen. The transcription and podcast editing is by Aorui Pi. I thank them for their support!About usPeking Hotel is a bilingual online publication that take you down memory lane of recent history in China and narrate China's reality through the personal tales of China experts. Through biweekly podcasts and newsletters, we present colourful first-person accounts of seasoned China experts. The project grew out of Leo's research at Hoover Institution where he collects oral history of prominent China watchers in the west. Peking Hotel is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Lastly…We also have a Chinese-language Substack. It has been a privilege to speak to these thoughtful individuals and share their stories with you. The stories they share often remind me of what China used to be and what it is capable of becoming. I hope to publish more conversations like this one, so stay tuned!Correction note: An earlier version of this piece incorrectly referred to sinologists Mary and Henry Wright as "Fords." We thank reader Robert Kapp for bringing this to our attention. Get full access to Peking Hotel at pekinghotel.substack.com/subscribe

Did you know that when the United Nations voted to admit “Red China” in 1971, then-California Governor Ronald Reagan called up President Richard Nixon and suggested that the United States quit the UN and become an “observer” in protest?    To some, Reagan was and is controversial, but when it comes to support for the Republic of China (Taiwan), there is no debate: Reagan thought Nixon and – especially Carter – were wrong to “throw a loyal friend overboard.”     Reagan came to Taiwan twice. The first time, in 1971, he was here as a reluctant envoy of Nixon on a mission to try and calm the fears of CKS over Nixon's upcoming meeting with Mao in Beijing. During the second visit, as a private citizen in 1978, Reagan met with leader-in-waiting Chiang Ching-kuo and went back to the US full of praise for a modernizing Taiwan.    When President Carter switched diplomatic relations from Taipei to Beijing, Reagan stated that the US didn't get enough out of it. He pointed out that China was the “supplicant,” and therefore in a position of weakness, and Reagan said that the precedent of betraying a friend would not be forgotten by other friends of the US.    Maybe he had a point.   Visit formosafiles.com for links to videos, pics, info and more. And check out our other podcast about books: Bookish Asia.

Japanese princes, Taiwanese activists, a Korean martyr, American generals and presidents, Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo. It's an action-packed episode with an amazing cast of characters. These little-known Taiwan-related assassination attempts and plots will surprise you. And, we hope, also please you that they failed. As Eryk passionately points put at the end of the episode, assassination, even of a "bad guy" target, can lead to a worse replacement and the unleashing of chaos. PLEASE "LIKE" or "SUBSCRIBE" or give us 5-Stars... it really makes a difference! Thanks! Go to formosafiles.com for pics, links and more.

Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, studen​t protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, studen​t protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, studen​t protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, studen​t protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, studen​t protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

Indoctrinating the Youth: Secondary Education in Wartime China and Postwar Taiwan, 1937-1960 (U Hawaii Press, 2024) examines how the Guomindang (GMD or Nationalists) sought to maintain control of middle-school students and cultivate their political loyalty over the trajectory of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War, and postwar Taiwan. During the Sino-Japanese War the Nationalists managed middle-school refugee students by merging schools, publishing and distributing updated textbooks, and assisting students as they migrated to the interior with their principals and teachers. In Taiwan, the China Youth Corps (CYC) became a symbol of the regime's successful establishment. Tracing Nationalist efforts to indoctrinate ideology and martial spirit, Jennifer Liu investigates how GMD leaders Chiang Kai-shek and his son Chiang Ching-kuo tried to build support among young people in their efforts to stabilize Taiwanese society under their rule. By comparing two key youth organizations—the Three People's Principles Youth Corps in China, and the CYC on Taiwan—Liu uses education as a lens to analyze state-building in modern China. Liu's careful analysis of the inner workings of GMD youth organizations also illuminates the day-to-day operations of military training in gender-segregated upper-middle schools—including how the government selected instructors and the skills taught to students. According to Liu, mandatory military training contributed to preventing major protest against the government but the policy was not without critics. Intellectuals, parents, and students voiced their dissent at what they perceived as excessive control by a repressive government and a waste of resources interfering with academics. The government-mandated civics curriculum, including government-approved textbooks and standards, reveals the characteristics and duties GMD officials believed modern citizens of the next generation should possess. Through provisions for refugee students, youth organizations, military training, and civics classes, GMD secondary education policy played a critical role in the process of state building in both modern China and Taiwan. Skillfully combining archival work in Nanjing and Taipei, along with oral interviews with former students and CYC administrators, instructors, and members, Liu offers a unique perspective toward a balanced assessment of Nationalist Party rule. Jennifer Liu is associate professor of East Asian history at Central Michigan University. She specializes in the political and social history of twentieth-century China, particularly education, youth culture, studen​t protest, and ethnic identity. Li-Ping Chen is a teaching fellow in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include literary translingualism, diaspora, and nativism in Sinophone, inter-Asian, and transpacific contexts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/education

This week on Sinica, I chat with Sulmaan Wasif Khan, professor of history and international relations at the Fletcher School at Tufts University, about his book The Struggle for Taiwan: A History of America, China, and the Island Caught Between, which comes on May 14.4:28 — The Cairo Agreement6:59 — General George Marshall, George Kennan, and the change in the idea of American trusteeship of Taiwan?17:08 — The debate over the offshore islands of Kinmen and Matsu23:55 — Mao's evolving interest in Taiwan27:49 — The averted crisis of 196232:06 — Peng Ming-min and the Taiwan independence movement37:14 — What changed in 1971?42:51 — The legacy of Chiang Ching-kuo45:14 — The story of Lee Teng-hui52:37 — The change within the Kuomintang1:00:11 — Why Taiwan has become “sacred” for China1:10:26 — Sulmaan's own narrative shift1:13:26 — Chen Shui-bian and the threat of independence referendums1:17:53 — The Sunflower Movement1:25:21 — The causal direction of Taiwan's importance in the U.S.-China relationship1:28:32 — Why the status quo shifted1:30:51 — Drawing parallels between Taiwan and Ukraine1:33:26 — Sulmaan's sources for his book1:35:38 — Agency versus structure1:39:29 — Feedback (so far) on the new book and what's next for SulmaanRecommendations:Sulmaan: Emily Wilson's translation of The Iliad Kaiser: The “My China Priors” series (and other essays), available on the Sinica Substack; Angus Stewart's essay, “Alien Bless You: A Review of Netflix's 3 Body Problem” See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

History has no better teachers than the eyewitnesses that watch it unfold and are "in the room when it happens." This unaired episode of Taiwan Talk is an eyewitness account presenting former Control Yuan and Foreign Minister Fredrick Chien's memories and insights of what transpired after the U-S announced it was derecognizing the ROC (Taiwan). Chien walks us through some of the negotiations and events that took place; and reintroduces us to key historical figures of the time including the last U.S. Ambassador to the ROC, Leonard S. Unger who was appointed in 1974 and Warren Christopher, who served as former U.S. President Jimmy Carter's official emissary who led negotiations between Washington and Taipei. Chien also talks about the roles of ROC Foreign Minister Shen Chang-huan who resigned after the U.S. announcement; Victor Wei-Jen Hu who was Private Secretary to the Foreign Minister H.E. Chang-Huan Shen; and GIO director James Soong in the complicated unwinding of diplomatic ties with an important ally. The former diplomat even shares the late President Chiang Ching-kuo's reaction to the events which continues to shape much of Taiwan 's internal and external policies today. This interview is presented as part of I.C.R.T's 45th birthday celebrations. A shorter version which aired on April 15, 2024 is also available to download.

These days Taiwan is known to be the most free and democratic country in Asia, but it wasn't always that way. It's hard to imagine that Taiwan has had a very dark period of history during which there was massive censorship. At one time Taiwan had the longest period of martial law in the world at 38 years. During the martial law period from 1949 to 1987, and the White Terror era that extended beyond the lifting of Taiwan's martial law, there was no freedom of speech, expression or thought, and advocating for the independence of Taiwan was a crime punishable by death. This episode examines how Taiwan's transformation from an authoritarian state to a democracy, has impacted Taiwan's media environment.   Related Links: https://talkingtaiwan.com/dr-wei-ping-li-how-taiwans-media-environment-changed-from-martial-law-era-to-present/   I spoke with Wei-Ping Li about the laws and mechanisms of the censorship from Taiwan's martial law era and the impact it had on Taiwan's media environment, and how Taiwan's media environment had changed since then.   Wei-Ping is speaking in a personal capacity (as a media scholar who studied Taiwanese media) and the views expressed in this interview were all her own personal opinions.   About Wei-Ping Li   Wei-Ping Li is a research fellow at Taiwan FactCheck Center. She collaborates with fact-checkers to monitor disinformation trends in Taiwan and produces analysis reports for both English and Chinese audiences. Her English analyses are published in Taiwan FactCheck Center's biweekly newsletter "TFC Disinfo Detector."   Li received her Ph.D. degree at the Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland. Her research interests include propaganda, social media content moderation, free speech challenges faced by democratic countries, and privacy issues in the digital era. She has published scholarly articles in academic journals, books, and law reviews.   Before pursuing an academic career, she offered consulting services on digital human rights in Asia. She also worked as a journalist for media outlets in Taiwan for several years. She earned her LL.M. (Master of Laws) degree from the University of Pennsylvania Law School and has been admitted to the practice of law in New York State.   Here's a little preview of what we talked about in this podcast episode: ·       Wei-Ping's previous career in journalism that started in 2001 ·       How Wei-Ping was one of the speakers in a discussion about America Skepticism Theory organized by GTI (Global Taiwan Institute) ·       How Taiwan is currently the most free and democratic country in Asia ·       Taiwan has had the second longest period of martial law in world history, and a dark period of extreme censorship and authoritarianism during and after martial law was lifted in 1987 ·       The restrictions, and laws of Taiwan's martial law era included two tracks one was martial law and the other was called The Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of Communist Rebellion ·       The mechanisms that enforced the restrictions, and laws of Taiwan's martial law era, such as publishing laws, Article 100 of the Criminal Code and the Betrayers Punishment Act ·       Bans on the media, newspapers, songs, films, books ·       Why Mark Twain's book, The Adventures of Tom Sawyer and the wuxia novels of Jin Yong were previously banned in Taiwan ·       Some of the bureaus and departments that enforced censorship laws include: Taiwan Garrison Command, Information Bureau, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Interior, Council for Overseas Communities ·       How the Kuomintang extended their censorship to newspapers issued overseas ·       How private correspondence was monitored and surveilled ·       How the Kuomintang was trying to build a comprehensive mechanism of censorship in the 1950s ·       After martial law was lifted in Taiwan the government imposed a National Security Law ·       How it took the efforts of many advocates and advocates to break up the barriers and restrictions to gain more freedom ·       The Period of Mobilization Law was lifted in 1991by President Lee Teng-hui and the bans on newspapers were lifted in 1988 ·       How in 1989 (a year after bans on newspapers were lifted) Cheng Nan-jung, the publisher of the Freedom Era Weekly or New Era Weekly barricaded himself in his office and set himself on fire in protest against the restriction of media freedom ·       The nature of the bans on newspapers that were lifted ·       How Criminal Code Article 100 did not allow people to advocate for Taiwan independence, or criticize high ranking officials or presidents ·       The article written by Cheng Nan-jung in 1987 that criticized the authorities' methods of restricting freedom of speech ·       Topics that the Freedom Era Weekly addressed included the health of President Chiang Ching-kuo, power struggles inside the intelligence bureaus ·       The police that tried to arrest Chen Nan-jung on April 7, 1989 was headed by Hou You-yi, who is the KMT's presidential candidate for Taiwan's 2024 presidential election ·       How the Taiwan Independence Association led the repeal of the Betrayers Punishment Act, and amendment of Criminal Code Article 100 ·       In 1998 Taiwan's constitutional court made a decision that advocating for Taiwan independence is no longer a crime ·       How Taiwan's history has affected its media environment ·       The trauma of censorship on the Taiwanese ·       Taiwan's current media environment ·       Taiwan's ranking on the World Press Freedom Index ·       Challenges in Taiwan's current media environment ·       The self-censorship of businesses with close ties to China ·       How disinformation could flow into Taiwan through PTT (Taiwan's bulletin board system)   Related Links: https://talkingtaiwan.com/dr-wei-ping-li-how-taiwans-media-environment-changed-from-martial-law-era-to-present/

January 13, 2024 is not just the date of Taiwan's presidential election; seats for the Legislative Yuan will also be elected on that day.   Related Links: https://talkingtaiwan.com/dr-foun-chung-fan-the-quest-to-get-out-the-vote-for-lai-chuing-te-for-the-taiwan-presidential-election-2024/   My guest on this episode of Talking Taiwan is Dr. Fan, the Coordinator of the Overseas William Lai (Lai Ching-te) for President Committee.   We talked about why he's supporting Lai Ching-te and two grassroots efforts that are being organized get out the vote for Lai Ching-te and his vice presidential running mate Bi-khim Hsiao. The DPP has had a history of coming up with creative, innovative, grassroots campaign tactics for its presidential candidates. Dr. Fan also shared his perspective on the other two presidential candidates and why the election for the Legislative Yuan is just as important as the presidential election.     Here's a little preview of what we talked about in this podcast episode: · ·       Dr. Fan's background and how he got interested and involved in Taiwan's political situation ·       How the Kaohsiung incident happened not long after Dr. Fan had gone to the United States ·       How he met Trong Chai and  Peng Ming-min and came to understand more about Taiwan's situation ·       How Dr. Fan started meeting with U.S. senators and congressmen and tried to put pressure on Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo to give the people of Taiwan the right to assemble and to remove the black list ·       The presidential election in Taiwan is especially important since China's President, Xi Jinping, is no longer subject to any term limits ·       That Taiwan should not fall into the hands of a party friendly with China ·       How the Kuomintang (during the presidency of Ma Ying-jeou) advocated for Chinese students to be allowed to come to work in Taiwan, to shorten military service from one year to four months ·       How if a comparison of Ma Ying-jeou's presidency with Tsai Ing-wen's, will show that the  tock market, economy and national GDP improved under Tsai Ing-wen ·       How China is using the 1992 Consensus as the basis for its One China Policy ·       How Xi Jinping has said that Taiwan will be unified with China ·       Whether called Republic of China, or Taiwan, Xi Jinping considers it Taiwan independence ·       Dr. Fan's opinions of William Lai (Lai Ching-te) and Bi-khim Hsiao ·       Why Dr. Fan is supporting William Lai (Lai Ching-te) and Bi-khim Hsiao ·       How Lai Ching-te served as the mayor of Tainan and got re-elected with 70 percent vote ·       The qualifications of William Lai (Lai Ching-te) and Bi-khim Hsiao ·       Dr. Fan's thoughts on TTP presidential candidate Ko Wen-je and KMT presidential candidate Hou You-yi: ·       How the KMT could support the legislator Ma Wen-chun who leaked national security information related to Taiwan's development of submarines ·       Two events being organized to encourage people to get out and vote for Lai Ching-te and Bi-khim Hsiao ·       On December 13an event is being organized for people in the U.S.  to make phone calls back to Taiwan urging people to vote on January 13 ·       How the January 13 election is not only for Taiwan's President but also for the Legislative Yuan ·       The importance of the election for the Legislative Yuan ·       How in 2006 the KMT blocked passage of budget for the sale of submarines from the U.S. to Taiwan ·       How people can participate in the phone call effort privately on their own by calling people within their own personal circles ·       How the DPP has used creative, grassroots campaign to promote their candidates ·       The merchandise created for the DPP presidential candidate Chen Shui-bian and Tsai Ing-wen to fundraise ·       The 228 Hand-in-Hand Rally that helped Chen Shui-bian get elected in 2004 ·       Team Taiwan theme songs and merchandise ·       The slogans used for the Lai-Hsiao ticket ·       Overseas voters and supporters of Lai and Hsiao are encouraged to participate in the January 8th event at National Taiwan University which will involve a press conference to showcase overseas support for Lai and Hsiao ·       The overseas voters include people from the east and west coast of the US, Taiwanese associations, and groups from Thailand, Japan, East Asia, West Europe, East Europe, and South America, and a Hakka group ·       The January 8th event aims to encourage people to get out and vote ·       How people can do their part to get out the vote even after December 13 by calling and asking others to vote on January 13           Related Links: https://talkingtaiwan.com/dr-foun-chung-fan-the-quest-to-get-out-the-vote-for-lai-chuing-te-for-the-taiwan-presidential-election-2024/

Hoy vamos a hablar del artículo The Collapse of Mercantilism: Anglo-Hispanic Trans-Pacific Ventures in Asia at the End of the Spanish Empire (1815–30), La caída del mercantilismo: iniciativas anglo-hispánicas transpacíficas en Asia durante el fin del Imperio Español (1815-1830), que es parte del Special Issue Vol. 8 No. 1 (2023): Global Merchants in Spanish America: Business, Networks and Independence (1800-1830). Resumen: Los contactos entre ambos lados del Pacífico del Imperio español, durante la edad moderna, han sido estudiados con anterioridad y, a pesar de ello, son escasos los análisis sobre los desarrollos posteriores, durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII y las primeras del XIX. Esto afecta en particular al estudio de las consecuencias de los desarrollos comerciales al final del Galeón de Manila y a la caída del Imperio Español en América. A través del análisis de las redes profesionales de Francisco Xavier de Ezpeleta y Juan Nepomuceno Machado, que abarcaban de Asia a México en ese período, este artículo propone algunas conclusiones preliminares sobre los vínculos transpacíficos. El estudio se focaliza en redes y conexiones, y se basa en fuentes de archivo, sobre todo del Jardine Matheson Archive de Cambridge. En el tránsito del siglo XVIII al XIX, los protagonistas de la construcción de las redes comerciales hispánicas en lo que quedaba del Imperio Español se reorganizaron para aprovechar las oportunidades aparecidas con el fin de las limitaciones mercantilistas. Al hacerlo, en los años de la década de 1820, los comerciantes hispánicos se aliaron con los precursores de la firma británica de Jardine, Matheson & Co., y controlaron las redes resultantes. De este modo, este artículo analiza las conexiones trans-Pacíficas hispánicas durante la expansión del comercio privado europeo entre Asia oriental y el Pacífico mexicano. Los vínculos entre comerciantes británicos e hispánicos son fundamentales para el análisis del comercio del opio y del imperialismo occidental en Asia oriental, y del desarrollo de la hegemonía comercial británica en América Latina en el siglo XIX. Ander Permanyer Ugartemendia, doctor en Historia por la Universitat Pompeu Fabra, y licenciado en Estudios de Asia oriental por la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Está especializado en el estudio del comercio español en Asia en el tránsito entre los siglos XVIII y XIX, y en el del opio en particular. Ha sido investigador visitante en el Departamento de Historia de la University of Chicago, en el Instituto de Historia Contemporánea (Academia Sinica, Taiwán), y en la John Carter Brown Library, Brown University (Providence, Estados Unidos). Ha sido becario de la Fundación Chiang Ching-kuo, y ha recibido el XXVII Premio Ramón Carande de la Asociación Española de Historia Económica. Actualmente es profesor Ayudante Doctor en el Departamento de Historia Contemporánea de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Presenta Paula de la Cruz-Fernández. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hoy vamos a hablar del artículo The Collapse of Mercantilism: Anglo-Hispanic Trans-Pacific Ventures in Asia at the End of the Spanish Empire (1815–30), La caída del mercantilismo: iniciativas anglo-hispánicas transpacíficas en Asia durante el fin del Imperio Español (1815-1830), que es parte del Special Issue Vol. 8 No. 1 (2023): Global Merchants in Spanish America: Business, Networks and Independence (1800-1830). Resumen: Los contactos entre ambos lados del Pacífico del Imperio español, durante la edad moderna, han sido estudiados con anterioridad y, a pesar de ello, son escasos los análisis sobre los desarrollos posteriores, durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII y las primeras del XIX. Esto afecta en particular al estudio de las consecuencias de los desarrollos comerciales al final del Galeón de Manila y a la caída del Imperio Español en América. A través del análisis de las redes profesionales de Francisco Xavier de Ezpeleta y Juan Nepomuceno Machado, que abarcaban de Asia a México en ese período, este artículo propone algunas conclusiones preliminares sobre los vínculos transpacíficos. El estudio se focaliza en redes y conexiones, y se basa en fuentes de archivo, sobre todo del Jardine Matheson Archive de Cambridge. En el tránsito del siglo XVIII al XIX, los protagonistas de la construcción de las redes comerciales hispánicas en lo que quedaba del Imperio Español se reorganizaron para aprovechar las oportunidades aparecidas con el fin de las limitaciones mercantilistas. Al hacerlo, en los años de la década de 1820, los comerciantes hispánicos se aliaron con los precursores de la firma británica de Jardine, Matheson & Co., y controlaron las redes resultantes. De este modo, este artículo analiza las conexiones trans-Pacíficas hispánicas durante la expansión del comercio privado europeo entre Asia oriental y el Pacífico mexicano. Los vínculos entre comerciantes británicos e hispánicos son fundamentales para el análisis del comercio del opio y del imperialismo occidental en Asia oriental, y del desarrollo de la hegemonía comercial británica en América Latina en el siglo XIX. Ander Permanyer Ugartemendia, doctor en Historia por la Universitat Pompeu Fabra, y licenciado en Estudios de Asia oriental por la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Está especializado en el estudio del comercio español en Asia en el tránsito entre los siglos XVIII y XIX, y en el del opio en particular. Ha sido investigador visitante en el Departamento de Historia de la University of Chicago, en el Instituto de Historia Contemporánea (Academia Sinica, Taiwán), y en la John Carter Brown Library, Brown University (Providence, Estados Unidos). Ha sido becario de la Fundación Chiang Ching-kuo, y ha recibido el XXVII Premio Ramón Carande de la Asociación Española de Historia Económica. Actualmente es profesor Ayudante Doctor en el Departamento de Historia Contemporánea de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Presenta Paula de la Cruz-Fernández. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hoy vamos a hablar del artículo The Collapse of Mercantilism: Anglo-Hispanic Trans-Pacific Ventures in Asia at the End of the Spanish Empire (1815–30), La caída del mercantilismo: iniciativas anglo-hispánicas transpacíficas en Asia durante el fin del Imperio Español (1815-1830), que es parte del Special Issue Vol. 8 No. 1 (2023): Global Merchants in Spanish America: Business, Networks and Independence (1800-1830). Resumen: Los contactos entre ambos lados del Pacífico del Imperio español, durante la edad moderna, han sido estudiados con anterioridad y, a pesar de ello, son escasos los análisis sobre los desarrollos posteriores, durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII y las primeras del XIX. Esto afecta en particular al estudio de las consecuencias de los desarrollos comerciales al final del Galeón de Manila y a la caída del Imperio Español en América. A través del análisis de las redes profesionales de Francisco Xavier de Ezpeleta y Juan Nepomuceno Machado, que abarcaban de Asia a México en ese período, este artículo propone algunas conclusiones preliminares sobre los vínculos transpacíficos. El estudio se focaliza en redes y conexiones, y se basa en fuentes de archivo, sobre todo del Jardine Matheson Archive de Cambridge. En el tránsito del siglo XVIII al XIX, los protagonistas de la construcción de las redes comerciales hispánicas en lo que quedaba del Imperio Español se reorganizaron para aprovechar las oportunidades aparecidas con el fin de las limitaciones mercantilistas. Al hacerlo, en los años de la década de 1820, los comerciantes hispánicos se aliaron con los precursores de la firma británica de Jardine, Matheson & Co., y controlaron las redes resultantes. De este modo, este artículo analiza las conexiones trans-Pacíficas hispánicas durante la expansión del comercio privado europeo entre Asia oriental y el Pacífico mexicano. Los vínculos entre comerciantes británicos e hispánicos son fundamentales para el análisis del comercio del opio y del imperialismo occidental en Asia oriental, y del desarrollo de la hegemonía comercial británica en América Latina en el siglo XIX. Ander Permanyer Ugartemendia, doctor en Historia por la Universitat Pompeu Fabra, y licenciado en Estudios de Asia oriental por la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Está especializado en el estudio del comercio español en Asia en el tránsito entre los siglos XVIII y XIX, y en el del opio en particular. Ha sido investigador visitante en el Departamento de Historia de la University of Chicago, en el Instituto de Historia Contemporánea (Academia Sinica, Taiwán), y en la John Carter Brown Library, Brown University (Providence, Estados Unidos). Ha sido becario de la Fundación Chiang Ching-kuo, y ha recibido el XXVII Premio Ramón Carande de la Asociación Española de Historia Económica. Actualmente es profesor Ayudante Doctor en el Departamento de Historia Contemporánea de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Presenta Paula de la Cruz-Fernández. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Rerun. Chinese citizens were once again able to read and perform the works of William Shakespeare on 25th May, 1977. Chiang Ching, Chairman Mao's wife, had instituted the ban eleven years earlier - amidst concerns that the Bard's works could be reinterpreted to undermine the Party's rule and ideology. In this episode, Rebecca, Olly and Arion ask why British Literature has enjoyed a reversal of fortune under President Xi; reveal how Shakespeare's childhood home is connected to The Venetian, Las Vegas; and recall a surprising fact about One True Voice's forgotten hit, ‘If I Had Shakespeare's Way With Words'... Further Reading: • An article on the ban from History: https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/chinese-government-removes-ban-on-shakespeare • One True Voice. You have been warned: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zptNzFv4uIU #70s #Arts #Asian #Theatre #Politics #China ‘Why am I hearing a rerun?' Every Thursday is 'Throwback Thursday' on Today in History with the Retrospectors: running one repeat per week means we can keep up the quality of our independent podcast. Daily shows like this require a lot of work! But as ever we'll have something new for you tomorrow, so follow us wherever you get your podcasts: podfollow.com/Retrospectors   Love the show? Join  

Today's guest, Frank Dikötter, comes on to chat about the impact that Mao had on China and how the People's Republic of China has navigated the global political landscape since his death. Links from the show:* China After Mao: The Rise of a Superpower* Connect with Frank* Connect with Ryan on Twitter* Subscribe to the newsletterAbout my Guest:Frank Dikötter is the author of the People's Trilogy, a series of books that document the impact of communism on the lives of ordinary people in China on the basis of new archival material. The first volume, entitled Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, won the 2011 Samuel Johnson Prize for Non-Fiction, Britain's most prestigious book award for non-fiction. The second instalment, The Tragedy of Liberation: A History of the Chinese Revolution, 1945-1957, was short-listed for the Orwell Prize in 2014. The Cultural Revolution: A People's History, 1962-1976 concludes the trilogy and was short-listed for the PEN Hessell-Tiltman Prize in 2017. His last book is entitled China after Mao: The Rise of a Superpower.Frank has been Chair Professor of Humanities at the University of Hong Kong since 2006. Before coming to Hong Kong he was Professor of the Modern History of China at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.Born in the Netherlands in 1961, he was educated in Switzerland  and graduated from the University of Geneva with a Double Major in History and Russian. After two years in the People's Republic of China, he moved to London where he obtained his PhD in History from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in 1990. He stayed at SOAS as British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow and as Wellcome Research Fellow before being promoted to a personal chair as Professor of the Modern History of China in 2002. His research and writing has been funded by over 2 US$ million in grants from various foundations, including, in Britain, the Wellcome Trust, the Arts and Humanities Research Council, The Economic and Social Research Council and, in Hong Kong, the Research Grants Council and the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation. He holds an honorary doctorate from Leiden University and is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution.He has published a dozen books that have changed the ways historians view modern China, from the classic The Discourse of Race in Modern China (1992) to China before Mao: The Age of Openness (2007). His work has been translated into twenty languages. Frank Dikötter is married and lives in Hong Kong. Get full access to Dispatches from the War Room at dispatchesfromthewarroom.substack.com/subscribe

A brief, concise history of Taiwan from 1970 to 2022. This episode covers:  Chinese/Taiwanese/US relations from 1970 to 2022 The end of martial law and transition to a multi-party democratic system  The transfer of power from a mainlander (Chiang Ching-kuo) to a native islander (Lee Teng-hui)  The first free elections and subsequent back and forth between KMT and DPP parties  The future of Taiwan—possibilities and concerns  + more  Notes: - I make the mistake a time or two of calling the "Republic of China (ROC)" as the same as the KMT. The KMT is a political party, while the Republic of China is the name they often call the country of Taiwan, as they moved the headquarters of the ROC over to Taiwan in 1949. The KMT and ROC are different entities, though very intertwined. - I also failed to clarify that some pre-1949 Taiwanese people did indeed join the KMT. Not all KMT members are "mainlanders." Sources used in the making of this episode: Source ListInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/wiserworldpodcast/Website (sign up for email newsletter): https://wiserworldpodcast.com/To join the email list, click on the website link, and it will take you there! Song credit: "Heart of Indonesia" by mjmusics 

We talk the continuing aim for zero coronavirus cases, a US transit, criticism over the opening of the Chiang Ching-kuo Cultural Park and more.

In 1933, on a winter's night in the Russian town of Yekaterinburg, Faina Vakhreva -- then 17 years old -- was walking home and became the unwanted subject of attention of a Russian man who began harassing her. A 23-year-old Chinese man also walking home at the time, saw what was happening and chased away the harasser. The Chinese man was future Taiwan (ROC) president Chiang Ching-kuo. Faina and CCK would be a couple for 55 years.

A note from Talking Taiwan host Felicia Lin:   Tim Chng is one of the founders of ITASA (Intercollegiate Taiwanese American Students Association), and we've known each other since those college days. He is currently documenting the overseas Taiwan Independence Movement on Wikipedia.   I thought I'd invite him onto Talking Taiwan to talk about some of the media attention that Taiwan's been getting lately, and the project he's started to document the contributions of WUFI (World United Formosans for Independence) and overseas Taiwanese to the fight for Taiwan's freedom and democracy.   After a non-Taiwanese friend of mine texted me asking about who Enes Kanter was and why he was speaking up about Taiwan, I realized that it would be a good idea to do an episode about this and other celebrities who have shed light on Taiwan- for good and bad.   Enes Kanter, a basketball player for the NBA's Boston Celtics, has called for boycotting the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics and caused quite a stir by tweeting and speaking out about Taiwan being a free and democratic country, and not a part of China. Twitter was all abuzz over this.   I had seen Tim weighing in on the Twitter discussion about Enes, so I thought it would be fun to invite him on to Talking Taiwan to share his thoughts on all of this.   I knew that we'd have an interesting conversation. We talked about Enes, John Oliver, John Cena and even Peng Shui, the Chinese women's tennis player whose safety and whereabouts have been in question ever since her post on a Chinese social media platform (Weibo) about being sexually assaulted by a retired Chinese Communist party leader was deleted.   Tim also talked about what motivated him to start documenting the Taiwan independence movement on Wikipedia, and how in a broader sense it is about recognizing the role of Taiwan's diaspora in the fight for Taiwan's freedom and democracy during the White Terror era.   If you're interested in helping Tim with this project you can do so simply by creating a login on Wikipedia, which as Tim said is really quite easy to do, and you can start editing and adding to the Wikipedia pages about WUFI or the Taiwan independence movement.     Here's a little preview of what we talked about in this podcast episode:   The background of Enes Kanter NBA's Celtics team, has spoken up for Taiwan How Enes Kanter and his family has been blacklisted by the Turkish government How Enes' father went to prison for speaking up against Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Taiwan's blacklist Comparing the struggles and conflict that the Uyghers, and people of Hong Kong, Tibet and Taiwan's have with China Badiucao, the artist who created the art and designs for Enes Kanter's sneakers that called for a boycott of the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics and the Stand With Taiwan sneakers The perception that Taiwan's democracy was a direct result of Chiang Ching-kuo lifting martial law in Taiwan How the father (Dr. Kang-lu Wang) of one of ITASA's founders (Alvin Wang) was assassinated by the Kuomintang (KMT) What led Tim to start his project to document the Taiwan independence movement, especially the resistance movement amongst overseas Taiwanese How the resistance movement of overseas Taiwanese in the 1950s-1980s is not taught in history books and hasn't been well documented Documenting WUFI (World United Formosans for Independence) on Wikipedia How difficult it was to get media coverage on Taiwan in the 1950s-1980s How New Bloom was contacted and consulted by John Oliver's team for his segment about Taiwan How Taiwan needs allies and support as it stands up to China What is problematic about what Enes Kanter is saying about China Tsai Ing-wen's public statement thanking Enes Kanter for his support Whether or not the U.S. really cares about Taiwan's self-determination or freedom The KMT's network of overseas student spies during the martial law era How organizers of the first ITASA conference at Yale University received an anonymous intimidating letter How no one from Yale University was able to attend the Love Boat program in the year following the Yale ITASA conference How Tim and his family were blacklisted and not allowed to return to Taiwan What inspired many WUFI members and overseas Taiwan independence activists to stand up for Taiwan and to attempt to free Taiwan from authoritarian rule How Peter Huang who attempted to assassinate Chiang Ching-kuo was a WUFI member How many overseas Taiwanese students were inspired by the Cuban revolution How within WUFI there were members who were KMT spies The founding of WUFI in 1971 and how it united organizations in Japan, Europe, the United States, and Canada How WUFI members were responsible much of the U.S. media coverage on Taiwan The Taiwanese American Association of America (TAA), the grassroots arm of WUFI Fundraising efforts for the Taiwanese political drama Island Nation 2 What motivated Chiang Ching-kuo to lift martial law in Taiwan Tim's criticism of John Oliver's segment on Taiwan John Oliver's criticism of John Cena, the pro wrestler and actor who apologized to China after calling Taiwan a country What happened to Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai and what may have motivated her to speak about how she was sexually assaulted by Zhang Gaoli, a former high-ranking government official and member of the Chinese Communist Party The support that Peng Shuai has gotten from other professional tennis players The Women's Tennis Association's (WTA) reaction to Peng Shuai's statement about being sexually assaulted and her subsequent disappearance The pressure by the WTA and countries like Finland to cancel on the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics Myanmar and the Free Burma movement China's Belt and Road Initiative Lithuania's support of Taiwan Tim's call for others to help contribute his Wikipedia project documenting the contributions of overseas Taiwanese (from all over the globe) to Taiwan's democratization and independence movement WUFI's 2021 paper calendar commemorating WUFI's 50thanniversary How Professor Chen Wen-chen was part of the WUFI network The Taiwan History Facebook group The importance of documenting the stories of Taiwan's diaspora who fought for Taiwan's freedom and democracy     Related Links: To view all related links for this article, click link below: https://talkingtaiwan.com/tim-chng-documents-the-overseas-taiwan-independence-movement-on-wikipedia-ep-159/

Chinese citizens were once again able to read and perform the works of William Shakespeare on 25th May, 1977. Chiang Ching, Chairman Mao's wife, had instituted the ban eleven years earlier - amidst concerns that the Bard's works could be reinterpreted to undermine the Party's rule and ideology.In this episode, Rebecca, Olly and Arion ask why British Literature has enjoyed a reversal of fortune under President Xi; reveal how Shakespeare's childhood home is connected to The Venetian, Las Vegas; and recall a surprising fact about One True Voice's forgotten hit, ‘If I Had Shakespeare's Way With Words'... Further Reading:• An article on the ban from History: https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/chinese-government-removes-ban-on-shakespeare• The Shakespeare Birthplace Trust report on the Chinese building project:https://www.shakespeare.org.uk/about-us/news-media/press-releases/shakespeares-family-homes-be-re-created-china/• One True Voice. You have been warned:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zptNzFv4uIUFor bonus material and to support the show, visit Patreon.com/RetrospectorsWe'll be back tomorrow! Follow us wherever you get your podcasts: podfollow.com/Retrospectors The Retrospectors are Olly Mann, Rebecca Messina & Arion McNicoll, with Matt Hill.Theme Music: Pass The Peas. Announcer: Bob Ravelli. Graphic Design: Terry Saunders. Edit Producer: Emma Corsham.Copyright: Rethink Audio / Olly Mann 2021.  See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Supporting the Faith, Building the Empire: Imperial Japan’s Islamic Policies in World War II   Friday, March 5, 2021 Hoover Institution, Stanford University   Leading up to and through World War II, the Japanese Empire curried favor with Muslims in China and in East Asia. Drawing on examples from Prof. Hammond’s recent book, China’s Muslims and Japan’s Empire: Centering Islam in World War II, the talk discusses Japanese policies and the ways in which the Japanese Government saw itself as the protector of Islam, while simultaneously advancing its imperial vision. For their part, Muslims from the colonial world found Japan’s anti-Western and anti-Soviet rhetoric appealing to a certain extent. By placing Muslims at the center of Japan’s imperial ambitions, it becomes clear that those ambitions extended beyond the boundaries of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and into predominantly Islamic spaces like Central Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa. Kelly Hammond is Assistant Professor of East Asian history at the University of Arkansas, an associate editor for the Journal of Asian Studies, and serves on the Public Intellectual Program for the National Committee on US-China Relations. Her recent work has been supported by the ACLS/Luce Foundation, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, the American Philosophical Foundation, and the Kluge Center at the Library of Congress. ABOUT THE PROGRAM This talk is part of the History Working Group Seminar Series. A central piece of the History Working Group is the seminar series, which is hosted in partnership with the Hoover Library & Archives. The seminar series was launched in the fall of 2019, and thus far has included six talks from Hoover research fellows, visiting scholars, and Stanford faculty. The seminars provide outside experts with an opportunity to present their research and receive feedback on their work. While the lunch seminars have grown in reputation, they have been purposefully kept small in order to ensure that the discussion retains a good seminar atmosphere.

Thursday, October 22, 2020Hoover InstitutionPRC Influence And Interference | 2020 Conference on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region | Panel 4CHAIR: Glenn Tiffert (Hoover Institution)DISCUSSANT: John Pomfret (Washington Post contributor)•  Media Influence Operations in Australia   Maree Ma, Vision Times Media (AUS)•  Online Disinformation and Propaganda   Puma Shen, National Taipei University•  How Asians View the Competition for Influence Between China and the U.S.   Yun-han Chu, National Taiwan University & Academia SinicaMEET THE PANELISTSDr. Yun-han Chu is distinguished research fellow of the Institute of Political Science at Academia Sinica and professor of political science at National Taiwan University. He serves concurrently as president of the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange. His research focuses on the politics of Greater China, East Asian political economy and democratization.Maree Ma is general manager of Vision Times Media, a leading independent Chinese language media company in Australia.John Pomfret is global affairs contributor and former Beijing bureau chief for the Washington Post. He is the author of The Beautiful Country and the Middle Kingdom: America and China, 1776 to the Present.Dr. Puma Shen is assistant professor at National Taipei University’s Graduate School of Criminology and director of DoubleThink Labs, which studies the intersection between democratic governance and the internet.Dr. Glenn Tiffert is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution. A historian of modern China, he manages the Hoover projects on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region, and on China’s Global Sharp Power.

Here it goes - the inaugural episode of METALHEAD POLITICS, a new show by Freddy Lim of Chthonic and Emily Y. Wu of Ghost Island Media. It’s been tough for Chthonic to get back on their world tours since their frontman got elected to parliament four years ago. But no one’s going anywhere now anyways #stayathome - so here we are. In this episode we chat about COVID19, government oversight, the 40th anniversary of the attempted assassination of Chiang Ching-guo, and Chthonic’s newest single, “Supreme Pain for the Tyrant.” WEB | Chthonic | Ghost Island MediaFACEBOOK | Freddy Lim | Chthonic | Ghost Island Media TWITTER | @FreddyLim | @chthonictw | @ghostislandme | @emilyywuINSTAGRAM | @freddylimtt | @chthonictw | @ghostislandme | @emily.y.wuYOUTUBE | Chthonic | Ghost Island Media EPISODE CREDIT | Producers: Cathy Hsu, Emily Y. Wu | Co-Producers: Carlos Yeh, Hsin Hsiao | Associate Producer: Hsi Yuan Chou | Music: Chthonic | Editing: Emily Y. Wu | Cover Art: Chthonic | Video: Nian-hua Wu | Production Stills: Yi Chen Kuo | Marketing: Middag Solutions, Ghost Island Media, Chthonic | Additional Assistance: Yu-Chen Lai, Thomas Lee, C. Donovan Smith, Michael Turton | Recording Studio: LAZI corner | Special Thanks: Jamie Wei Huang | A co-production of Chthonic and Ghost Island Media | A Middag Solutions project | https://ghostisland.media/#mp

We talk a visit by Joshua Wong, the spirit of former President Chiang Ching-kuo, calls for greater recognition of military service and more.

We talk a visit by Joshua Wong, the spirit of former President Chiang Ching-kuo, calls for greater recognition of military service and more.

This week, we feature the second half of an extensive interview (first part here) with Shelley Rigger, a political scientist at Davidson College and the leading U.S. expert on the politics of Taiwan. This second half of the interview, which covers the history of Taiwan from the 1990s to the present, was conducted by Neysun Mahboubi of the UPenn Center for the Study of Contemporary China Podcast (one of our favorite China podcasts), and is republished here with the Center’s permission. What to listen for on this week’s Sinica Podcast: 3:39: Shelley and Neysun discuss the nature of the relationship between Taiwan and China in the early 1990s, with identify the opponents and proponents of unification with the mainland. Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國 Jiǎng Jīng-guó, the son of Chiang Kai-shek, who succeeded his father as premier) allowed for veterans of the Chinese civil war to return to the mainland on humanitarian visits. These veterans were accompanied by their children, who saw economic opportunities on the other side of the Taiwan Strait. Shelley: “They get off the plane, and what Dad sees is, ‘I don’t recognize my hometown.’ What the son or son-in-law sees is, ‘This is perfect for my business.’” 17:55: What is it about Taiwanese independence that makes it such a contentious topic for officials in Beijing? What has been the result of the social, economic, and cultural interactions between Taiwan and the mainland since the 1990s? What role did Taiwanese investment in China play in the ’90s, and what about Chinese investment in Taiwan in the 21st century? Shelley and Neysun, Taiwan and China scholars respectively, talk through these questions. 33:49: Are there red lines in Beijing on the topic of Taiwanese independence? What are the primary points of inflection and contention in the relationship? What effect does a U.S. presence in Taiwan have on the Taiwan-P.R.C. relationship? Shelley explains: “Are we going to remind Beijing that we are in it in that way, and that in some sense the inability to solve this problem [of independence] that they have chosen for themselves is our fault? Are we going to put that right up in their faces, or are we going to say, ‘Taiwan is okay. We’re okay. We don’t need to, as my dad says, kick the skunk.’” 38:51: What about the U.S.-Taiwan relationship under the current U.S. administration? The phone call between Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文 Cài Yīng-wén) and then president-elect Trump, which was intended to be private, certainly strained the relationship after being picked up by international media and tweets by Trump blaming Taiwan for the ensuing debacle that unfolded. Shelley: “The other thing about this administration that’s especially worrisome from the Taiwan perspective is that it’s very unpredictable, as you said, and so the possibility that Taiwan could be a bargaining chip or introduced into some transaction is ever-present…” 51:58: Taiwanese identity, and its role in the world, has undergone seismic changes throughout its history. Shelley points out that the discussion within the island nation has somewhat settled, but not without certain reservations: “The debate over identity that was raging in Taiwan in the 1990s and 2000s is pretty settled on the idea that, with the exception of the indigenous peoples and the ever-growing number of immigrants to Taiwan, our roots are in China…but that does not need to define us politically, and our community, the community of shared fate or common destiny that we belong to as Taiwanese, is specific to this island…”

Housing reform has been at the core of China's market economy and its success. Large scale demolition and relocation in urban China has visibly improved the lives of millions but also left hidden human wreckage at its wake. Domicide, violence, corruption, and arbitrary compensation have led to heightened housing dispute and persistent residents protest throughout Chinese cities in the past three decades. Exploring what else was demolished along with old neighborhoods and what else, other than highrises, has risen at their ruins, this project examines urban protesters and their evolving identities. At once victimized and empowered by the struggle, these resident protesters have collected and produced an impressive body of material to document their own experience in resisting demolition and pursuing justice. Their activities have helped reshape the political landscape from ground up. Based largely on oral history and with images from years of field research in China, the presentation addresses some of the key issues in the field of contemporary China studies, such as whether today's protesters are "rights conscious" or "rule conscious."The study is part of Qin Shao's forthcoming book, Shanghai Gone: Demolition and Defiance in a Chinese Megacity. Qin Shao is professor of history at The College of New Jersey and a visiting scholar at USC and visiting faculty member at UCLA. She has published on ancient Chinese statecraft, China's early urbanization effort, and the post-Mao reform in international journals and is the author of Culturing Modernity: the Nantong Model, 1890-1930. Qin Shao's research has been awarded various fellowships, including those from the Humboldt University in Berlin, the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Studies at Harvard University, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the National Endowment for the Humanities. She has presented her work at the Harvard Law School and the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, among other institutes.

Housing reform has been at the core of China's market economy and its success. Large scale demolition and relocation in urban China has visibly improved the lives of millions but also left hidden human wreckage at its wake. Domicide, violence, corruption, and arbitrary compensation have led to heightened housing dispute and persistent residents protest throughout Chinese cities in the past three decades. Exploring what else was demolished along with old neighborhoods and what else, other than highrises, has risen at their ruins, this project examines urban protesters and their evolving identities. At once victimized and empowered by the struggle, these resident protesters have collected and produced an impressive body of material to document their own experience in resisting demolition and pursuing justice. Their activities have helped reshape the political landscape from ground up. Based largely on oral history and with images from years of field research in China, the presentation addresses some of the key issues in the field of contemporary China studies, such as whether today's protesters are "rights conscious" or "rule conscious."The study is part of Qin Shao's forthcoming book, Shanghai Gone: Demolition and Defiance in a Chinese Megacity. Qin Shao is professor of history at The College of New Jersey and a visiting scholar at USC and visiting faculty member at UCLA. She has published on ancient Chinese statecraft, China's early urbanization effort, and the post-Mao reform in international journals and is the author of Culturing Modernity: the Nantong Model, 1890-1930. Qin Shao's research has been awarded various fellowships, including those from the Humboldt University in Berlin, the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Studies at Harvard University, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the National Endowment for the Humanities. She has presented her work at the Harvard Law School and the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, among other institutes.