Podcasts about viaticum

Conclaves are more political process than religious process. Yes they go to Mass, yes they invoke the Holy Ghost for guidance, but at the end of the day, the positioning to replace an ailing pontiff begins before he receives Viaticum.Sources:https://www.returntotradition.orgContact Me:Email: return2catholictradition@gmail.comSupport My Work:Patreonhttps://www.patreon.com/AnthonyStineSubscribeStarhttps://www.subscribestar.net/return-to-traditionBuy Me A Coffeehttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/AnthonyStinePhysical Mail:Anthony StinePO Box 3048Shawnee, OK74802Follow me on the following social media:https://www.facebook.com/ReturnToCatholicTradition/https://twitter.com/pontificatormax+JMJ+

Conclaves are more political process than religious process. Yes they go to Mass, yes they invoke the Holy Ghost for guidance, but at the end of the day, the positioning to replace an ailing pontiff begins before he receives Viaticum.Sources:https://www.returntotradition.orgContact Me:Email: return2catholictradition@gmail.comSupport My Work:Patreonhttps://www.patreon.com/AnthonyStineSubscribeStarhttps://www.subscribestar.net/return-to-traditionBuy Me A Coffeehttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/AnthonyStinePhysical Mail:Anthony StinePO Box 3048Shawnee, OK74802Follow me on the following social media:https://www.facebook.com/ReturnToCatholicTradition/https://twitter.com/pontificatormax+JMJ+

Introducing 'Catholic Kernel of Truth' from TruthPop! Dive into short, digestible, and catechetical knowledge that will help you learn and grow in your Catholic faith. Learn about the 'Anointing of the Sick' in this CKoT.God doesn't always remove our illness and suffering but He does transform and redeem it. Hey it's Cathy, and here's another Catholic Kernel of Truth.The Catholic Church offers hope and grace through the Sacrament of Anointing of the Sick. CCC states “by the sacred Anointing of the Sick the Church commends those who are ill to the suffering and glorified Lord, that he may raise them up and save them. Freely uniting them to the Passion and death of Christ.”By Jesus‘s passion and death on the cross, He has given a new meaning to suffering: it can configure us to him and unite us with his redemptive passion.The sacrament of the Anointing of the Sick is given to those who are ill by anointing them on the forehead and hands with blessed oil saying “through this holy anointing may the Lord in his love and mercy help you with the grace of the Holy Spirit. May the Lord who frees you from sin save you and raise you up”This is not a sacrament for those only who are at the point of death. If a sick person who received the anointing recovers his health, he can in the case of another grave illness receive the sacrament again: if during the same illness the person's condition becomes more serious, the sacrament may be repeated. The effects of the sacrament are that one is given strength, peace, and courage to endure the sufferings of the illness, the forgiveness of sins if the person was not able to obtain it through the sacrament of Penance, the restoration of health if it is conductive to the salvation of his soul, and the preparation for passing over to eternal life. In addition to Anointing of the Sick the Church offers those who are about to leave this life the Eucharist which is called Viaticum. These sacraments prepare for our heavenly homeland that complete the earthly pilgrimage. It is beautiful that the Church allows the Anointing of the Sick even when you are not on your deathbed. I have had the opportunity to receive the Anointing of the Sick in my own life and it brought much peace and hope. If you or  someone you know is sick right now, consider encouraging them to receive this sacrament. Even if they have been away from the faith this could be their stepping stone back into the Church. This sacrament reveals that Jesus is the Divine Physician who not only wants to heal our bodies but also heal our souls so we may be with Him in heaven forever. 

To support the ministry and access exclusive content, go to: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠http://patreon.com/logicalbiblestudy⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ For complete verse-by-verse audio commentaries from Logical Bible Study, go to: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://mysoundwise.com/publishers/1677296682850p⁠ Mark 4: 26-34 - 'The kingdom of God is a mustard seed growing into the biggest shrub of all.' Catechism of the Catholic Church Paragraphs: - 728 (in 'Christ Jesus') - Jesus does not reveal the Holy Spirit fully, until he himself has been glorified through his Death and Resurrection. Nevertheless, little by little he alludes to him even in his teaching of the multitudes, as when he reveals that his own flesh will be food for the life of the world (abbreviated). - 1355 (in 'The Movement of the Eucharistic Celebration') - In the communion, preceded by the Lord's prayer and the breaking of the bread, the faithful receive "the bread of heaven" and "the cup of salvation," the body and blood of Christ who offered himself "for the life of the world." Because this bread and wine have been made Eucharist ("eucharisted," according to an ancient expression), "we call this food Eucharist, and no one may take part in it unless he believes that what we teach is true, has received baptism for the forgiveness of sins and new birth, and lives in keeping with what Christ taught." - 2837 (in 'Give us this day our Daily Bread') - "Daily" (epiousios) occurs nowhere else in the New Testament. Taken in a temporal sense, this word is a pedagogical repetition of "this day," to confirm us in trust "without reservation." Taken in the qualitative sense, it signifies what is necessary for life, and more broadly every good thing sufficient for subsistence. Taken literally (epi-ousios: "super-essential"), it refers directly to the Bread of Life, the Body of Christ, the "medicine of immortality," without which we have no life within us. - 1384 (in 'The Sacrament of the Eucharist') - The Lord addresses an invitation to us, urging us to receive him in the sacrament of the Eucharist: "Truly, I say to you, unless you eat the flesh of the Son of man and drink his blood, you have no life in you." - 1406 (in 'The Sacrament of the Eucharist') - Jesus said: "I am the living bread that came down from heaven; if any one eats of this bread, he will live for ever; . . . he who eats my flesh and drinks my blood has eternal life and . . . abides in me, and I in him" - 1509 (in 'Heal the Sick') - "Heal the sick!" The Church has received this charge from the Lord and strives to carry it out by taking care of the sick as well as by accompanying them with her prayer of intercession. She believes in the life-giving presence of Christ, the physician of souls and bodies. This presence is particularly active through the sacraments, and in an altogether special way through the Eucharist, the bread that gives eternal life and that St. Paul suggests is connected with bodily health. - 1524 (in 'Viaticum') - In addition to the Anointing of the Sick, the Church offers those who are about to leave this life the Eucharist as viaticum. Communion in the body and blood of Christ, received at this moment of "passing over" to the Father, has a particular significance and importance. It is the seed of eternal life and the power of resurrection, according to the words of the Lord: "He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood has eternal life, and I will raise him up at the last day." The sacrament of Christ once dead and now risen, the Eucharist is here the sacrament of passing over from death to life, from this world to the Father. - 787 (in 'The Church is communion with Jesus') - 1391 (in 'The Fruits of Holy Communion') - 994 (in 'The Progressive revelation of the Resurrection') Got a Bible question? Send an email to logicalbiblestudy@gmail.com, and it will be answered in an upcoming episode!

Full Text of ReadingsSaturday of the Thirteenth Week in Ordinary Time Lectionary: 382The Saint of the day is Saint Maria GorettiSaint Maria Goretti’s Story One of the largest crowds ever assembled for a canonization—250,000—symbolized the reaction of millions touched by the simple story of Maria Goretti. She was the daughter of a poor Italian tenant farmer, had no chance to go to school, never learned to read or write. When Maria made her First Communion not long before her death, she was one of the larger and somewhat backward members of the class. On a hot afternoon in July, Maria was sitting at the top of the stairs of her house, mending a shirt. She was not quite 12 years old, but physically mature. A cart stopped outside, and a neighbor, 18-year-old Alessandro, ran up the stairs. He seized her and pulled her into a bedroom. She struggled and tried to call for help. “No, God does not wish it,” she cried out. “It is a sin. You would go to hell for it.” Alessandro began striking at her blindly with a long dagger. Maria was taken to a hospital. Her last hours were marked by the usual simple compassion of the good—concern about where her mother would sleep, forgiveness of her murderer (she had been in fear of him, but did not say anything lest she cause trouble to his family), and her devout welcoming of Viaticum, her last Holy Communion. She died about 24 hours after the attack. Alessandro was sentenced to 30 years in prison. For a long time he was unrepentant and surly. One night he had a dream or vision of Maria gathering flowers and offering them to him. His life changed. When he was released after 27 years, his first act was to beg the forgiveness of Maria's mother. Devotion to the young martyr grew, miracles were worked, and in less than half a century she was canonized. At her beatification in 1947, her 82-year-old mother, two sisters, and her brother appeared with Pope Pius XII on the balcony of St. Peter's. Three years later, at Maria’s canonization, a 66-year-old Alessandro Serenelli knelt among the quarter-million people and cried tears of joy. Reflection Maria may have had trouble with catechism, but she had no trouble with faith. God's will was holiness, decency, respect for one's body, absolute obedience, total trust. In a complex world, her faith was simple: It is a privilege to be loved by God, and to love him—at any cost. Saint Maria Goretti is the Patron Saint of: Catholic YouthGirlsTeenagers Learn more about Saint Maria Goretti! Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

1 Then shall the kingdom of heaven be like to ten virgins, who taking their lamps went out to meet the bridegroom and the bride.Tunc simile erit regnum caelorum decem virginibus : quae accipientes lampades suas exierunt obviam sponso et sponsae.  2 And five of them were foolish, and five wise.Quinque autem ex eis erant fatuae, et quinque prudentes :  3 But the five foolish, having taken their lamps, did not take oil with them:sed quinque fatuae, acceptis lampadibus, non sumpserunt oleum secum :  4 But the wise took oil in their vessels with the lamps.prudentes vero acceperunt oleum in vasis suis cum lampadibus.  5 And the bridegroom tarrying, they all slumbered and slept.Moram autem faciente sponso, dormitaverunt omnes et dormierunt.  6 And at midnight there was a cry made: Behold the bridegroom cometh, go ye forth to meet him.Media autem nocte clamor factus est : Ecce sponsus venit, exite obviam ei.  7 Then all those virgins arose and trimmed their lamps.Tunc surrexerunt omnes virgines illae, et ornaverunt lampades suas.  8 And the foolish said to the wise: Give us of your oil, for our lamps are gone out.Fatuae autem sapientibus dixerunt : Date nobis de oleo vestro, quia lampades nostrae extinguuntur.  9 The wise answered, saying: Lest perhaps there be not enough for us and for you, go ye rather to them that sell, and buy for yourselves.Responderunt prudentes, dicentes : Ne forte non sufficiat nobis, et vobis, ite potius ad vendentes, et emite vobis.  10 Now whilst they went to buy, the bridegroom came: and they that were ready, went in with him to the marriage, and the door was shut.Dum autem irent emere, venit sponsus : et quae paratae erant, intraverunt cum eo ad nuptias, et clausa est janua.  11 But at last come also the other virgins, saying: Lord, Lord, open to us.Novissime vero veniunt et reliquae virgines, dicentes : Domine, domine, aperi nobis.  12 But he answering said: Amen I say to you, I know you not.At ille respondens, ait : Amen dico vobis, nescio vos.  13 Watch ye therefore, because you know not the day nor the hour.Vigilate itaque, quia nescitis diem, neque horam The noble daughter of the illustrious family of Falconieri founded at Florence the Order of the Mantellati, attached to the Order of Servites. She recieved Viaticum miraculously at the moment of her death. A.D. 1340.

Today we read about Elijah's discouragement after fleeing from Jezebel, and how God tells him to "arise and eat" to strengthen him for the journey ahead. Fr. Mike points out how God calls us to draw strength for the journey as well, even at the end of our earthly lives. The readings are 1 Kings 19-20, 2 Chronicles 20, and Song of Solomon 6. For the complete reading plan, visit ascensionpress.com/bibleinayear. Please note: The Bible contains adult themes that may not be suitable for children - parental discretion is advised.

Bible Study: (1:22) Rom 12:5-16ab Handing on the gift of God, prophecy, and sincerity  Letters (27:31) - Viaticum (31:26) - Apostolic pardon  (31:26) - Good book on the midrash (32:32) - Early Christian worship Word of the Day: Lowly (39:20) Callers: (43:42) - If somebody passed away long ago and I prayed for their souls now, would that apply to the past because God out of time? (45:11) - When we say 'Rest in Peace', are they in heaven or resting for the 2nd coming? (46:12) - When protestants are doing the deliverance prayers, are demons being delivered?

Full Text of ReadingsThursday of the Thirteenth Week in Ordinary Time Lectionary: 380The Saint of the day is Saint Maria GorettiSaint Maria Goretti’s Story One of the largest crowds ever assembled for a canonization—250,000—symbolized the reaction of millions touched by the simple story of Maria Goretti. She was the daughter of a poor Italian tenant farmer, had no chance to go to school, never learned to read or write. When Maria made her First Communion not long before her death, she was one of the larger and somewhat backward members of the class. On a hot afternoon in July, Maria was sitting at the top of the stairs of her house, mending a shirt. She was not quite 12 years old, but physically mature. A cart stopped outside, and a neighbor, 18-year-old Alessandro, ran up the stairs. He seized her and pulled her into a bedroom. She struggled and tried to call for help. “No, God does not wish it,” she cried out. “It is a sin. You would go to hell for it.” Alessandro began striking at her blindly with a long dagger. Maria was taken to a hospital. Her last hours were marked by the usual simple compassion of the good—concern about where her mother would sleep, forgiveness of her murderer (she had been in fear of him, but did not say anything lest she cause trouble to his family), and her devout welcoming of Viaticum, her last Holy Communion. She died about 24 hours after the attack. Alessandro was sentenced to 30 years in prison. For a long time he was unrepentant and surly. One night he had a dream or vision of Maria gathering flowers and offering them to him. His life changed. When he was released after 27 years, his first act was to beg the forgiveness of Maria's mother. Devotion to the young martyr grew, miracles were worked, and in less than half a century she was canonized. At her beatification in 1947, her 82-year-old mother, two sisters, and her brother appeared with Pope Pius XII on the balcony of St. Peter's. Three years later, at Maria’s canonization, a 66-year-old Alessandro Serenelli knelt among the quarter-million people and cried tears of joy. Reflection Maria may have had trouble with catechism, but she had no trouble with faith. God's will was holiness, decency, respect for one's body, absolute obedience, total trust. In a complex world, her faith was simple: It is a privilege to be loved by God, and to love him—at any cost. Saint Maria Goretti is the Patron Saint of: Catholic YouthGirlsTeenagers Click here for more on Saint Maria Goretti! Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

Today we read about Elijah's discouragement after fleeing from Jezebel, and how God tells him to "arise and eat" to strengthen him for the journey ahead. Fr. Mike points out how God calls us to draw strength for the journey as well, even at the end of our earthly lives. The readings are 1 Kings 19-20, 2 Chronicles 20, and Song of Solomon 6. For the complete reading plan, visit ascensionpress.com/bibleinayear. Please note: The Bible contains adult themes that may not be suitable for children - parental discretion is advised.

Homily for the 27th Sunday of Ordinary Time.

Full Text of ReadingsWednesday of the Fourteenth Week in Ordinary Time Lectionary: 385All podcast readings are produced by the USCCB and are from the Catholic Lectionary, based on the New American Bible and approved for use in the United States _______________________________________The Saint of the day is Saint Maria GorettiOne of the largest crowds ever assembled for a canonization—250,000—symbolized the reaction of millions touched by the simple story of Maria Goretti. She was the daughter of a poor Italian tenant farmer, had no chance to go to school, never learned to read or write. When Maria made her First Communion not long before her death, she was one of the larger and somewhat backward members of the class. On a hot afternoon in July, Maria was sitting at the top of the stairs of her house, mending a shirt. She was not quite 12 years old, but physically mature. A cart stopped outside, and a neighbor, 18-year-old Alessandro, ran up the stairs. He seized her and pulled her into a bedroom. She struggled and tried to call for help. “No, God does not wish it,” she cried out. “It is a sin. You would go to hell for it.” Alessandro began striking at her blindly with a long dagger. Maria was taken to a hospital. Her last hours were marked by the usual simple compassion of the good—concern about where her mother would sleep, forgiveness of her murderer (she had been in fear of him, but did not say anything lest she cause trouble to his family), and her devout welcoming of Viaticum, her last Holy Communion. She died about 24 hours after the attack. Alessandro was sentenced to 30 years in prison. For a long time he was unrepentant and surly. One night he had a dream or vision of Maria gathering flowers and offering them to him. His life changed. When he was released after 27 years, his first act was to beg the forgiveness of Maria's mother. Devotion to the young martyr grew, miracles were worked, and in less than half a century she was canonized. At her beatification in 1947, her 82-year-old mother, two sisters, and her brother appeared with Pope Pius XII on the balcony of St. Peter's. Three years later, at Maria's canonization, a 66-year-old Alessandro Serenelli knelt among the quarter-million people and cried tears of joy. Reflection Maria may have had trouble with catechism, but she had no trouble with faith. God's will was holiness, decency, respect for one's body, absolute obedience, total trust. In a complex world, her faith was simple: It is a privilege to be loved by God, and to love him—at any cost. Saint Maria Goretti is the Patron Saint of: Catholic Youth Girls Teenagers Click here for more on Saint Maria Goretti! Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

Wednesday of the 14th Week in Ordinary Time Optional Memorial of St. Maria Goretti, 1890-1902; at nearly 12 years of age, she was attacked by a young man, Alessandro, who tried to violate her; in the struggle, he stabbed her; her last hours were marked by concern for her mother, forgiveness of her murderer, and reception of Viaticum; while in prison, Alessandro had a vision of Maria offering him flowers, and his life changed; on his release, he begged the forgiveness of Maria's mother, and he was present at her canonization Office of Readings and Morning Prayer for 7/6/22 Gospel: Matthew 10:1-7

Today we read about Elijah's discouragement after fleeing from Jezebel, and how God tells him to "arise and eat" to strengthen him for the journey ahead. Fr. Mike points out how God calls us to draw strength for the journey as well, even at the end of our earthly lives. The readings are 1 Kings 19-20, 2 Chronicles 20, and Song of Solomon 6. For the complete reading plan, visit ascensionpress.com/bibleinayear. Please note: The Bible contains adult themes that may not be suitable for children - parental discretion is advised.

"Comrades and Fellow Travelers" Among all the documents of the Council, it was the schema on religious liberty which led to the most acrimonious Let us take up where we left off. Christian common sense is offended in every way by this new religion. Catholics are exposed to desacralization on all sides; everything has been changed. They are told that all religions bring salvation; the Church welcomes without distinction separated Christians and in fact all believers, whether they bow to Buddha or to Krishna. They are told that clergy and laity are equal members of the “People of God,” so that lay people designated for particular functions take over the clergy's tasks. We see them conducting funerals and taking Viaticum to the sick, while the clergy take up the functions of the laity—dress like them, work in factories, join trade unions and engage in politics. The new Canon Law supports all this. It confers unheard-of prerogatives on the laity, blurring the distinction between them and priests and creating so-called “rights.” Lay theologians hold chairs of theology in Catholic universities, the faithful take over roles in divine worship which were once reserved to those in clerical orders: they administer some of the sacraments, they distribute Holy Communion and serve as witnesses at weddings.We also read that the Church of God “subsists” in the Catholic Church—a suspicious formula, because immemorial doctrine has always said that the Church of God is the Catholic Church. If we accept this recent formula, it would seem that Protestant and Orthodox communions form equal parts of the Church—which cannot be, since they have separated themselves from the one Church founded by Jesus Christ: Credo in UNAM sanctam Ecclesiam. Read the full book: https://angeluspress.org/products/open-letter-to-confused-catholics

Homily for the 19th Sunday of Ordinary Time.  Based on these readings: 1 Kgs 19:4-8; Ps 34; Eph 4:30—5:2; Jn 6:41-51.

Fr. Mark is this week's guest.  He answers questions from the listeners. We discuss the differences between the traditional Latin mass and the common mass (norbus ordo). We also talk about indulgences, viaticum and vocations. Share the podcast with your friends and family. Follow us on Facebook and Instagram. Help us to reach more people by leaving a rating and review on the show on iTunes. Check out the YouTube page . Thank you for your support. God bless! The Regular Catholic Guy

Full Text of ReadingsTuesday of the Fourteenth Week in Ordinary Time Lectionary: 384All podcast readings are produced by the USCCB and are from the Catholic Lectionary, based on the New American Bible and approved for use in the United States _______________________________________The Saint of the day is Saint Maria GorettiOne of the largest crowds ever assembled for a canonization—250,000—symbolized the reaction of millions touched by the simple story of Maria Goretti. She was the daughter of a poor Italian tenant farmer, had no chance to go to school, never learned to read or write. When Maria made her First Communion not long before her death, she was one of the larger and somewhat backward members of the class. On a hot afternoon in July, Maria was sitting at the top of the stairs of her house, mending a shirt. She was not quite 12 years old, but physically mature. A cart stopped outside, and a neighbor, 18-year-old Alessandro, ran up the stairs. He seized her and pulled her into a bedroom. She struggled and tried to call for help. “No, God does not wish it,” she cried out. “It is a sin. You would go to hell for it.” Alessandro began striking at her blindly with a long dagger. Maria was taken to a hospital. Her last hours were marked by the usual simple compassion of the good—concern about where her mother would sleep, forgiveness of her murderer (she had been in fear of him, but did not say anything lest she cause trouble to his family), and her devout welcoming of Viaticum, her last Holy Communion. She died about 24 hours after the attack. Alessandro was sentenced to 30 years in prison. For a long time he was unrepentant and surly. One night he had a dream or vision of Maria gathering flowers and offering them to him. His life changed. When he was released after 27 years, his first act was to beg the forgiveness of Maria's mother. Devotion to the young martyr grew, miracles were worked, and in less than half a century she was canonized. At her beatification in 1947, her 82-year-old mother, two sisters, and her brother appeared with Pope Pius XII on the balcony of St. Peter's. Three years later, at Maria's canonization, a 66-year-old Alessandro Serenelli knelt among the quarter-million people and cried tears of joy. Reflection Maria may have had trouble with catechism, but she had no trouble with faith. God's will was holiness, decency, respect for one's body, absolute obedience, total trust. In a complex world, her faith was simple: It is a privilege to be loved by God, and to love him—at any cost. Saint Maria Goretti is the Patron Saint of: Catholic Youth Girls Teenagers Click here for more on Saint Maria Goretti! Saint of the Day Copyright Franciscan Media

Today we read about Elijah's discouragement after fleeing from Jezebel, and how God tells him to "arise and eat" to strengthen him for the journey ahead. Fr. Mike points out how God calls us to draw strength for the journey as well, even at the end of our earthly lives. The readings are 1 Kings 19-20, 2 Chronicles 20, and Song of Solomon 6. For the complete reading plan, visit ascensionpress.com/bibleinayear. Please note: The Bible contains adult themes that may not be suitable for children - parental discretion is advised.

Viaticum, or Eucharist for the dying, is usually reserved for Catholics nearing transition to eternity. But, perhaps, if we view every day as possibly our last, we can receive Holy Communion with a new understanding of this Heavenly Food for the journey. #Jesus #Catholicism #God

Viaticum, or Eucharist for the dying, is usually reserved for Catholics nearing transition to eternity. But, perhaps, if we view every day as possibly our last, we can receive Holy Communion with a new understanding of this Heavenly Food for the journey. #Jesus #Catholicism #God

Viaticum, or Eucharist for the dying, is usually reserved for Catholics nearing transition to eternity. But, perhaps, if we view every day as possibly our last, we can receive Holy Communion with a new understanding of Heavenly Food for the journey.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice BoucheronCollège de FranceAnnée 2020-2021La peste noireRésuméLa recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l'expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l'on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l'épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l'on observe sans l'expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d'abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l'imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles.Sommaire« Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010)« Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994)Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832)Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983)Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicaleHistoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l'apparition des bubonsÀ la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n'est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004)La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff)Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d'Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998)'Eliyahu ben 'Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l'Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015)Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998)« À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l'esprit humain tombe dans l'étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348)Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d'une maladie mortelle, mais non incurableLa conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilenceRecours à l'astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004)Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieusesAir vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013)Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l'incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363)La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d'Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348)Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d'une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017)« Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s'approchent alors que personne n'est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4)La compassion et le pouvoir de l'imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016)Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l'inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeursCette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d'Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017)« Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da'wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l'existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l'expérience, par l'étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni'at al-sa'id d'Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017)Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011)La souillure, la tâche et l'infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d'un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011)Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L'Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008)Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011)Le mauvais œil, la maladie d'amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The "Viaticum" and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990)Amour, altération de l'esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l'amour s'opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469)Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturalistePharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon« Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d'abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938)De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s'affole, la violence peut commencer à s'exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice BoucheronCollège de FranceAnnée 2020-2021La peste noireRésuméLa recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l'expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l'on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l'épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l'on observe sans l'expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d'abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l'imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles.Sommaire« Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010)« Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994)Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832)Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983)Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicaleHistoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l'apparition des bubonsÀ la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n'est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004)La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff)Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d'Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998)'Eliyahu ben 'Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l'Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015)Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998)« À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l'esprit humain tombe dans l'étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348)Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d'une maladie mortelle, mais non incurableLa conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilenceRecours à l'astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004)Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieusesAir vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013)Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l'incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363)La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d'Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348)Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d'une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017)« Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s'approchent alors que personne n'est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4)La compassion et le pouvoir de l'imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016)Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l'inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeursCette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d'Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017)« Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da'wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l'existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l'expérience, par l'étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni'at al-sa'id d'Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017)Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011)La souillure, la tâche et l'infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d'un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011)Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L'Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008)Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011)Le mauvais œil, la maladie d'amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The "Viaticum" and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990)Amour, altération de l'esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l'amour s'opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469)Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturalistePharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon« Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d'abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938)De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s'affole, la violence peut commencer à s'exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

Patrice Boucheron Collège de France Année 2020-2021 La peste noire Résumé La recherche des causes de la peste, mais aussi l’expérimentation de remèdes susceptibles de soigner une maladie que l’on considère comme mortelle mais non incurable, met la médecine médiévale à l’épreuve de sa propre rationalité savante. Comment y intégrer cette contagion que l’on observe sans l’expliquer ? La transmission de la maladie est d’abord une métaphore de la contagion des péchés, rendant manifeste le pouvoir de l’imagination : voici pourquoi la compassio médiévale inspire des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours compassionnelles. Sommaire « Mortelle ou mortifère, contagieuse, ardente, cruelle… » : les épithètes de la peste de Maurice de La Porte en 1571 (Véronique Montagne, « Le Discours didascalique sur la peste dans les traités médicaux de la Renaissance : rationaliser et/ou inquiéter », Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance, 2010) « Aspre, noire, charbonneuse… » : depuis quand la peste est-elle noire ? (Jon Arrizabalaga, « Facing the Black Death: perceptions and reactions of university medical practitioners », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994) Peste noire et peur bleue en 1832 (Justus Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im vierzehnten Jahrhundert: Nach den Quellen für Ärzte und gebildete Nichtärzte bearbeitet, Berlin, 1832) Du rouge au noir, le mauvais sang de la mélancolie (Marie-Christine Pouchelle, « Les appétits mélancoliques », Médiévales, 1983) Avec le corps pour écran et pour tombeau : diagnostic, pronostic et sémiologie médicale Histoires de la douleur, des premiers symptômes à l’apparition des bubons À la recherche du signum mortis : « le mouvement de la mort n’est pas aussi certain que celui de la vie (Bernard de Godon, Liber pronosticorum, 1295, cité par Danielle Jacquart, « Le Difficile Pronostic de mort (XIVe- XVe siècles) », Médiévales, 2004) La médecine médiévale fut-elle honteuse ? Régimes de rationalités et diversité textuelle des Pestschiften (Karl Sudhoff) Le Traité sur les fièvres pestilentielles et autres formes de fièvres d’Abraham Caslari (Ron Barkai, « Jewish Treatise on the Black Death (1350-1500): A Preliminary Study », dans Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, Andrew Cunningham et Luis García-Ballester dir., Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease, Londres, 1998) ‘Eliyahu ben ‘Avraham à la cour de Sélim 1er à Constantinople et la médicalisation des savoirs politiques sur la peste dans l’Empire ottoman (Nükhet Varlik, Plague and Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean World. The Ottoman Experience, 1347-1600, Cambridge, 2015) Écrire avant, pendant et après la peste : le manuscrit latin 111227 de la BnF et le Compendium de epidemia de la Faculté de médecine de Paris (Danielle Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien, XIVe-XVe siècle, Paris, 1998) « À la vue des effets dont la cause échappe à la perspicacité des meilleures intelligences, l’esprit humain tombe dans l’étonnement » (Compendium de epidemia, 1348) Les limites de la raison médicale face aux « effets merveilleux » d’une maladie mortelle, mais non incurable La conjonction astrale de 1345, remota causa de la pestilence Recours à l’astrologie et inflexion alchimique du discours médical : une défaite de la raison ? (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « La rationalité médicale à l'épreuve de la peste : médecine, astrologie et magie (1348-1500) », Médiévales, 2004) Du bon usage thérapeutique de la richesse : or potable et pierres précieuses Air vicié, venin et contrepoison (Nicolas Weill-Parot, « Des rationalités en concurrence ? Empirica magiques et médecine scolastique », Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2013) Ventouser, scarifier, cautériser : l’incision des bubons dans la Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac (1363) La recette du jeune poulet au croupion déplumé (Jacme d’Agramont, Regiment de preservacio de pestilencia, 1348) Empirica, experimenta ou secreta ? Longévité, obstination et créativité d’une « expérience de papier » (Erik A. Heinrichs, Erik Heinrichs, « The Live Chicken Treatment for Buboes: Trying a Plague Cure in Medieval and Early Modern Europe », Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 2017) « Pourquoi certaines maladies rendent-elles malades ceux qui s’approchent alors que personne n’est guéri par la santé ? » (Problemata, VII, 4) La compassion et le pouvoir de l’imagination (Béatrice Delaurenti, La Contagion des émotions. Compassio, une énigme médiévale, Paris, 2016) Dispositio morbida et forme spécifique, ou comment intégrer l’inexpliqué de la contagion humaine dans le système explicable des humeurs Cette « effrayante maladie qui nous envahit » : Gentile da Foligno, du commentaire du Canon d’Avicenne au Consilia contra pestilentiam (Joël Chandelier, Avicenne et la médecine en Italie. Le Canon dans les universités (1200-1350), Paris, 2017) « Si on nous demande : comment nous en remettre à la théorie de la contagion (da’wa-l-adwa) quand la loi nie cela, nous répondons : l’existence de la contagion est solidement établie par l’expérience, par l’étude, par la perception, par la constatation et par la fréquence des données. Ce sont les éléments de la preuve » (Ibn al-Hatib, Celle qui convainc le poseur de questions sur la maladie terrifiante, 1348, cité par François Clément, « À propos de la Muqni’at al-sa’id d’Ibn al-Hatib sur la peste à Grenade en 1348-1349 », dans Id., dir., Epidemies, épizooties. Des représentations anciennes aux approches actuelles, Rennes, 2017) Médecine arabe et refus des formes magiques de la contagion (Justin Stearns, Infectious ideas. Infectious ideas. Contagion in Premodern Islamic and Christian Thought in the Western Mediterranean, Baltimore, 2011) La souillure, la tâche et l’infection : seuls les péchés sont contagieux (Aurélien Robert, « Contagion morale et transmission des maladies : histoire d’un chiasme (XIIIe-XIXe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Pourquoi faut-il isoler les lépreux ? Le morbus contagiosus de la maladie et la macule du péché (Maaike van der Lugt, « Les maladies héréditaires dans la pensée scolastique », dans L’Hérédité entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne, Florence, 2008) Pollution, contagion, scandale (Arnaud Fossier, « La contagion des péchés (XIe-XIIIe siècle) », Tracés, 2011) Le mauvais œil, la maladie d’amour et le pouvoir des femmes (Mary F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages. The “Viaticum” and Its Commentaries, Philadelphie, 1990) Amour, altération de l’esprit, mélancolie : « La contagion de l’amour s’opère facilement et devient la peste la plus grave de toute » (Marsile Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon, VII, 5, 1469) Girolamo Fracastoro et le De Contagione et contagionis Morbis (1546) : une fausse rupture naturaliste Pharmacie médiévale de la peste et pharmakon « Cette langue qui halète, énorme et grosse, d’abord blanche, puis rouge, puis noire, et comme charbonneuse et fendillée… » (Antonin Artaud, Le Théâtre de la peste, 1938) De la métaphore meurtrière en régime analogique : quand le langage s’affole, la violence peut commencer à s’exercer.

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Welcome to Marvel on RMD: In this episode, we breakdown and review the Hulu original series Marvel’s Helstrom 1.02 ‘Viaticum’. The hosts for this discussion: Mike, Dave

Seth, John and Aaron discuss their review experience with the Black Label Trading Company Last Rites Viaticum https://developingpalates.com/reviews/cigar-reviews/team-cigar-review-black-label-trading-company-last-rites-viaticum/

In this episode, we conclude our analysis of the second part of Marcus Grodi's evidence from the early church fathers that led to his conversion to Roman Catholicism: the Eucharist. We briefly review the points on the Eucharist discussed in the previous two episodes. Then we address not only Grodi’s claim that the early church writers “unanimously” believed in the “real presence” of Christ in the Eucharist, but we also provide evidence of the rewriting and reinterpreting of the primitive, Biblical, apostolic liturgy in favor of the late 4th century novel Roman Catholic liturgy. Faced with the stark contrast between the early, apostolic liturgy in which a Eucharistic tithe sacrifice was offered prior to the consecration of the elements, and the later 4th century and medieval liturgy of Roman Catholicism in which the Eucharistic mass sacrifice was offered after the consecration of the elements, scholars, apologists, translators and theologians have reinterpreted and rewritten the early liturgy to make it consistent with the later. To do this, they repeatedly rewrite, translate and interpret the early liturgy in such a way as to collapse the Eucharistic tithe offering into the consecration—the epiclesis—making it appear that the early Church’s Eucharistic tithe offering was actually a liturgical offering of consecrated bread and wine—Christ’s body and blood—to the Father. The early church absolutely did not do this, and it was not until the latter part of the 4th century that the superstitious, idolatrous, abominable Roman mass sacrifice emerged. Unable to explain the discontinuity, scholars and theologians simply assumed that whatever was taught at the end of the 4th century must be what the early writers meant. We provide evidence of the rewriting of the early liturgy to force it to comport with the medieval liturgy. And thus, the foolish, the ignorant, the superstitious and the simple are misled into thinking the apostolic and subapostolic church offered the abominable Roman Catholic sacrifice of the mass. Marcus Grodi is just one of millions to fall for the lie.Show Notes:Marcus Grodi: The Early Church Fathers I Never Saw - The Journey Home (3-19-2007)The “Sacrifice of the Mass” originally referred to the tithe offering, because unbelievers, the backslidden and the unconverted were dismissed just before the tithe was to be offered. The tithe offering came to be known as the sacrifice of the dismissal, the sacrifice of the “mass”.Athanasius, Against the Arians, part 1, chapter 2, paragraph 28 (341 AD), “And how could it be that Oblations were offered when catechumens were within ? For if there were catechumens present, it was not yet the time for presenting the Oblations.”Justin Martyr, First Apology, 65 (155 AD) “But we, after we have thus washed him who has been convinced and has assented to our teaching, bring him to the place where those who are called brethren are assembled, in order that we may offer hearty prayers…”Hippolytus, Anaphora, chapter 20 (215 AD), “Those who are to be baptized are not to bring any vessel, only that which each brings for the eucharist. It is indeed proper that each bring the oblation in the same hour.”The primitive liturgy of the church was a Eucharistic thank offering (the tithe), followed by an apostolic Amen, followed by a consecration of bread and wine taken from the Eucharist, followed by a meal. A Eucharist. An Amen. A Consecration. A meal.1 Corinthians 14:16 “Else when thou shalt bless with the spirit, how shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Amen at thy giving of thanks, seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest?”Justin Martyr, First Apology, 65-66 (155 AD) “And when he has concluded the prayers and thanksgivings (eucharistian), all the people present express their assent by saying Amen. … so likewise have we been taught that the eucharisted food is made into the body and blood of Christ by the prayer of his word [the consecration]” (more on this below) (Note: the Greek is found in Migne, PG vol 6, cols 428-429).Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, letter [9] to Bishop Sixtus of Rome (254-258 AD) [Note: it is epistle IV in Migne’s series on the greek fathers; the letter is also recorded in Eusebius, Church History, Book 7, Chapter 9, where he refers to it as epistle VI]: “For I should not dare to renew afresh, after all, one who had heard the giving of thanks, and who had answered with others Amen; who had stood at the holy table, and had stretched forth his hands to receive the blessed food, and had received it, and for a very long time had been a partaker of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ.”The consecration in the primitive liturgy was simply the words of Christ spoken over the bread and wine at the Last Supper: this is My body, broken for you, this is My blood, shed for you.Justin Martyr, First Apology, 66 (155 AD) “…but in like manner as Jesus Christ our Saviour, having been made flesh by the Word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation, so likewise have we been taught that the eucharisted food by the prayer of His word, becomes the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh. For the apostles, in the memoirs composed by them, which are called Gospels, have thus delivered unto us what was enjoined upon them; that Jesus took bread, and when He had given thanks, said, "This do in remembrance of Me, this is My body;" and that, after the same manner, having taken the cup and given thanks, He said, "This is My blood;" and gave it to them alone.”Irenæus, Against Heresies, Book IV, Chapter 17 (174-189 AD) “He took that created thing, bread, and gave thanks, and said, "This is My body." And the cup likewise, which is part of that creation to which we belong, He confessed to be His blood…”Irenæus, Against Heresies, Book V, Chapter 2, paragraph 3 (174-189 AD), “When, therefore, the mingled cup and the manufactured bread receives the Word of God, and the Eucharist becomes the blood and the body of Christ .…”Tertullian, Against Marcion, Book IV, chapter 40 (208 AD), “Then, having taken the bread and given it to His disciples, He made it His own body, by saying, "This is my body” ….”In the early liturgy, the consecration was spoken after the bread had been distributed, or as the bread and wine were being distributed.Justin Martyr, First Apology, 67 (155 AD) “…and the president in like manner offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people assent, saying Amen; and there is a distribution to each, and a participation of that over which thanks have been given…”Tertullian, Against Marcion, Book IV, chapter 40 (208 AD), “Then, having taken the bread and given it to His disciples, He made it His own body, by saying, "This is my body” ….”Origen, Against Celsus, Book VIII (248 AD), “But we give thanks to the Creator of all, and, along with thanksgiving and prayer for the blessings we have received, we also eat the bread presented to us; and this bread becomes by prayer a sacred body, which sanctifies those who sincerely partake of it.”Cornelius, Bishop of Rome, letter to Fabian of Antioch (251-253 AD) [Recorded in Eusebius, Church History, Book 6, chapter 43], ““For when he has made the offerings and distributed a part to each man, as he gives it he compels the wretched man to swear in place of the blessing…”Ignatius of Antioch, To the Smyrnæans, paragraph 7 (107 AD), “They abstain from the Eucharist and from prayer, because they confess not the Eucharist to be the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which suffered for our sins, and which the Father, of His goodness, raised up again.” When understood in the context of the early liturgy—in which unbelievers were not allowed to participate in the Eucharist, the Eucharist was the tithe offering, the consecration was not spoken until after the Eucharist had been distributed to the participant, and the consecration was the simple recitation of “This is My body, broken for you… This is My blood, shed for you”—Ignatius’ words speak not of a conviction of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, but rather of the gnostic’s unwillingess to speak the words of consecration over the Eucharisted bread.Justin Martyr, First Apology, 65-66 (155 AD), “And when the president has given thanks, and all the people have expressed their assent, those who are called by us deacons give to each of those present to partake of the bread and wine mixed with water over which the thanksgiving was pronounced … . And this food is called among us Eucharist, of which no one is allowed to partake but the man who believes that the things which we teach are true, and who has been washed with the washing that is for the remission of sins, and unto regeneration, and who is so living as Christ has enjoined. … we been taught that by the prayer of His word [the consecration], the eucharisted food (ευχαριστηθείσαν τροφην) becomes the flesh and blood of Jesus.” When understood in the context of the early liturgy, in which unbelievers were not allowed to participate in the Eucharist, the Eucharist was the tithe offering, and the consecration was not spoken until after the Eucharist had been distributed to the participants, Justin’s words are understood not to refer to a conviction that the Eucharistic prayer changes the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, but rather that the unconverted were dismissed from the liturgy before the Eucharistic prayer over the tithe, and the words of consecration were then spoken over the bread and wine that had already been “eucharisted.”Ignatius of Antioch, To the Romans, paragraph 7 (107 AD)Ignatius of Antioch, To the Trallians, paragraph 8 (107 AD)Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, Chapter 70 (155-167 AD)“Now it is evident, that in this prophecy [allusion is made] to the bread which our Christ gave us to eat, in remembrance of His being made flesh for the sake of His believers, for whom also He suffered; and to the cup which He gave us to drink, in remembrance of His own blood, with giving of thanks.”Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, Chapters 109- 124 (155-167 AD)“Now, that prayers and giving of thanks, when offered by worthy men, are the only perfect and well-pleasing sacrifices to God, I also admit.”Irenæus, Against Heresies, Book IV, Chapter 18, paragraph 5 (174-189 AD)“…that as bread from the earth, receiving the summons (έκκλησιν) of God, is no longer common bread but an Eucharist composed of two things, both an earthly and an heavenly one; so also our bodies, partaking of the Eucharist, are no longer corruptible, having the hope of Eternal Resurrection.” (Keble, 361) [Here Irenæus says we partake of the Eucharist, but by, implication only after the Eucharist is consecrated (see Book V, chapter 2, below), and that it was already the Eucharist when it was first summoned by the Lord for the tithe. Irenæus has established a parallel to make a point—when the bread is summoned for a tithe, it becomes heavenly, and not just earthly, for, though earthly, it is now set apart for heavenly purposes; so too, we though earthly, are set apart for a heavenly destiny when we receive the consecrated bread. Notable, indeed, that the bread becomes the Eucharist —taking on twin realities—when it is summoned for a tithe, not when it is consecrated. We will discuss the variance between Keble’s translation and Schaff’s below.]Irenæus, Fragment 37 (late 2nd century)“And therefore the oblation (προσφορα, offering) of the Eucharist is not a carnal one, but a spiritual; and in this respect it is pure. For we make an oblation (προσφερομεν, offering) to God of the bread and the cup of blessing, giving Him thanks in that He has commanded the earth to bring forth these fruits for our nourishment. And then, when we have perfected (τελέσαντες, completed, finished) the oblation (προσφοραν, offering), we invoke the Holy Spirit, that He may exhibit (αποφηνη, apophene) this sacrifice (την θυσιαν, the sacrifice, not this sacrifice), both the bread the body of Christ, and the cup the blood of Christ, in order that the receivers of these antitypes (αντιτυπων) may obtain remission of sins and life eternal.” Clement of Alexandria, The Instructor, Book I, chapter 6 (202 AD)“Elsewhere the Lord, in the Gospel according to John, brought this out by symbols (συμβολων), when He said: ‘Eat my flesh, and drink my blood;’ describing distinctly by metaphor (allegories, αλληγορων) the drinkable properties of faith and the promise, by means of which the Church, like a human being consisting of many members, is refreshed and grows, is welded together and compacted of both — of faith, which is the body, and of hope, which is the soul; as also the Lord of flesh and blood”Tertullian, Against Marcion, Book IV, chapter 40 (208 AD)“Then, having taken the bread and given it to His disciples, He made it His own body, by saying, "This is my body” that is, the figure of my body.”Hippolytus, Anaphora, chapter 38 (215 AD)“Having blessed the cup in the Name of God, you received it as the antitype of the Blood of Christ.”Origen, Homilies on Numbers, Homily 7, paragraph 2: “At that time the manna was food ‘in an enigma,’ but now, ‘in reality,’ the flesh of the Word of God is ‘true food,’ just as he himself says: ‘My flesh is truly food and my blood is truly drink.’ [John 6:55].”Origen, Homilies on Numbers: Homily 23, paragraph 6:“…doctrinal and solid words that are brought forth in a way that is filled with faith in the Trinity, … All these things are the flesh of the Word of God.”Origen, Homilies on Exodus, Homily 13:“I wish to admonish you with examples from your religious practices. You who are accustomed to take part in divine mysteries know, when you receive the body of the Lord, how you protect it with all caution and veneration lest any part fall from it, lest anything of the consecrated gift be lost. For you believe, and correctly, that you are answerable if anything falls from there by neglect. But if you are so careful to preserve his body, and rightly so, how do you think that there is less guilt to have neglected God’s word than to have neglected his body?”Roman Catholics wish to use this citation from Origen to show evidence of a belief in the “real presence” of Christ in the consecrated bread and wine. The problem is, Hippolytus shows the same reverence for consecrated bread because of what it symbolizes:Hippolytus, Anaphora, chapter 38 (215 AD)“Having blessed the cup in the Name of God, you received it as the antitype of the Blood of Christ. Therefore do not spill from it, for some foreign spirit to lick it up because you despised it.”And Tertullian shows the same reverence for unconsecrated bread and wine just because of what it could be used to symbolize:Tertullian, The Chaplet, Chapter 3“We feel pained should any wine or bread, even though our own, be cast upon the ground.”If Tertullian is careful not to spill bread and wine because of what they could symbolize, and Hippolytus is careful with consecrated wine because of what it does symbolize, Origen’s care for the consecrated bread can hardly be used to prove an early belief in the “real presence” of Christ in the consecrated bread.Cyprian of Carthage, Epistle 57, paragraph 4 (254 - 257 AD) (note that by “present a person in the offerings” Cyprian means “to commemorate that person in the offerings):“But I and my colleagues, and all the brotherhood, send this letter to you in the stead of us, dearest brother; and setting forth to you by our letter our joy, we express the faithful inclination of our love here also in our sacrifices and our prayers, not ceasing to give thanks to God the Father, and to Christ His Son our Lord; … For the victim which affords an example to the brotherhood both of courage and of faith, [ought to be offered up when the brethren are present.”Cyprian of Carthage, Epistle 62, paragraph 7 (254 - 257 AD) (note that Cyprian says we could not drink Christ’s blood until after the cross—which means He could not have given His disciples His blood to drink the night before He died):“The treading also, and pressure of the wine-press, is repeatedly dwelt on; because just as the drinking of wine cannot be attained to unless the bunch of grapes be first trodden and pressed, so neither could we drink the blood of Christ unless Christ had first been trampled upon and pressed, and had first drunk the cup of which He should also give believers to drink.”Catholic Encyclopedia, Cyprian of Carthage“We have always to remember that his experience as a Christian was of short duration, that he became a bishop soon after he was converted, and that he had no Christian writings besides Holy Scripture to study besides those of Tertullian.”Aphrahat of Persia, Demonstration 12, On the Passover (mid-4th century)“Our Saviour ate the Passover sacrifice with his disciples during the night watch of the fourteenth. He offered to his disciples the sign of the true Passover sacrifice.” (chapter 6)“The Passover of the Jews is on the day of the fourteenth…. [but] Our day of great suffering, however, is Friday, the fifteenth day. … our great day is Friday.” (chapter 8)Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechetical Lecture 23, paragraph 20 (350 AD)“Trust not the judgment to your bodily palate no, but to faith unfaltering; for they who taste are bidden to taste, not bread and wine, but the anti-typical Body and Blood of Christ.”Gregory of Nazianzen, Oration 2, paragraph 95 (361 AD)“Since then I knew these things, and that no one is worthy of the mightiness of God, and the sacrifice, and priesthood, who has not first presented himself to God, a living, holy sacrifice, and set forth the reasonable, well-pleasing service, Romans 12:1 and sacrificed to God the sacrifice of praise and the contrite spirit, which is the only sacrifice required of us by the Giver of all; how could I dare to offer to Him the external sacrifice, the antitype of the great mysteries, or clothe myself with the garb and name of priest, before my hands had been consecrated by holy works; before my eyes had been accustomed to gaze safely upon created things, with wonder only for the Creator, and without injury to the creature;”Gregory of Nazianzen, Oration 45, paragraph 23 (381 AD)“Now we will partake of a Passover which is still typical; though it is plainer than the old one.”Macarius, The Elder (the Egyptian), Homily 27, paragraph 17“in the church bread and wine should be offered, the symbol (ἀντίτυπον) of His flesh and blood, and that those who partake of the visible bread eat spiritually the flesh of the Lord, and that the apostles' and Christians receive the Paraclete, and are endued with power from on high, 2 and are filled with the Godhead, and their souls mingled with the Holy Ghost” Homily 27, paragraph 17.On the introduction of kneeling during the consecration, after centuries of it being prohibited:“Eventually kneeling became more common in public prayer with the increase of adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. … In the Eucharist we are invited to approach an even greater manifestation of God’s presence–the literal body, blood, soul, and divinity of God the Son–so it is fitting that we adopt what in our culture is one of the most reverential postures.” (Catholic Answers, Should we stand or kneel at mass? )On the introduction of communion on the tongue after centuries of receiving it in the hand:“It is certainly true that ancient usage once allowed the faithful to take this divine food in their hands and to place it in their mouths themselves. … Later, with a deepening understanding of the truth of the eucharistic mystery, of its power and of the presence of Christ in it, there came a greater feeling of reverence towards this sacrament and a deeper humility was felt to be demanded when receiving it. Thus the custom was established of the minister placing a particle of consecrated bread on the tongue of the communicant.” (Memoriale Domini: Instruction on the Manner of Distributing Holy Communion, Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship (May 29, 1969)).On the prohibition of lay reservation after centuries of the practice:“It is also true that in very ancient times they were allowed to take the Blessed Sacrament with them from the place where the holy sacrifice was celebrated. This was principally so as to be able to give themselves Viaticum in case they had to face death for their faith. … Soon the task of taking the Blessed Eucharist to those absent was confided to the sacred ministers alone, so as the better to ensure the respect due to the sacrament … .” (Memoriale Domini: Instruction on the Manner of Distributing Holy Communion, Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship (May 29, 1969)).John Henry Cardinal Newman“The acts of the fourth century .. may be fairly taken to interpret to us the dim, though definite, outlines traced in the preceding [centuries].” (John Cardinal Newman, On the Development of Christian Doctrine, chapter 4, paragraph 15). Such an assumption was necessary to explain, as Newman described it, the “want of accord between the early and the late aspects of Christianity” (Newman, On the Development of Christian Doctrine, Introduction, paragraph 20.)Rev. John Brande Morris, M .A.“[I]f there are early traces of identity of belief, they may be invisible, except to the eye of a Catholic, but perfectly clear to him. … What is intended is, not to assert that the present devotion to Mary existed in the early ages; that may be so or not: but that the principle on which it is based naturally led to it, and may be assumed to have been intended by God to lead to it.” (Rev. John Brande Morris, M .A., Jesus, the Son of Mary, 1851, pp. 25-33.)Phillip Schaff“[In Gregory of Nyssa] we have the full explanation of what Irenæus meant when he said that the elements ‘by receiving the Word of God become the Eucharist’ “. (Introduction to the Works of Cyril of Jerusalem, Chapter 7, Eucharistic Doctrine).William Wigan Harvey “…the prayer of consecration [is] mentioned by Justin Martyr in his First Apology, paragraph 65, and stated expressly by S. Basil to be something more than the simple words of Scripture.” (Harvey, W. Wigan, Sancti Irenæi Episcopi Lugdunensis, Libros Quinque Contra Haereses, volume ii, Typis Academicis, 1857, 205n.)Clement of Rome, Letter to the Corinthians, chapter 44“For our sin will not be small, if we eject from the episcopate those who have blamelessly and holily fulfilled its duties.” (Alexander Roberts, D.D. & James Donaldson, LL.D.)“Our sin will not be small if we eject from the episcopate those who blamelessly and holily have offered its Sacrifices.” (William A. Jurgens) “For our sin will not be small, if we eject from the episcopate those who have blamelessly and holily presented the offerings.” (Phillip Schaff)The original Greek is actuall “προσενεγκοντας τα δωρα” which literally translates as “offered the gifts.” (Migne, P.G. vol I, col 300)Justin MartyrDialogue with Trypho, Chapters 109- 124 (155-167 AD)“Now, that prayers and giving of thanks [ευχαριστιαι], when offered by worthy men, are the only perfect and well-pleasing sacrifices to God, I also admit. For such alone Christians have undertaken to offer, and in the remembrance effected by their solid and liquid food, whereby the suffering of the Son of God which He endured is brought to mind” (Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, chapter 117). (Migne, P.G. vol VI, col 745)First Apology, 13 (155 AD)“[Him] we praise to the utmost of our power by the exercise of prayer and thanksgiving (ευχαριστιας) for all things wherewith we are supplied, as we have been taught that the only honour that is worthy of Him is not to consume by fire what He has brought into being for our sustenance, but to use it for ourselves and those who need, and with gratitude to Him to offer thanks by word of processions and to send forth hymns (gr: διά λόγου πομπάς και ύμνους πέμπειν; la: rationalibus eum pompis et hymnis celebrare) for our creation, and for all the means of health, and for the various qualities of the different kinds of things, and for the changes of the seasons.” (First Apology, Paragraph 13) (Migne, P.G. vol VI, col 345).Lacking the greek word, epicleses, George Reith and Marcus Dods translated “διά λόγου πομπάς” as “invocations”.First Apology, 66 (155 AD)“… we been taught that the food which is blessed by the prayer of His word … is the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh.” (Marcus Dods & George Reith)“… we have been taught that the food over which thanksgiving has been made by prayer in the word received from Him … is both the Flesh and Blood of Him the Incarnate Jesus.” (Phillip Schaff)“the food which has been made into the Eucharist by the Eucharistic prayer set down by him, … is both the flesh and the blood of that incarnated Jesus” (Catholic Answers)The original greek is “τὴν δι᾽ εὐχῆς λόγου τοῦ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ εὐχαριστηθεῖσαν τροφήν”. (Migne, P.G. vol VI, cols 428-429). Here, “the prayer of His word,” or “εὐχῆς λόγου,” which is the Consecration, is spoken over “that eucharisted food,” or “αὐτοῦ εὐχαριστηθεῖσαν τροφήν,” indicating that in Justin, the Eucharistic prayer is not the Consecration, for the Eucharistic prayer took place before the prayer of His word. But all of these translations collapse the Eucharist (thanksgiving prayer) into the epiclesis (the consecration), such that the thanksgiving prayer makes the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ.IrenæusAgainst Heresies, Book I, chapter 13, paragraph 2 (174-189 AD)“Pretending to offer the eucharist (εὐχαριστείν) in cups mingled with wine, and extending the word of invocation (ὲπικλήσεως) to unusual length…” (A Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, Anterior to the Division of the East and West, volume 42, Five Books of S. Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons Against Heresies, Rev. John Keble, M.A., translator, James Parker & Col, 1872, 41) (Migne PG vo VII, col 580).Clearly, Irenæus has the “eucharist” separate from the “invocation” or “epiclesis” or “consecration.” But Alexander Roberts and William Rambaut collapsed the Eucharist into the Epiclesis, rending it, “Pretending to consecrate (εὐχαριστείν) cups mixed with wine, and protracting to great length the word of invocation (ὲπικλήσεως) …”Against Heresies, Book IV, chapter 18, paragraph 5 (174-189 AD)“For as the bread, which is produced from the earth, when it receives the summons (“έκκλησιν (ecclisin)”), of God, is no longer common bread, but the Eucharist, consisting of two realities, earthly and heavenly” (AH.IV.18.5, emphasis added). That is what the original Greek says. Ecclesin, the Greek word for Summons, indicating the Lord summoning the tithe. When it is summoned, it takes on two realities, earthly and heavenly. (Migne, PG, vol VII, col 1028). Migne, recognizing the problem this causes for the Roman Catholic argument for transubstantiation, added a footnote indicating that even though the greek says “έκκλησιν (ecclisin, summons)”, “επικλησιν (epiclisin, invocation) is preferred”. And thus, Protestant scholars have followed suit, rendering in English something that Irenæus is known not to have said:Alexander Roberts and William Rambaut: “For as the bread, which is produced from the earth, when it receives the invocation of God, is no longer common bread, but the Eucharist, consisting of two realities, earthly and heavenly;” Harvey, W. Wigan, Sancti Irenæi Episcopi Lugdunensis, Libros Quinque Contra Haereses, volume ii, Typis Academicis, 1857, 205n-206. “επικλυσιν is evidently the reading followed by the [Latin] translator, and is that which the sense requires.” Trevor, George, The Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrifice and Participation of the Holy Eucharist. Trevor acknowledges that Irenæus used the word ecclesin instead of epiclesin, but it doesn’t matter (Trevor, 321n) because it is so clear that Irenæus was obviously talking about a symbolic oblation of Christ’s body and blood, so the sense is the same. Now citing from George Trevor, in his 1876 work, on this very paragraph of Irenæus:“It is quite plain that the New Oblation of Irenæus is a sacrifice of Bread and Wine, offered both as the first-fruits of the earth and as symbols of the Body and Blood of Christ, who is the first fruits from the dead.” (Trevor, 322)John H. McKenna, The Eucharistic Epiclesis: A Detailed History from the Patristic to the Modern Era, wonders, credulously, what Irenæus must have meant when he said the bread takes on a heavenly reality at the invocation:“Irenæus argues from the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Eucharist to the reality of the bodily resurrection: ‘ … For as the bread from the earth, receiving the invocation of God (προσλαμβανόμενος τὴν ἐπικλυσιν του Θεού) is no longer common bread…’” (Second edition, Hillenbrand Books, 2009, 46.) Yet, Irenæus did not write ἐπικλυσιν. He wrote έκκλησιν.Against Heresies, Book V, Chapter 2, paragraph 3 (174-189 AD)Alexander Roberts and William Rambaut have Irenæus saying the bread and wine become the Eucharist at the consecration:“When, therefore, the mingled cup and the manufactured bread receives the Word of God, and the Eucharist of the blood and the body of Christ is made…”But that is a mistranslation. Phillip Schaff provides this acknowledgement in the footnote: Irenæus said, rather, that the bread and wine were already the Eucharist before the consecration, and at the consecration, the bread and wine become the body of Christ:Phillip Schaff, footnote 4462“The Greek text, of which a considerable portion remains here, would give, ‘and the Eucharist becomes the body of Christ.’”Roberts’ & Rambaut’s mistranslation relies on the Latin, and obscures the fact that the Eucharist preceded the consecration, and that the bread and wine were already the Eucharist prior to the consecration.Fragment 37 (late 2nd century)“And therefore the oblation (προσφορα, offering) of the Eucharist is not a carnal one, but a spiritual; and in this respect it is pure. For we make an oblation (προσφερομεν, offering) to God of the bread and the cup of blessing, giving Him thanks in that He has commanded the earth to bring forth these fruits for our nourishment. And then, when we have perfected (τελέσαντες, completed, finished) the oblation (προσφοραν, offering), we invoke the Holy Spirit, that He may exhibit (αποφηνη, apophene), this sacrifice (την θυσιαν, THE sacrifice, not THIS sacrifice), both the bread the body of Christ, and the cup the blood of Christ, in order that the receivers of these antitypes (αντιτυπων) may obtain remission of sins and life eternal.” (Migne, PG, vol VII, col 1253)HippolytusAnaphora (215 AD)Katherine E. Harmon, Assistant Professor of Theology at Marian University in Indianapolis, IN. “My undergraduate students recently read the anaphora from a source which has been referred to as “the Apostolic Tradition according to St. Hippolytus of Rome.” Whether the students knew this lengthy title or not is unclear, as I, being a Notre Dame graduate, have taken an oath to use a heavy black marker to “x” out ruthlessly all references to Hippolytus in text books of liturgical history.” (The So-Called Apostolic Tradition of St. Hippolytus of Rome, February 12, 2105)Fragment on Proverbs 9Schaff: “‘And she hath furnished her table:’ that denotes the promised knowledge of the Holy Trinity; it also refers to His honoured and undefiled body and blood, which day by day are administered and offered sacrificially at the spiritual divine table, as a memorial of that first and ever-memorable table of the spiritual divine supper.”Not only is this anachronistic reading inconsistent with the early liturgy in general, but it is inconsistent with Hippolytus’ own liturgy (in the Anaphora) and that of his mentor, Irenæus. It is notable, as well, that Proverbs 9 is about Wisdom furnishing her table for a meal, not furnishing her table for a sacrifice. This reading in Schaff’s series on the Ante-Nicæan Fathers is surely influenced by the intentional mistranslation in Irenæus, Against Heresies, Book IV, chapter 18 in which the offering is made to take place after the epiclesis.Greek: “…και το τιμιον και αχραντον αυτου σωμα και αιμα απερ εν τη μυστικη και θεια τραπεζη καθ εκαστην επιτελουνται θυομενα εις αναμνησιν της αειμνηστου και πρωτγς εκεινης τραπεζης του μυστικου θειου δειπνου.” (Migne, PG, vol X, 628)Better English translation: “……and to His honorable and undefiled body and blood, as on the mystical and divine table each day the sacrifices have been administered, as a memorial of that first and ever-memorable table of the spiritual divine suppeThis rendering is not only consistent with Justin, who said the consecration occurs only after the food has already been offered as a Eucharist (First Apology, Chapter 66), and with Hippolytus’ mentor, Irenæus, who said the bread and wine were already the Eucharist when they were offered, but that the Eucharist becomes the body and blood of Christ at the consecration (Against Heresies, Book I, chapter 13; Book IV, chapter 17-18, Book V, chapter 2), but also with Hippolytus himself, who said that the bread and wine are offered along with cheese, oil, and olives in the Eucharist, but that the bread and wine do not become the body and blood of Christ until the consecration is spoken over them. Thus, consistent with the testimony of the early church, the body and blood of Christ are present on the “spiritual and divine table” every day the sacrifices are administered, but the body and blood of Christ are not what is offered.Additionally, this reading is consistent with Proverbs 9 which Hippolytus was expounding. His only point is that consecrated bread and wine are on the table, and thus Wisdom has furnished her table. But according to the early liturgy, when are the consecrated bread and wine on the table? They are on the table every day that the sacrifices have been administered, because the Supper is always preceded by the Eucharist.Gregory of NazianzenOration 18 (374 AD)Paragraph 20“Who was more sympathetic in mind, more bounteous in hand, towards the poor, that most dishonoured portion of the nature to which equal honour is due? For he actually treated his own property as if it were another's, … . This is what most men do: they give indeed, but without that readiness, which is a greater and more perfect thing than the mere offering.” Paragraph 25““How could anyone be more conclusively proved to be good, and worthy to offer the gifts (δωρα) to God?” (Migne, PG vol 35, col 1016)Oration 45 (381 AD)Paragraph 30“But, O Pascha, great and holy and purifier of all the world — for I will speak to you as to a living person — O Word of God and Light and Life and Wisdom and Might — for I rejoice in all Your names — O Offspring and Expression and Signet of the Great Mind; O Word conceived and Man contemplated, Who bearest all things, binding them by the Word of Your power; receive this discourse, not now as firstfruits, but perhaps as the completion of my offerings, a thanksgiving, and at the same time a supplication, that we may suffer no evil beyond those necessary and sacred cares in which our life has been passed; and stay the tyranny of the body over us; (You see, O Lord, how great it is and how it bows me down) or Your own sentence, if we are to be condemned by You. But if we are to be released, in accordance with our desire, and be received into the Heavenly Tabernacle, there too it may be we shall offer You acceptable Sacrifices upon Your Altar, to Father and Word and Holy Ghost; for to You belongs all glory and honour and might, world without end.” [These sacrifices are begin offered to Christ, and to the Godhead. Obviously, the sacrifice is not Christ’s body and blood."]Oration 18 (374 AD)Paragraph 29“Then, after adding the customary words of thanksgiving [της ευχαριστιας], and after blessing the people, he retired again to his bed, and after taking a little food, and enjoying a sleep, he recalled his spirit, and, his health being gradually recovered, on the new day of the feast, as we call the first Sunday after the festival of the Resurrection, he entered the temple and inaugurated his life which had been preserved, with the full complement of clergy, and offered the sacrifice of thanksgiving.” [Migne, Migne PG, vol 35, col 1021]. This is obviously a Eucharist offering of unconsecrated food. Nevertheless, Migne adds in a footnote the interpretation of Jacobus Billius, noting that “after adding the customary words of thanksgiving [της ευχαριστιας]”, which really only indicate that the Eucharistic prayers have been interrupted, can be understood to mean, “that the consecration is completed” [“vel ea intelligi posse, quibus consecratio perficitur”], demonstrating the propensity of the scholars to collapse the Eucharist into the Epiclesis.

e.s.t. - Viaticum ACT | Enero 2, 2005 1 Tide Of Trepidation 7:12 2 Eighty-Eight Days In My Veins 8:22 3 The Well-Wisher 3:47 4 The Unstable Table & The Infamous Fable 8:32 5 Viaticum 6:51 6 In The Tail Of Her Eye 6:55 7 Letter From The Leviathan 6:56 8 A Picture Of Doris Travelling With Boris 5:40 9 What Though The Way May Be Long 6:20 Esbjörn Svensson - Piano Dan Berglund - Double Bass Magnus Öström - Drums Recorded and mixed by Janne Hansson at Atlantis Studios, Stockholm between August 30 and October 11, 2004

Thank you all so much for listening to our little podcast! I think you’re all the best and I love being able to have tea with you every week. If you’re enjoying these episodes, I’d love to hear from you! You can send me a note on twitter @teawithtolkien or simply capture a moth and whisper a message to me and I’m sure it will deliver that right along, agh okay not really.Today we’re going to having a bit of a topical discussion on the subject of Lembas! As well as looking at the Catholic influences behind this, the lovely waybread of the Elves.We’re first introduced to Lembas in The Fellowship of the Ring when the Fellowship is leaving Lothlorien. As they prepare to set off, Galadriel presents them with several gifts-- both for each individual and the company as a whole. One of these gifts is a bunch of Lembas.A tiny bit of backstory here because I just learned this as I was preparing for this episode and I t5hought it was cool: Lembas was actually first made by Yavanna, one of the Queens of the Valar, the same that made the Ents, and the recipe was eventually passed down to Galadriel. It’s actually made out of a special corn grown that had grown in Aman. It was also an Elven custom, apparently, that only women should bake it so sorry boys! I should also note that it is extremely rare that Lembas is given to any non-Elves so this occasion of the Fellowship receiving large quantities of it is quite important.Gimli mistakes it for ‘cram’ but is pleasantly surprised that it’s actually very lovely!The elves explain basically what it is, how to care for it, and so on…“Eat a little at a time, and only at need. For these things are given to serve you when all else fails. The cakes will keep sweet for many many days, if they are unbroken and left in their leaf-wrappings, as we have brought them. One will keep a traveler on his feet for a day of long labour, even if he be one of the tall Men of Minas Tirith.”After this chapter, we see Lembas carries throughout the rest of the story, even as the fellowship has broken, all the way to Mordor -- just makes me wanna cry thinking about it.One of my favorite things that you can sort of pull out of The Lord of the Rings and bring to life in our own world is Lembas. Tolkien goes to a lot of detail to describe it, so it’s really the sort of thing that we can actually bake ourselves and feel like we’re eating alongside the Fellowship. Even if we might have realized just two seconds ago that Lembas is actually a corn-based cake and I’ve been using wheat flour and almonds this whole time! But that’s okay!Two years ago, I came up with a recipe based on my own interpretation of Lembas and I’m quite fond of it and I’ll add a link to it in the show notes if anyone else is interested.It’s basically like a cookie but it’s not very sweet, maybe we would call it a biscuit, and in it we’ve got honey, almonds, orange, and lavender among other things. And of course, it’s very good with tea!So how does the Eucharist fit into this?One of the first hints of Catholicism in The Lord of the Rings that I picked up on after my conversion was Lembas.Of all the Catholic parallels in Tolkien’s writings, Lembas bread is perhaps the strongest as it bears a striking resemblance to the Eucharist (also known as communion).Tolkien acknowledges this similarity in Letter 213 when he writes about different instances of readers pointing out his Catholic influence, “Another saw in waybread (lembas)=viaticum and the reference to its feeding the will and being more potent when fasting, a derivation from the Eucharist…”While not allegorical, of course, several characteristics of the Elvish way bread are reminiscent of the Eucharist, so it is worth spending a little time reflecting on its role in the story of Middle-Earth.So when given to a person near to or in danger of death, the Eucharist is called Viaticum (meaning in Latin: ‘provision for a journey’). Similarly, Lembas is called way bread by the Elves, and is given to the members of the Fellowship as they embark on their perilous quest.In Book III, Chapter II, Aragorn, Legolas, and Gimli are following after the group of Orcs that had captured Merry and Pippin. Tolkien writes, “Often in their hearts they thanked the Lady of Lorien for the gift of lembas, for they could eat of it and find new strength even as they ran.”A person cannot receive the Eucharist while in a state of mortal sin without placing themselves in grave danger. Similarly, Gollum cannot eat Lembas and is actually harmed by it. Lembas is also considered more ‘potent’ when it is a person’s sole sustenance, which can be seen as a nod to the Catholic fast before receiving Communion.And like Lembas must be eaten daily, it is recommended to that Catholics receive the Eucharist often.In Lembas, the hobbits find renewed strength of spirit and body, often being reminded of home or safer times. Tolkien wrote, in Letter 55, of receiving Communion as “a fleeting glimpse of an unfallen world…’Similarly, Merry remarks to Pippin that Lembas “does put heart into you! A more wholesome sort of feeling, too...” And the Elves themselves say that it is “more strengthening than any food made by Man.”In The Return of the King, as Frodo and Sam are almost to the end of their journey, Tolkien writes, “The lembas had a virtue without which they would long ago have lain down to die… it fed the will, and it gave strength to endure, and to master sinew and limb beyond the measure of mortal kind.”Catholics believe the Eucharist is the Body, Blood, Soul and Divinity of Our Lord Jesus Christ — in which He is truly present. While there is no such parallel within Lembas, its power of nourishment for both body and soul speaks to the influence of the Eucharist on Tolkien’s life.Tolkien wrote of the Eucharist often in his letters, which were compiled and published 1981 - a book, as always, I highly recommend adding to your bookshelf.He referred to it as ‘the one great thing to love on earth’, recommending it as ‘the only cure for sagging or fainting faith’.If you’d like to read more of his thoughts on his faith and the Eucharist, I’d recommend letters 43, 55, 89, 213, and especially 250 — available in “The Letters of J.R.R. Tolkien” edited by Humphrey Carpenter.I wanted to share two quotes from these letters:In this one, Letter 43, Tolkien is writing to his son Michael,“Out of the darkness of my life, so much frustrated, I put before you the one great thing to love on earth: the Blessed Sacrament. . . . There you will find romance, glory, honour, fidelity, and the true way of all your loves on earth, and more than that: Death: by the divine paradox, that which ends life, and demands the surrender of all, and yet by the taste—or foretaste—of which alone can what you seek in your earthly relationships (love, faithfulness, joy) be maintained, or take on that complexion of reality, of eternal endurance, which every man’s heart desires.Later, in Letter 250, also to Michael, he writes:"The only cure for sagging or fainting faith is Communion. Though always itself, perfect and complete and inviolate, the Blessed Sacrament does not operate completely and once for all in any of us. Like the act of Faith it must be continuous and grow by exercise. Seven times a week is more nourishing than seven times at intervals.”One of the coolest parts of Catholicism in my opinion is that not only can we receive the Eucharist during Mass, but we can also participate in something called Eucharistic Adoration.This is when the consecrated host is placed in a neat sort of holder called a monstrance and it’s displayed, often in an adoration chapel or maybe even in the regular church building for special occasions, and anyone can just come and sit in the presence of our Lord.Someone asked on Twitter the other day if you need to be catholic to visit an adoration chapel and I was so excited to hear this question honestly because you totally don’t have to be catholic at all! I know a lot of people have found a lot of peace within adoration, even if they don’t really believe in the Catholic teaching that the sacrament is truly Christ present. So if you’ve ever want to attend adoration but weren’t sure about it, you should totally find one nearby and go!Whenever I feel like everything around me is chaos or I’m struggling with feeling low, I try to run to the Blessed Sacrament as often as I can. A few weeks ago I was in kind of a bad place mentally and so I was able to drive down to adoration every night after my husband came home for a week. That kind of peace and quiet and dedicated alone time in prayer helped pull me out of a pretty dark place and so if you are at all able to, I really really highly 10/10 recommend it.Catholics refer to the Eucharist as the source and summit of the Christian life, and so I’ve been trying to really anchor myself around this and cling to this truth when I’m kinda feeling like Frodo and Sam on the slopes of Mount Doom.So to bring it all back together, I just wanted to share how once again learning something more about Tolkien had led me on another winding path into the depths of Catholicism!I love so much how devoted Tolkien was to the Eucharist and it’s such a balm for my soul to see it, even just in a small way, reflected in Lembas.I’ll talk to you all next week, but until then I’ll be on twitter and instagram (but mostly twitter) @teawithtolkien…You might have heard me mention that after hosting my own hobbit parties for the past 7 or 8 years, I’m working on putting together all of my ideas and tips into one resource for all of you! It will be available probably within the next month but instead of selling it on my website, I’m going to first make it available for free to all of my patrons so if you’d like to sign up to become a patron of Tea with Tolkien you can head to patreon.com/teawithtolkien.The guide won’t be available for purchase on its own until probably August or September otherwise.Thank you so much for hanging out and having tea with me today!Just another reminder that I’ll include the Lembas recipe in the show notes if you’d like to make a batch of your own. The recipe makes a ton because it was meant for Hobbit Party prep, but I cut it all in half yesterday when I wanted to make a smaller batch and it turned out perfectly so you can feel free to to do that as well.I hope you all have a lovely week and we’ll be back next Tuesday for an exciting interview that I can’t wait to share with you!Resources & Links:Lembas Recipe by Tea with Tolkien“The Letters of JRR Tolkien”Tea with Tolkien on Patreon

Um comentário em torno do texto "Os votos do estoico" (The Stoic Pledge), de Massimo Pigliucci, tal como traduzido no blog devitastoica.com. Trata-se de um episódio-piloto do que virá a ser um podcast dedicado a aplicações contemporâneas da filosofia estoica.

El próximo 14 de junio se cumple el décimo aniversario del fallecimiento, en un desgraciado accidente cuando practicaba submarinismo, del pianista Esbjörn Svensson. En 2018 el sello ACT (en el que el grupo sueco publicó la práctica totalidad de su discografía), pone en circulación el doble CD titulado e.s.t. live in london, en el que recoje un concierto al completo del trío sueco en 2005, perteneciente a la gira de presentación de Viaticum. La grabación sirve para seguir lamentando la enorme pérdida que supuso que Svensson nos dejase tan pronto y tan joven, y para poner en valor tanto la enorme calidad del trío (que completaban Dan Berglund, Magnus Öström y el técnico de sonido y encargado de la grabación Ake Linton), así como la de Viaticum (un enorme éxito en su momento). En HDO 410 escuchamos, sin solución de continuidad, el inicio de ese magnífico concierto. Tomajazz: © Pachi Tapiz, 2018 HDO es un podcast de jazz e improvisación (libre en mayor o menor grado) que está editado, presentado y producido por Pachi Tapiz. Para quejas, sugerencias, protestas, peticiones, presentaciones y/u opiniones envíanos un correo a hdo @ tomajazz . com.

Ref.: Diakon Werner Kießig, Brandenburg a.d. Havel

Download | Subscribe (Free) In this episode, Reverend Gibson and Johnny time travel from the Epiphany to the baptism of an adult Jesus by John The Baptist. This act is seen as the event that starts Jesus's earthly ministry. Have you ever wondered why the Son of God needed to be baptized? What does his baptism signify and how is it relevant in today's world and worship. Our baptism was the full inclusion in the Church and the gateway to everything in the Church for all of us. Join Beverly and Johnny as we take an in-depth look the inward and outward elements of this sacrament, sign and gift of God's grace - baptism. Help support Pulpit To Pew with our Patreon campaign Click to read Rev. Gibson's full worship notes What you will hear:> What is Epiphany and why we observe this day > Downtown Abbey and Johnny's education of Epiphany and 12th Night > Fast forward of Jesus's birth to immediately his baptism by John The Baptist > The ministry of Jesus was short - maybe 5-7 years > Why did Jesus need to be baptized? > His baptism of the ever present lesser/greater message > His baptism is an example that it serves all and Jesus model as a Servant King > His baptism is a fulfillment of Old Testament prophecy and John The Baptist prophecy and mission > His baptism is the initial coming of the Holy Spirit and it started with the one - Jesus > Baptism was Jesus's first gift > Baptism is the gateway to everything else > Baptism is full inclusion in the Church > Why do we baptize children? > Jesus was always sure to check off the boxes of fulfilling Jewish Prophecy > What is a sacrament? > Baptism and Eucharist is seen by the Church to be essential in people's lives > What's "sacramental" and what does it represent? > "Sacramental" as slang and use by lay people concerning secular things > Last Rights as an obligation and Beverly shares a touching story of a recent use of oil during an Unction visit > Johnny needs "unction" defined? > Go out into the world and be an example of God's grace and love > Our mission to take God out of the Church and through the doors into the real world > Viaticum defined as food for the journey > Why it's been uncomfortable for Johnny to invite others to join him at Christ Church Cathedral > Johnny recommends a positive book called A Curious Mind by Brian Grazer > Reverend Beverly Gibson recommends to give the podcast Backlisted a listen to be inspired Weekly Readings:   Isaiah 42:1-9 Acts 10:34-43 Matthew 3:13-17   What do you think about Pulpit To Pew?
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**Today's host(s):** Scot Landry and Fr. Chris O'Connor **Today's guest(s):** Chris Carmody, Religion Teacher at St. Mary High School, Lynn, and Youth Minister Coordinator at Immaculate Conception Church, Salem * [Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium](http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_const_19641121_lumen-gentium_en.html) **Today's topics:** Vatican II document Lumen Gentium **Summary of today's show:** Chris Carmody joins Scot and Fr. Chris to discuss the 2nd Vatican Council's Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, Lumen Gentium, and its groundbreaking look inward that helped the Church address the modern world in new ways and opened up a new understanding of the laity's role in the Church. **1st segment:** Scot welcomed Fr. Chris back to the show and said they've been planning to discuss the various documents of the Second Vatican Council and today they will be discussing Lumen Gentium, the dogmatic constitution on the Church in the World. Fr. Chris said this is the constitution for the Church and Pope John Paul and OPope Benedict have always referred to this document on a regular basis. Unlike all the other councils in the Church, this was the first that wasn't called to address a heresy or combat a schism. It was called to take a look at where the Church has been and where it is heading. Pope John XXIII said, "Let's open the windows and let in the fresh air." There was no other agenda. Scot said there were 21 coun cils in the history of the Church and the previous one was Vatican I in the 1870s. Fr. Chris said the Vatican Council was a continuity and a renewal. It was designed to capture who we are and what we are about. He also noted that Pope John Paul and Pope Benedict were young scholars at the Second Vatican Council and had key roles in shaping the council. Fr. Chris said the Church has occasionally called all the bishops of the world together in ecumenical council. He said some scholars said this may have been the first truly ecumenical council with bishops from all over the world contributing for the first time. More than 2,600 bishops were at the council, as well as other experts and observers from other Christian denominations. Scot noted that most of the meetings took place inside St. Peter's Square with all the thousands of attendees during all these meetings. **2nd segment:** Scot welcomed Chris back to the show. Before Easter, he was on the show to talk about the Hunger for Justice pilgrimage for youth on Good Friday and Holy Saturday. He's been studying in the Masters of Arts in Ministry and will be transferring to the Masters of Arts in Theological Studies at the Theological Institute for the New Evangelization. He has always loved studying theology from his days as an undergrad at Franciscan University of Steubenville. He found the course on Vatican II to be valuable because he'd never had a chance to read through the documents themselves. Scot asked about the context of Vatican II. Fr. Chris said Pope John XXIII was originally seen as a bridge between popes and a quiet keeper of the Vatican. But he said he felt moved by the Holy Spirit to call this council. He sent out to all of the bishops of the world a blank slate and asked what they should be talking about. From that came all of these documents which began discussions at the Vatican lasting many years addressing important issues. Scot said 16 documents were the product of Vatican II. It opened in 1962 and closed in 1965 with four separate sessions. Four documents were constitutions: divine revelation, on the Church, on the Church in the modern world, and on the sacred liturgy. There were 9 decrees and three declarations on various topics. Fr. Chris said the constitution is the backbone that sets the scope for how we're going to proceed. The declaration makes a statement on a topic, what it is and why it's important. Lumen Gentium (Light of the World), on the Church, was the Church looking inward. Gaudium et Spes (Joy and Hope), the Church in the World, looks at the Church's interaction with the world. The former is dogmatic, t he latter is pastoral. Chris said before we can talk to anyone else, we need to look at who we are and that's why the Church looked internally before addressing our interaction externally. Fr. Chris said Lumen Gentium is the key document of Vatican II because it defines the Church. The other documents are in some way leading back to the Church, and so their root is in Lumen Gentium. Lumen Gentium is broken up into eight sections: the mystery of the Church, the People of God, on the hierarchical structure of the Church and in particular on the Episcopate, the Laity, the universal call to holiness, religious, the nature of the pilgrim church, and the Blessed Mother. **3rd segment:** Scot said Cardinal Cushing represented the Archdiocese of Boston at Vatican II. Fr. Chris said he was instrumental in the piece on ecumenism and interreligious dialogue. Scot said one of  the key themes is that of unity. Chris said it comes from the creed that we are one, holy, catholic, and apostolic. Within our unity, we show the unity of Christ to the world: bishops in union together and with the pope and the people in unity with their bishop. Fr. Chris said we are made in the image of God and Pope Benedict emphasizes that a key term of Vatican II is communion. God is three persons in one nature and we need to image that unity among each other. Scot recalls the image of Christianity as a team sport. We're not called to be individuals in the Church nor is the Church to be isolated from the world. We're called to be in relation, but we should be a sign of unity with each other in the kingdom of God on earth. Fr. Chris said the Mass is where we find God's Word, God's sacrament among us, and God's marching orders to us. Scot said Lumen Gentium tried to answer what is the Catholic Church in relation to the church that Jesus founded: Is it entirely the Church he founded? Chris said they concluded that we are the Church that Christ founded, but we're still working toward that goal in our unity. The document says the true Church of Christ subsists in the Catholic Church. Fr. Chris said because Christ has promised to never abandon the Church, we believe that the fullness of the Church as founded by Christ, resides in the Catholic Church, and that's where we will find holiness. Before Vatican II, some said there was no way to be saved without being a baptized and active Catholic. Fr. Chris said there are possibilities for people outside of the Church to be saved, but if you know the Church to be the fullness of salvation, then you have an obligation to give yourself to the Church and be part of the Church. Scot said the document tried to broaden the description of the Church beyond the visible and institutional. Vatican II said it also invisible. Chris said the Church is also the People of God and the Mystical Body of Christ. When we are out in the world, we are the Church, even when we are not inside the building. There is no one description that encompasses the fullness of the Church. Fr. Chris said when you look through a diamond, you see it through different prisms or angles. How do you describe a mountain to someone who's never seen one? The idea of the People of God shows that the Church is a pilgrim Church on the way to salvation. All of the members of the Church are sanctified and made holy. Scot said the document seems to endorse that there are many descriptions of the Church; that people can approach the Church with different ideas. Chris said Lumen Gentium talks about the Church as being pilgrim. The Church on earth is in communion with the Church in heaven. We are always with each other; we are not alone on the journey to heaven. **4th segment:** One of the goals of the document was to define the roles within the Church. One of those definitions looked at the relationship between the Pope and the bishops and the tension of the pope's authority versus the bishop's collegiality. Fr. Chris said the document reminds us that we're a hierarchical church. It starts with the the great reverence and respect for the Pope. He stands in the person of Christ in a primary way. He shares the teaching authority of the Church with the bishops. Vatican II recognized that each bishop has the fullness of the priesthood. A priest preaches because he shares in his bishop's ministry. Vatican II affirmed very carefully that if you're looking for the Church, look to the unity in the local diocese between bishop, priests, and laity. The parish is just a microcosm of the diocese. The bishops share a collegiality with the Pope. They are not the Pope's lieutenants. They have a primacy in their dioceses as the unifier and governor and teacher. Scot said the permanent diaconate was re-established after Vatican II and articulated in Lumen Gentium. Chris said he was surprised when he learned that there was a long period in Church history when the permanent diaconate was not part of the Church. The deacons are a great resource for the Church. Scot said Vatican II envisioned that it would be mission countries with priest shortages that would embrace this ministry, but it was Western nations that now have the most deacons. Their roles in the Church were outlined including preaching and administering certain sacraments. > It is the duty of the deacon, according as it shall have been assigned to him by competent authority, to administer baptism solemnly, to be custodian and dispenser of the Eucharist, to assist at and bless marriages in the name of the Church, to bring Viaticum to the dying, to read the Sacred Scripture to the faithful, to instruct and exhort the people, to preside over the worship and prayer of the faithful, to administer sacramentals, to officiate at funeral and burial services. Chris said one of his favorite parts is when the Church addresses the youth. The Church is ever-young despite being one of the oldest institutions in the world. >By the power of the Gospel He makes the Church keep the freshness of youth. Fr. Chris said the Church is often defined by oppositions: old and young, holy and sinful, priests and laity. No one term ever describes the Church, but must always encompass "both/and". Too many of us get into the mindset that the building is the church, but the Church is the People of God, from the Pope to the newest baptized person. Not just the laity or just the clergy, but all of us. Chris said Lumen Gentium says the "laity is here understood to mean all the faithful except those in holy orders and those in the state of religious life specially approved by the Church." They are those who live out the Christian life in the world. >[B]y their very vocation, seek the kingdom of God by engaging in temporal affairs and by ordering them according to the plan of God. They live in the world, that is, in each and in all of the secular professions and occupations. They live in the ordinary circumstances of family and social life, from which the very web of their existence is woven. They are called there by God that by exercising their proper function and led by the spirit of the Gospel they may work for the sanctification of the world from within as a leaven. In this way they may make Christ known to others, especially by the testimony of a life resplendent in faith, hope and charity. Therefore, since they are tightly bound up in all types of temporal affairs it is their special task to order and to throw light upon these affairs in such a way that they may come into being and then continually increase according to Christ to the praise of the Creator and the Redeemer. It is through baptism that all Christians share in the priesthood of Christ, in his role of prophet, and in his kingship. Scot said this priesthood means anyone who sacrifices on behalf of God. We are all called to preach, to teach, and to sanctify, in a certain way. The laity teach by witnessing in the world, they are sanctified by their prayers for one another. It's not just religious and clergy who are called to holiness, but all are. Scot said this section of Lumen Gentium was innovative and is what St. Josemaria Escriva preached. Chris said we are called to be "perfect as your Father is perfect." He finds it the hardest teaching. People believe that perfection is impossible. >In order that the faithful may reach this perfection, they must use their strength accordingly as they have received it, as a gift from Christ. They must follow in His footsteps and conform themselves to His image seeking the will of the Father in all things. They must devote themselves with all their being to the glory of God and the service of their neighbor. Fr. Chris said the Church is not a museum for saints, but a hospital for sinners. We're all on the road to holiness. But it is right that we're called to holiness because it is friendship with God and ultimate friendship with God is heaven where we gaze on the face of the Father. We say the Church is holy because Christ promised that he would never abandon the Church to make sure that what the Church teaches is true. If what the Church teaches isn't true, then Christ would be a liar. Fr. Chris emphasized the role of the Holy Spirit in the Church, animating the Church and convicting us in both our faith and in our sinfulness. The council fathers emphasized the Holy Spirit in each of our lives. **5th segment:** In this segment, we'll talk about the Blessed Mother. There was some discussion at the council about whether there should be a separate document on the Blessed Mother. Fr. Chris said we have to emphasize the role of Mary's life in each Catholic's life, but we can't overemphasize her above the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. And since there was n't a document on the Persons of the Trinity, they didn't think there should be a separate one for her. Chris said the document says Mary is the perfection and model of the Church. She is what we are working toward and she is a sure source of our hope. Scot said the role of Mary was key in the discussions in ecumenism. Fr. Chris said the Church tells us we cannot compromise the truth to please someone else and Mary is an essential element of our faith. Mary is at the two moments of the institution of the Church: At the foot of the cross where the blood and water from Christ's side and Jesus gives Mary to John, representing us; and at Pentecost when the Holy Spirit descends on the apostles. Scot said the document clarifies that Mary is our intercessor who goes to her Son to mediate our prayers. Chris said when we honor Mary, she is making known the Son to us. Her mediation doesn't remove Christ's mediation on our behalf. Fr. Chris said she is a powerful intercessor. The mother goes to her Son and begs for us. We can count on our supernatural mother being with us and to guide us through life. Next year will be the 50th anniversary of the opening of Vatican II and we will continue to revisit the documents of Vatican II between now and then.