Podcasts about Government Accountability Office

Thursday, May 29th, 2025 A federal judge STRIKES DOWN Trump's entire executive order targeting the Wilmer Hale law firm for political retribution; Judge Chutkan allows a lawsuit seeking to enjoin Elon Musk and DOGE's operations to proceed; another federal judge has ordered the release of the Russian scientist that brought inert frog embryos into the US; yet another judge blocks Trump's attempt to stop congestion pricing in New York; immigration courts are dismissing cases of those sent to El Salvador potentially cutting off their return; the Government Accountability Office rebuffs Trump's power grab; another SpaceX Starship launch fails while Musk cries about people not liking him; U-Haul bans Patriot Front nazis after they rented their trucks for a march in Kansas City; the Tate brothers have been charged with rape and sex trafficking in the UK; Nancy Mace's former staff claim she had them create burner accounts to promote her online; Trump gets mad about the Wall Street acronym TACO during a press conference; and Allison delivers your Good News. MSW Media, Blue Wave California Victory Fund | ActBlue Guest: Adam Klasfeld All Rise News All Rise News - Bluesky Adam Klasfeld (@klasfeldreports.com) - BlueSky Adam Klasfeld (@KlasfeldReports) - Twitter Federal judge on Trump DOJ's defense of orders targeting BigLaw: "Give me a break" | AllRiseNews Stories: Immigration courts are dismissing cases of those sent to El Salvador, potentially cutting off their return | NBC News US judge allows states' lawsuit against DOGE to proceed | Reuters US judge grants Russian-born Harvard scientist bail in immigration case | Reuters Judge temporarily blocks Trump from retaliating against New York over congestion toll | ABC Action News Tate brothers face rape and trafficking charges in the UK | AP News SpaceX launches another Starship rocket after back-to-back explosions, but it tumbles out of control | AP News Nancy Mace's Former Staff Claim She Had Them Create Burner Accounts to Promote Her | WIRED Trump's not happy about Wall Street's name for tariff flip-flops | POLITICO Congressional Agency Rebuffs Trump Bid to Expand Power Grab | Democracy Docket U-Haul bans Patriot Front members after trucks rented in KC for march | The Kansas City Star Reminder - you can see the pod pics if you become a Patron. The good news pics are at the bottom of the show notes of each Patreon episode! That's just one of the perks of subscribing! patreon.com/muellershewrote Listener Survey:http://survey.podtrac.com/start-survey.aspx?pubid=BffJOlI7qQcF&ver=shortFollow the Podcast on Apple:https://apple.co/3XNx7ckWant to support the show and get it ad-free and early?https://patreon.com/thedailybeanshttps://dailybeans.supercast.com/https://apple.co/3UKzKt0 Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

The Defense Department is requesting close to $30 billion in fiscal 2027 to purchase and enable next-generation AI supercomputers and modernize the military's computing infrastructure to power them. According to recently published budget documents, the Pentagon aims to build out its portfolio of highly secure data centers, and ultimately centralize and scale supercomputing assets across the joint force through its new “AI Arsenal initiative.” The fiscal 2027 proposal comes with a $29.5 billion spending plan. This proposed funding increase is up for consideration as DOD is hustling to integrate commercial AI models into battle management and warfare operations, threat detection and analyses, supply chain logistics and more. A Pentagon official told DefenseScoop: “The department's AI Arsenal initiative is an investment in foundational, government-owned AI infrastructure to maximize federal buying power and build the strategic advantage we need.” The House Small Business Committee continued its push last week to make the agency it oversees embrace artificial intelligence in its work, advancing a new AI-focused bill aimed at more transparency around those efforts. In a Wednesday markup, the committee unanimously approved the SBA Artificial Intelligence Utilization Act (H.R. 8881) from Reps. Brad Finstad, R-Minn., and George Latimer, D-N.Y. The legislation would require the Small Business Administration to provide a yearly report to Congress on its use of AI and machine learning, detailing the benefits, risks and related issues. Additional oversight on SBA's AI program from the committee comes in the wake of a Government Accountability Office report this month that called attention to years of SBA failures to comply with federal requirements on AI use case inventories. In March, the agency publicly posted its inventory — two months past the Office of Management and Budget deadline, but for the first time in SBA history nevertheless. The Daily Scoop Podcast is available every Monday-Friday afternoon. If you want to hear more of the latest from Washington, subscribe to The Daily Scoop Podcast  on Apple Podcasts, Soundcloud, Spotify and YouTube.

Photo: Alex Osif is a former coal miner who worked at the Kayenta and Black Mesa mines. (Chris Clements / KNAU) A congressional watchdog office found some miners with black lung disease face barriers in getting federal payments for their disabilities. As KNAU's Chris Clements reports, that rings true to a former coal miner and advocate on the Navajo Nation. Alex Osif (Navajo, Hopi, and Pima) was a coal miner at the Black Mesa and Kayenta mines. He says the coal companies that are on the hook for paying miners' benefits can slow the process down by not providing employment histories. “That’s the kinda complications I’m having, proving that the miner did work at a mine for so many years.” The lengthy process of applying for benefits is one issue identified by the US. Government Accountability Office in a new report. It also found many coal miners have trouble using the health benefits they are entitled to, like when they need money for transportation to doctors' appointments. “The program needs to view these operators and continue to make sure that they stand up to their promise to the miner.” To help with that issue, the report says the feds need to keep track of the medical coverage coal companies give disabled miners. Tracy Day has been missing since February 14, 2019. (Courtesy Juneau Police Department) The daughter of missing Juneau, Alaska woman Tracy Day wants people to know who her mother was beyond an MMIW rallying cry. It has been seven years since Day disappeared, and the family is still searching for answers. KTOO's Yvonne Krumrey has more. Kaelyn Schnieder says her mom was always finding new adventures for the family to go on. The house she grew up in in Sitka, Alaska was spotless and Day was taking night classes to be a nurse. Her struggles with mental health came later. “But I feel like, when she went missing, everybody was like, ‘Oh, she's living in St Vincent. And like, she's a mentally ill addict.' It was just not the way I wanted people to see her, because my mom was a wonderful parent, and she wasn't always sick.” Schneider says when she was a young child, she was the victim of child sex abuse by her friend's father. After Day found out what had happened, she blamed herself for trusting the family. Schneider believes it triggered Day's mental health issues. “It changed her brain chemistry, you know. So that's, like, the best way I could explain it.” Schneider thinks that changed the trajectory of her mother's life. Day struggled with mental illness and substance abuse, but Schneider wants people to know her mom the way she remembers her, as a dignified, even glamorous woman. “She was kind of like a diva. Like back in the day, she always had her hair done, lipstick done, nails, everything. She was always dressed so beautifully.” She was also a devoted parent and she was fun. “When she wasn't at work, we were never bored. We would go ride our bike and we would get curly fries with cheese and milkshakes, and then we would go to the duck pond and feed the ducks. And, like, she was a good, like, playful parent.” Schneider says that even through Dayʼs later mental health crises, she always stuck around and checked in with her family. “She would not take off. She's the opposite. She's like, the parent that annoys you, because they're showing up so much.” Schneider's son was born after Day went missing. He is five years old now and she is finding herself having to explain the absence. “My son, he's at that age where he's starting to question, like, ‘what happened to grandma?' And like, ‘Why is she not in your life?' And you know, like, he always asks — it's so horrible — He always asks, like, ‘Are you gonna disappear?' And like, as a mom, that is just horrible. You know that knowing that my son, like, has that thought in his head, because he knows it's a possibility.” So Schneider says, for him and for her newborn son, she will keep looking for the truth of what happened to her mom. “I really want to keep searching and talking about her case, not only for me, but also for my sons. I want them to know that people are still interested and care.” Get National Native News delivered to your inbox daily. Sign up for our daily newsletter today. Download our NV1 Android or iOs App for breaking news alerts. Check out today’s Native America Calling episode Friday, May 22, 2026 — A conversation with Native wellness advocates Chelsea Luger and Thosh Collins

Over the years, GAO's work has helped save taxpayers billions of dollars by reducing duplication, overlap and fragmentation in programs. Each year, we issue a report that highlights this work. On this episode of the Watchdog Report—we'll talk with…

The massive $67 billion merger of Dominion Energy and NextEra Energy, two of the largest utility companies in the nation, will face a regulatory gauntlet at the state and federal level amid concerns about energy affordability and rising power demand. POLITICO's Adam Aton breaks down the details of the potential merger, the difficult regulatory process ahead, and the stakes for the utility industry. Plus, the Trump administration will extend a waiver allowing the sale of Russian crude already loaded on tankers, and a new report from the Government Accountability Office said the Energy Department office charged with nuclear waste cleanup is plagued by vacancies. Adam Aton covers the politics of climate change for POLITICO's E&E News. Nirmal Mulaikal is the co-host and executive producer of POLITICO Energy.  KJ Cline is the video producer for POLITICO Energy. Matt Daily is the energy editor for POLITICO. Cyril Zaneski is executive editor of POLITICO's E&E News. Debra Kahn is the editorial director for energy and environmental coverage at POLITICO. Veronica Tejera is the deputy head of Audio/Video at POLITICO. Our theme music is by Pran Bandi. Follow the show on Apple, Spotify, Youtube and Instagram. Follow POLITICO here:    ➤ X: https://x.com/politico/ ➤ Instagram:  / politico      ➤ Facebook:  / politico   For more reporting on energy and the environment, subscribe to Power Switch, our free evening newsletter: https://www.politico.com/power-switch And for even deeper coverage and analysis, read our Morning Energy newsletter by subscribing to POLITICO Pro: https://subscriber.politicopro.com/newsletter-archive/morning-energy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A new GAO assessment looks ahead at emerging technologies where early decisions could shape how they're used and how they're governed across government. We talk through what those trends are and what Congress and agencies need to be thinking about now with GAO Chief Scientist Dr. Sterling Thomas.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

After the White House's move last year to kill Direct File, three senators are asking the congressional watchdog to examine the alternative program the Trump administration is pushing: the IRS's beleaguered Free File system. In a letter sent Sunday to acting Comptroller General Orice Williams Brown, Sens. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., Angus King, I-Maine, and Ron Wyden, D-Ore., requested a Government Accountability Office investigation into Free File, an IRS partnership with private tax prep companies. The partnership has been heavily scrutinized over the course of Free File's 20-plus-year existence, with critics pointing to scant consumer use, hidden industry costs and data privacy issues. “Due to this history of misconduct, we have serious concerns that Free File cannot efficiently, effectively, and securely serve the taxpayers who are statutorily entitled to free tax filing services,” the lawmakers wrote. Direct File, the IRS's consumer-praised free electronic filing tool, was launched in the aftermath of an April 2022 GAO report that recommended the tax agency develop new no-cost filing options. Under the Biden administration, the IRS launched a pilot program of Direct File in a dozen states in 2023, and doubled the number of participants the following year. The Trump administration quickly terminated the program, however, pointing to high costs and low user uptake during the purposefully limited pilot seasons. Federal agencies would be required to develop artificial intelligence standards and use the National Institute of Standards and Technology's AI guidelines under a bipartisan bill introduced Thursday. Led by Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., the bill would require agencies to use the Artificial Intelligence Risk Management Framework, developed by the NIST in 2023, and work with the agency in developing other consistent standards and guidelines. Reps. Zach Nunn, an Iowa Republican, and Don Beyer, a Virginia Democrat, co-sponsored the bill, with Beyer calling it “a natural starting point” to ensure agencies have the tools they need to navigate AI's complexities. “This bill lays the foundation for harnessing the power of AI for the benefit of the American people, while upholding the highest standards of accountability and transparency,” Beyer said in a statement. The bill would also direct NIST to recommend training and use the standards when acquiring any AI systems or services.

Crowell & Moring's “All Things Protest” podcast keeps you up to date on major trends in bid protest litigation, key developments in high-profile cases, and best practices in state and federal procurement. In this episode, Crowell's Christian Curran, Zachary Schroeder, and Bryan Dewan discuss a recent GAO sustain about final proposal revisions, along with two notable Federal Circuit opinions from May 2026 covering bid protest intervention and the discretion afforded to agencies in evaluating proposals.

Coming up today on the Federal Drive with Terry Gerton Growth across federal contractors averaged about 15% in 2025, according to Deltek's latest Clarity report, but that growth is showing up alongside new pressure on margins, controls and visibility Federal contractors are doing more than delivering programs, they're helping the government respond when conditions change quickly Challenging a GAO protest stay override may be getting clearer, but not any easierSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

When a contractor files a bid protest at GAO, the award usually pauses while the protest is reviewed. But recent court decisions are clarifying when agencies can override that stay and how closely judges will examine those decisions afterward. Here to help us understand the complexity of this contingency is Zach Prince, partner at Haynes Boone.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

If you enjoy this episode, we're sure you will enjoy more content like this on The Occult Rejects.  In fact, we have curated playlists on occult topics like grimoires, esoteric concepts and phenomena, occult history, analyzing true crime and cults with an occult lens, Para politics, and occultism in music. Whether you enjoy consuming your content visually or via audio, we've got you covered - and it will always be provided free of charge.  So, if you enjoy what we do and want to support our work of providing accessible, free content on various platforms, please consider making a donation to the links provided below.  Thank you and enjoy the episode!Links For The Occult Rejectshttps://linktr.ee/theoccultrejectsOccult Research Institutehttps://www.occultresearchinstitute.org/Cash Apphttps://cash.app/$theoccultrejectsVenmo@TheOccultRejectsBuy Me A Coffeebuymeacoffee.com/TheOccultRejectsPatreonhttps://www.patreon.com/TheOccultRejectsFull show-notes bibliographyCore EEG and oscillationsAbubaker, M., & Dankaerts, W. (2021). Working memory and cross-frequency coupling of neuronal oscillations. *Frontiers in Psychology, 12*, 742860.Axmacher, N., Henseler, M. M., Jensen, O., Weinreich, I., Elger, C. E., & Fell, J. (2010). Cross-frequency coupling supports multi-item working memory in the human hippocampus. *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 107*(7), 3228–3233.Jensen, O., & Mazaheri, A. (2010). Shaping functional architecture by oscillatory alpha activity: Gating by inhibition. *Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 4*, 186.Rayi, A., et al. (2022). Electroencephalogram. *StatPearls*. StatPearls Publishing.StatPearls / NCBI Bookshelf. (2024). Introduction to electroencephalography (EEG). *NCBI Bookshelf*.Theta, alpha, beta, gamma, and controlCavanagh, J. F., & Shackman, A. J. (2015). Frontal midline theta reflects anxiety and cognitive control: Meta-analytic evidence. *Journal of Physiology-Paris, 109*(1–3), 3–15.Eisma, J., et al. (2021). Frontal midline theta differentiates separate cognitive control strategies while still generalizing the need for cognitive control. *Scientific Reports, 11*, 14641.Jensen, O., Bonnefond, M., & VanRullen, R. (2012). An oscillatory mechanism for prioritizing salient unattended stimuli. *Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 16*(4), 200–206.Lundqvist, M., Herman, P., & Miller, E. K. (2018). Working memory: Delay activity, yes! Persistent activity? Maybe not. *Journal of Neuroscience, 38*(32), 7013–7019.Sleep architecture, spindles, and memoryCaporro, M., Haneef, Z., Yeh, H.-J., Mohamed, F. B., & Levin, H. S. (2012). Functional MRI of sleep spindles and K-complexes. *Clinical Neurophysiology, 123*(2), 303–309.Chen, P., Miao, X., Chen, J., et al. (2023). The devastating effects of sleep deprivation on memory: Lessons from rodent models, aging, and Alzheimer's disease. *Frontiers in Neuroscience, 17*, 1151639.Ng, T., et al. (2025). Bayesian meta-analysis reveals the mechanistic role of slow oscillation-spindle coupling in sleep-dependent memory consolidation. *eLife, 13*, RP101992.Patel, A. K., et al. (2024). Physiology, sleep stages. *StatPearls*. StatPearls Publishing.Páez, A., Gillman, S. O., Dogaheh, S. B., et al. (2025). Sleep spindles and slow oscillations predict cognition and biomarkers of neurodegeneration in mild to moderate Alzheimer's disease. *Alzheimer's & Dementia, 21*, e14424.Hypnagogia, N1, and dream incubationHorowitz, A. H., Esfahany, S., Boyle, M. R., et al. (2023). Targeted dream incubation at sleep onset increases post-sleep creative performance. *Scientific Reports, 13*, 5055.Lacaux, C., Andrillon, T., Bastoul, D., et al. (2021). Sleep onset is a creative sweet spot. *Science Advances, 7*(50), eabj5866.Meditation, prayer, chanting, and yoga nidraDatta, K., Mallick, H. N., Tripathi, M., Ahuja, G. K., & Deepak, K. K. (2022). Electrophysiological evidence of local sleep during yoga nidra practice in young male volunteers. *Frontiers in Neurology, 13*, 910794.Dobrakowski, P., Błaszkiewicz, M., & Skalski, S. (2020). Changes in the electrical activity of the brain in the alpha and theta bands during prayer and meditation. *International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17*(24), 9567.Gao, J., Leung, H. K., Wu, B. W. Y., Skouras, S., & Sik, H. H. (2019). The neurophysiological correlates of religious chanting. *Scientific Reports, 9*, 4262.Kaur, C., & Singh, P. (2015). EEG derived neuronal dynamics during meditation: Progress and challenges. *Advances in Preventive Medicine, 2015*, 614723.Lomas, T., Ivtzan, I., & Fu, C. H. Y. (2015). A systematic review of the neurophysiology of mindfulness on EEG oscillations. *Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 57*, 401–410.Hypnosis and suggestionJensen, M. P., Adachi, T., & Hakimian, S. (2015). Brain oscillations, hypnosis, and hypnotizability. *American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 57*(3), 230–253.Kirenskaya, A. V., Novototsky-Vlasov, V. Y., Chistyakov, A. V., & Zvonikov, V. M. (2011). Waking EEG spectral power and coherence differences between highly hypnotizable and low hypnotizable subjects. *International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 59*(2), 144–164.Mendoza, M. E., & Capafons, A. (2024). Neural correlates of hypnosis: A systematic narrative review. *Frontiers in Psychology, 15*, 1327738.Ritual rhythm, trance, and synchronyHuels, E. R., Kim, H. S., Lee, U., & Mollaahmetoglu, O. M. (2021). Neural correlates of the shamanic state of consciousness. *Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 15*, 610466.Mogan, R., Fischer, R., & Bulbulia, J. A. (2017). To be in synchrony or not? A meta-analysis of synchrony's effects on behavior, perception, cognition and affect. *Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 72*, 13–20.Tarr, B., Launay, J., & Dunbar, R. I. M. (2016). Silent disco: Dancing in synchrony leads to elevated pain thresholds and social closeness. *Evolution and Human Behavior, 37*(5), 343–349.Entrainment, binaural beats, fatigue, and overloadGoodman, S. P. J., et al. (2025). Approaches to inducing mental fatigue: A systematic review and meta-analysis of (neuro)physiologic indices. *Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 170*, 105957.Ingendoh, R. M., Posny, E. S., & Heine, A. (2023). Binaural beats to entrain the brain? A systematic review of the effects of binaural beat stimulation on brain oscillatory activity, and the implications for psychological research and intervention. *PLOS ONE, 18*(5), e0286023.Snipes, S., et al. (2024). Extended wakefulness alters the relationship between EEG theta and alpha bursts and behavioural outcome. *European Journal of Neuroscience, 60*(8), 6268–6284.Xiang, C., et al. (2024). A resting-state EEG dataset for sleep deprivation. *Scientific Data, 11*, 406.Parkinson's disease and pathological betaAsadi, A., et al. (2022). The origin of abnormal beta oscillations in the parkinsonian corticobasal ganglia circuit. *Frontiers in Neuroscience, 16*, 823719.Paulo, D. L., et al. (2023). Corticostriatal beta oscillation changes associated with cognitive function in Parkinson's disease. *NPJ Parkinson's Disease, 9*, 202.Ancient sleep, dreams, and Asclepian healingAskitopoulou, H. (2015). Sleep and dreams: From myth to medicine in ancient Greece. *Journal of Anesthesia History, 1*(3), 70–75.Kapotsis, G., & Steiropoulos, P. (2025). Sleep incubation [enkoimesis] in medical practice at Asclepieia of Ancient Greece — the Ancient Greek sleep medicine. *Sleep Medicine, 130*, 85–89.Pavli, A. (2024). Asclepieia in ancient Greece: pilgrimage and healing. *Journal of Integrative Medicine and Research, 3*(2), 100119.Also want to remind people about the website, if you're into reading we have tons of information by multiple contributors, and we got t-shirts up on the site if you're interested. Fun fact, the art is all based on the eyeball. A

We've arrived at the 10th season of Power Rangers, and our 400th episode, a fact we completely and entirely forget to mention. We talk about a lot of cool stuff: Upcoming crossovers, Gao's being Pals, CG Zords enabling some new interesting fights, and some not so cool stuff, like the stupid bouncy balls that Zack hates. So grab your jungle themed cell phone and… call the wild? Wait is that why its a phone? I DONT KNOW, WILD ACCESS!

The federal government is facing a crisis of accountability and a race against the clock. In today's episode of the America's Work Force Union Podcast, we tackle two massive stories affecting millions of American veterans and retirees. From untracked billions in government spending to the legislative battle to save Social Security, we look at the issues defining the 2026 midterm elections. Segment 1: The VA's $21 Billion Blind Spot Jeff Stoffer, Director of the American Legion Media and Communications Division, discusses June's American Legion Magazine, including a story about a staggering GAO report: The Software Mess: How the VA spent $21B on software it can't track, and the legislation (H.R.6654) designed to force accountability. Data at Risk: Why a 1974 privacy law isn't enough to protect veteran health data in 2026. A Presidential Tribute: A preview of the July 4 grand opening of the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library in Medora, ND. Segment 2: The Senior Voter Shift & Social Security's Deadline Rich Fiesta, Executive Director of the Alliance for Retired Americans, brings fresh data from a survey of 1,000 likely voters age 60-plus: Midterm Momentum: Why seniors in 39 key swing districts are shifting toward Democrats by 3-4 points. The 2032 Cliff: A deep dive into the looming 25 percent benefit cut and the fight to scrap the $184,500 earnings cap. The Voting Record: How to use the Alliance's database to see where your representative actually stands on labor and retirement. Take Action: Knowledge is power at the ballot box. Visit legion.org and retiredamericans.org to track the legislation discussed today. Subscribe & Follow: Don't miss an update on the labor movement. Subscribe to AWF on Podbean, Apple Podcasts, or your favorite player.

Joining Audrey for this week's REELTalk - Exec. Dir. of American Constitutional Rights Union and bestselling author, LTC ALLEN WEST, will be here! PLUS, Founder of Americans Against Antisemitism, DOV HIKIND will be here! AND, Islamic Analyst and bestselling author Dr. ANDREW BOSTOM will be here! PLUS, Legal Analyst for GAO and bestselling author of Red Hot Lies, CHRISTOPHER HORNER will be back with us! In the words of Benjamin Franklin, "If we do not hang together, we shall surely hang separately." Come hang with us...  

Au Mali, les autorités de transition restent fermement résolues à combattre les groupes armés. Les jihadistes du Jnim, liés à al-Qaïda, et les rebelles indépendantistes du FLA ont mené le 25 avril une série d'attaques massives et, pour la première fois, conjointes, qui leur ont permis de tuer le ministre de la Défense, le général Sadio Camara, et de prendre le contrôle de Kidal. Depuis, le Jnim a décrété un blocus sur la capitale Bamako et multiplie les attaques. Pour autant, l'armée malienne et ses partenaires russes de l'Africa Corps poursuivent leurs opérations et affichent leur détermination. Moussa Ag Acharatoumane est membre du Conseil national de transition, qui fait office au Mali, en l'absence d'élections depuis bientôt six ans, d'organe législatif. Il dirige également le MSA, groupe politico-militaire de la région de Ménaka, allié des autorités de transition et qui combat avec l'armée malienne et l'Africa Corps russe dans le Nord. RFI : Depuis les attaques du 25 avril, les opposants au régime de transition estiment que les autorités sont fragilisées. Les soutiens des militaires au pouvoir appellent au contraire à faire bloc. Pour vous, j'imagine qu'Assimi Goïta est toujours le président dont le Mali a besoin ? Moussa Ag Acharatoumane : Bien sûr, Assimi Goïta est toujours le président dont le Mali a besoin. Il continue à gouverner normalement son pays. Je tiens quand même à rappeler que malgré les attaques du 25 avril, le Mali est un État qui est debout, est un État qui agit et les forces de défense et de sécurité ont repoussé les actions terroristes, malgré la complexité des attaques et particulièrement le lot de complices internes et externes. Aujourd'hui, nous avons une armée qui est très soudée, le commandement est ensemble, les soldats sur le terrain ont le moral et les opérations continuent sur l'ensemble du territoire.  Les attaques des groupes armés continuent, Bamako est sous blocus, mais le régime est donc solide, prêt à faire face. Le régime est solide, j'irai même plus loin : c'est le peuple malien même qui est solide aujourd'hui. Les Maliens aiment leur armée, les Maliens aiment leur pouvoir et les Maliens aiment leur pays.  L'alliance, sur le terrain, entre les jihadistes du Jnim et les indépendantistes du FLA, vous en pensez quoi ?  Tout le monde connaît ce qu'on appelle al-Qaïda. Les frères qui ont fait ce choix de s'allier à al-Qaïda n'ont pas tiré les leçons de 2012 parce que, en 2012, il y a eu pratiquement la même tentative et le monde entier est témoin de ce qui s'est passé. Et une partie des frères, pas tous, parce qu'il y a une partie de nos frères, malheureusement, qui ne se sont jamais éloignés de la nébuleuse d'al-Qaïda, mais par contre, certains ont toujours été des grandes victimes de cette organisation, y compris certains de leurs premiers responsables, dont les familles ont été décimées par al-Qaïda. Et c'est le même al-Qaïda qui est là, et c'est le même al-Qaïda aussi qui est auteur de l'assassinat de Ghislain Dupont et Claude Verlon, les journalistes de RFI tués à Kidal (en 2013, assassinat revendiqué par al-Qaïda au Maghreb islamique, dont l'un des commanditaires, Seidane Ag Hitta, est aujourd'hui parmi les principaux dirigeants du Jnim, ndlr). On s'en souvient, bien évidemment. Cette alliance, c'est une très mauvaise chose. Je pense que nos frères doivent prendre conscience de l'erreur grotesque qu'ils sont en train de faire et revenir en arrière. Ils doivent faire exactement comme le MSA et le Gatia (deux groupes politico-militaires alliés du régime de transition). Ils se sont alliés à l'armée malienne pour combattre le terrorisme international.  Les dirigeants du FLA assurent qu'il ne s'agit que d'une alliance militaire contre leur ennemi commun, l'armée malienne et l'Africa Corps, et qu'il n'y a pas, au-delà, de projet commun. Quand on voit l'organe officiel d'al-Qaïda à l'échelle internationale mentionner son alliance avec le FLA, quand on voit Iyad Ag Ghali (chef du Jnim, ndlr) coordonner lui-même les opérations sur Kidal à côté d'Alghabass Ag Intallah (l'un des dirigeants du FLA, ndlr), quand on voit les défilés qu'ils ont organisés dans les rues de Kidal, avec les drapeaux noirs mentionnant leur projet satanique. Je le répète, nos frères sont dans l'erreur. Ils ont été victimes de ces gens en 2012 et ce sont les mêmes acteurs qui continuent en 2026.  Le Jnim et le FLA contrôlent désormais Kidal et Tessalit. L'armée malienne et l'Africa Corps russe restent présents à Aguelhoc et Anéfis. Est-ce qu'il faut s'attendre à une contre-offensive des forces nationales dans la région de Kidal ?  Les forces de défense et de sécurité sont en pleine réorganisation et elles sont bel et bien présentes dans la région de Kidal. Ils sont déterminés, ils vont mener des opérations sur l'ensemble du territoire national et ils ne vont pas céder un centimètre de ce territoire à une organisation terroriste.  Le général El Hadj Ag Gamou, nommé gouverneur de Kidal par les autorités de transition en 2023 et que vous connaissez bien : on le dit actuellement à Gao. Est-ce que c'est le cas ? Est-ce qu'il pourrait participer à la contre-offensive sur Kidal ?  Le général El Hadj Ag Gamou va très bien, je tiens à rassurer tout le monde là-dessus. Il a le moral très haut, il a les pieds sur terre et la tête haute. Il est gouverneur de la région de Kidal. Les offensives, la réorganisation de l'armée, son redéploiement, les opérations, ça c'est l'armée qui s'en occupe. Lui, sa fonction, c'est d'être gouverneur de cette région. Il va très bien et il n'a pas de problème.  Dans votre région de Ménaka, l'armée malienne et l'Africa Corps russe ont repoussé fin avril les offensives de l'État islamique, groupe jihadiste rival du Jnim. Depuis, quelle est la situation dans la ville ?  Aujourd'hui, la situation est sous contrôle. L'administration a repris son travail, la vie normale a repris, les forces de défense et de sécurité et leurs partenaires contrôlent la ville, mènent des patrouilles régulièrement. Mais ceci étant dit, la menace est toujours là. Il ne faut pas se leurrer, nous sommes en guerre contre l'une des organisations terroristes les plus dangereuses au monde, donc nous restons sur le qui-vive. Mais pour le moment, à Ménaka, la situation est assez calme.  Dialoguer, négocier avec le Jnim et le FLA, c'est aujourd'hui ce que prônent notamment des opposants au régime en place, comme la Coalition des forces pour la République (CFR) de l'imam Dicko. Mais c'est depuis une dizaine d'années une recommandation de toutes les concertations nationales, y compris du dialogue inter-malien organisé sous la Transition. Les autorités actuelles s'y refusent catégoriquement. Vous, vous y êtes favorable ou pas ?  En fait il n'y a pas à discuter avec des gens qui ont un projet de destruction de notre pays. L'État malien protège sa population, protège son intégrité territoriale et il n'y a absolument rien à négocier avec ces gens-là en l'état actuel, sauf s'ils revoient leurs pensées et leurs projets. Ce sont des Maliens, s'ils reviennent à de meilleurs sentiments, je pense qu'il y a de la place pour tout le monde, mais pas dans ces conditions.  À lire aussiAu Mali, «l'externalisation de la sécurité n'a pas fonctionné», selon Bakary Sambe du Timbuktu Institute

All Home Care Matters and our host, Lance A. Slatton were honored to welcome Elizabeth Field as guest to the show.   About Elizabeth Field, Chief Operating Officer at the Elizabeth Dole Foundation:   Elizabeth Field joined the Elizabeth Dole Foundation in February 2024 as its first Chief Operating Officer. Prior to that, she served as a Senior Executive Director in the Government Accountability Office's (GAO) Defense Capabilities and Management Team, where she led a broad body of work related to military quality-of-life issues, as well as defense management, business operations, and reform.   A recognized expert on the Department of Defense, she has testified several times before Congress, and her work has been featured by various news outlets, including National Public Radio, CNN, and The New York Times. Before joining GAO in September 2017, Ms. Field served as Chief of Staff and Senior Advisor to the Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights. Ms. Field also previously served as Assistant Inspector General for Audits and Inspections at the Office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, which was charged by Congress with conducting audits, inspections, and investigations to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the Afghanistan reconstruction effort and to detect and deter waste, fraud, and abuse.   Ms. Field's first tenure with GAO lasted from 2002-2010, during which she worked primarily as a Senior Analyst in the International Affairs and Trade Team and conducted fieldwork in the Middle East, Africa, Asia, and Latin America. From 2000-2001, she served as a Jacob K. Javits Fellow on the Public Health Subcommittee of the U.S. Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. Ms. Field holds a Master's Degree in Public Policy from Duke University and a Bachelor's Degree in History from Davidson College, where she graduated cum laude.   The proud daughter of an Army veteran, she lives in Washington, D.C. with her two sons, Graham and Henry (a West Point cadet), and their rescue dog, Maisie.     About the Elizabeth Dole Foundation:   The Elizabeth Dole Foundation is the preeminent organization empowering, supporting, and honoring our nation's 14.3 million military and veteran caregivers—the spouses, parents, family members, and friends who care for America's wounded, ill, or injured service members and veterans. Established by Senator Elizabeth Dole in 2012, the Foundation works to empower military and veteran caregivers, their families, and their communities through programs, partnerships, and advocacy that drive innovative, impactful, and sustainable solutions.   About the 11th Annual National Convening:   Registration is now open for the Elizabeth Dole Foundation's 11th Annual National Convening – and you won't want to miss it!   Join us on May 19, 2026, in Washington, D.C., at the iconic Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center, where leaders, advocates, and caregivers from across the country will come together for a powerful day of connection, conversation, and action. If you are unable to join us in-person, you can register for virtual attendance using the same link.   Last year, Convening attendees helped us begin to develop the National Blueprint for Action—a practical, solutions-driven roadmap designed to strengthen support for the 14.3 million military and veteran caregivers nationwide. Now, as we officially launch that Blueprint, we commit to act—bringing together caregivers, business and industry leaders, and policymakers to advance a nationwide Culture of Caregiving. Inspired by thought-provoking plenary speakers, you will participate in interactive working sessions and breakout discussions to learn how you can make a difference.   In-person attendees will also experience our dynamic Innovation Expo, featuring more than 30 organizations across military and veteran services, healthcare, and beyond. There, explore valuable resources, spark meaningful connections, enjoy a complimentary headshot, and take a moment for yourself at our chair massage station.  

As the federal government takes on more financial risk, a GAO review of government‑wide grants management points to staffing limits, data mismatches and unclear roles that complicate how funds are awarded and overseen. The findings suggest persistent operational challenges that accounting fixes alone haven't solved. Jeff Arkin is director of strategic issues at the Government Accountability Office.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Start Your GovCon Career: https://www.govclose.comMost government contractors are searching SAM.gov and missing the majority of opportunities. In this session, I walk through the One Nation Innovation marketplace. Marketplaces like ONI are being used at an increasing rate, and it's good to know where to find and how to use the marketplaces that are alternatives to SAM.gov. I also cover why I no longer pay for government contracting research tools, how to use the MITRE consortium list to find the right OTA pathway for your technology, and how to talk to a contracting officer about an upcoming recompete (a question from one of our recent GovClose coaching calls with Harold).If you're selling innovative tech, prototypes, or services to the federal government — especially DoD — this is the workflow I use every day.⏱ TIMESTAMPS00:00 - Why SAM.gov isn't enough anymore00:50 - Vetting One Nation Innovation: is this marketplace real?02:53 - Inside an O&I challenge: USSF Go Coliseum & scoring rubrics05:02 - Why I stopped paying for government contracting tools06:40 - Tony's story: from Marine Corps to GovClose member08:08 - SAM.gov contract awards search (the new FPDS replacement)09:30 - Finding OTA awards by awardee — the trick most people miss10:45 - The history of OTA: from the Space Race to the Department of War13:40 - How to verify a consortium is actually awarding contracts15:21 - Tom Clancy's question: do you need a relationship to win an OTA?19:30 - Pulling all OTA awards from the past 90 days22:09 - Tom's follow-up: are O&I OTAs required to be listed on SAM?23:09 - Finding more consortiums: the MITRE list method27:07 - DIU and the three currently open OTA pathways29:13 - Project Titan Core: modular data centers for AI compute32:22 - Harold's question: how to ask a CO about an upcoming recompete35:53 - Why upselling existing customers is the best government sales play39:25 - GovClose graduate results: real outcomes from the program

Send us Fan MailRob Evans joins Joe for a conversation about military barracks conditions, leadership accountability, and why he created Hots&Cots to give junior service members a voice.Drawing from his own experience as a junior enlisted Soldier, Rob shares how years of seeing poor living conditions—and reading reports from organizations like the Government Accountability Office—pushed him to stop complaining from the sidelines and start building solutions. What began as a weekend coding project has grown into a platform with tens of thousands of users across the military.Throughout the conversation, Joe and Rob discuss the realities of barracks life, why problems often fail to reach senior leaders, and how outside accountability can help installations respond faster to issues affecting Soldiers' quality of life.They also explore the challenges of balancing advocacy work with family and full-time jobs, the importance of leaders walking the barracks, and why creating meaningful change requires more than just funding—it requires sustained leadership attention.Joe and Rob also discuss: The GAO reports and systemic issues impacting military barracks across the services  How the platform allows service members to anonymously review barracks and dining facilities  Why some leaders initially resisted the platform—and how attitudes have changed over time  Real examples of barracks issues being resolved within hours because of public visibility  The biggest recurring problems in the barracks: HVAC failures, mold, and maintenance issues  Why accountability and transparency are essential for improving quality of life  How outdated systems and competing priorities continue to slow progress  The challenge of balancing passion projects, family life, and full-time work  Why feedback from Soldiers keeps Rob motivated to continue the work Read the Hots&Cots State of the Barracks White Paper Joe and Rob talk about here! Whether you've lived in the barracks, led Soldiers in garrison, or care about improving the day-to-day lives of service members, this episode offers an honest look at the systems behind military housing—and the people working to make them better.Watch the Interview on YouTube! A Special Thanks to Our Sponsors! Veteran-founded Adyton. Step into the next generation of equipment management with Log-E by Adyton. Whether you are doing monthly inventories or preparing for deployment, Log-E is your pocket property book, giving real-time visibility into equipment status and mission readiness. Learn more about how Log-E can revolutionize your property tracking process here!Meet ROGER Bank—a modern, digital bank built for military members, by military members. With early payday, no fees, high-yield accounts, and real support, it's banking that gets you. Funds are FDIC insured through Citizens Bank of Edmond, so you can bank with confidence and peace of mind. 

Today's podcast is titled “Will Federal Government Debt Destroy the Dollar?” First recorded in 2024, host Dennis McCuistion is joined by David Walker, former U.S. Comptroller General and head of the Government Accountability Office, for a discussion about America’s mounting fiscal crisis as federal debt reaches $34 trillion and threatens the nation’s economic future. Walker emphasizes that the real concern isn’t just the debt amount but the debt-to-GDP ratio, which stands at 120% and is projected to reach 192% within 30 years. Listen now, and don't forget to subscribe to get updates for the Free To Choose Media Podcast.

Most of us are unknowingly sacrificing our peace by ignoring our boundaries. Feeling guilty, drained, and disconnected in the process. What if the secret to true self-love is simply learning how not to abandon yourself? In this powerful episode, Gao Peraino uncovers the unseen ways we dismiss our needs to keep the peace, and reveals practical strategies to reclaim your energy and confidence. You'll discover how to identify and break free from self-abandonment, people-pleasing habits, and the endless cycle of overcommitting. Gao shares personal stories and actionable insights on how setting boundaries isn't just self-care, it's a profound act of self-respect and healing. We break down: the subtle signs of self-abandonment, how childhood trauma influences your boundaries, the myth of overachievement as a form of worth, why saying ‘no' is a radical act of love, and the real impact of over-explaining yourself. Plus, simple journaling prompts to illuminate where you're sacrificing your peace and how to start shifting course today. If you've ever felt emotionally drained, guilty for putting yourself first, or overextended without even realizing it, this episode will life-boost your awareness and give you tools to make meaningful change. Because at the end of the day, your relationship with yourself shapes your entire experience.Whether you're on a journey of self-discovery, struggling to set boundaries, or simply craving more clarity and confidence, this is your roadmap to reconnect with your truth and step into your power. It's never too late to start living aligned.Get ready to embrace your worth, honor your needs, and awaken the self-love you deserve. The path to emotional freedom begins here.Subscribe to Embody The Light With Gao for more episodes on spiritual growth, self-love, intuition development, healing, and personal transformation.If you feel called to go deeper, you can book a psychic or mediumship reading or coaching session at ⁠⁠⁠www.gaoperaino.com⁠⁠⁠Connect with Gao: https://linktr.ee/gaoperainoEmail: lifecoach@gaoperaino.com

The Government Accountability Office is facing a budget cut from House appropriators for the second year in a row. GAO would need to cut roughly 1,000 jobs under a bill being advanced in the House Appropriations Committee. For more, Federal News Network's Justin Doubleday joins me.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Two government watchdogs are suing the Justice Department over its Office of Legal Counsel memo that declares the Presidential Records Act unconstitutional. The US Attorney in the Eastern District of North Carolina has filed charges against James Comey for sharing a photo of seashells that spell out 8647. The Government Accountability Office and the Office of the Inspector General are investigating the Department of Justice's compliance with the Epstein Files Transparency Act.  The White House Correspondents' Dinner was not designated a National Special Security Event by the US Secret Service. Plus listener questions. Do you have questions for the pod or something for HITMEINTHEHEADWITHABAT?    Get this new customer offer and your 3-month Unlimited wireless plan for just $15 a month at MINTMOBILE.com/UNJUST Check out other MSW Media podcastshttps://mswmedia.com/shows/ Follow AGMueller, She Wrote SubstackMueller She Wrote on Blueskyhttps://twitter.com/MuellerSheWrotehttps://twitter.com/dailybeanspodMore from Andrew McCabeThe Real McCabe on Substack@therealmccabe.com on BlueskyThe Threat: How the FBI Protects America in the Age of Terror and Trump This Show is Available Ad-Free And Early For Patreon and Supercast Supporters at https://patreon.com/thedailybeansOr when you Subscribe on Apple Podcastshttps://apple.co/3YNpW3P Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Darrell Castle provides some options to end the war that Washington is currently fighting against Iran. Transcription / Notes OPTIONS TO END THE WAR AGAINST IRAN Hello this is Darrell Castle with today's Castle Report. This is Friday the 1st day of May in this the year of our Lord 2026. Yes today is May Day but my beat once again is war. This time I am looking for options to end the war that Washington is currently fighting against Iran. Donald Trump began the U.S./Israel war against Iran apparently because he wanted to deny Iran the chance to build its own nuclear weapon. That was at least the stated reason for starting the war. Suppose you are Iran and the U.S, demands that you dismantle and cease your nuclear weapons development program. Would you have any reason to comply with that demand considering what has happened to other countries in the Middle East. Acquiring nuclear weapons might be the only way left to prevent becoming a victim of a regime change war. Think about it like this for a moment. Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Iran, Venezuela, Russia and North Korea have all been demonized by the U.S. in one way or another this century. The only two that remain uninvaded, Russia and North Korea have nuclear weapons and the others do not. The leaders of those countries who do not have nuclear weapons are dead or locked in prison. I ask myself if the United States would be threatened if Iran were allowed to develop nuclear weapons and my conclusion is that it would not. Israel would be threatened because a nuclear armed Iran would serve as a blocking force to the expansion of Israel and Netanyahu's plans for greater Israel. If Iran had nuclear weapons Operation Epic Fury would not have happened or at least logic tells me. Why then, other than Bibi's influence, did Donald Trump launch this war. He must have been told and must have believed that the Iranian government would collapse and flee in the face of overwhelming U.S. and Israeli air attacks. If he believed that then he must not be a student of history because that theory has never worked throughout the history of air power. It worked in World War II as part of a combined arms attack that involved millions of troops fighting around the world in ground combat. Later wars like Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan it was assumed that air power and destruction from the air would make the difference but it did not. If a belief that Iran could be forced or persuaded to surrender or agree to U.S./Israeli demands as a result of destruction from the air was the cause of the attacks then obviously that was a false conclusion. Perhaps senior U.S. military leadership were and are students of military history and they warned the president that the strategy would fail and that explains in part why so many have been relieved. I admit that I have no inside information that leads me to that conclusion just logic and history. Having said all that what are the options Trump has in front of him right now. Here are a few that come to my mind but I'm sure there are others I just can't think of right now. First, he could just pack up and come home ala Ron Paul's advice to come home and mind your own business. That would mark the end of the unipolar world and an admission that the empire stage of American history is ending and what results it would leave in the Middle East are anyone's guess. Second, he could just continue the blockade and the air war in the hope that it would finally work. Third, he could launch a ground invasion of Iran like the other wars the U.S. has fought recently in which air power proved unable to force surrender. Invading Iran with ground troops would be different from the other multi decade wars because I doubt that it could be done with minimal U.S. casualties. Iran is a much bigger country with very different terrain across the country. It might even require a general mobilization of the American population with a draft and a conversion to war time production. It would most likely involve tens of thousands of casualties with many of our best young people coming home in boxes. In other words that would be one of the stupidest things an American president could possibly do, but they often do things that seem stupid to me. Fourth, he could resort to the weapons he is trying to prevent Iran from acquiring. He could tell the Iranians that unless they comply with his demands he will use tactical nuclear weapons to destroy their known nuclear and missile sites. He could threaten to increase the intensity and frequency of the attacks until they complied. The results of the fourth option would be so catastrophic that I don't even need to talk about them. It would forever remove from America the belief that we were once a moral and religious people. Fifth, he could reach a negotiated settlement and to that end Iran offered a suggestion which was quickly rejected but only in part. Iran suggested that the blockade would be lifted and the Strait would be open for free commerce. That would obviously leave Iran in a position to close it anytime the nuclear negotiations did not go their way. The question of nuclear enrichment would be deferred until some day in the future when the sides would start talking again. A lot of people would have accepted the settlement offer except that Trump knows what it really means. It would revert the conflict to status quo as if the war had not been fought except for the fact that Iran's infrastructure along with much of its leadership are gone. The other message the settlement will send is if we close the Strait you cannot force it open with air power or your navy. That message was not one Donald Trump was willing to accept so he said; what part of no nuclear weapons did you not understand. For now, the war continues and the blockade continues. It appears that the blockade is far more effective than air power proved to be. The blockade is hurting Iran economically to the point they want relief from it so perhaps soon they will relent and the president's ego could be salved with victory. He admitted when he announced that the settlement was rejected that the blockade was more effective than the bombing. “They are choking like a stuffed pig and it is going to get worse for them.” Perhaps the analogy of a stuffed pig is not the proper one to use with the Mullahs but that is Donald Trumps style not mine. He went on to say that they want to settle. They don't want me to keep the blockade but I don't want to lift the blockade because I don't want them to have a nuclear weapon. Iran had to do their tough talk as well saying it would engage in “unprecedented military action.” U.S. Central Command Admiral Brad Cooper said “Right now there are 41 tankers with 69 million barrels of oil that the Iranian regime can't sell. That's an estimated $6billion-plus from which Iran's leadership cannot financially benefit. The blockade is highly effective and U.S. forces remain fully committed to total enforcement.” The Pentagon's accounting office announced this week that so far the war has cost about $25 billion in taxpayer money. When I hear that I raise an eyebrow because I have a good idea what it costs to maintain a carrier battlegroup at sea and in-flight operations. I know what it costs to keep a carrier-based aircraft in combat mode let alone a massive B-52 or one of the stealth bombers. Tens of thousands of troops deployed with some 32thousand at least, bombs and missiles dropped on Iran. I just don't think all that can be done for $25 billion. The money is one thing but the war has cost at least 15 American lives and about 400 wounded although casualty figures have been very hard to come by. Let's not forget the billions of dollars reportedly incurred in damage from Iranian missiles to U.S. bases across the entire region. Damage assessment in the Gulf States and in Israel to U.S. property has been almost impossible to obtain accurately so why lie about the $25 billion. If that department lies each year about the trillions that go unaccounted for by the GAO or Government Accounting Office I suppose it's not a stretch for them to lie about the cost of war. So, I will assume that the Iranians are politically astute enough to know how this war is affecting U.S. politics. It is terribly unpopular and is a threat to control of the House and Senate. In addition, I spoke to a gentleman the other day who had recently been in Ireland. He said that in the U.S, terms of measurement gasoline was running about $12.50 per gallon and heating oil was unaffordable for most people. That condition probably exists across Europe and would probably make Iran have confidence to just hang on because political pressure will force Trump's hand. Time will tell if that works or not. Finally, folks, according to UNICEF about 1800 Iranian children have been killed or wounded by the war on Iran. I don't know if that number is accurate but if the accurate number is more than zero it's too many. However, as you are painfully aware my opinion is that this war is a stupid waste of lives and resources and should end as soon as possible. Having said that the men and women fighting it are my brothers and sisters and I stand with them always. At least that's the way I see it, Until next time folks, This is Darrell Castle, Thanks for listening.

Toute la presse malienne se fait l'écho ce matin de ces obsèques nationales : « La nation rend un dernier hommage au Général d'armée Sadio Camara », titre Maliweb, qui publie de nombreuses photos de la cérémonie. Le journal en ligne précise que « les différents intervenants (…) ont tous salué la bravoure de l'homme, son engagement à vaincre le terrorisme et à restaurer la souveraineté du pays ». Bamada.net souligne que lors de la cérémonie, « le président de la transition, le général Assimi Goïta, a remis à titre posthume, les insignes de Général d'armée à Sadio Camara ». « Le Mali rend hommage à un pilier de sa stratégie sécuritaire », titre de son côté Sahel Tribune, qui raconte : « Dans le cérémonial militaire, tout était là : la marche funèbre, le drapeau national, la sonnerie aux morts, les hommages officiels. Mais derrière le protocole, une autre réalité affleurait : celle d'un pays en guerre contre une menace diffuse, persistante et profondément politique. Car Sadio Camara n'était pas qu'un soldat. Il était l'un des visages les plus assumés de la refondation sécuritaire engagée par les autorités de transition. »  Choc militaire et politique Après les attaques du 25 avril, la presse malienne s'inquiète de l'avenir. C'est le cas notamment du Journal du Mali. « Attaques coordonnées : vers une recomposition inquiétante du paysage sécuritaire », titre le journal : « En plus du choc militaire et politique, cette offensive révèle une évolution majeure : la coopération assumée entre groupes jihadistes et séparatistes, incarnée par le Groupe de soutien à l'Islam et aux Musulmans et le Front de Libération de l'Azawad ». « Ce qui distingue ces attaques des précédentes, précise le Journal du Mali, ce n'est pas seulement leur intensité, mais surtout leur degré de coordination. Jamais auparavant une offensive n'avait mobilisé un nombre aussi important de combattants et une logistique aussi complexe, ciblant simultanément des villes éloignées de plusieurs centaines de kilomètres ». Le Journal du Mali cite l'analyste sécuritaire Yacouba Sogoré selon lequel « les attaques du 25 avril s'inscrivent également dans une stratégie plus large, visant à affaiblir l'État malien sur plusieurs fronts. Elles pourraient être liées à une logique d'asphyxie économique et logistique, notamment en lien avec des perturbations dans l'approvisionnement en carburant ». Coordination redoutable Une opération de grande ampleur qu'analyse également Afrik.com. Le site d'information panafricain estime que les attaques du 25 avril « ont profondément ébranlé les institutions du pays. La mort du ministre de la Défense, figure centrale du dispositif sécuritaire, constitue un choc politique d'envergure. Plusieurs villes du Mali, dont Bamako, Kati, Gao et Mopti ont été visées, révélant une coordination redoutable entre groupes jihadistes et rebelles. » « Après plusieurs jours d'absence, remarque encore Afrik.com, le chef de la transition est finalement réapparu publiquement, mettant fin aux rumeurs sur sa situation. Sa visite aux blessés dans un hôpital de Bamako et son déplacement auprès de la famille du ministre décédé sont un retour sur le devant de la scène qui vise à rassurer les populations. Sauf que, conclut Afrik.com, beaucoup de zones d'ombre entourent cette sortie d'Assimi Goïta apparu avec un masque ».  Confirmation russe Enfin, certains médias s'interrogent sur le rôle que peut encore jouer la Russie au Mali. C'est le cas de l'Agence de Presse Africaine, selon laquelle « la Russie maintient son engagement sécuritaire ». « Le porte-parole du Kremlin, Dmitri Peskov, précise l'APA, a affirmé jeudi que Moscou continuera, y compris au Mali, à combattre l'extrémisme et d'autres manifestations négatives ». Réponse de la Russie donc, alors que le Front de Libération de l'Azawad avait « récemment exhorté la Russie à revoir son partenariat avec la junte », rappelle l'Agence de Presse Africaine.

Two DOGE associates dispatched to the Treasury Department in the early days of the second Trump administration flouted various IT security rules while the agency itself fell short on implementing proper cyber controls, a new watchdog report found. The Government Accountability Office examined access that a pair of DOGE staffers had to Bureau of the Fiscal Service payment systems from Jan. 20-April 11, 2025. The Office of Management and Budget's public tally of governmentwide AI use again grew in 2025 — this time amid the Trump administration's push to use the technology in the name of efficiency. Per OMB's recent publication on GitHub, the U.S. government reported about 3,600 AI use cases across agencies, a nearly 70% increase in disclosed applications of the technology from the previous reporting year. The Daily Scoop Podcast is available every Monday-Friday afternoon. If you want to hear more of the latest from Washington, subscribe to The Daily Scoop Podcast  on Apple Podcasts, Soundcloud, Spotify and YouTube.

GAO has flagged fraud risks in federally funded, state‑administered programs for years, from weak data sharing to inconsistent controls. Many of those vulnerabilities persist, not because agencies lack awareness, but because of how responsibility, capacity, and oversight are structured. We'll talk about what prevents known risks from turning into management change with Seto Bagdoyan, director of forensic audits and investigative service at the Government Accountability Office.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

A new report is shedding light on how Department of Government Efficiency staffers gained access to sensitive Treasury Department payment systems last year. The Government Accountability Office found Treasury gave DOGE staffers access to data without following IT security rules. Privacy watchdog groups say GAO's report may be the tip of the iceberg on DOGE's access to sensitive government data. For more, Federal News Network's Justin Doubleday joins me.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

GAO has flagged fraud risks in federally funded, state‑administered programs for years, from weak data sharing to inconsistent controls. Many of those vulnerabilities persist, not because agencies lack awareness, but because of how responsibility, capacity, and oversight are structured. We'll talk about what prevents known risks from turning into management change with Seto Bagdoyan, director of forensic audits and investigative service at the Government Accountability Office.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

OpenAI and Anthropic brief Congress on cyber-capable AI. The GAO flags improper DOGE access to Treasury payment systems. Greece moves to end online anonymity. CISA orders agencies to patch an exploited Windows zero-day. Researchers uncover ransomware that destroys data instead of encrypting it. State CISOs report falling confidence. Neurodivergent cyber pros cite inclusion gaps. Police arrest a 19-year-old alleged Scattered Spider member. Our guest is Chris Boehm, Zero Networks' Field Chief Technology Officer, on minimizing your blast radius. AI lowers the bar and lengthens the line in the courtroom.  Remember to leave us a 5-star rating and review in your favorite podcast app. Miss an episode? Sign-up for our daily intelligence roundup, Daily Briefing, and you'll never miss a beat. And be sure to follow CyberWire Daily on LinkedIn. CyberWire Guest Our guest is Chris Boehm, Zero Networks' Field Chief Technology Officer, discussing "One Compromised System and BOOM, Meet Your Blast Radius." Selected Reading OpenAI, Anthropic brief House Homeland Security on AI cyber threats (Axios) Scoop: White House workshops plan to bring back Anthropic (Axios) GAO report on DOGE payments access ‘just the tip of the iceberg' (Federal News Network) Greece to ban anonymity on social media (Euractiv) CISA orders feds to patch Windows flaw exploited as zero-day (Bleeping Computer) Broken VECT 2.0 ransomware acts as a data wiper for large files (Bleeping Computer) State CISOs Report Lower Confidence Across the Public Sector Cyber Ecosystem, 2026 NASCIO-Deloitte Survey Finds (NASCIO) Neurodivergence in the Cybersecurity Workforce (ISC2) Teen charged in Chicago was part of international ‘Scattered Spider' hacker group, feds say (Chicago Tribune) People Using AI to Represent Themselves in Court Are Clogging the System (404 Media) Share your feedback. What do you think about CyberWire Daily? Please take a few minutes to share your thoughts with us by completing our brief listener survey. Thank you for helping us continue to improve our show. Want to hear your company in the show? N2K CyberWire helps you reach the industry's most influential leaders and operators, while building visibility, authority, and connectivity across the cybersecurity community. Learn more at sponsor.thecyberwire.com. The CyberWire is a production of N2K Networks, your source for strategic workforce intelligence. © N2K Networks, Inc. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Le Mali est toujours secoué par les attaques menées samedi dernier par les jihadistes du Jnim et les rebelles du FLA. Kidal est sous leur contrôle. Ils visent désormais Gao et demandent aux Russes de quitter le Mali. Du côté de la capitale, Bamako, les jihadistes ont décrété un blocus mercredi. Dans le même temps, le président de la transition, Assimi Goïta, faisait sa première apparition télévisée depuis samedi.

Situación ahora en Mali – 26 de abril de 2026 (mañana) La tensión sigue muy alta tras la ofensiva coordinada sin precedentes que vivió el país ayer, 25 de abril. JNIM (filial de Al Qaeda) y el Frente de Liberación del Azawad (FLA, separatistas tuareg) lanzaron ataques simultáneos en múltiples frentes: Kati (el corazón militar de la junta, a 15 km de Bamako), el aeropuerto de Bamako, Gao, Kidal, Sévaré y Mopti. Lo que sabemos a esta hora (datos contrastados): - Kati y Bamako: Explosiones fuertes y fuego sostenido durante horas. JNIM reivindicó haber atacado la residencia del ministro de Defensa Sadio Camara (que quedó destruida) y otras instalaciones clave. El ejército maliense (FAMa) reconoce “ataques complejos simultáneos” pero afirma que “la situación está bajo control” y que han eliminado a cientos de atacantes. - Norte y centro: Los tuareg del FLA afirman haber tomado posiciones en Kidal y Gao. Los combates fueron especialmente intensos en Sévaré y Mopti. - Medidas de emergencia: Toque de queda de 72 horas en Bamako (de 21:00 a 06:00 hasta el 28 de abril). Aeropuerto cerrado temporalmente. La ONU y embajadas occidentales mantienen alertas máximas y piden a sus ciudadanos refugiarse. JNIM ha emitido un comunicado reivindicando la operación y coordinada con los tuareg. Analistas de Crisis Group, ACLED y medios como Reuters, Al Jazeera y The New York Times lo califican como “la ofensiva más ambiciosa y coordinada desde 2012”. ¿Y el Afrika Korps ruso? Como siempre en Bellumartis: análisis cercano, riguroso y honesto. ¿Qué opináis vosotros ahora? ¿Es esto el principio de un colapso mayor o la junta conseguirá aguantar? ¿La baja implicación del Africa Korps confirma una retirada rusa en toda regla? ¿Riesgo real de contagio a Burkina Faso y Níger (AES)? ¡Lanzad vuestras preguntas y comentarios! Responderé con datos frescos y contexto histórico. Un abrazo fuerte y gracias por seguir el canal año tras año. Juntos entendemos el mundo tal como es. #Mali #ColapsoMali #JNIM #Tuareg #AfricaCorps #OfensivaIslamista #Sahel #Kati #Bamako #Geopolitica #ActualidadMilitar #Mali2026 SUSCRÍBETE y apoya a Bellumartis Historia Militar: Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/bellumartis PayPal: https://www.paypal.me/bellumartis Bizum: 656 778 825 Síguenos: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/bellumartis_historia_militar X / Twitter: https://twitter.com/BellumartisHM Compra en Amazon con el enlace de BHM y apóyanos: https://amzn.to/3ZXUGQl Libros de Paco firmados y dedicados: https://franciscogarciacampa.com/ Política de Privacidad https://franciscogarciacampa.com/politica-de-privacidad/

Le Mali a été victime d'attaque à Kidal, Gao, Sévaré et Kati, fief des militaires au pouvoir. L'armée malienne confirme des combats et affirme que la situation serait sous contrôle. Cette attaque a été revendiquée par le Jnim, groupe djihadiste affilié à Al-Qaïda, qui évoque une alliance avec le Front de libération de l'Azawad.

On this special episode of the Watchdog Report podcast, we discuss America's cybersecurity risks, as well as GAO's role in auditing and improving defenses against them. Our guest is Nick Marinos, GAO's managing director of our Information Technology…

Unlock the secret to sustainable healing by aligning your habits with your higher self no more one-size fits all advice. In this transformative episode, Gao Peraino reveals how small, intentional shifts like daily grounding, affirmative rituals, and energy protection can dramatically reshape your life, confidence, and relationships. Discover why healing is more than just emotional; it's energetic and rooted in daily practices that honor your authenticity. You'll learn practical tools such as creating personalized morning routines, setting energetic boundaries with crystals, and embracing self-reflection to chart your progress. Gao shares inspiring success stories, including a client who went from self-doubt to finding love and confidence, proving that alignment and self-love unlock incredible life changes.Missed opportunities? Uncover how neglecting your inner work can keep you stuck in cycles of hesitation. This episode is perfect for anyone tired of ineffective advice, overwhelmed by spiritual misinformation, or ready to genuinely elevate their vibrational energy.Get ready to tap into your innate power, trust your journey, and turn everyday habits into a catalyst for profound transformation. Whether you're just starting or well on your spiritual path, this episode offers practical insights to help you embody your light and create lasting change.Why this works: The opening immediately promises tangible, practical insights into healing habits aligned with one's higher self, sparking curiosity. Gao's storytelling blended with actionable tips connects emotionally, making the listener feel inspired and empowered to start their own transformation today.Subscribe to Embody The Light With Gao for more episodes on spiritual growth, self-love, intuition development, healing, and personal transformation.If you feel called to go deeper, you can book a psychic or mediumship reading or coaching session at⁠⁠www.gaoperaino.com⁠⁠Connect with Gao: https://linktr.ee/gaoperainoEmail: lifecoach@gaoperaino.com

In this conclusion to our deep dive into Other Transactions (OTs), we sit down with Mr. Adam Caudle and Ms. Kristine Kassekert to debunk the myth that OT awards are immune to protests. We examine the current jurisdictional landscape at the GAO and Court of Federal Claims, highlighting why thorough documentation is essential not just for formal litigation, but also for answering potential inquiries from Congress or senior leadership. We also discuss the "fail fast" mentality and the unique flexibility of OTs, which allow us to manage projects through iterative payment milestones and open-ended collaboration rather than the rigid deadlines found in traditional acquisitions. Learn more about The Quill & Sword series of podcasts by visiting our podcast page at https://tjaglcs.army.mil/thequillandsword. The Quill & Sword show includes featured episodes from across the JAGC, plus all episodes from our four separate shows: “Criminal Law Department Presents” (Criminal Law Department), “NSL Unscripted” (National Security Law Department), “The FAR and Beyond” (Contract & Fiscal Law Department) and “Hold My Reg” (Administrative & Civil Law Department). Connect with The Judge Advocate General's Legal Center and School by visiting our website at https://tjaglcs.army.mil/.

The federal government's national strategy for quantum computing lays out broad goals, but a new GAO review finds gaps in coordination, accountability, and performance measurement across agencies. We'll walk through what's missing and what updating the strategy could change with Candace Wright, director for science, technology assessment, and analytics at the Government Accountability Office. Read the report here: https://files.gao.gov/reports/GAO-26-107759/index.html?_gl=1*1u44tf*_ga*MTc1Mjk3OTI1MC4xNzQ2NjUwOTc0*_ga_V393SNS3SR*czE3NzQ2MjcyOTMkbzQ4JGcwJHQxNzc0NjI3MzAyJGo1MSRsMCRoMA.. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Medicare is the biggest spending area for the U.S. government and the largest federal health program. Due to the sheer size of Medicare, there are risks of fraud. We'll talk with GAO's Leslie Gordon to find out about efforts to detect and…

CannCon and Zak Paine kick off the week with a Monday full of genuinely big news, starting with Trump's executive order to fast-track FDA approval of Ibogaine for addiction, PTSD, and mental illness. Zak shares his personal perspective as a recovering addict, and the guys tear apart the pharmaceutical industrial complex's stranglehold on mental health treatment. Kash Patel goes on Maria Bartiromo and all but confirms the FBI has the goods on 2020 election fraud, with arrests on the horizon. Harmeet Dillon follows up on DOJ housecleaning and voter roll integrity. Joe DeGenova is tapped to lead the John Brennan criminal investigation. The Swalwell files keep expanding as Anna Paulina Luna tells Catherine Herridge a Capitol Hill purge is coming. Plus, a GAO report drops on Tax Day revealing up to $521 billion in annual federal fraud, birthright citizenship numbers, deportees headed to the Congo, and the Macon County election officials caught in a healthcare fraud scheme.

Joining Audrey for this week's REELTalk - Terror Threat Analyst and former FBI Agent, JOHN GUANDOLO will be here! PLUS, bestselling author LTG THOMAS McINERNEY of CCNS will be with us! PLUS, Legal Analyst CHRISTOPHER HORNER will be back with us! AND, Comedian/Comedy Writer MIKE FINE will be here! In the words of Benjamin Franklin, "If we do not hang together, we shall surely hang separately." Come hang with us...  

Of 266 metro areas studied by the Health Care Cost Institute, using 1.3 billion medical claims, only seven have hospital markets that qualify as genuinely competitive. New York. Los Angeles. Chicago. Riverside. Philadelphia. Miami. Washington, D.C. Everywhere else, patients in most service lines are not shopping. They are arriving. And healthcare built a decade of digital strategy on the premise that they were choosing. That doesn't mean the premise was entirely wrong, and it doesn't mean the work was wasted. It means the consumerism frame that the industry borrowed from retail was always a partial fit, and the digital investments that had the most impact were often working for reasons the frame didn't quite describe. Insurance constrains patient options before anyone opens a browser. Crisis eliminates preference entirely. Specialist and complex care decisions follow referral patterns, not consumer shopping behavior. The "competitive market" that consumerism theory assumes exists reliably in about seven cities. The friction-reduction work, though, was real and its effects are measurable. In June 2019, 10% of Americans had ever had a telehealth visit. Today 54% have, and 89% report satisfaction with their most recent virtual care experience. A 2025 access-to-care study found that 23.3% of patients who experienced appointment scheduling friction said it led to worsened health, and more than half switched providers. That work didn't succeed by winning a competitive fight. It succeeded by removing barriers that had always been there. Chris Boyer and Reed Smith examine what the last decade of digital investment was actually accomplishing, where the consumerism frame helped and where it pointed the work in the wrong direction: Why healthcare "choice" was always constrained by insurance networks, referral patterns and market structure, before anyone built a digital front door What the friction-reduction work was actually doing, and why it had value the consumerism frame didn't fully explain Price transparency as the case study for what happens when the wrong frame drives the deliverable Why telehealth succeeded by removing access barriers rather than winning a consumer preference battle What complexity management looks like as a forward frame, and why it applies to patients, staff and referring physicians equally Price transparency is the sharpest example of the frame producing the wrong result. The CMS Hospital Price Transparency Rule was built on a consumerism premise: give patients price data, they will shop, prices will fall. As of November 2024, only 21% of hospitals were fully compliant with all requirements. The GAO found the published data so difficult to use that most stakeholders relied on third-party vendors just to make it parseable. The rule produced compliance behavior aimed at regulators. It did not produce a consumer tool. The frame predicted the wrong outcome. If the work was never really about out-competing a rival health system, the question worth asking now is whether the experience built in most markets actually makes the complexity easier for the person who has no choice but to navigate it. Mentions from the Show: HCCI Health Cost Landscape, April 2026: https://healthcostinstitute.org/all-hcci-reports/what-is-the-health-cost-landscape/ AJMC / HCCI Healthy Marketplace Index: https://www.ajmc.com/view/nearly-75-of-us-hospital-markets-highly-concentrated-hcci-report-shows Axios Future of Health Care Newsletter, April 2026: https://www.axios.com/newsletters/axios-future-of-health-care-ee174520-3387-11f1-8096-e7d285bf9bf6.html Patient Rights Advocate, Seventh Semi-Annual Hospital Price Transparency Report, November 2024: https://www.paubox.com/blog/hospital-price-transparency-requirements-and-compliance-challenges GAO-25-106995, Health Care Transparency, October 2024: https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-25-106995 Perficient Access to Care Research, 2025: https://blogs.perficient.com/2025/07/09/rethinking-access-to-care-maslow-and-transtheoretical-model-inform-smarter-digital-investments/ hims & hers National Survey / State of Telehealth 2025: https://www.dimins.com/blog/2025/04/03/the-state-of-telehealth-in-2025/ Press Ganey, Evolving Consumer Expectations in Healthcare, 2024: https://www.pressganey.com/hx-insights/the-evolving-expectations-of-todays-healthcare-consumer/ Commonwealth Fund, Consumer Choice in U.S. Health Care, 2021: https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/fund-reports/2021/nov/consumer-choice-us-health-care-using-insights-from-past Reed Smith on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/reedtsmith/ Chris Boyer on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/chrisboyer/ Chris Boyer website: http://www.christopherboyer.com/ Chris Boyer on BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/chrisboyer.bsky.social Reed Smith on BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/reedsmith.bsky.social Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Welcome back to "To the Point Cybersecurity Podcast," where Rachael Lyon and Jonathan Knepher break down the latest trends shaping the world of cyber defense. In this episode, they're joined by Jennifer Franks, Director in the Government Accountability Office's Information Technology and Cybersecurity team and head of its Center for Enhanced Cybersecurity. Jennifer Franks brings a fresh perspective on the evolving cybersecurity landscape, sharing insights into government agency challenges, the shift toward Zero Trust architectures, and the crucial importance of visibility, culture, and workforce readiness. Tune in as they explore the intersection of AI, data proliferation, and cyber hygiene — and learn what it takes to strengthen security posture in complex public sector environments, foster a resilient culture, and prepare both agencies and future cyber professionals for what lies ahead. For links and resources discussed in this episode, please visit our show notes at https://www.forcepoint.com/govpodcast/e377

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the first battle of Changsha. From Chongqing, Chiang debated defensive strategies for Hunan, ultimately adopting Plan B after Xue Yue's pleas, focusing on successive resistance north of Changsha to thwart Japanese advances. Japanese forces, under Okamura Yasuji, launched assaults in Jiangxi and Hunan. In Jiangxi, the 106th and 101st Divisions attacked Huibu and Gao'an, where Chinese troops under Luo Zhuoying and Song Kentang fiercely resisted. Gao'an fell briefly but was recaptured by the 32nd Army and the elite 74th Army, with heavy casualties on both sides, as recounted by soldier Liu Qihuai. In Hunan, Japanese units crossed the Xin Qiang River and landed at Yingtian, facing brutal opposition. At Bijia Mountain, Qin Yizhi's 195th Division held for four days; Battalion Commander Shi Enhua's reinforced unit perished entirely, their fragmented remains mourned by locals. Along the Miluo River, Chen Pei's 37th Army fortified positions, repelling waves of Japanese attacks, including suicide squads disguised as civilians. Recruit Yang Peyao's unit endured bombardments, inflicting significant enemy losses before withdrawing at dusk.   #197 The First Battle of Changsha Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Major Luo Wenlang, battalion commander of the 3rd Battalion, 55th Regiment, 19th Division of the 28th Army, harbored a peculiar quirk: he couldn't sleep soundly without unwrapping his leg bindings, a small ritual that anchored him in the chaos of war. Since the war's eruption, such luxuries were rare, and unwrapping his bindings every night became an impossibility, leaving him to endure restless slumbers. Tonight, however, sleep eluded him entirely; he tossed and turned on his makeshift bed, his mind a whirlwind of unrest. Two days after the northern Hunan battle ignited like a powder keg, the 55th Regiment received urgent orders from Division Commander Tang Boyin to race to Wukou in Pingjiang County. Their path wound through Luo Wenlang's hometown of Fulinpu, a twist of fate that stirred conflicting emotions. Entering the village under the cover of night, the entire battalion encamped in the commander's modest family village, with battalion headquarters naturally established in his ancestral home.   Luo yearned to step across that familiar threshold but dreaded it, for his parents remained oblivious to a devastating truth. They slaughtered chickens and prepared meat, hosting the battalion staff with drinks and hospitality, after all, this was their son's unit gracing their home. Luo orchestrated door planks and straw for bedding, posted sentries, and deftly evaded his parents until they retired. Before dawn broke, he mustered the troops, ensured they were fed, and led them onward, slipping away like a shadow. By noon on the 22nd, they reached Wukou, only to receive fresh directives: rush to Yingtian to bolster the 95th Division against the enemy's audacious landings. The 3rd Battalion spearheaded the division's reinforcements, marching relentlessly through day and night, arriving at Dongtang, over 30 kilometers southeast of Yingtian—on the 23rd, hearts sinking upon learning Yingtian had already fallen into enemy clutches.   Luo Wenlang sought out the retreating 95th Division Commander Luo Qi to beg for a mission, his resolve unyielding. Luo Qi, anticipating his arrival, relayed Commander Guan Linzheng's ironclad instructions: The 19th Division's reinforcements would assume Dongtang's defenses. With the main force still en route, Luo Qi tasked Luo's battalion with relieving a segment held by a replacement regiment. He handed over a map, sketching a line with a pencil, a simple stroke that thrust Luo Wenlang and his men onto the front lines of fate. An operations staff was dispatched to guide them to the position and oversee the handover.   As the troops advanced, they encountered scattered soldiers fleeing like startled rabbits; seizing a platoon leader revealed they were indeed from the replacement regiment. Mere minutes from division HQ, the enemy was already closing in, a predator's breath hot on their necks. Luo Wenlang and Deputy Battalion Commander Wu Yacui split the battalion, launching a counterattack on Dongtang from dual routes. Fortune favored them; the Japanese held only an exhausted company, crumbling under a single, ferocious charge. They swiftly deployed two companies to the positions, reserving one as a bulwark. By dusk, the full 55th Regiment arrived, accompanied by the rest of the 19th Division's reinforcements, allowing the battered 95th Division, ravaged at Yingtian, to withdraw for desperate reorganization. The regimental commander positioned Luo's 3rd Battalion on the regiment's vulnerable left wing. In the blink of an eye, it was the 27th, aligning with the 15th of the eighth lunar month. Amid the relentless great battle, few noted the calendar, and the skies hung heavy with clouds. Luo Wenlang twisted on his straw bed, his thoughts a snarled knot of anxiety and memory.   At 11 p.m., gunfire shattered the night; a barrage of machine gun bullets riddled the battalion HQ house, raining thatch and dust upon Luo like fallout from a storm. Catastrophe had struck! Luo surged toward the positions with the bugler—his battalion signal chief—and the reserve force, ascending the hilltop in a frenzy. Halfway up, he spotted 8th Company's Lieutenant Platoon Leader Rong Fayu leading over 20 soldiers in retreat. Bellowing "Why unauthorized retreat?" while brandishing his pistol, he compelled Rong to rally and turn back. The Japanese had launched a nocturnal assault; 8th Company Commander Yi Zuitao lay slain by a fatal shot, over a dozen comrades felled in brutal close combat, the survivors scattered like leaves in the wind; the high ground now belonged to the enemy.   Upon learning of Dongtang's loss, the regimental commander personally led the regimental reserve, his face etched with urgency. Under flickering lantern light, poring over the map with Luo, Division Commander Tang Boyin telephoned, his voice a whipcrack of command: Recapture it before dawn, or both would face the merciless hand of military justice. After seizing the high ground, the enemy hesitated to press further; Luo surmised the darkness concealed paths, and their numbers were not overwhelming. Forgoing the regimental reserve, he led 7th Company's 4 squads and remnants of the routed 8th Company in a stealthy ascent. Near the position, a ravine concealed over 20 8th Company soldiers, rallied by Sergeant Squad Leader Tan Tianrong, who had lurked in wait for reinforcements, dreading exposure at dawn under the enemy's gaze.   Spotting the battalion commander personally spearheading the counterattack, Tan Tianrong's face lit with fierce joy; his men, armed with grenades, surged as the vanguard. Intimate with the terrain even in blindness, they hurled explosives into bunkers, trenches, and works. The commander orchestrated the charge; the Japanese force of 40-50 men crumbled, over half slain or maimed, the remnants fleeing northward to their village stronghold. It was past 4 a.m.; the moon pierced the clouds, bathing the earth in a silvery glow. With positions reclaimed, the night revealed its secret: tonight was Mid-Autumn. Moonlight unraveled the tangled threads of his past; Luo draped his clothes over his shoulders, sat beneath the luminous orb, and wept in solitary anguish.   Before the war, devastating news had arrived: his brother Luo Yinong had been killed in Jiangxi. Luo had three brothers; the eldest shouldered half the family's burdens, their bond unbreakable. The brother had enlisted first in the 50th Army, climbing to battalion commander through sheer valor. He and his younger brother had followed suit, inspired by that call to arms.   Wartime conscription demanded only one per family, but battling the devils was a duty for the nation and its people. His brother had risen to deputy regimental commander before his end. The 50th Army notified him first. Engulfed in battle, there had been no time to console his grieving parents or tend to the funeral; it weighed on his heart like an unyielding stone. His sister-in-law, diligent and unassuming, cared for a young boy and carried another child; the long, arduous days ahead loomed like an endless shadow. The night dew brought a biting chill, the moon an icy sentinel; Luo shivered uncontrollably, his tears mingling with the frost.   The sky hung heavy with overcast gloom, yet the moon lurked beyond the clouds, casting a faint, ethereal light that warded off utter darkness. Along the road, a unit's elongated black shadow snaked southward in hurried silence, a serpent of weary resolve pressing through the night. Qin Yizhi reined in his horse, pausing to gaze back: the queue stretched onward, silent and impeccably orderly, belying the exhaustion of a force scarred by days of ferocious combat, their spirits unbroken amid the shadows. After the Japanese seized the 195th Division's defiant outpost at Bijia Mountain, they surged across the Xin Qiang River in a merciless onslaught. The river, shallow enough to wade knee-deep, offered no true impediment; the real barrier was forged from the defenders' scorching blood, a crimson testament to their unyielding stand. The 195th Division clashed in a maelstrom of cruelty; positions were heaped with corpses time and again, the Xin Qiang's waters churning blood-red in relentless cycles of carnage. From the night of the 23rd to the dawn of the 25th, respite was a forgotten dream; Okamura Yasuji, in a gesture of grim respect, inscribed Qin's name in elegant calligraphy and hung it within his command tent, a haunting trophy of the foe's tenacity.   Following their triumphant landing at Yingtian, the Japanese entangled the Ninth War Zone's left-wing defenders in a protracted snare, their advances grinding slowly like a predator toying with prey, menacing the flanks of the frontal troops with insidious intent. On the evening of the 27th, Xue Yue issued the fateful order for the 15th Army Group to withdraw to the precarious ground between the Miluo River and Shangshan City, ushering this blood-soaked force into an all-night march toward the next defensive crucible. Late into the night, a brief halt was called. Soldiers slumped to the ground, adjusting leg wraps and gear with mechanical precision; logistics teams darted through the ranks, distributing rations like lifelines; cooks, having forged ahead, arrived with steaming pots of rice soup, infusing the air with a rare warmth. Though no clamor broke the hush, a quiet camaraderie enveloped the queue, a fleeting balm against the war's chill.   The division staff claimed a flat expanse beside a farmhouse yard for their respite. Qin settled onto a stone roller used for grinding grain, nibbling at his meager ration and sipping the hot soup that steamed in the cool air. Suddenly, moonlight pierced the clouds, cascading down in silvery streams; the familiar contours of the farmhouse stirred a flood of warmth in his heart, evoking memories of home.   Chongqing, Huangshan Villa. Every window was shrouded in double layers of thick curtains, sealing out any sliver of betraying light, as if the very walls conspired to guard secrets from the encroaching night. Tonight's ethereal protagonist rose languidly from the eastern valley, its orange-red moonlight casting an aura of drowsy reluctance, as though it had not fully shaken off the slumber of the day. The feeble glow dappled the building's roof, balcony, and the surrounding hillsides, intersections, and thickets, where armed shadows lurked, capturing every rustle in the oppressive silence. Only upon close inspection could one discern the faint specks of moonlight glinting off steel helmets. Yet, beyond those fortified walls, another realm pulsed with life, a vibrant contrast to the shadowed vigilance outside. The front hall, living room, and dining room blazed with brilliant light. Vibrant flowers, dominated by chrysanthemums in full, defiant bloom, infused the air with color and fragrance; a phonograph murmured a cheerful Guangdong melody, weaving an atmosphere thick with festive joy, a deliberate illusion amid the storm of war.   Chiang Kai-shek, clad in a flowing black silk gown, strode ahead with poised grace, escorting his guests into the dining room alongside the elegantly attired Soong May-ling, their conversation laced with laughter and warmth. At the table, Soong May-ling's smile was a beacon of diplomacy, as she artfully arranged the seating to suit hierarchies and alliances, while servers in crisp white uniforms moved with nimble precision. This was Chiang Kai-shek's intimate Mid-Autumn family banquet; beyond a handful of pivotal military and political figures, the gathering brimmed with relatives. Guests and kin alike noted Chiang's buoyant spirits tonight; his smiles were wide and genuine, his discourse light and expansive, delving into casual topics with uncharacteristic ease.   In September 1939, China's War of Resistance Against Japan had entered its grueling third year. After the initial cataclysm of turmoil and disarray, the government and military had clawed their way to stability, adapting to this unprecedented historical crucible, with operations finally aligning into a semblance of order. According to figures proclaimed by Minister of Military Affairs He Yingqin to Chinese and foreign reporters on the 13th of this month, Japanese invaders had seized 521 counties across 12 provinces, a vast swath of conquest. Yet, the Japanese imperialists had exacted this toll at a staggering cost. Just prior, on August 30, the Hirannuma Cabinet, installed a mere eight months earlier, had collapsed in mass resignation. Hirannuma Kiichiro's predecessor, Konoe Fumimaro, had similarly bowed out amid governmental failures, chiefly the unmet ambitions in the Sino-Japanese War that he had boldly promised to parliament, exacerbating domestic political and economic woes. Days ago, when Wang Pengsheng briefed Chiang on Japan's turbulent politics, he quipped: "Konoe said three months to destroy China; three months didn't work, nor three years, who knows about 30 or 300. Hirannuma had no solutions, down in eight months. Does Abe have good ideas? How long can he be prime minister?" Indeed, Abe Nobuyuki, Hirannuma's successor, would endure a mere four and a half months before resigning in ignominy. Tonight's feast showcased Chiang's favored cuisines: delicate Jiangsu-Zhejiang dishes mingled with robust Sichuan flavors. Chiang abstained from alcohol, raising his cup in mere symbolic toasts to his guests. During the meal, as if by unspoken accord, no one broached the raging domestic battles or the volatile international landscape; conversations meandered through trivialities, skirting anything heavy or discordant, a fragile bubble of normalcy.   On September 3, Britain and France had declared war on Germany, shattering the global order in a seismic shift. Foreign newspapers already bandied the term "Second World War," a phrase that evoked freshness, exhilaration, and sheer terror in equal measure. China's diplomacy surged with newfound vigor. In April, Ambassador to the US Wang Zhengting had negotiated a $20 million loan with American banks on China's behalf. In May, Stalin responded to Chiang's overtures, agreeing to exchange arms for Chinese tea, wool, raw hides, and more. A month later, the first consignment of light and heavy weapons—including artillery and heavy machine guns—arrived via clandestine routes through Xinjiang and Mongolia, bolstering the central army's frontlines. In August, Hu Shih, Wellington Koo, and Chien Tai represented the Nationalist Government at the 19th League of Nations Assembly, laying bare the Japanese imperialists' atrocities in China before the world and rallying global forces for peace to support China's defiant stand. Soon after, British and American civic groups ignited "China Week" campaigns, pressing their governments to aid the beleaguered nation. Waves of foreign volunteers streamed in from distant shores: doctors, journalists, ordnance engineers, even retired soldiers clamoring to join the fray on the frontlines.   "If we could pull America into this war..." Through Soong May-ling's subtle, persuasive influence, Chiang allowed himself to daydream of that prosperous, dynamic young powerhouse across the vast ocean. Thus, on this Mid-Autumn night, his talk turned to America, to his correspondence with President Roosevelt regarding the "tung oil loan." That saga had unfolded the previous October; T.V. Soong had jetted to America, securing a loan with China's tung oil, a commodity scarce in the US, as collateral. China had boldly requested $400 million; America countered with $25 million, a classic tale of "ask high, settle low." Yet, the funds were secured. One success paved the way for many. Soong May-ling had once confided to Chiang: "In mobilizing US aid for China's resistance, I'll make a difference." When Chiang responded with a smile, "Thank you, Madam," he could scarcely foresee how his beautiful wife's extraordinary prowess in fulfilling this solemn vow would astonish him, etching eternal glory for Chinese women worldwide and elevating Soong May-ling to the zenith of her life's achievements.   The most direct echo of the First Battle of Changsha's thunderous saga resides in the Ninth War Zone's meticulous report on the northern Hunan and southern Hubei operations, submitted to the Chongqing Military Committee and Chiang Kai-shek himself, a faded relic now entombed amid the vast ocean of Nationalist Government military and political archives in Nanjing's Second Historical Archives of China. This document, a painstaking compilation of combat dispatches from divisions, armies, and army groups, stands as a testament to valor and sacrifice. Tragically, time's relentless march and human folly have ravaged this priceless artifact, leaving only shards and whispers to conjure the heart-wrenching inferno of that bloody clash.   "October 24, Year 28. Urgent. To Chongqing. Chairman Chiang. Secret. Submitted by Commander Xue on orders." The rice paper has yellowed to a deep, somber hue, brittle and parched; a careless touch could reduce it to dust. Some pages lie fractured, their remnants affixed to white paper, forever unable to reclaim their original wholeness. Leafing through page by page unleashes a pungent miasma, a scorched, acrid, decayed blend that assaults the senses. Traces of fire and water mar the original rice paper sheets, with countless fragments glued haphazardly to white backings, their sequences lost to eternity.   "...The Xin Qiang River spanning from Lujiao to Leishi Mountain, defending a front of over 110 li..." "Enemy 13th and 33rd Divisions, parts of the Hata Detachment, naval units, and artillery, cavalry, engineers totaling..." "...Began attacking us first with artillery... fortifications completely destroyed, then infantry charged; relying on our officers and men all resolved to coexist with the homeland..." "...And launched balloons to direct artillery... our army braved the cannons... repelled them, corpses filling the river, turning the water red..." "Division casualties also reached over a thousand... failed to inflict greater strikes and annihilate... deep inner guilt, besides vigorously training troops awaiting orders to kill the enemy..." "...Attack casualties heavy, then concentrated large forces... artillery fire so dense like continuous firecrackers for hours... released poison gas, Wang Street garrison all heroically sacrificed, then breached... Zhao Gongwu kowtows, October 15"   Zhao Gongwu commanded the 2nd Division under Zhang Yaoming's 52nd Army. This unit first held the line along the Xin Qiang River, then fell back to northeast of Fengjiang Bridge to staunch the enemy tide once more; after October 6, it hammered southward-marching Japanese from the west in the Yanglin Street and Dajing Street regions. Through these crucibles, the division bled over half its strength. A fragment of an envelope clings to a sheet of white paper, its words faintly visible: "Changsha 126-3 Zhang Yaoming," "Hunan Jinjing Air Mail," "Combat Process by..." and the like. The stamp remains remarkably intact—a philatelic gem now. Measuring 1.5 cm square, it features Sun Yat-sen's portrait at its center, inscribed "Republic of China Post" below, with "5" in the upper right, "fen" to the left, and "5" in each lower corner. I sat at the long table in the spacious, brightly lit reading room, staring vacantly, my thoughts grinding to a halt. These remnants are all that endure for posterity, of that monumental battle, of the scorching blood and vanished lives of countless unnamed Chinese soldiers. With hands that once gripped a rifle, I gently caressed those pages from a bygone era; they were cold, devoid of any lingering breath.   As the full moon of the 15th of the eighth month dissolved into the golden-red blaze of sunrise, Qin Yizhi's 195th Division had already plunged into the rugged mountains and dense forests encircling Fulinpu. Per directives from 15th Army Group Commander Guan Linzheng, the 195th was to forge a new defensive bastion centered on Fulinpu, 40 to 70 kilometers from Changsha. Their mandate: stall the Japanese southward juggernaut, granting precious time for allied forces to muster and fortify around the city. Despite the grueling all-night march, morale soared undimmed. The advance chief of staff doled out positions to each regiment, and the troops dove into fortification labors with fervent zeal. The 195th Division's unyielding stand along the Xin Qiang River had already etched preliminary glory upon this unit in its baptism of fire. "Fame in one battle" echoed as a battle cry throughout the division, where collective honor intertwined with personal valor. Honor and triumph formed the bedrock for soldiers and armies alike. Yet, another fire fueled their resolve.   On September 23, amid the Japanese forcing the Xin Qiang River, Guan Linzheng's voice crackled over the phone to Qin Yizhi: "Facing you is the 6th Division." The 6th Division, a name that ignited fury in Chinese troops and civilians, forever linked to the demonic specter of Tani Hisao. Moments later, the whisper spread like wildfire through every trench: "The Japanese army that perpetrated the Nanjing Massacre is right in front." Agitation rippled through the ranks; some donned fresh uniforms and shoes from their packs, casting aside the worn; others flouted discipline to bid farewells to hometown comrades: "Today we fight to the death here; see you in the next life." "Tell my mother I died fighting the Nanjing Massacre enemies."   Some company commanders commanded their mess sergeants to expend all funds on hearty feasts. All Japanese were foes, but the 6th Division embodied a blood debt, an unforgivable vendetta; the Chinese nation does not lightly forget its tormentors. In the Xin Qiang River maelstrom, the 195th Division battled with heroic ferocity. Some soldiers, in their final breaths, murmured: "Die then; it's worth it." Others lamented slaying too few devils, gritting teeth, eyes refusing to close in eternal regret. Now under Inaba Shiro's command, the 6th Division splintered southward after breaching the Xin Qiang; roughly a thousand hounded the 195th to Fulinpu. On the morning of September 29, the Japanese blundered into the 195th's meticulously laid ambush. Qin Yizhi, pulse racing with excitement and tension, fumbled the binoculars from his guard's hand. His command sliced the air: "Begin." War history chronicles: "The 6th Division advanced south from the Miluo River along the Xinshi-Liqiao road and Xinshi-Fulinpu routes. The over a thousand reaching Fulinpu were ambushed by the Nationalist 195th Division, suffering heavy losses." As Japanese artillery and aircraft unleashed hell upon the 195th's positions, Qin orchestrated a swift southward withdrawal to the environs of Shangshan City. Again, without pause, they erected fortifications and set deadly traps.   On the morning of September 30, the pursuers from Fulinpu closed in on Shangshan, their numbers swollen to over 1,500. Qin Yizhi clenched his jaw, his demeanor icy calm, allowing the Japanese to creep into the kill zone before barking: "Hit them hard!" Combat raged from dawn to dusk, obliterating over 700 foes. Qin ascended a hill, surveying through binoculars, then erupted: "Bad! The enemy is retreating." Upon receiving Qin's telegram, Guan Linzheng scrutinized the map, momentarily stunned, then replied: "Enemy shows no retreat signs yet; proceed per original plan. Your unit to block at Shangshan City line until October 2." Xianning, Okamura Yasuji's 11th Army HQ.   Combat maps bristled with markings, staff officers darting amid ringing phones and clattering telegrams. The colossal red arrow in northern Hunan had fractured into tributaries, surging over 100 km southward from the outset; one tendril pierced to Yong'an City, a mere 30 km from Changsha. Vast swaths of northern Hunan lay conquered, yet Okamura sensed the tide turning, it was time to retreat. The Chinese employed their time-honored gradual resistance, battling while retreating with cunning grace. Some units fell back directly, others amassed on flanks—what portent did that hold? In Okamura's shrewd mind loomed an equally shrewd Xue Yue; he envisioned his adversary methodically weaving a snare.   Post-Yingtian landing, the 15th Army Group's timely evasion had unraveled his "Xiang-Gan Operation Plan" like fragile thread. If encircling and annihilating the Chinese main force proved unattainable, what purpose in pressing onward? Telegrams from 3rd Division's Fujita Susumu, 6th's Inaba Shiro, and 13th's Tanaka Seiichi piled on his desk, pleading to assault Changsha—for headlines and Imperial accolades, perhaps, but blind to their exposed supply lines vulnerable to enemy thrusts? Ground logistics teetered on collapse; the air force resorted to airdrops for isolated regiments. Venturing further south would stretch lines to breaking; a severed artery spelled doom for the vanguard. When would these commanders mature into true stewards of the Imperial Army? Okamura fretted and pitied them in equal measure.   At 4 p.m. on September 30, Okamura decreed a halt to advances at Shangshan and Yong'an. He commenced orchestrating the retreat. Changsha, Yuelu Mountain, Ninth War Zone Command Forward HQ. October 1. Xue Yue stood before the map, Guan's latest telegram clutched in hand. Qin's second missive insisted on Japanese withdrawal, corroborated by 15th Army Group scouts from Yingtian: This morning (October 1), Japanese transports unloaded artillery stowed the previous night, hauling it back to Yueyang; intercepted wires revealed a regiment aborting its southward push, standing idle. Guan assessed the mosaic and commanded counteroffensives: intercept if feasible, pursue relentlessly, deny the Japanese escape; he relayed retreat indicators to Xue. Xue paced the chamber, head bowed in contemplation. Chief of Staff Wu Yizhi, Staff Director Zhao Zili, and their cadre tracked his every step with expectant eyes, awaiting the verdict. Xue's thoughts whirled through military stratagems and beyond.   Pre-war, Xue had segmented the war zone's forces into tripartite blocs: Northern Hunan under Guan Linzheng's 15th, Yang Sen's 27th, and Shang Zhen's 20th Army Groups as "A Cluster"; Northern Jiangxi Nanchang with Yunnan Army Lu Han's 1st Army Group and the 74th Army as "B Cluster"; the Wuning, Xiushui, Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi border guarded by Sichuan Army Wang Lingji's 30th Army Corps, Fan Songpu's Border Advance Army, and 8th Army; augmented by 3 armies' 7 divisions in general reserve. Before the storm broke, Xue pored over maps, tracing every mountain, river, road, and bridge, envisioning burial grounds for the invaders.   Now, beneath Changsha, 200,000 troops formed a tightening net. The "decisive battle in Changsha suburbs" blueprint had been wired to Chongqing. Chiang and the nation yearned for a resounding triumph as the resistance pivoted into a new epoch?! A masterful drama, honed over half a month's toil, neared its crescendo; yet that cunning fox appeared to sniff the trap's metallic tang, freezing in place. "Commander, phone from Minister Chen." "Brother Boling, good news." Chen Cheng's voice brimmed with levity, "Your formal appointment published. What? Ninth War Zone Commander! First to congratulate; document tomorrow." Shedding the "acting" prefix was inevitable; Chiang had intimated as much long ago. But for a man and general, true worth lay not in titles, but in forging indelible feats. Splendor was judged not by underlings, colleagues, or superiors, but by peers in the craft of war.   Unmoved by the promotion, Xue exhaled a profound sigh. Though the 15th's intelligence couldn't confirm a wholesale retreat, preparations for dual contingencies were imperative. Victories came hard; a splendid battle, harder still. He summoned Wu Yizhi and Zhao Zili to devise countermeasures for the enemy's potential flight. October 2, Sichuan Army Yang Sen's 27th Army Group, Yang Gancai's 134th Division special service company, under Company Commander Wan Mingyu, slogged through the profound mountains and forests on the northern Mufu Mountains' flanks. The 134th's covert mandate: infiltrate enemy rear via treacherous terrain, sabotage supply arteries in the Chongyang-Xianning sector, and deliver a dagger to the Japanese spine when opportunity struck, bolstering frontal defenses.   Past 3 p.m., a crystalline mountain stream materialized. Wan decreed a respite. Over 100 soldiers, drained from a half-day's ascent, collapsed like puppets with severed strings. Most propped their torsos with rifles in one hand, fanning hats to ward off the relentless forest mosquitoes with the other. Regaining breath, they devoured rations washed down with stream water. Some unfurled towels and ventured downstream, letting the cool flow rinse away layers of sweat. Then, a muted engine drone encroached from the heavens. Wan peered through the foliage: a low-flying plane vectored southward, its wings emblazoned with the Rising Sun.   A transport; Wan recognized the temporary Japanese airfield near Xianning. With lines overextended, airdrops sustained isolated units. Wan was prying open a can with his bayonet, the tip etching a cross on the lid before levering along the edge; paired with a rice ball, it promised a savory repast. His orderly proffered a cup of fresh stream water; 2nd Platoon Leader Hu Yaozong perched nearby on a rock, smirking, poised to pilfer from the opened tin. Wan warded off this Sichuan Pixian compatriot. The plane droned overhead then.   Both glanced skyward; the platoon quipped: "Open quick, damn, I'll repay two cans later." Commander: "Want cans? Sky has; shoot plane down, enough for two lifetimes, bloat your mother-in-law first." The can hailed from a prior supply raid. Platoon: "You want me to shoot the plane?" Commander: "Bastard! You shooting or not?" The platoon snatched the light machine gun from a tree fork, jamming the butt against his belly, one hand on the grip, aiming crudely: "Come down, you turtle son!" The other hand squeezed the trigger. Wan assumed jest, resuming his task. "Da-da-da..." Wan jolted; the half-opened can tumbled to his feet, spilling Japanese fish onto Chinese soil. Recoil floored the platoon; he hurled the gun like a branding iron, face ashen. Inspecting the trigger, he snarled: "Whose damn fault, why no safety?!" The gunner dashed over; tall and even-tempered: "Safety was on; how'd it fire without pulling?" Wan's initial panic: "Damn! Position exposed."   The company spearheaded the division's reinforced regiment to raze a recent Japanese depot, guarded by a mere company—but exposure doomed the regiment deep in hostile territory. The assault had been plotted for days; pre-departure, Yang Gancai had toasted them. Wan had sworn a blood oath: No return to Sichuan without success. Hu had jested then: "No Sichuan return means wanting Hunan girl as concubine." Banter was fine in peace, but in war's grip, this was no trifling errand. Wan unleashed a torrent of curses, rising to survey the environs. The main force lagged 15 km behind; advance or abort post-blunder? Enemy rear was a labyrinth; this isolated band teetered on a razor's edge. As if to compel a choice, the radio operator approached; Wan itched to lash out. In his fury and indecision, a miracle unfolded.   The transport's engines hacked like a consumptive invalid, then a witness spied the plane banking left, plummeting, its nose inexorably toward a colossal rock 3-4 km distant. It rebounded twice on the stone, nose and left wing crumpling; the fuselage, fragile as parchment, tumbled gently, skewing onto the slope amid splintered trees. Wan gaped, then bellowed: "Assemble!" The men snapped from reverie, charging downhill in a frenzied cascade. One hour later, 134th Deputy Commander and Reinforced Regiment Commander Liu decoded Wan's vanguard transmission via radio. Another hour passed before Liu received Yang Gancai's directive: Abort Mountain Leopard operation; return with documents expeditiously. One day hence, October 3, Okamura Yasuji's original retreat order from October 2 dawn, addressed to northern Hunan's 6th, 33rd Divisions, Nara and Uemura Detachments, plus its Chinese translation, landed on Xue Yue's desk.   Fifteen days later, at the Changsha Victory Celebration, unit accolades were proclaimed; for "shooting down enemy plane, obtaining vital enemy documents," meritorious honors went to 134th Commander Yang Gancai and Deputy Liu. Each received 1000 yuan and one 3rd Class Baoding Medal. Okamura's October 2 order original: Chinese forces retreated to Miluo and Xiushui Rivers banks assembling; to avoid disadvantage, this army should quickly withdraw to original positions, restore combat strength.   Withdrawal plan as follows: … Xue's October 3 order original:   "Northern Hunan frontal units with current posture immediately pursue facing enemy fiercely, must capture in Chongyang-Yueyang south area. ... Pursuit units may detach part to monitor and sweep enemy collection troops; main force execute overtaking pursuit... Already deep behind enemy advance units vigorously destroy enemy transport lines, cut escape routes."   From October 3, Chinese forces unleashed ferocious counteroffensives against the Japanese on three fronts: northern Hunan, southern Hubei, and the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi border; the invaders receded like a vanishing tide, never to reclaim their ground. The 25th and 195th Divisions hounded the 6th Division and Nara Detachment from Fulinpu back to the Miluo River, then to the Xin Qiang River. On October 8, the Japanese fled across the Xin Qiang; the 195th's 566th Brigade surged in pursuit, launching a nocturnal raid on Xitang-Jianshan. Gains were modest, but the enemy, entrenched in their den, resisted with feral tenacity. Qin commanded the brigade's withdrawal southward; northern Hunan operations concluded.   In southern Hubei, the 79th Army chased remnants of the 33rd Division from Sanyan Bridge to Pingjiang, across Nanjiang Bridge, hounding them back to their Tongcheng lair. On the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi border, 30th Army Group Commander Wang Lingji orchestrated a pincer against Japanese at Xiushui. The foes retreated to Sandu, mounting a stubborn defense. Chinese assaults faltered for three days; on the fourth night's blitz, victory crowned their efforts, expelling the invaders to their original Wuning stronghold. With both armies reclaiming pre-war lines, the First Battle of Changsha drew to its resounding close.   Over days, Xue Yue received a deluge of congratulatory telegrams and letters from the Nationalist Government, Military Committee, National Assembly, myriad civic groups, party officials, and social luminaries. As hoped, among them was Chiang Kai-shek's effusive missive, brimming with joy. For Xue Yue, this one sufficed. Chiang Kai-shek's telegram to Xue Yue:   "In this northern Hunan campaign, over half the enemy was annihilated. The triumphant news has invigorated the nation, all due to effective command and soldiers' valor; I commend without reservation. Thoroughly investigate and report meritorious personnel from this battle; also report the dead and wounded for awards and relief. With this initial victory foundation laid, our officers and men's responsibilities grow heavier; urge your subordinates to extra vigilance, redoubled effort, avoiding arrogance or complacency, to amass great achievements, my deepest hopes."   As if countering Chongqing's high-powered broadcasts, Japanese radios in Wuhan, Nanjing, Beiping, and Manchukuo blared at full volume: "In this Xiang-Gan operation, valiant Imperial forces penetrated over 100 km into northern Hunan, sweeping anti-peace elements, routing Chinese central main forces, inflicting over 40,000 enemy casualties, a pivotal triumph advancing the holy war. Having achieved objectives, Imperial troops have victoriously withdrawn..."   In the aftermath of the First Battle of Changsha, the Japanese high command spun a tale of calculated restraint, insisting their assault was merely a spoiling raid, a calculated jab never intended to seize and hold the city indefinitely. With brazen confidence, they downplayed their toll, claiming a mere 850 souls lost to death and 2,700 wounded in the fray, while boastfully asserting they had slain 44,000 Chinese defenders and taken 4,000 captive, painting a picture of overwhelming triumph amid the smoke and ruin. Yet, foreign military observers, peering through the fog of propaganda with detached scrutiny, painted a starkly different canvas. They gauged Chinese losses at a far more tempered 20,000 killed and wounded, a heavy but bearable scar on the nation's resolve, while estimating Japanese casualties soared to around 30,000, a grievous hemorrhage that belied the invaders' claims of minimal sacrifice. Military historian Michael Clodfelter, sifting through the annals of conflict, ventured an even grimmer tally: a staggering 50,000 Japanese casualties endured in the relentless clash, a testament to the ferocity of Chinese resistance and the high price of imperial ambition. In the battle's locale, neither side claimed clear victory, but globally for the resistance, it favored China. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The First Battle of Changsha unfolded in September 1939 during China's War of Resistance Against Japan. Japanese forces under Okamura Yasuji advanced into Hunan and Jiangxi, crossing rivers and capturing key positions like Yingtian amid fierce Chinese defenses led by Xue Yue. 

Photo: U.S. Department of Interior building. (Kmf164 via Wikimedia) Tribal leaders are raising concerns about a possible overhaul of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) that could lead to more staff cuts. During a congressional hearing last week, National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) president Mark Macarro warned lawmakers a proposed reorganization could reduce positions critical to delivering funding and services to tribal nations. He says the plan is moving forward without meaningful consultation. Macarro told lawmakers, “this action has been done without consultation with tribal nations and without consideration of the impact it will have on the delivery of programs and services.” A recent Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found workforce reductions have already caused delays and left gaps in services across Indian Country. Federal officials say the changes are intended to improve efficiency, but tribal leaders warn the impacts could be far reaching. Native children playing outside at the Iselta Head Start. (Photo: Jeanette DeDios / KUNM-FM) The Pueblo of Isleta could lose federal funds for its Head Start program because online betting and prediction markets are hurting the tribe's gaming revenues. U.S. Rep. Gabe Vasquez (D-NM) met with tribal leaders last week to discuss the importance of preserving early education programs on sovereign Native lands. KUNM's Jeanette DeDios (Jicarilla Apache and Diné) has more. At the Isleta Head Start, which serves children ages three to five at the pueblo, the program offers both educational and cultural learning like traditional dancing and language learning. Native American communities must do a 20% non-federal match for their Head Start programs in order to receive the remaining 80% of their budget from the federal government, so Isleta Pueblo uses revenues from its casino gaming for the match. But tribal officials say that is now at risk because online gaming platforms use federal regulatory loopholes to offer gambling-like services nationwide, while avoiding state gaming compacts under which tribal casinos must operate. Charles Jojola , 1st Lieutenant Governor for the Pueblo of Isleta, says that every gaming Pueblo has similar concerns. “Coming into our state, unregulated. They’re not sharing any of their revenues. What people gamble, what they make, they’re walking away, you know, from the state with all that money. And as far as Indian tribes go, you know, we’re required.” The Trump administration has eased Biden-era regulations on prediction markets. Rep. Vasquez introduced an amendment to prohibit sports betting using prediction market models. He also co-sponsored another bill that would prohibit members of Congress and the administration from entering into contracts. He says if they do not prohibit this it is going to lead to corruption issues. “Because now you’re able to make predictions or bets on things like world events, on legislation, passing on what the President is going to do tomorrow, on what the Supreme Court case is going to decide on a case that they have before them.” Councilwoman for the Pueblo Eulalia Lucero says this will directly impact the Pueblo's children. “This is the forefront of the foundation of their future, and it’s developing their knowledge, their awareness, so that they can be stronger as they go into the next phases of education.” Vasquez says that online gaming is a clear violation and overstep of the rules that currently exist and it will be one of his top priorities this year. Get National Native News delivered to your inbox daily. Sign up for our daily newsletter today. Download our NV1 Android or iOs App for breaking news alerts. Check out today’s Native America Calling episode Wednesday, April 8, 2026 – Tribes scramble to save critical healthcare funding

Last time we spoke about the Xiang-Gan Operation. In 1939, during the Second Sino-Japanese War's stalemate phase, Chiang Kai-shek received intelligence from Wang Pengsheng about Japan's "Xiang-Gan Operation," a plan to pressure Chongqing by advancing on Hunan and supporting Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing. Chiang, based in Chongqing's Huangshan Villa, coordinated defenses in the Ninth War Zone. Deputy Chief Bai Chongxi proposed Plan A, luring Japanese forces deep to Hengyang for annihilation, minimizing movements and exploiting supply vulnerabilities. Chen Cheng and acting commander Xue Yue favored Plan B, emphasizing successive resistance north of Changsha to prevent its fall and counter propaganda.Initially approving Plan A, Chiang switched to Plan B after Xue's insistent telegrams highlighted risks like pincer attacks from Guangzhou and political fallout. Xue, haunted by past failures like Lanfeng and Nanchang, sought redemption. Troops under generals like Guan Linzheng fortified positions along the Xin Qiang and Miluo Rivers, with slogans invoking Taierzhuang's prestige.   #196 The Road to Changsha: Rivers of Carnage at Miluo and Bijia Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. At 7 a.m. on September 14, over 2,000 troops from Nakai Ryotaro's 106th Division launched a fierce attack on the positions of Wan Baobang's 184th Division in Huibu. When this telegram crackled into the command centers of Chongqing, Guilin, and Changsha simultaneously, a hush fell over those who read it, each uttering the same grave words: "It has begun." Huibu, a forgotten speck in Jiangxi Province, clung precariously close to the Hunan border. It was here, in this unassuming town, that the curtain rose on a brutal symphony of war, the opening act of a larger tragedy. The Japanese 106th and 101st Divisions, fresh from their iron grip on Nanchang, clashed once more with the beleaguered units under General Luo Zhuoying, the front-line commander whose failed bid to reclaim Nanchang still burned like an open wound after five agonizing months of tense standoff, where every shadow hid a potential ambush.   This was the calculated first thrust of Okamura Yasuji's insidious "Xiang-Gan Operation" plan: unleash an assault in Jiangxi to draw and pin down Chinese forces, forging the anvil for the hammer blow soon to fall in northern Hunan. The Japanese horde splintered into two relentless routes, surging toward Gao'an and Xiu Shui like twin serpents through the mist-shrouded hills and tangled jungles. Against them stood the Chinese 1st and 19th Army Groups, arrayed in ironclad formation, igniting a ferocious battle that echoed through the valleys with the thunder of gunfire and the cries of the fallen.   When Luo Zhuoying received the urgent telephone report from the front lines, not even a flicker of the expected tension crossed his steely facade. The map of the battlefield was etched into his mind, vivid as a fresh scar, with no need to consult paper when strategy pulsed in his veins. His voice remained calm, almost detached, as he issued orders that carried the weight of life and death. The confidential staff scribbling down the commands couldn't help but notice the eerie mismatch between General Luo's serene tone and the savage directives spilling forth. "Order all units to strictly hold their positions, use their own reserves to reinforce critical areas, do not expect the general reserve, retake lost positions on their own. Anyone whose defense zone is breached by the enemy, affecting the overall operation, will be executed without mercy!" After dictating this decree of unyielding resolve, he summoned Deputy Chief of Staff Yang Xiuqi with a pointed command: "Don't handle anything else; just keep an eye on Gao'an for me."   As the focus shifted to this critical stronghold, Gao'an stood as the town nearest Nanchang still clutched in Chinese hands, a stubborn thorn in the Japanese side, one they were hell-bent on yanking out with overwhelming fury. On September 15, 1939, the invaders shattered several forward positions of Song Kentang's 32nd Army encircling Gao'an, advancing like a tidal wave from east, west, and north. The soldiers of Li Zhaoying's 139th Division and Tang Yongliang's 141st Division clung desperately to their increasingly pulverized fortifications, enduring a hellstorm of Japanese aircraft and artillery that rained death from the skies. Wave after wave of wounded and martyred heroes were hauled from the lines, their blood staining the earth, while swathes of Japanese troops crumpled at the front in heaps of defeat. Army Commander Song Kentang, his brows furrowed in grim calculation, pondered pulling his forces back from Gao'an to blunt the enemy's razor-sharp advance. But as night cloaked the battlefield, Yang Xiuqi arrived under direct orders to oversee the fray, bearing Luo Zhuoying's unshakeable edict: Hold Gao'an firmly; no withdrawal allowed.   The onslaught intensified the next day, September 16, as the Japanese unleashed a frenzy of continuous assaults, their bombs reducing front-line positions to smoking craters. By dusk, each unit had bled over half its strength, yet they held amid the rubble, defiant ghosts in a landscape of ruin. That night, Song Kentang and Yang Xiuqi faced each other with expressions etched in worry, shadows dancing across their faces in the dim light. Song implored Yang to relay to Commander Luo that without reinforcements to hammer the enemy's flanks, clinging on until tomorrow's eve would be impossible—he urged a tactical withdrawal. Yang dispatched the dire situation and Song's plea via overnight telegram to Luo Zhuoying, but by noon on the 17th, silence reigned, no reply pierced the growing dread.   Yang Xiuqi recalled that on the afternoon of the 17th, a relentless drizzle fell like tears from the heavens. He accompanied a reception team to a crossroads, witnessing a heartbreaking procession from the front to a makeshift hospital south of Gao'an city. Severely wounded streamed in on stretchers, the lightly injured limped on their own, porters whispered of abandoned guns littering the positions, and military police reported a surge of deserters. In the cold calculus of combat statistics, there lurked a "missing" category—most were those who had fled the carnage.   On the 18th, combat erupted at dawn's first light. Japanese planes obliterated Gao'an city into a flattened wasteland, their infantry charging with unprecedented savagery. At noon, Song Kentang issued the fateful order: withdraw from the city and seize the hillsides to the south. Gao'an thus slipped into enemy clutches, a bitter loss that echoed like a death knell. That evening, Operations Section Chief Ji informed Yang Xiuqi of urgent directives from Guilin Office Director Bai Chongxi and War Zone Commander Xue Yue: the 32nd Army must orchestrate an immediate counterattack on Gao'an, with the "ace army" en route. The "ace army" was none other than Wang Yaowu's 74th Army, the Ninth War Zone's prized general reserve. Yang's orderly, fetching water past Song Kentang's quarters, overheard the commander's resigned growl: "If they say fight, then fight; at worst, we'll lose all our men."   That night, Army Commander Song Kentang descended to Tang Yongliang's 139th Division to personally oversee the assault, striking from south to north. The 141st Division, bolstered by Li Tianxia's 51st Division and Shi Zhongcheng's 57th Division of the 74th Army, flanked like wolves from both sides, weaving an encirclement around the Japanese in and around Gao'an city. "The 51st Division's code name was 'Vanguard.' This was truly a formidable unit; that night, with a fierce charge, they recaptured Cunqian Street, then built fortifications and stabilized the position," Yang Xiuqi said.   Liu Qihuai, an elderly man who was a squad leader in the 4th Company of the 3rd Regiment of the 51st Division during the Gao'an battle, where his thigh was pierced, recalled: "At that time, I was young and remembered one phrase passed down by veterans: The fearful die first, the fearless die later. In the first few battles, I gritted my teeth and charged head-on. Later, I grew bolder, became flexible in battle, calm-headed, quick-eyed and -handed. Once, right after a skirmish, the company commander punched me in the chest and said, 'Good kid, you know how to fight!' and made me squad leader. On the battlefield, bullets don't care if you're afraid or not; those unafraid of sacrifice, brave and tenacious, often seize the initiative for our army but also bear the brunt, suffering the heaviest casualties. On the third day of fighting Gao'an, the wound ticket said Republic Year 28 (1939) September 21. That day, we charged into the city for street fighting with the little devils, all mixed up. I was closely following the deputy company commander, but lost him; no one could find anyone, it was all about who had the quickest eyes. Watching front, left, right, rooftops, and fearing the ones lying on the ground were feigning death to get up and shoot—wished I had more eyes. I killed a devil poking out from a broken wall, thought that wall section could be a cover for observation and shooting, so I rushed toward it. As I got closer to that dead devil, suddenly my thigh felt stabbed; I ran a few more steps before realizing I was hit, and seeing blood, I couldn't stand. The bullet came at an angle; later I thought it might have been friendly fire, since I was charging ahead and there were no devils on the sides. But I didn't dare say that then; admitting it wouldn't count as a combat wound. I was carried by stretcher bearers to the aid station in a Gu clan's ancestral hall. Next to my stretcher was a Henan soldier from the 32nd Army with a through-and-through calf wound; he was quite cheerful, friendly right away. He said our 74th Army could fight because our helmets were special, all bought from the old Russians (Soviets), bulletproof, bullets would spin on the head. I said great, next battle let's swap. Being wounded, I feared disability most; death wasn't scary—die early, reincarnate early. Lying on the stretcher, still joking; we were truly young then. Later, I met a platoon leader surnamed Dang from my company who was wounded around the same time; he said that Henan soldier was transferred to a rear hospital, got gangrene, had his leg amputated, and died a few days later..."   According to war history records: At dawn on September 22, with the cooperation of the 74th Army, the 32nd Army's "139th and 141st Divisions fiercely attacked Gao'an city. Since the city walls had been destroyed by the unit before withdrawing, the Japanese could not hold firm and began retreating." By 8 a.m., the entire city was recaptured, "pursuing north in victory. A portion of the 141st Division advanced to Huangpo Bridge." The next day, they recaptured Xiangfuguan, Sigong Mountain, and other places northeast of Gao'an, "restoring the pre-war positions."   September 18 was a date the Japanese favored for their grim expeditions, a cursed numeral etched into the annals of invasion and strife. At dawn's first whisper, the Japanese 6th and 33rd Divisions, the Nara Detachment, Uemura Detachment, and their attached artillery, armored, engineer, aviation, and naval units gathered in their respective starting zones, adhering to the precise timings decreed by Okamura Yasuji. They held silent prayer ceremonies, an eerie ritual amid the gathering storm. Over 50,000 Japanese officers and soldiers turned their faces eastward, their hands momentarily abandoning weapons to clasp before their chests, peering through the dense, rain-laden clouds blanketing China toward an imagined sun ascending from a blood-red sea.   As the silent prayers dissolved into the mist, hands seized weapons once more. General Okamura Yasuji, prowling the lines of the 6th Division to inspect and ignite the assault, drew his command sword with a savage flourish and barked a short, guttural command in the tongue of his island nation to his fervent compatriots. In response, tens of thousands of military boots thundered in unison upon this foreign soil, so distant from the homeland that flickered in their devotional visions. The offensive in northern Hunan had erupted, a cataclysm of steel and fury.   On Okamura Yasuji's military map, three bold red arrows aligned menacingly along the Xin Qiang River, like lethal shafts poised to pierce the south bank. The scattered Chinese forward positions on a handful of high points north of the river appeared as mere pebbles before an inexorable tidal wave. Among these fragile defenses, the one thrust farthest into the jaws of peril was the Bijia Mountain position, held by Qin Yizhi's 195th Division under Zhang Yaoming's 52nd Army—a protruding bastion shaped like an oval with twin camel-like peaks. On Okamura's map, this defiant outpost bore no unit designation or commander's name, perhaps dismissed as inconsequential in the shadow of the massive onslaught.   Qin Yizhi recalled: "The enemy broke through the left-wing Songjiawan position on the north bank on the 19th. From dawn on the 20th, they attacked Shi Enhua's battalion at Bijia Mountain from the north and west. Besides artillery, they used planes for repeated bombings. This battalion was the most forward in our division; my attention was always here. The 195th Division was newly added to the 52nd Army after Yueyang's fall in late 1938, based on Henan security forces with poor military quality. I was transferred from army chief of staff to division commander and immediately focused on rigorous military training. First train company commanders, then platoon leaders, finally squad leaders. Marksmanship, bayoneting, grenade throwing—everyone passes; fail and get demoted. This is fighting the devils; personal death is minor, but who takes responsibility for failing the mission? Shi Enhua was my old subordinate from the 25th Division, Huangpu 8th Class graduate as platoon leader. He was upright, brave in combat; I promoted him to company and battalion commander. Shi Enhua had an older brother, Shi Enrong, Huangpu 7th Class, also in my unit, killed at Taierzhuang. Army Commander Zhang Yaoming said holding Bijia Mountain for 3 days completes the task; strive for more to blunt the enemy's edge, consume them heavily before they cross the river, making later battles easier. I barely slept those days. Shi Enhua led a reinforced battalion, over 500 men; this time it was truly bitter. By the second day, fortifications were basically blasted away; by the third day, September 22, the battalion had over half casualties. At dusk, visibility good, I went to a high ground by the river and looked across with binoculars. Shells flipped up patches of yellow earth on the mountain; fortifications in ruins. The chief of staff said the friendly position on Bijia Mountain's right wing was also lost. I called Shi Enhua: 'You've held for three days and nights, meeting army requirements. Troops have heavy casualties, surrounded on three sides; if unable to hold, withdraw if necessary.' Shi Enhua said only: 'A soldier has no "if necessary."' From dawn the next day, intense gunfire at Bijia Mountain; operations officer reported over a dozen tanks supporting infantry. I called for Shi Enhua; the orderly said the battalion commander was at the front. I asked how many troops left; the orderly cried. I ordered him to immediately convey: Withdraw to south bank at once, no delay! Shi Enhua and his brother Shi Enrong were both my subordinates. After Enrong's death, his father visited the troops; the old man tearfully shook my hand: 'Enrong died for the country, in his rightful place.' Enhua's family was affluent; his father educated, deeply principled. Around 3 p.m., I called again, finally reached Shi Enhua. I yelled angrily why not withdraw; Shi said: 'Division Commander, not that we won't; the enemy has us surrounded, we can't.' I ordered him to organize remaining forces for breakout; I'd assign artillery to suppress and send troops on south bank for support. Shi Enhua was silent for a while, finally said: 'Division Commander, see you in the next life!' A reinforced battalion, over 500 men: battalion commander, company commanders, platoon leaders, squad leaders, soldiers. A complete, orderly unit… After the battle, Japanese soldiers made locals collect bodies on the mountain; thousands from nearby villages went, all wanting to see these Chinese soldiers who fought for 4 days. On the mountain, everyone knelt; the hill was covered in fragmented corpses, not one intact for burial; the people wailed loudly."   On the night of September 22, under the dim, ethereal glow of the moonlight, the Xiang River flowed in silent mystery, its gentle waves lapping against the shore like whispered secrets of impending doom. Amid this serene rhythm, a faint, ominous hum of engines pierced the air. Upon the river's surface, shadowy vessels glided, not a mere handful, but a colossal fleet, a dark armada poised for conquest! The right wing of the Japanese attacking formation was the 5th Brigade, commanded by Major General Uemura Mikio under Fujita Susumu's 3rd Division. This formidable force—comprising 4 infantry battalions, 1 mountain artillery battalion, two engineer regiments, and two transport companies—bore a perilous mission: "After the frontal offensive begins, advance up the Xiang River to land at Yingtian in Xiangyin County, detour to the area of Daniqiao, Xinkaishi, Qingshansi, and Malinshi south of the Miluo River, cut off the retreat of the Chinese forces, and support the 6th Division, 33rd Division, and 26th Brigade in attacking the area north of Changsha."   The Yingtian landing occupied a pivotal, treacherous role in Okamura Yasuji's grand operational scheme, a devastating thrust aimed at the left wing of the Chinese defenses, designed to sever the southern retreat of troops entrenched along the Xin Qiang River and Miluo River lines, while plunging a lethal dagger into their exposed flanks. Among the Japanese soldiers charged with this grim duty was Yoshida Yujin, who in the 1970s resided in Higashi Ward, Osaka, Valley Town 3-chome, once a private first class in the 5th Brigade's 7th Infantry Battalion, 5th Company. He recalled: "It was a few days before the Mid-Autumn Festival, and we were on the 'Xiang-Gan Operation' mission. One night, the troops assembled and boarded naval speedboats near Yueyang. I remember the mission involved our brigade plus attached units, totaling over 3,000 men. The speedboats formed a long line on the river; the one I was on seemed to be near the front. The speedboats ran without lights or whistles for concealment. We headed upstream along the Xiang River. That night, there was a not-quite-full, dark red moon in the sky, with dim reflections on the water; other boats and the land were black. We sat tightly packed in the cabins or on deck, rifles against shoulders, no talking allowed, only hearing the rumble of engines and soft water sounds. Around 1 or 2 a.m., Squad Leader Aota whispered: 'Entering combat zone.' We all instinctively grabbed our rifles, staring at the dark shoreline. About two hours before dawn, we finally reached the landing site. As we disembarked, gunfire erupted from a nearby hillside; the Chinese army had spotted us. Machine guns fired from the boats ahead; urged by the squad leader, we jumped off, wading knee-deep water to run from the shore. The company commander ordered several squads to deploy in battle formation, seize the hill attacking us, and cover the following boats' landing. After the attack began, it drew enemy fire; bullets whistled overhead and around us. Soon, enemy direct-fire cannons bombarded the fleet fiercely. Turning back in the explosion's flash, I saw our boat and an adjacent one hit and sinking, plus a few not yet ashore hit—those on board must have suffered heavy casualties. Because of the fierce enemy fire, our progress was slow. It was dark, targets unclear; 'Follow up, follow up' commands came constantly. Advancing in darkness, uneven ground caused frequent falls, impossible to move fast. Per plan, our battalion was to land at Tuxing Port between Yingtian and Xiongzui, then immediately occupy a place called Liuxing Mountain south of Yingtian as a foothold, before cutting southeast into the main battlefield. Landing led to immediate combat; everyone was momentarily at a loss. Along the riverbank, many spots fired guns and cannons toward the river, making our intent to seize that hill meaningless. When I and another soldier carried a wounded to the company's aid station, I saw officers studying maps with flashlights, probably unsure of position and attack direction. Soon came the order: Conceal in place. At dawn's first light, our planes bombed enemy positions; seven or eight planes dropped bombs and strafed several high grounds controlling the riverbank. By full daylight, we received orders to capture a village. The squad leader ordered us to advance in battle formation. This village, whose name I now forget, was on a hillside not far from the riverbank, with a simple trench in front. We rushed to the trench, threw a few grenades, and jumped in; my foot softly stepped on an enemy soldier's corpse. I jumped in fright, looked down, and saw two bullet holes side by side in his head—from a machine gun. Though I'd been in several battles, I was still afraid; before each, I'd pray inwardly, making a small wish. This time, my wish was to live through the Mid-Autumn Festival. Around 9 a.m., several more battalions landed at another crossing near Yingtian and soon linked with us. After our battalion occupied the empty small village, we turned to attack Yingtian Town. Around noon, we reached a kilometer outside the town, eating in a dry ditch. I heard the company commander say the company had over a dozen killed and wounded each. After eating, we joined the final assault on Yingtian Town. Bayonets fixed on rifles, per tactics, in groups of three or four, alternating cover, advancing stepwise. Enemy fire was quite fierce; we could only rush to forward advantageous positions when planes bombed, then conceal immediately after they left, pushing forward step by step. At 4 p.m., we attacked into the bombed-out ruins of Yingtian streets, engaging in street-by-street fighting with the enemy. My combat group had four; before entering the streets, Oyama-kun was unfortunately killed. After entering, the three of us stayed close. Rushing into a small temple in the town's northwest corner, one of us, my good friend Kurata, was hit in the abdomen and fell. I quickly dropped, took out bandages to wrap him. His expression was pained, holding breath in his lungs, face flushed red. I forcefully pried his hands from his belly; blood surged out. I stuffed gauze in, shouting: 'Medic, medic!' Kurata was my middle school classmate, same grade different class; we met on the school baseball team. His mother was a very kind woman, always smiling beautifully. Sometimes after extended practice, she'd bring water and snacks, wait by the field until done, and share with the team. The medic was nowhere; I was so anxious tears flowed. Kurata teared up too, wanted to say something but dared not breathe, suffering greatly. I picked him up to retreat; after a few steps, a shell exploded nearby, my head boomed, and I knew nothing. When I woke, Company Commander Miki was slapping my face hard; my mouth tasted salty. I got up, felt myself—no injuries; realized I'd been stunned. The commander, seeing me awake, patted my shoulder and handed my gun. Seeing people walking upright, I knew the battle was over. I asked: 'Where's Kurata-kun?' He said: 'He did his duty.' Not far, over thirty bodies lay side by side awaiting transport; I recognized them one by one and found Kurata. No longer curled, he lay flat, comfortably. His face waxy yellow, an arm blown off, abdominal blood soaking his uniform. I knelt beside him, tears unending. My mind kept thinking: I can't live either, because back home, I couldn't face that kind, always beautifully smiling woman; I can't live. Our unit advanced southeast; the column lacked many familiar faces. Before the unit crossed a mountain, I looked back once. Yingtian, a small town on the Xiang River's east bank..."   According to war history records: "On the morning of September 23, the Japanese Nara Detachment at Yanglin Street and the 6th Division near Qibutang west of Xin Qiang forcibly crossed the Xin Qiang River (shallow enough to wade). A portion of the Uemura Detachment, supported by naval vessels, assaulted landings at Lujiao and Jiumazui on the left flank of Chinese positions. The Chinese 2nd Division and 195th Division bravely resisted the facing enemy. At this time, the Japanese used over a hundred small boats to carry the main Uemura Detachment force, supported by naval guns and air fire, detouring via Heyehu and Guhu to land south of the Miluo River mouth, at Yingtian, Tuxing Port, Duigongzui, etc., with about 1,500 troops. The Chinese 95th Division immediately counterattacked. Around 10 a.m., the Japanese reinforced landings toward Qingshan, Yanjia Mountain, and Liuxing Mountain south of Yingtian. Chinese counterattacks in these areas failed, and the Japanese captured the line from Yingtian to Qianqiuping."   After triumphing at the Xin Qiang River and securing their perilous landing at Yingtian, Okamura Yasuji, adhering to his meticulously crafted deployment, drove his forces relentlessly toward the second defensive bulwark in northern Hunan, the formidable Miluo River, a line that could spell the difference between survival and annihilation. The Miluo River, snaking midway but northward between Yueyang and Changsha, stood as a natural fortress, a gift from the earth that Chinese forces could wield as a shield against the invaders. Chen Pei's 37th Army, under the 15th Army Group, had arrayed Liang Zhongjiang's 60th Division and Luo Qi's 95th Division along its southern bank, a wall of determination forged in the face of encroaching doom. With the Xin Qiang River defenses shattered and the Changsha region pulsing with tension, precious time was needed to fortify further, so Xue Yue issued a draconian order: do not abandon the Miluo River line under any circumstances. Over 20,000 officers and men of the 37th Army toiled ceaselessly through day and night, bolstering fortifications with sweat and resolve, their hearts heavy with the dread of the inferno soon to descend.   The 2nd Company of the 1st Battalion, 3rd Regiment of the 37th Army's 60th Division had been entrenched at Xinshi for a full three months, a vigil that turned the town into a pressure cooker of anticipation. Since the eruption of battle at the Xin Qiang River on September 18, the nerves of this riverside outpost had been strung taut, ready to snap at the slightest provocation. Yang Peyao, who would later endure a crippling foot wound that left him disabled, was then a fresh-faced one-year recruit, his innocence yet to be scorched by the fires of war. He harbored a naive conviction that combat was preferable to the drudgery of peacetime; training and fortification labor were exhausting, meals meager and uninspiring, but in the heat of battle, hardships seemed to vanish, and rations improved with each passing day. This notion stemmed from his unit's lack of real action since his enlistment, just endless standbys and guard duties where the enemy remained a phantom, never materializing.   That day marked the 13th of the eighth lunar month; Yang Peyao and his entire regiment stood on high alert at their positions beside the dock, as routine as the river's flow. The Xin Qiang River line had held for five grueling days and nights; since two days prior, front-line troops had been streaming southward in retreat, their weary forms a harbinger of the storm to come. Xinshi served as the vital crossroads of east-west and north-south highways, a choke point for withdrawals from the Xin Qiang River, and the precarious junction between the 60th and 95th Divisions of the 37th Army. Army Commander Chen Pei had personally inspected the defenses multiple times, his eyes scanning for any weakness that could unravel their stand. One fateful day, as Yang Peyao's battalion labored to thicken fortification covers, the commander and Division Commander Liang Zhongjiang strode by; Yang overheard the commander's voice, sharp as a blade, declaring to the division commander: "No words; execute on the spot!" After the officers vanished from sight, Yang turned to a grizzled 40-something veteran in his squad: "Uncle Zhao, don't know who the commander is so fierce about executing?" Old Zhao replied with the weary wisdom of one who had seen too much: "Once fighting starts, people die, some by devils' hands, some by officers'; that's a soldier's fate."   Around 10 a.m., regimental orders crackled through: Battle was imminent today; front-line troops would withdraw by noon, with Japanese hounds nipping at their heels; all positions must vigilantly scan the north bank; lunch would not be rotated, meals delivered straight to the lines. Yang Peyao positioned himself outside the fortification, peering intently across the water. The Miluo River stretched about 600 meters wide here, bridged by a military pontoon for vehicles linking the north-south highways. Not far upstream on the south bank loomed Xinshi Town; the highway skirted west of it, arrowing straight south to Changsha. With the town as a dividing line, the east fell under the 60th Division's domain, the west to the 95th; Yang's battalion clung to the division's edge, perilously adjacent to the town. Since assuming their post, he had heard tales of the south bank fortifications, erected over a full year: clusters of reinforced concrete bunkers interlinked in a defiant network. With reports of Japanese heavy artillery and aerial onslaughts at the Xin Qiang River, the commander had demanded further reinforcements, ensuring they could withstand multiple direct hits from the sky's fury.   At 11:30 a.m., the company phone buzzed with instructions to fetch lunch from the kitchen. As Yang Peyao and another recruit emerged, they beheld another unit trudging across the bridge, a grim procession of battered souls. These brothers had fought through hell itself, their forms caked in grime and soot, the Republic of China flag at their vanguard tattered and filthy like a discarded rag. Stretcher bearers hauled an endless line of wounded and lifeless bodies; Yang caught sight of one injured soldier sitting rigidly on his litter, his upper body and head swathed in bandages, only his wide, haunted eyes visible, staring blankly in his direction. The unit took nearly an hour to cross, a somber parade of exhaustion. Returning with empty bowls after their meal, Yang spotted two collection vehicles groaning under loads of supplies and stragglers rumbling over the bridge. Trailing not far behind were clusters of three to five refugees, burdened with children, their faces etched with desperation. Since taking position, Yang had witnessed such southward streams daily on this crucial route, ghosts fleeing the advancing nightmare.   Then the squad leader bellowed his name, jolting him back into the fortification. The company relayed urgent word: Japanese forces were tailing the 79th Army southward, poised to reach the Miluo River imminently. Before the squad leader could finish, the sharp "da-da-da" of machine gun fire erupted nearby. Yang's head buzzed with adrenaline; this was his first true taste of combat since enlisting. Though he had thumped his chest in pre-battle rallies, the real crackle of gunfire twisted his guts, nearly overwhelming him with fear. He dove to his assigned spot: assisting machine gunner Old Zhao by swapping ammo drums. Peering through the narrow firing slit, a vivid, stereoscopic tableau unfolded before him, forever seared into his memory.   A thin man in a blue gown, bespectacled like a rural teacher, hoisted a light machine gun, firing wildly as he charged; behind him, a woman clutched a child, racing northward from the bridge's center. Several farmer-like figures miraculously produced machine guns, blasting away while advancing; beside them, women, elders, and old crones, some crouched with hands over heads on the bridge, others fled back, a few leaped into the churning river. The chaos erupted so abruptly that even these battle-ready soldiers froze in shock. Two disguised Japanese assailants stormed the nearest semi-underground permanent fortification by the bridge, circling it while unleashing fire, likely hunting for an entry. One yanked a grenade pin with his teeth, jamming it through the slit; the air quivered silently before exploding, and they lunged toward another target.   Several Chinese soldiers, not yet hunkered in their bunkers, stood frozen, as if the pandemonium were a distant spectacle unrelated to them. In that surreal moment, Japanese machine guns spared these bystanders, fixating instead on the bridgehead bunkers. Then, a soldier erupted from a bunker with a primal yell, bayoneted rifle in hand, charging the armed intruders. As the Japanese wheeled around, he closed in, thrusting before bullets felled him, but his stab missed as they evaded; his cry was silenced mid-roar. Over a dozen members of this Japanese suicide squad, masquerading as fleeing Chinese civilians, surged toward the bridge's southern end; our machine guns finally thundered to life, dropping the invaders one by one on the span, yet the survivors pressed on in a desperate sprint.   Yang's machine gun roared to life; he watched battle-hardened Old Zhao, sweat streaming, eyes narrowed in fury, teeth gritted, lips pulled back in a savage grimace. They sealed the bridge with a hail of lead; amid the deafening cacophony, Yang caught a frantic shout: "Blow the bridge! Damn it, blow the bridge!" Yang braced for the nightmare of a Japanese bursting in, raking their backs with fire. But then, the bridgehead and the entire river defenses shuddered under a barrage of shells. From the first shot to now, mere minutes had elapsed; yet the opposite bank already bristled with khaki uniforms and the glaring Rising Sun flags fluttering like omens of death. What followed was a relentless alternation of aerial and artillery bombardments, a symphony of destruction. Later, Yang queried Old Zhao: Many in the suicide squad had crossed, so weren't they afraid of bombing their own? Old Zhao pondered deeply, then sighed with bitter resignation: "No matter the country, soldiers' lives are cheap."   As the bombing ceased, Japanese forces, now in plain sight and within lethal range, charged in waves from the bridge and through the water toward the south bank; one wave crumpled, only for another to rise, an unyielding, inexhaustible horde. Ammunition was plentiful in the fortification; Old Zhao mentioned three "bases" had been issued—Yang couldn't recall the exact rounds per base. Hours blurred into a frenzy, the ground carpeted with gleaming brass casings; this, Yang realized, was the commander's invocation of the "Art of War: 'Strike when half crossed'", a tactical masterstroke amid the carnage. Japanese blood stained this ancient, storied river crimson; Yang's reinforced concrete bastion cracked wide under the onslaught. In the cataclysmic blast of a heavy bomb from above, the other gunner bled from every orifice, collapsing unconscious and being dragged away. Old Zhao, eyes bloodshot and nose trickling red, paused during a drum swap: "Might not make it this time; don't forget me." Then, with grim pride: "Remember, killed 8 enemy, 1 horse."   At dusk, the Japanese assault faltered, granting a fleeting respite. The fortification's survivors scrambled out, frantically repairing and piling more soil. The company commander passed by, eyeing the fissure: "You guys are lucky; this is the best in the company." The squad leader inquired: "Heavy casualties?" The commander paused, his response evasive: "Depends how higher-ups say to fight." Soon after, orders circulated: Two per squad to retrieve ammo and rations from the company; prepare for nocturnal warfare. The squad leader dispatched Yang for rations, handling bullets himself. While distributing the meager sustenance, fresh word arrived: Immediate withdrawal.   As darkness enveloped the battlefield, our mortars and small mountain guns hammered the opposite Japanese positions. In column formation, Yang stole one last glance at this place of grueling training, endless drills, and now, brutal initiation. Fortifications erected over a year, inhabited for three months, defended for half a day. At the Xinshi positions on the Miluo River's south bank, recruit Yang Peyao had fought his first battle in his personal saga of the War of Resistance Against Japan. He emerged unscathed, no death or wound; alongside Old Zhao, they had felled 11 enemies and two horses. In a quiet revelation, he discovered Old Zhao wasn't the unflinching hero he proclaimed, trudging onward, Yang secretly tallied his insights. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After debating Plans A and B, Chiang adopted Plan B, emphasizing resistance north of Changsha. Japanese forces assaulted Jiangxi and Hunan, capturing Gao'an briefly before Chinese troops, including the 74th Army, recaptured it. At Bijia Mountain, Shi Enhua's battalion held for four days, perishing entirely. The Uemura Detachment landed at Yingtian amid fierce resistance, suffering heavy losses. Defenders at the Miluo River repelled waves of attacks, with suicide squads and bombardments inflicting carnage before a tactical withdrawal.

Acting Comptroller General of the United States and Head of the US Government Accountability Office Orice Williams Brown joined us in conversation at the Academy offices last month to talk about a hugely important document to everyone in the federal government: the GAO High Risk List.For more than three decades, the U.S. Government Accountability Office's High-Risk List has identified programs vulnerable to waste, mismanagement, and operational weakness. But beyond oversight, the High-Risk List has become a powerful driver of modernization, reform, and performance improvement across government.Brown joined Academy Fellow Kimberly Walton of the Standing Panel on the Public Service to talk about how agencies and priorities get on the High Risk List, why some welcome it, and what it takes to be moved off!Stick around to learn what the future might hold for GAO and more.Management Matters is a presentation of the National Academy of Public Administration produced by Lizzie Alwan and Matt Hampton and edited by Matt Hampton. Support the Podcast Today at: donate@napawash.org or 202-347-3190Episode music: Hope by Mixaund | https://mixaund.bandcamp.comMusic promoted by https://www.free-stock-music.comFollow us on YouTube for clips and more: @NAPAWASH_YT

Unlock the power of divine guidance and self-trust in this transformative episode with Gao Peraino. Discover why booking a psychic or leadership reading might be the game-changer you never knew you needed, and how it can open doors to clarity, healing, and aligned life decisions. Gao shares her personal journey from working in payroll to embracing her true calling as a psychic medium and life coach, demonstrating how stepping out of your comfort zone can lead to extraordinary growth. Learn how to navigate common fears about spirit communication, what to expect during a reading, and how to distinguish between guidance and control. Empowering you to access the messages from your loved ones and your inner voice with confidence. You'll discover:The differences between psychic, mediumship, and life coaching readings, and which one suits your questionsPractical tactics for trusting your intuition and making decisions aligned with your higher selfHow free will can alter predictions, emphasizing your role in shaping your futureThe importance of timing, divine messages, and listening to your inner knowingHow to create a safe environment for spiritual communication and avoid fears about hauntings or negativityThis episode isn't just about readings, it's a call to reclaim your power, embrace your unique journey, and trust that you already have all the answers within. If you're craving clarity, wanting to deepen your self-connection, or seeking inspiration to take fearless action, this episode is perfect for you. Join Gao as she dismantles misconceptions about spirit work, shares inspiring stories of her metamorphosis, and offers practical tools to integrate divine guidance into your daily life. Whether you're new to spirituality or a seasoned seeker, you'll leave equipped with confidence, clarity, and a renewed sense of purpose.Why stay stuck in uncertainty when the universe is whispering secrets meant just for you? Tune in, trust yourself, and step fully into your light.Subscribe to Embody The Light With Gao for more episodes on spiritual growth, self-love, intuition development, healing, and personal transformation.If you feel called to go deeper, you can book a psychic or mediumship reading or coaching session at⁠www.gaoperaino.com⁠Connect with Gao: https://linktr.ee/gaoperainoEmail: lifecoach@gaoperaino.com

Andrew and beloved guest Jessica Gao discuss gambling and diversity in media. Check out the crew's bonus shows at suboptimalpods.com.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Last time we spoke about the Chiang Kai-Shek-Wang Jingwei divide. In the late 1930s, amid the Second Sino-Japanese War, tensions escalated between Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei. Following the Nomonhan Incident and Soviet-Japanese neutrality pact, Japan intensified its invasion of China. At the 1937 Mount Lu Conference, Chiang delivered a speech committing to resistance against Japanese aggression, though both leaders initially hoped for peace. However, Japan's advances, including the fall of Shanghai and the brutal Rape of Nanjing, displaced millions and relocated the government to Chongqing. Wang, disillusioned by Chiang's scorched-earth tactics—such as the devastating Yellow River flood and Changsha fire, which caused immense civilian suffering, joined a "peace faction" of intellectuals favoring negotiation. In December 1938, Wang defected from Chongqing, fleeing to Hanoi via Kunming to broker peace with Japan. An assassination attempt, likely ordered by Chiang, killed Wang's secretary Zeng Zhongming instead, deepening the rift.    #194 The Wang Jingwei Regime Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The assassination of Zeng Zhongming struck a severe blow to Wang Jingwei. Although Lin Baisheng had been stabbed in Hong Kong in January, Wang apparently did not foresee himself becoming a target. To him, Zeng's death signified that Chiang Kai-shek would no longer tolerate a potential rival to power. In mourning, on April 1, Wang Jingwei published a defiant piece titled "An Example" (Ju yige li) in the South China Daily News. Drawing on Zeng's final words, he argued that a peaceful settlement was not something Wang proposed alone, but a result of a consensus reached at the highest levels of the national government. He referenced the December Hankou minutes in which Trautmann's mediation was discussed. He asserted that the minutes were only one of many covert negotiation instances and, for the sake of national interests, he would reveal no further details. He contended that Konoe's conditions could similarly underpin peace, especially now that a larger portion of China had fallen. He argued that a Sino-Japanese total war would be mutually destructive and must end for both nations to survive. He hoped Zeng's blood would become a bright torch for the "peace movement."   This article proved deeply embarrassing for Chiang Kai-shek. Wu Zhihui quickly wrote a rebuttal, accusing Wang of leaking government secrets and falsifying the minutes. However, the original minutes were not released to support Wu's claim. Henceforth, any pretence of civility or understanding between the two camps was lost. This hostility meant that Chongqing's path to peace through negotiation was closed. If Wang ever sought to broker peace between Chongqing and Tokyo, the publication of this article burned that bridge, making his course of action increasingly irreversible. On the Japanese side, the Hiramuma Cabinet, previously uncertain about how to handle Wang, now felt compelled to protect their new asset. Two days after the incident, the Five Ministers Conference decided to send Kagesa Sadaaki and Inukai Takeru to Hanoi immediately. Inukai, a congressman and the son of assassinated prime minister Inukai Tsuyoshi, carried with him the grim memory of a frenzied public cheering for his father's killers, serving as a sobering counterweight to militant nationalism. Zeng's death also inaugurated a bloody cycle of killings and retaliation. Shen Song, Wang Jingwei's nephew, was assassinated in August in Hong Kong. Wang and his followers felt compelled to protect themselves. Lacking military backing, they turned to the secret police, establishing the notorious spy agency known as "No. 76," named after its Shanghai headquarters at 76 Jessfield Road. It recruited the city's worst elements and was led by the defected BIS agent Ding Mocun and Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics agent Li Shiqun. Both men had defected to the Japanese and were handed over to Wang's faction, which thus wielded limited control over them. Spy violence in Shanghai persisted throughout the war, infamous for its brutality and shifting allegiances. Wang Jingwei attempted to erect a martyr's cult around Zeng Zhongming within the RNG. Beginning in 1942, the propaganda ministry in Nanjing held annual memorials on the anniversary of Zeng's death. This date sat between Sun Yat-sen's death (March 12) and the RNG's founding (March 30), and it became part of the RNG's foundational narrative that the Wang regime promoted. Yet the Zeng cult seemed to matter most to Wang Jingwei himself. After Wang's death in November 1944, the propaganda ministry quietly discontinued the Zeng anniversary service, though Sun Yat-sen's death continued to be mourned and the RNG's founding was still celebrated in March 1945, five months before the regime fell. The journey from Hanoi to Nanjing was long and winding, and Wang Jingwei eventually emerged at the far end as both an emblem and an enigma. To his followers and sympathizers, he was a cult figure who single-handedly saved half of China from total subjugation, likened to a bodhisattva who descended into Hell to rescue tortured souls. To others, his name became a byword for treason. The resistance ultimately gained unity through its hatred of traitors. For the Japanese government, Wang's role and value evolved with the war's shifting dynamics, at times seeming to be an asset, a puppet, an enemy, and a partner all at once. After months of courtship, Kagesa Sadaaki and Inukai Takeru became the first Japanese agents to meet Wang in person. On April 16, they arrived in French Indochina with forged passports aboard a rented civilian vessel, the Hikkōmaru. They found Wang entangled in a fresh scandal. Eleven days earlier, Chongqing's Dagongbao published an alleged secret agreement that Gao Zongwu claimed Wang had brokered in late February. In this plan, Wang proposed forming a GMD collaborationist organization with branches in key Japanese-occupied cities. When the Japanese army moved toward Xi'an, Yichang, and Nanning, Wang would make a statement to "take responsibility for peace," while Long Yun and other local warlords would respond to the call. A new national government under Wang would be established in Nanjing on October 10, 1939, creating a unified government over all of China (excluding Manchukuo) and making Japan its ally in East Asia. All of these activities would be funded by the Japanese government. The plan provoked an uproar, with critics accusing Wang of "selling the nation." Gao Zongwu was suspected of leaking the plan, and Wang denied that the agreement existed. Gao accused the Japanese of leaking a forged plan to sow further division between Chongqing and Wang. Wang's supporters were deeply divided. Gao later claimed he came to prefer the French option, citing Japan's insincerity. Chen Gongbo suggested Wang remain in Hong Kong first to recover from Zeng Zhongming's death before going overseas. Zhou Fohai and Mei Siping favored international concessions in Shanghai. Kagesa and Inukai's mission was to bring Wang into Japan's grasp. On April 18, through Wang's Japanese-language secretary Zhou Longxiang, the Japanese agents met him for the first time. Wang Jingwei, dressed in a traditional Chinese-style long white robe, impressed them with his characteristic poise and sincerity, as he often did with visitors. It was not the first time his personal charm helped him escape danger. If in 1910 he avoided death as a byproduct of Prince Su's favor, in the following decades he weaponized his intimate charisma. These agents, moved by Wang's apparent altruism and sincerity, eventually played a peculiar role as intermediaries between the Japanese government and Chinese collaborators. The Umē Kikan "Plum Agency" was founded on August 22, 1939, in Shanghai under Kagesa's leadership and was seen as a puppet master guiding the RNG's fate. Yet it often fought on behalf of the collaborators with the Japanese cabinet to secure better terms. Kagesa Sadaaki, initially an advocate of aggressive strategy, especially in Manchuria, was removed from his post as supreme military advisor at Nanjing in May 1942 by the new prime minister, Tojo Hideki, who deemed him "too soft toward China." He was reassigned to Manchuria and eventually to Rabaul. In the shadow of illness and death, he produced a memoir in December 1943 to atone for having failed Wang's trust. In truth, perhaps because of Kagesa's sympathy, Wang remained cautiously optimistic about Japan's intentions, unable to disengage from negotiations even as conditions deteriorated. Wang Jingwei chose Shanghai as the destination, but he refused to board a Japanese ship or reside in the Hongkou concession, preferring other autonomous international concessions to avoid appearances of patronage. Unfortunately, the 750-ton vessel rented from the Indochina government nearly foundered in a storm. In Hainan, Wang and his entourage were rescued by the 5,000-ton Hikkōmaru. On May 6, they finally arrived in Shanghai aboard a Japanese ship. For security reasons, Wang had to stay in the Hongkou District for three weeks before moving to 1136 Lane Yúyuan Road, a site within the expanded, unofficial French concession. This episode became another public relations setback. After reaching Shanghai, on May 28 the Wang group presented the Japanese government with a "Concrete Plan to Solve the Current Situation." Key proposals included: convening a GMD national congress to preserve orthodoxy; calling a multiparty central political conference to legitimize a reorganization of the national government and approve personnel choices; founding a national government in Nanjing and dissolving existing collaborationist regimes to signal national unity. Three days later, Wang flew to Japan by navy plane to meet Hiranuma in person, accompanied by eleven followers including Zhou Fohai, Mei Siping, and Gao Zongwu. It was his first visit to Japan in three decades, aside from occasional stopovers. When he left Japan in 1910, many Japanese intellectuals and politicians supported China's modernization and backed its Nationalist revolution morally and financially. Now, with such goodwill scarce, he hoped to appeal to Japan's rational self-interest. In Tokyo, a June 6 cabinet meeting concluded that the new Chinese government would comprise Wang, the retired strongman Wu Peifu, established collaborationist regimes, and a reformed Chongqing regime; the foundation date would be set by Japan. The plan called for collaboration under a divided governance framework, and the GMD could continue only if it pledged friendship to Japan, recognized Manchukuo, and committed to anti-communism. The document's tone suggested trouble for Wang's visit, and the gap between each side's demands seemed insurmountable. Over the next ten days, Wang held marathon meetings with Hiranuma, cabinet members, and Prince Konoe. He briefed his followers daily, appearing increasingly despondent. He suggested Japan's best option was to strike a peace deal with Chiang Kai-shek; the second option was peace via a new national government under Wang, for which he demanded: an army of about half a million, immediate withdrawal of Japanese forces after his government's foundation, non-interference in China's internal affairs, immediate recognition of his government by Japan, Germany, and Italy, a three-hundred-million-yen loan, and administrative control over North China. Japanese officials listened politely but added numerous conditions. Frustrated, Wang began to walk away. Alarmed, the Japanese cabinet made some concessions on June 16, and the "Concrete Plan" was approved, though it still insisted on divided governance and did not address the crucial issue of a military withdrawal. On June 18, Wang departed Japan for Tianjin. This negotiation round was only the prelude. Beyond questions of jurisdiction, military occupation, and economic renationalization, Wang insisted on preserving an ostensibly unified "national government," including its official doctrine (the Three Principles) and the nationalist flag, and he pressed for annexation of existing collaborationist regimes in Beiping and Nanjing. This was a daunting task, as each regime had a different patron. After the fall of Nanjing, the North China Area Army instructed Wang Kemin to establish a provisional government in Beiping. Liang Hongzhi was recruited by the Central China Area Army to lead the Reformed Government in Nanjing, founded on March 28, 1938. Both were Beiyang loyalists, and their regimes used the Five-Color Beiyang flag, an anti-GMD symbol. Asking them to subordinate themselves to a "latecomer" and old rival proved difficult. Wang's aim was thus to reassert GMD political authority over occupied territories. However, the idea of creating a client government that would conflict with Chongqing split Wang's followers and even some Japanese sympathizers. Gao Zongwu, Nishi Yoshiaki, and Matsumoto Shigeharu opposed the plan. Given Gao Zongwu's growing pessimism, Japan's eventual negotiating partner leaned more toward the optimistic Zhou Fohai. Wang sought legitimacy to give his future government the appearance of autonomy, despite Japan's backing. As historian David Serfass observed, aligned with Sun Yat-sen's concept of "political tutelage," a state-formation process must be initiated by the ruling party. Thus, reorganizing an "orthodox" GMD in occupied China became a prerequisite for reconstituting the state's legal framework in Nanjing, enabling the new regime to claim legitimate authority vis-à-vis Chongqing. On August 28, 1939, the Sixth National Congress of the GMD was held in Shanghai. With most Reorganization Clique members declining to join, CC Clique members within Wang's circle recruited locally, and thirty-six CC Clique members in Shanghai endorsed Wang, giving his faction dominance at the congress. This foreshadowed a future RNG split between the Mansion Clique (gongguan pai) around the Wang couple and the CC Clique around Zhou Fohai. The communique did not reject resistance outright but criticized Chiang's methods, arguing that Wang's negotiations had already achieved the goal of national resistance—peace. Among other resolutions, the congress revised the GMD charter, abolished the authoritarian zongcai system, elected Wang as chairman of the Central Executive Committee, and redefined the highest principles as the Three Principles, anticontainment of communism, and friendship with Japan and Manchukuo. Civil liberties, such as freedom of speech and assembly, were protected, though communists were excluded. The congress promised to convene a national assembly and promulgate a constitution once peace was achieved. Importantly, it opened the door for other parties to join the Central Political Committee, signaling Wang's attempt not only to create a rival "peace" government to Chongqing but also to establish a competing, if imperfect, democratic framework. For the next year and a half, constitutionalism became a central objective in the Wang faction's political program. Wang's communique proposed a remedy for the separatist client regimes. On September 20 in Nanjing, an agreement was announced that nominally ended GMD single-party rule and established a multiparty coalition government. A Central Political Conference (a semi-parliament) would be formed, comprising one-third GMD members, one-third former Beiyang collaborators, and one-third small parties or independents. In practice, this tripartite power sharing was never fully realized in the RNG. The negotiations with Japan stretched into a lengthy verbal marathon that persisted for months. As Gerald Bunker noted, the Wang peace movement depended on convincing both sides to accept a conciliatory posture from the other, a plan doomed from the start. During the Shanghai negotiations, Wang sought an agreement with Japan that would give real substance to his "Peace Government." But Japan's demands were excessive. To address the chaos Japan's China policy had created, Konoe established the Kōain (Asia Development Board) to coordinate all government activities and economic initiatives in China, reporting directly to the prime minister. Its staff came from across ministries—Foreign Affairs, Finance, Army, and Navy, making it a natural battlefield for power struggles. Following changes at the General Staff Office, Kagesa, then an Army officer, found himself suddenly in charge of the entire "peace movement," a coveted position. When he and Inukai were shown the secret Kōain draft that would form the basis for future talks with Wang, they were stunned by its strict demands. The draft was presented to the Wang camp on November 1 in Shanghai, provoking astonishment and confusion by imposing harsher terms than Gao Zongwu's deal a year earlier, or even than Konoe's latest statement. Kagesa adopted a duplicitous stance: each night, Inukai privately met with Zhou Fohai to seek more lenient terms, and the next morning Kagesa would propose those terms for the next round. Tao Xisheng warned that Japan planned to slice China into thin rings, each attached to Japan's core interests. According to Tao, Wang broke into tears, declaring, "If Japan can conquer China, let it try. It cannot, so it wants me to sign its plan. This document cannot be an indenture to sell China. China is not something I can sell. At most, my signature would be an indenture to sell myself." The Wang couple considered halting talks and seeking refuge in France. Hearing this, Kagesa hurried to see Wang. Tears stained the page where Wang was taking notes, and his words moved Wang, who privately admitted that Kagesa might be sincere after all. The next day, Kagesa returned to Tokyo to report Wang's discontent, and the France option was again shelved. Just as Wang weaponized his sincerity, Kagesa's genuine wish to end the war through Wang Jingwei was instrumentalized by the Kōain. The latter appeared torn between reason and greed. Moreover, who claimed the war in China was unwinnable? Like Wang, the Japanese believed in the neo-Confucian ideal of a thoroughly cultivated, invincible self, a conviction echoed in their wartime sacrifices. Similarly, Wang viewed the negotiations as a contest of moral principles. Tao Xisheng described it as "drinking poisoned wine." He took a sip, found it poison, and nearly died; Wang concluded he might as well finish the cup. Kagesa's plea to improve terms was rejected by Tokyo. He returned a changed man, stiff, overbearing, and determined to ram the demands down his counterpart's throat. But just as talks reached another breaking point, Kagesa abruptly altered course, overstepped his authority, and made a few quick concessions on key issues, ending the discussion. Compared with the original plan, the December 30, 1939 agreement, titled "Principles of Adjusting the New Sino-Japan Relationship," introduced changes on eleven points, spanning from substantive to symbolic matters. The Great Wall line separating the Mongolian Autonomous Zone from North China was placed under the Wang regime's jurisdiction; Chinese administrative rights over Japanese military areas were reaffirmed; a two-year timeline for total troop withdrawal from occupied Chinese territories after peace was achieved was established; and Manchukuo was not listed as a separate entity. The future Wang regime was granted greater latitude in economic policy and personnel appointments, provided it guaranteed Japan's wartime supply. The dispute over a naval base in Hainan became a focal point of contention. Japan's navy representative, General Sugahiko Jirō, clashed with Chen Gongbo in a contentious exchange. This time, Wang Jingwei compelled Chen to concede. Even Inukai lamented that Wang made concessions too readily, since the Hainan base symbolized a failure of Japan's restraint in venturing into the Southern Pacific. The concession jeopardized not only Wang's cause but also Japan's fate. According to Inukai, even if the conditions needed to reach a credibility threshold of 60 points to avoid rendering Wang a traitor, Kōain's original draft scored at best 30; through coordinated efforts with Kagesa, they improved it to 57 or 58, still short of the credibility gap Gao Zongwu called crucial, between saving the nation and selling it. Gao Zongwu and Tao Xisheng declined to participate in the signing ceremony. Gao felt alienated from the movement he had helped initiate and his ties with the Japanese had become strained. Thinking he faced mortal danger, he persuaded Tao to flee Shanghai together. In mid-November, Gao secretly copied Kōain's terms in negotiation. The photocopies were published in the Hong Kong Dagongbao on January 22, 1940, fueling the impression that the final signed agreement had been reached and undermining the Wang faction's public narrative of securing genuine peace and national independence. An editorial decried it as "the ultimate fulfillment of the Japanese militarists' pipe-dreams! The greatest betrayal in the history of China and the world!" A national uproar ensued. The Wang camp, while moving toward Qingdao to build consensus with established collaborators, was blindsided. Zhou Fohai swore to "kill these two animals." For the embryonic Wang regime, appearances mattered as much as substance. But with the leak of this damning document, the illusion of sovereignty was irreparably shattered. Nevertheless, Wang resisted his followers' urge to publish the final secret terms containing the Japanese concessions, a restraint that impressed Imai. There was a hopeful note amid the media backlash. The Japanese cabinet was forced to approve the limited concessions that Kagesa had secured, particularly regarding troop deployments and railroad rights. Yet Tokyo remained stubborn in insisting that a yellow triangle pennant bearing the words "peace, anticommunism, nation-building" be appended to the flagpole beneath the national flag. The yellow pennant became a powerful emotional flashpoint for the Wang camp. For them, this unsightly symbol embodied the future character of their regime. On March 4, less than three weeks before the RNG's founding, Zhou Fohai threatened to delay the process indefinitely unless the pennant was removed. In the end, they capitulated on that point as well. On March 30, the Blue Sky White Sun flag reappeared over the occupied, ruined city of Nanjing, with a yellow triangle pennant affixed to the pole. Whenever possible, the RNG tried to display the national flag without the pennant, making such images rare in surviving visual records. Inukai observed that Wang may have faced such harsh terms because many in the cabinet and in Kōain were reluctant to negotiate with him. They regarded the RNG as a temporary fix, reserving the most favorable peace terms for Chiang Kai-shek. Konoe's remark that he would never negotiate with Chiang was an unfortunate misstep that his successors struggled to correct. Wang took that stance to heart, wasting political capital and ultimately his life. Inukai noted that in 1941, when Konoe negotiated with the United States to avert war in the Pacific, the conditions offered regarding China bore a striking similarity to what he had promised Gao Zongwu in 1938. Yet this time, Japan refused to accept them. Konoe resigned again; Tojo Hideki succeeded him, and the Pacific War erupted. Had Konoe kept his promises, the bloodshed of the war might have been avoided. Wang Jingwei returned to a changed Nanjing, a provincial city never fully modernized, ravaged by war and burdened by occupation. On March 19, 1940, Wang led a future cabinet faction to pay respects at Sun Yat-sen's Mausoleum. It was a desolate spring day. Through cutting wind and rain, a small, solemn group climbed the 392 steps to the hall. Wang stood in the main hall, raised his eyes to the 4.6-meter marble statue, and tears streamed down his cheeks. As he read Sun's testament, the hall echoed with hushed sobs. It was a sorrowful prelude to the Wang regime. Optimistic Zhou Fohai saw a brighter sign as they exited the mausoleum, noting that the sun appeared. On the same day, however, he learned that the RNG's foundation would be delayed: the Japanese cabinet was eager to push another peace initiative with Chiang, and Imai had gone to Hong Kong to meet a Chongqing representative. Zhou was annoyed, but Wang agreed to proceed. Imai's contact, who presented himself as Song Ziwen's brother turned out to be a BIS agent whose sole aim was to obstruct the Wang faction. The negotiations stalled, and the RNG's founding finally took place on March 30, 1940. An exhilarated Zhou proclaimed the day the happiest of his life, claiming nothing felt more fulfilling than realizing one's ideals. With Wang's growing passivity, Zhou effectively became the RNG's most powerful figure, controlling administration, finances, military, and policing. This fostered resentment within the Wang faction and helped spawn the Mansion Clique around Chen Bijun, Mei Siping, and Lin Baisheng. The RNG was founded on a veneer of legitimacy. Lin Sen, the GMD elder, was elected president, but since he remained in Chongqing and was unlikely to join the RNG soon, Wang Jingwei served as acting president, in addition to his roles as head of the Executive Yuan and the Military Council. The regime claimed nominal sovereignty over border regions and imagined sovereignty over parts of the interior. Nanjing's influence over North China was minimal, with that area administered by the semiautonomous North China Political Council under Wang Yitang, a Beiyang bureaucrat. Although established as China's rival national regime to Chongqing, the RNG did not receive formal recognition from Japan. Japan did, however, agree to send an ambassador to present credentials to Wang, though the implications remained vague. On this and other issues, Japan neither denied nor endorsed the RNG's sovereignty. The collaborators noticed Japan's duplicity. Rather than appoint a Japanologist as foreign minister, Wang named Chu Minyi, whose foreign language skills were French, a choice France refused to recognize, making the appointment rather provocative. From late 1940 into 1941, the United States grew more involved as the war intensified. Chongqing stood firm, while Japan found itself bogged down. Eventually, Japan abandoned hopes of peace with Chongqing. Despite his reluctance, Wang formally assumed the RNG presidency on November 29, 1940. The next day, he and the Japanese ambassador Abe Nobuyuki exchanged a "Basic Treaty" that formally recognized the RNG as China's national government. Zhou Fohai regarded this as a fresh start: previously, their aim had been to persuade Chongqing to negotiate for peace; now, he hoped Wang and Chiang would reach a tacit understanding of a dual approach—one regime aligned with the Axis, the other with the Allies—so that China would emerge victorious. Chongqing, however, did not share Zhou's optimism; on the same day, it placed a bounty on Wang's head. A consistent thread in Wang's political vision was constitutional democracy, pursued both as an ideal and as a pragmatic method to distinguish himself from rivals, chiefly Chiang Kai-shek. In the Return to the Capital Manifesto (March 30, 1940), Wang declared the regime's core aims as peace and constitutionalism. Peace followed Konoe's December 1938 "Adjustment of the Sino-Japanese Relationship" blueprint—neighborliness, joint anti-communism, and economic cooperation. Constitutionalism drew on the RNG's Sixth National Congress in Shanghai (1939). The RNG presented itself as both a peacemaker and a champion of constitutional democracy, opposing dictatorship (Chiang) and opposing the CCP's class warfare doctrine. A Constitutionalism Implementation Committee was founded on June 27, 1940, and by September adopted a plan to convene a national assembly on January 1, 1941. Yet actual liberal democracy would undermine Wang's and the GMD's leadership, and by August 1940 Wang declared that neither direct nor representative democracy suited China's current conditions, advocating instead for "democratic centralism" under a GMD-led coalition with smaller parties. That year, urgent tasks, ratifying the Basic Treaty with Japan, establishing a charter for the East Asian League Movement, and creating a Central Reserve Bank, pushed constitutional reform onto the back burner, delaying the national assembly indefinitely and shelving the constitutional program. Another source of legitimacy for the RNG was Sun Yat-sen's cult, which it continued to promote as a civil religion. Although Wang recognized Sun's fallibility and disagreed with him at times, Sun's deification aided both Wang and Chiang. The Three Principles of the People were reintroduced in schools; Sun's portrait appeared on office walls and currency; a bronze statue was erected in Nanjing; his testament was read at meetings; and memorial observances were held on Sun's birthday and death. The rivalry between Wang and Chiang over legitimacy through piety was evident in Chongqing's conferment of the title "Father of the Nation" on Sun on March 21, 1940, just before the RNG's founding. In terms of diplomatic relations, the RNG received recognition from Nazi Germany (reluctantly), fascist Italy (enthusiastically), and Franco's Spain. France, by contrast, declined to follow suit, mainly because of its delicate position balancing interests in China and Indochina, and secondly because its China-diplomatic corps was split between officials loyal to Vichy and supporters of Free France. Among the RNG's foreign relations, Manchukuo proved the most thorny. Despite the RNG's hesitant acknowledgment of Manchukuo's statehood, cautious rhetoric was used to avoid public outrage. On May 4, 1942, Wang left Nanjing for a state visit to Manchukuo, accompanied by Zhou Zuoren. On May 8, he finally met Puyi, who likely did not forget that the man before him once sought to murder his father. Regardless of sentiment, the arrangements had been set in advance with Japanese approval, leaving little to chance. The Basic Treaty, effective at the end of 1940, limited Japanese military zones to Mongolia and parts of North China, ceding central and southern China largely to the RNG. It agreed to rescind Japanese extraterritorial rights and settlements, effective immediately. The two-year grace period before total Japanese evacuation would begin immediately upon the war's end, rather than after a vaguely defined "recovery of peace." The cap on RNG troop numbers was lifted, granting the RNG more freedom to build its own police and army. Japanese advisers were confined to technical and military roles, with functions defined by the Chinese authorities. Although this fell far short of true independence that Wang Jingwei sought, concessions were made to strengthen the RNG and to help Japan as a wartime partner. The RNG's forces were not deployed in frontline combat against Chongqing or in Japan's Pacific war, but primarily to suppress growing communist influence in occupied areas. Under the RNG, economic activity in the occupied areas appeared to some extent normal, at least until early 1943, when a "command economy" was introduced to monopolize commodities as Japan's Pacific venture grew desperate. Life in occupied China, however, remained noticeably more comfortable than in "free China," fueling resentment when resistance fighters returned. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Wang established the Reorganized National Government (RNG) in Nanjing in 1940, after grueling talks yielding harsh Japanese terms, including limited sovereignty and a yellow pennant on the national flag. The RNG sought legitimacy through a GMD congress, constitutional promises, and Sun Yat-sen's cult, but gained only Axis recognition and faced Chongqing's hostility, ultimately serving as Japan's wartime puppet.