Podcasts about border region

Last time we spoke about the battle Yaoyi. Japan pushed hard into Hubei with a plan: surround the main Chinese forces and seize Yichang, hoping to use it to strike at Chongqing. At first, the fighting was chaotic and punishing. The Chinese side tried to hold the line and disrupt the advance, and they even managed setbacks for the Japanese, pushing back, retaking key ground, and hitting supply and positioning weaknesses. But victory came with a cost: commanders were lost, and every gain was hard-won. Still, the battle didn't unfold as a clean Chinese retreat or a simple Japanese win. As Japanese units shifted and tested for openings, the Chinese forces adjusted—delaying, regrouping, and fighting to keep their formations from being completely trapped. Eventually, Japan managed to break through at critical moments, especially through crossings and maneuvers that the Chinese had not fully sealed off. In the end, Japan succeeded in taking Yichang, but it didn't achieve the decisive annihilation it wanted.    #201 The New Fourth Army Incident and the Strained United Front Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After the catastrophe of the early 1930s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) entered the war against Japan in a political mood that was both hopeful and wary: it wanted to be seen as a genuine national leader of resistance, yet it also feared being absorbed—or destroyed—by the Guomindang (KMT) state it had spent years battling. That tension became the organizing principle of the war's early years. The turning point came from the Xi'an Incident in December 1936, which forced a new calculation in Nationalist politics. In the months that followed, agreements between KMT and CCP representatives were publicly proclaimed in August and September 1937, after the Shanghai fighting began. Under these arrangements, the CCP accepted constraints that in peacetime would have looked like surrender: it pledged to strive for Sun Yixian's "Three People's Principles," to end its former policies of armed revolt and sovietization, to abolish the soviet government, and to discontinue both the term "Red Army" and the expectation that its forces would operate outside central control. Communist troops would be treated as part of the national military under KMT command, and the revolution's old administrative structures were to be formally dismantled. In return, the KMT offered the CCP something just as important: space to exist publicly and politically. Liaison offices were permitted in key cities; the CCP was allowed to publish the New China Daily; and it could nominate representatives to KMT advisory bodies. Civil rights were extended—political prisoners were released—and subsidies were established to help cover administrative and military expenses in "reintegrated" areas and territories. The war thus transformed the tactical reality on the ground: the CCP could not treat the KMT as an immediate enemy, but it also could not afford to become politically passive. It had to learn how to fight Japan while building legitimacy fast enough to survive the next phase. In the first year and a half, the Party Center focused on three problems that kept returning in different forms: how the "united front" would be defined—especially what the CCP's relationship to the National government should be; how to coordinate military strategy and tactics with Nationalist units without losing control of its own operations; and how leadership should be consolidated, particularly for Mao Zedong in a party that still contained rival centers of authority. These disputes mattered not just for doctrine but for survival, because the CCP's autonomy was constantly being tested by the very alliance that was supposed to protect it. Mao's own approach to the united front combined cooperation with a refusal to surrender independence. Publicly, the CCP praised Jiang Jieshi and the KMT and promised unity, but it did so in language that was deliberately broad. In private (and in internal party debates), Mao treated unity as conditional: the CCP must not split the united front, but it also must not be "bound hand and foot." The strategic idea that emerged was political initiative under constraints—fighting when it could plausibly claim justification, keeping enough restraint that the CCP would not appear self-interested or anti-national, and deciding for itself when to engage and when to withdraw. This balance was reinforced through military reorganization. In August–September 1937, CCP forces were reorganized as the Eighth Route Army (8RA), with roughly 30,000 men drawn from Long March survivors, local forces, and new recruits. The 8RA was divided into three divisions: the 115th, 120th, and 129th, commanded by Lin Biao, He Long, and Liu Bocheng respectively. Shortly after the war began, the National government also authorized a second major Communist force: the New Fourth Army (N4A), to operate in central China. Its core came from those left behind when the Long March began in 1934—small groups surviving in difficult conditions against continuing KMT pressure. Officially authorized at 12,000, it took months to reach that strength. Nominally commanded by Ye Ting, actual military and political control rested with Xiang Ying and Chen Yi. From the start, then, the CCP's wartime "integration" with the National system coexisted with a clear effort to preserve internal control. Ideologically, the CCP worked to make its revolutionary program compatible—at least in appearance—with a national resistance coalition. On the New Democracy demonstrated how this strategy operated on two levels. In KMT-controlled spaces, its language could be read as aligning with liberal-democratic expectations: public participation, multi-party governance, legally protected civil rights. But in CCP-controlled areas, the same text could carry sharper class-based and authoritarian implications. The Party wanted a united front that broadened support without becoming committed to Nationalist limits on how society itself might be reorganized after victory. Meanwhile, even as the rhetoric of unity rose, the CCP worried about something more dangerous than military setbacks: the possibility that the KMT might accommodate Japan. Late 1939 and early 1940 made this fear harder to dismiss. Japan pursued collaboration with Wang Jingwei, culminating in the establishment of a "reorganized" government at Nanjing in March 1940. At the same time, Japanese intermediaries sought approaches to Chiang Kai-shek himself—an effort that the CCP tracked closely as a sign that peace negotiations might be possible even when battlefield conditions looked grim. Propaganda was involved, but the anxiety was real: if Japan and the Nationalists reached an arrangement, the CCP's whole wartime legitimacy-building effort could collapse overnight. As a result, the united front was interpreted inside the CCP not as a permanent coalition with the KMT, but as a flexible strategy with a cardinal purpose: to prevent peace between Japan and the Nationalists. Mao's position on the united front reflected this. For him, the alliance was meant to suspend the possibility of a China–Japan settlement, not to end the CCP's separate identity. The CCP could participate in a reconstituted national framework—possibly even a "democratic republic"—to gain legality and influence, but it should remain politically and, where possible, physically separate from the KMT. By 1939, however, the practical meaning of "flexibility" collided with reality. What had seemed, to some observers, like an unusually cordial entente began to fade. The KMT Central Committee adopted measures early in 1939 aimed at restricting Communist expansion, and armed clashes increased through the summer and continued into autumn and winter—especially around North China Communist bases. The period of rising conflict was later labeled by the CCP as the "first anti-Communist upsurge" (roughly spanning December 1939 into March 1940), but the crucial point was that both sides viewed each confrontation as a test of legal rights, moral legitimacy, and control over territory. Strategically, the CCP understood the KMT's effort as an attempt to check unauthorized growth of Communist armed power and to recover areas where influence had already slipped away—either to the Communists or, by indirect effect, to Japan. The KMT emphasized its traditional legal authority; the CCP countered with its claim to an "evolutionary" moral right to challenge the government's legitimacy. In practice, the conflict took the form of increasingly systematic military pressure, including a blockade around the Shen–Gan–Ning region. By this point, the blockade involved large numbers of troops (on the order of hundreds of thousands), halting Communist expansion and disrupting direct contact with other Communist forces farther afield, even as fighting flared along border zones and around vulnerable points in the Communist defensive perimeter. So, by the edge of the "middle years," the wartime alliance had not broken into open civil war—but it had also stopped being secure. The united front survived, yet it operated under strain: its language of cooperation continued, while "friction" between partners hardened into a central feature of the resistance struggle. Transition into the war's second phase began in early 1939, shaped by the stalemate Mao had already anticipated at the sixth plenum in late 1938. Mao argued that during this prolonged "new stage" the forces of resistance—above all, Communist-led forces—would strengthen. The overall result, however, was mixed. In Shandong and Central China, new Communist bases did take shape. But across much of North China, Japanese consolidation cost the resistance heavily in manpower and population. Base-area economies suffered serious strain, and the peasantry endured hardships more severe than at any earlier point. This stalemate had two main dimensions. The first was the growing resentment of the Nationalists toward Communist expansion—resentment made especially sharp by their own losses. As the Nationalists were driven out of regions that had previously provided them their greatest wealth and power in the central and lower Yangtze basin, they also lost the "cream" of their armies. In contrast, the CCP was spreading through the wider countryside behind Japanese lines, extending its influence and winning broader popular support. The second dimension was Japan's desire—and need—to consolidate territories it had only nominally conquered and to extract economic value from them. After all, the logic of the "China Incident" was to draw on China's labor and resources to strengthen Japan, not to bleed Japan's gains away by draining wealth into China's vast interior. A Japanese colonel, lamenting the situation, captured the frustration of this drift into deeper entanglement: he regretted that Japan had not ended the "China Incident" once its initial objectives were reached. Instead, Japan was drawn into the hinterland and became bogged down in endless attrition—leaving it with little more than "real estate" rather than the popular support it believed it would secure from those it claimed to "liberate." To improve their position, Japanese authorities—still fragmented by internal rivalry—pursued several strategies. One was a new peace offensive aimed simultaneously at Jiang Jieshi, alongside efforts to establish a "reformed" Nationalist government under Wang Jingwei, who had fled Chongqing in December 1938. Japan also recruited more collaborators and puppet officials. Finally, it carried out forceful military, political, and economic measures intended to establish effective territorial control and eliminate opposition. During the middle years of the war, the Communists described their conflicts with the Nationalists using the euphemism "friction". By 1939, what many observers—possibly incorrectly—had viewed as an unusually warm alliance began to break down. In early 1939, the KMT Central Committee adopted measures meant to restrict the CCP. From the summer onward, military clashes began and continued into autumn and winter with increasing frequency and intensity, most of them concentrated around and within the North China base areas. The Communists later labeled the period from December 1939 to March 1940 the "first anti-Communist upsurge." Naturally, each side accused the other of aggression and claimed self-defense against unjust attacks. Strategically, though, the North China "upsurge" functioned as a Nationalist attempt to limit the CCP's expansion beyond the areas assigned to it and to regain influence in regions the Communists—or the Japanese—had already taken from the KMT. Jiang Jieshi framed the matter as a defense of legal rights grounded in tradition, while the Communists asserted an "evolutionary" right to challenge the moral legitimacy of those legal claims. During 1939, the Nationalists began to blockade Shen–Gan–Ning around its southern and western perimeter. Within a year, this blockade grew to nearly 400,000 troops, including some of the last remaining Central Army units under the command of Hu Zongnan. The blockade stopped further Communist expansion, especially into Gansu and Suiyuan, and severed direct contact between SKN and Communists operating in Xinjiang (Chinese Turkestan) adjacent to Soviet Central Asia. The Xinjiang Communists—including Mao Zedong's brother—were eliminated in 1942. Meanwhile, fierce fighting erupted along the Gansu–Shaanxi border and in the north-eastern corner of SKN near the Great Wall at Suide, as the blockading forces probed for weak points. Elements of He Long's 120th Division were even pulled back from the Jin–Sui base across the Yellow River to strengthen SKN's regular defenses. Economically, the blockade was even more damaging. During 1939, central government subsidies to the Border Region budget were cut off. Trade between the Border Region and other parts of China nearly stopped, a devastating blow to a region unable to supply itself with many basic commodities. At the same time, Nationalist and regional forces also attempted to expand their military and administrative authority into Hebei, Shanxi, Henan, and Shandong—areas the CCP now considered its base zones. In resisting these efforts, the CCP predictable accused its rivals of harming resistance work and damaging the people's interests. The "experts in dissension" were said to cooperate with the Japanese and their puppets. Based on increasing collaboration by regional units with Japan, the CCP implied that this was a deliberate and cynical strategy—described as "crooked-line patriotism"—intended to preserve those units for future anti-Communist operations. Even so, the CCP tried to avoid an open break with the Nationalist regime in Chongqing. In public, it consistently portrayed these clashes as being initiated by local commanders acting beyond orders from higher authority—despite knowing this depiction was false. Jiang Jieshi, unable to refute the claim outright, effectively permitted it to serve as the justification for a firm Communist response. Mao Zedong outlined the general resistance policy as "justification, expedience, and restraint". The CCP was to fight when it could claim justification and when it could gain advantage, but not to press attacks beyond what the Nationalists would tolerate or in ways that could damage its image as selfless patriots. Communist forces were expected to keep initiative as much as possible in their own hands—deciding when to engage, whether to engage, and when to disengage. The most striking episode of the "first anti-Communist upsurge" was the rupture with Yan Xishan in December 1939. Tensions in Shanxi had been rising throughout the summer and autumn, as Yan and his conservative supporters—associated with the "Old Army"—linked the Sacrifice League and the Dare-to-die Corps of the "New Army" with Communist forces. When base areas and Japanese occupation eventually took over much of his province, Yan was forced into exile at Qiulin across the Yellow River in Shaanxi. In November, Yan ordered his Old Army to disarm the Dare-to-die forces with help from central units dispatched by Hu Zongnan. In the bloody fighting that followed, these elements gradually broke free of even nominal provincial control and fully completed their connection with Communist forces. More than 30,000 people went over to the Communists. One KMT intelligence agent described the process with bitterness and a sense of inevitability: the Communists were first "full of sweet words," flattery, and distortions designed to open things up and conceal their actions. But once they had fully entrenched themselves, and once the low-level base had been established, they turned and bit. The agent suggested they had suspected things might end this way, but were not aware how quickly events would move—or that it could happen precisely while Communist calls for "united front" and "maintenance of unity for resistance" filled the air. About a month later, in February and March 1940, elements of the 8RA beat back this so-called upsurge. Zhang Yinwu's forces were disarmed and dispersed across the plains of north Hebei. To the south, Chu Huaiping and Shi Yusan were pushed out of the base area, as was the KMT-appointed provincial governor Lu Zhonglin. Although some non-Communist forces remained in the region, the CCP's and CCLY bases were never again seriously threatened by forces affiliated with the central government. Reinforcing the CCP's accusations, Shi Yusan was later executed in 1940 by the central government for collaboration with the Japanese. By late 1939, CCP central authorities maintained that the areas where the CCP could expand its armed strength were mainly limited to Shandong and Central China. In those regions, the CCP continued trying to carve out bases where they could operate. The situation in Shandong was complicated. After the Japanese invasion, most Nationalist-affiliated forces stayed in the province, while Communist forces and bases were weaker and more scattered than further west. Only in late 1938 did major 8RA units from the 115th and 129th Divisions—led by Xu Xiangqian and Luo Ronghuan—enter Shandong to link up with the Shandong column and local guerrillas, including survivors of a large band recently decimated by the Japanese. Even with these efforts, Communist actions led to clashes not only with Japanese forces but also with various Nationalist-affiliated groups—groups that were stronger than the Communists at the time. Until late 1940, the CCP's clashes with Nationalist forces in Shandong were actually bloodier than clashes with the Japanese. The CCP understood that its Chinese rivals mistrusted one another, and that their attitudes toward the CCP varied widely. The main Nationalist forces were often not tightly affiliated with Chiang Kai-shek or the central government. Instead, they operated under independent—and at times disgruntled—regional commanders. Communist tactics were expressed through slogans emphasizing ways to win support and isolate hardliners: develop progressive forces and win over fence-sitters while isolating "die-hards"; flatter top echelons, enlist the middle ranks, and hit the rank and file; and win over Yi Xuezhong, isolate Shen Honglie, and eliminate Qin Qirong. Still, unlike other North China base areas, the Communists were unable for several years to neutralize Nationalist forces in Shandong. Even if Japanese mop-up campaigns had not weakened those Nationalists, the text suggests the Communists may still have struggled to do so. By November 1940, Xu Xiangqian claimed meaningful progress while admitting Shandong had not yet become a fully consolidated base. CCP successes were greatest along parts of the Shandong–Hebei border, around the Taishan massif in central Shandong, and near the tip of the peninsula far to the east. Elsewhere, "progressive forces" remained weak. Communist regular troops numbered about 70,000, which was far below the party center's goals of 150,000 regulars and between 1.5 and 2 million self-defense forces. Moreover, systematic economic reforms had barely begun. The CCP relied on familiar practices—confiscations, collections of "national salvation grain," contributions, and loans—alongside a conventional taxation system adjusted to favor poorer peasants. Communist expansion in Central China was even riskier, with a greater likelihood of large-scale conflict with central government forces than in the north. In much of North China, "friction" came primarily from rapid Communist expansion into areas with partial vacuums. In Central China, however, base-building required displacing an existing Nationalist military-administrative presence closely tied to Jiang Kai-shek and the Chongqing government. The burden of this expansion was carried mainly by the 6th Detachment (northern Anhui and Jiangsu) and the 5th Detachment, which was reinforced by 15,000 to 20,000 8RA troops under Huang K'o-ch'eng. As Chen Yi's 1st Detachment crossed from south to north through the corridor provided by Guan Wenwei's local forces, it became actively involved as well. This expansion—driven by increasingly urgent directives from Mao and Liu during the latter part of 1939 and into 1940—brought the N4A north of the river into ever more frequent and sharper clashes with Nationalist authorities in Anhui and Jiangsu, especially with units under Jiangsu governor Han Deqin. South of the river, though, Xiang Ying did not directly challenge Chongqing's commanders. Mao later charged that Xiang Ying may have been influenced by Wang Ming, or else he may simply have seen no realistic alternative. His forces—three detachments plus a headquarters unit—were heavily outnumbered by Qu Chutong's Nationalist units, not to mention Japanese forces and their puppets. Even if Mao insisted bases could be built "anywhere," the Shanghai–Hangzhou–Nanjing triangle was especially difficult terrain. Xiang Ying and his followers had survived with extraordinary tenacity in the mountains of South China between 1934 and 1937, enduring brutal search-and-destroy operations that were not lifted until the war began. It therefore seems unlikely that such survivors would suddenly become "right-wing capitulationists."  Yet by spring 1940, Mao was pressing Xiang Ying more intensely. The Central Committee's message was explicit: expansion was necessary in all cases. It meant reaching into all enemy-occupied areas rather than being bound by the Kuomintang's restrictions—going beyond Kuomintang limits, not waiting for official appointments, not depending on higher-ups for financing, and instead expanding armed forces freely and independently. It also meant setting up base areas without hesitation, independently mobilizing the masses in those areas, and building united front organs of political power under Communist Party leadership. The struggle between Nationalists and Communists involved more than contests for control of territory behind Japanese lines. It also involved national-level politics, ideology, and leadership. One worrying development for the CCP was the campaign throughout 1939 to expand Jiang Kai-shek's prestige and formal power—adding more titles for him across major party, government, and military positions. In early 1939, the Central Executive Committee appointed him "director-general" of the Kuomintang, a title reminiscent of the one previously held by Sun Yat-sen. In addition, during the summer and autumn of 1939 there was talk of constitutional rule. In November, the KMT announced plans to convene a constitutional assembly the following year. If Jiang could fulfill these promises, he and his government could gain new legitimacy and wider popularity. Mao and his colleagues could not allow this to go unchallenged. If the Nationalists were to have a paramount leader and authoritative spokesperson, the CCP needed one as well. The timing of Mao's famous "On the new democracy"—written in late 1939 and published the next January—was therefore no accident. Its substance had been anticipated earlier, but its final timing and full development were shaped by the KMT's constitutional movement. The CCP's entry into this competition served as both a bid for support away from the KMT and a statement of the multi-class united front that the CCP wanted to lead. Although "On the new democracy" was written in a tone that seemed moderate, it persuaded many Chinese readers that the CCP had either diluted its revolutionary objectives or postponed them to a distant future. In Kuomintang-controlled areas, the work could be read through the liberal values associated with Anglo-American democracy—popular participation, multi-party government, legally protected civil rights. In CCP-controlled territories, the same language carried stronger authoritarian, class-based meanings. In internal documents meant for party audiences rather than public consumption, the ambiguity was removed, showing a tough but patient and flexible commitment not only to resistance but also to social control and social change. During this same period, the Communists expressed deep concern about Nationalist capitulation to Japan—not only on the battlefield behind Japanese lines but also at the highest levels. Some of this concern was propaganda, but beneath propaganda lay genuine anxiety. In late 1939 and early 1940, politically aware Chinese already knew that Japan was negotiating with the unpredictable Wang Jingwei, who had fled Chongqing a year earlier. A "reorganized national government" in Nanjing was finally established in March 1940, representing the most formidable collaboration with Japan to date. Less well known, but equally important, was that Japan was also seeking an understanding directly with Jiang Kai-shek through intermediaries in Hong Kong. This effort, called "Operation Kiri"—described as spreading a "feast for Chiang"—combined intrigue with a kind of dark comedy. Reports suggested Chiang's reported interest in peace could have been a stratagem designed to discredit Wang Jingwei by keeping him waiting. But even if Chiang had no intention of coming to terms with Japan, the Communists could not be sure what the outcome would be until after the multi-pronged peace offensive had failed. By the middle of 1940, China had never been so isolated. In Europe, the "phony war" ended in the spring when Germany launched a blitz across the Low Countries. France fell soon after, and England appeared likely to be next. Japan used this moment to press China to sever its last tenuous connections to the outside world: cutting the Burma Road, trade with neutral Hong Kong, and the rail link running from Hanoi to Kunming. At the same time, Russia was engaged in a difficult and embarrassing war with Finland and reduced military aid to the Nationalists. The United States was only gradually moving away from isolationism and clearly regarded England as more important than China. In Chongqing and elsewhere in "Free China," signs of war weariness, despair, and demoralization were visible. Under these circumstances, Mao's insistence on aggressive expansion was a calculated risk—either it would deter any Japanese advance, or it would place the Communists in the strongest possible position in case a split between the KMT and the CCP became unavoidable. In Central China, the size and pace of the fighting kept increasing, starting in the final months of 1939. One flashpoint was the clash between Luo Pinghui's 5th Detachment and units of Han Deqin's Jiangsu force near Lake Gaoyou. In the following months, Guan Wenwei's forces ranged along the left bank of the Yangtze, repeatedly running into Luo's troops as they operated farther north. Luo also began receiving some 8RA reinforcements, moving them south through areas controlled by the 6th Detachment. Clearly, a major showdown was taking shape across north and central Jiangsu. At the same time, the South Yangtze Command was doing poorly. Nationalist commanders Leng Xin and Qu Chutong restricted its activities so severely that Mao and Liu gradually abandoned the idea of building a unified, consolidated base in that region. During late spring and early summer, Chen Yi moved most of his 1st and 2nd Detachments north of the Yangtze. In September, the 3rd Detachment followed suit, crossing the river into the area around Lake Chaohu, where the 4th Detachment was already stationed. After these moves, only the Headquarters Detachment—under Ye Ting and Xiang Ying—remained south of the Yangtze, positioned at Qingxian in southern Anhui. As the military situation edged toward an open confrontation, negotiations began in June 1940 between representatives of the KMT and the CCP. The core issues were Communist operating zones and the authorized strength of the armies led by the CCP. Proposals were exchanged, followed by equally sharp and hostile counter-proposals, but no agreement was reached. The KMT viewed it as a concession to permit the CCP "free rein" north of the pre-1938 course of the Yellow River, with the exception of southern Shanxi, which was to remain under the influence of Yan Xishan. In exchange, the KMT demanded that all 8RA and N4A units evacuate Central China. In effect, the KMT was offering the CCP something it was already prepared to allow, in return for the CCP giving up what it might soon be able to obtain by force of arms. Nationalist authorities then issued a set of deadlines, but without clearly stating what would happen if those deadlines were violated. On the surface, the CCP appeared to be complying in part. The movements of Chen Yi and the South Yangtze Command could look like obedience, but in reality they were responses to orders coming from their own superior leadership rather than instructions issued by the Nationalists. Even so, Xiang Ying's continued delays and evasions during the autumn and winter of 1940 remained puzzling. One possibility is that he felt—quite reasonably—that Mao had already lost confidence in him and that once he crossed to the north bank of the river he would lose his command. Another complication was that directives from Yan'an were sometimes ambiguous and even contradictory. He may also have been trying to reach secure understandings with KMT commanders about evacuation routes and guaranteed safe conduct out of the area. For a period, Han Teqin kept most of his forces—estimated at about 70,000 men, far outnumbering the N4A—in north Jiangsu, thereby blocking the expansion of the 6th Detachment and slowing further southern intrusions by 8RA troops. But by mid-summer he realized he would have to counter the N4A build-up in central Jiangsu, or else risk writing that region off to the Communists. A confusing sequence of engagements then unfolded, culminating in a decisive battle in early October 1940 near the central Jiangsu town of Huangjiao. Over the course of four days, several of Han's main-force units belonging to the 89th Army were destroyed, while others were scattered. That battle also served as a signal for the 6th Detachment to advance more aggressively in the north. In the aftermath, one of Han's principal commanders entered collaboration with the CCP, while another defected to the Nanjing government under Wang Jingwei. Although Han Teqin managed to maintain a foothold in Jiangsu until 1943, his real power had been broken. Relatively little attention was paid to the battle of Huangjiao in the Chinese press. The KMT did not want to publicize what it considered a disastrous defeat, while the Communists were satisfied to stay silent about an episode that conflicted with their proclaimed policy of a united front. As could be expected, during the autumn—after Han Teqin's defeat—KMT-CCP negotiations deteriorated further. In early December, Jiang Kai-shek personally ordered that all N4A forces withdraw from southern Anhui and southern Jiangsu by 31 December. He also ordered that the entire 8RA be positioned north of the Yellow River by the same deadline, followed one month later by the N4A. Discussions then followed between Ye Ting and Qu Chutong's deputies concerning the route to be taken, safe conduct, and—astonishingly—the money and supplies that were to be provided to the N4A to help it move. On 25 December, Mao Zedong ordered Xiang Ying to begin evacuating immediately. Yet it was not until 4 January 1941 that Ye and Xiang actually started moving. Almost immediately, Qu Chutong's forces harassed and dispersed the N4A Headquarters Group, which included administrative personnel, wounded soldiers and dependents, as well as combat-ready troops. In an attempt to reorganize, they moved southwest toward Maolin, where they were surrounded by Nationalists and, over the next several days, were cut to pieces. Losses were heavy on both sides. The CCP suffered an estimated 9,000 casualties. Xiang Ying tried twice to break out of the blockade on his own, but failed. He was then denounced as a deserter by Ye Ting, who took over full command of the doomed forces. Xiang Ying eventually escaped, but he was killed a couple of months later by one of his own bodyguards, motivated by the N4A gold reserves that he had taken with him. Up to the very end, Xiang either failed or refused to seek refuge in Liu Shaoqi's domain north of the Yangtze. The unfortunate Ye Ting was arrested and spent the rest of the war in prison. He was finally released in 1946, only to die one month later in a plane crash, along with several other high-ranking party members. On 17 January, Jiang Kai-shek declared that the New Fourth Army was dissolved for insubordination. Direct contacts between Yan'an and Chongqing nearly came to an end, and CCP military liaison offices in several cities held by the Nationalists were closed. This is what became known as the New Fourth Army incident, also referred to as the South Anhui incident. Clearly, it functioned as an act of retaliation for the defeats suffered by Han Teqin in north and central Jiangsu. It ended any realistic prospect of establishing a consolidated Communist base south of the Yangtze. Still, from a strategic perspective, these losses were ultimately more than offset by the gains achieved farther north. In fact, only a few months later, the reorganized N4A quietly began reintroducing some units into this region, where they carried out guerrilla activities without possessing a secure territorial base. Unlike the relative silence surrounding the fighting at Huangjiao, the New Fourth Army incident sparked bitter, prolonged controversy. The CCP argued that it was a second "anti-Communist upsurge," even more serious than the first. Presenting themselves as martyred patriots, they depicted their opponents as people who wanted to end the War of Resistance through what they called "Sino-Japanese cooperation" aimed at "suppressing the Communists." In their account, the Nationalists wanted to replace the war of resistance with civil war, substitute capitulation for independence, trade unity for a split, and replace light with darkness. People were telling each other the news and were horrified. Indeed, they claimed that the situation had never been as critical as it was at that moment. The Nationalist response, of course, was that provocations had been numerous and serious, and that violations of military discipline could not be tolerated. But the KMT's unwillingness to describe in detail its own defeats at the CCP's hands left it speaking in broad generalities. In the propaganda battle, the CCP clearly gained the better position and won more political capital. If it was politically valuable to be regarded as a national hero, it was even more valuable to be seen as a national martyr.  Many Chinese—and some outside—observers were genuinely alarmed and feared that civil war might openly resume. Yet, with a few exceptions, the events that culminated in the New Fourth Army incident have generally been interpreted as marking the breakdown of the second united front. That interpretation, however, is described as being wrong in two respects. First, the CCP understood the united front not as a narrow arrangement limited to a few major partners, but as a strategy that could be applied flexibly to all political, military, and social forces in China—from the highest levels of the central government down to the smallest village. Relations with Jiang Jieshi and the Guomindang regime mattered, but they did not, by themselves, constitute the whole of the united front. Even regarding Jiang and the Nationalists specifically, the common reading is said to be misguided. Throughout the war, a cardinal objective of the united front was to prevent peace between Japan and the Nationalists. Therefore, if clashes between CCP forces and those of the central government on such a large scale as at Huangjiao and Maolin could occur without leading to peace with Japan and without triggering a full-scale resumption of civil war, then this should not be understood as the end of the united front—it should be seen as its fundamental vindication. If friction at that scale could nevertheless be tolerated by Jiang Jieshi, then fears about his future accommodation with Japan were greatly reduced. Following the New Fourth Army incident, the CCP reorganized its political and military presence in Central China. The Central Plains and South-east China Bureaus were merged and renamed the Central China Bureau, with Liu Shaoqi placed in charge, reflecting the area's importance to Party Central. The New Fourth Army was also reorganized completely and substantially regularized. Chen Yi became its new acting commander, since Ye Ting was imprisoned. He directed the force, now divided into seven divisions. Each division had territorial responsibilities, and in each region the CCP claimed the establishment of a base. Indeed, base construction proceeded in earnest only after the friction of 1940 and the New Fourth Army incident. In the years that followed, the operating areas of the First through Fourth Divisions contained expanding enclaves of consolidated territory, where military dominance was joined with open party work: administrative control, the development of mass organizations, local elections, and socio-economic reforms. The other three areas fluctuated between semi-consolidated and guerrilla status. With the incident, the worst phase of the KMT-CCP conflict was now over. When CCP documents later speak of a third upsurge in 1943, they refer to something openly political. With the exception of Shandong—where a fairly strong Nationalist presence persisted for a longer time—the overall balance of power among Chinese forces behind Japanese lines had shifted in favor of the CCP by mid-1941. In subsequent years the CCP's predominance became even more pronounced, until by the end of 1943 the Communists were virtually beyond challenge by Chinese rivals.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After the CCP and KMT entered the united front, cooperation felt conditional from the start. Mao pushed the New Fourth Army to reorganize and preserve Communist autonomy, even as the 1937 agreements publicly pledged obedience to KMT leadership. In 1939–40 the Communists worried that Chiang might negotiate peace with Japan; so they expanded bases and military presence, triggering repeated clashes. The pressure intensified when KMT orders forced the New Fourth Army to evacuate south Anhui in late 1940. 

Laura Castañeda is a veteran journalist, educator, and community voice who has spent decades helping San Diego understand itself. Known for her work in television and print, including at the San Diego Union-Tribune, she has been a mentor to generations of reporters and a champion for more inclusive, community-centered journalism. As a leader in the National Association of Hispanic Journalists, Laura brings a binational perspective to the role media plays in shaping public understanding, especially in a region where borders, cultures, and stories intersect every day. This Episode: What does responsible journalism look like in a region as complex  as San Diego and the U.S.-Mexico border? In this candid conversation, Laura and Grant explore how journalism has shifted from well-resourced newsrooms to a faster, thinner, and more fragmented media landscape. Laura reflects on what's been lost and what's at stake when communities aren't fully represented or heard. They also dig into community trust: how it's built through real relationships, how quickly it can erode, and why it remains essential to meaningful reporting. Looking ahead, they explore how younger audiences consume news and the growing risks of misinformation. They call out the importance of journalism that captures the full human story, especially around immigration and life in a border region. As Laura says, journalism isn't dead; it's changing. For her, the path forward is to meet people where they are and stay grounded in journalism's core role of holding power accountable and reflecting the full complexity of communities. Key Moments: [3:26] How the journalism landscape has shifted from full crews to one-person newsrooms [10:15] The responsibility of covering the border with nuance, not just crisis [15:44] Why newsrooms should reflect the populations where they report[32:06] How journalists can build trust by showing up in communities [34:26] What happens to the community when strong local journalism disappears[41:47] What journalism gets wrong about immigration and the missing human stories Resources Mentioned in This Episode: National Association of Hispanic Journalists (NAHJ) – Supporting and advancing Hispanic students, professionals and educators in the field of journalismDocumenters Program – Training community members to document public meetings and strengthen local accountability Indian Voices – Community publication amplifying Native perspectives in San Diego Take Action: Support Local Journalism – Subscribe to outlets that reflect and serve your community. Engage Directly – Attend community meetings or follow reporting that impacts your neighborhood.  Seek Full Stories – Look beyond headlines to understand the people and context behind the news. Build Trust – Talk with others about what you're reading and where it comes from. Stay Curious – Ask questions, verify sources, and value facts in a rapidly changing media landscape. Credits: This is a production of the Prebys FoundationHosted by Grant OliphantCo-Hosted by Crystal PageProduced by Adam Greenfield, Tess Karesky, Edgar Ontiveros Medina, and Crystal PageEngineered by Adam GreenfieldProduction Coordination by Tess KareskyVideo Production by Edgar Ontiveros MedinaThe Stop & Talk Theme song was created by San Diego's own Mr. Lyrical Groove.Download episodes at your favorite podcatcher or visit us at StopAndTalkPod​cast​.comSpecial thanks to the Prebys Foundation TeamIf you like this show, and we hope you do, the best way to support this show is to share and subscribe.

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube

At least six Cambodian civilians and one Thai soldier are dead as the two sides blame each other for renewed fighting in the border region.

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube

When we think of border states and the Civil War, we often think about Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware. When we think of fugitive slaves, we often think of the Ohio River or the Mason-Dixon line as a boundary between slavery and freedom. But did you know that similar debates over the meaning of freedom and slavery occurred in the Washington Territory? Join us today for a discussion with a former research fellow, who will explain how she came across a fugitive slave in Washington Territory, and what his story tells us about fugitivity and freedom in a border region. Dr. Lorraine McConaghy is a public historian. She received a PhD in history from the University of Washington. In 2010-11, she received a fellowship to conduct research on Richard Dickerson Gholson, a Kentuckian who became the 3rd Territorial Governor of Washington. We are here today, however, to talk about Dr. McConaghy's book that she co-authored with Judy Bentley: Free Boy: A True Story of Slave and Master. Kentucky Chronicles is inspired by the work of researchers worldwide who have contributed to the scholarly journal, The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society, in publication since 1903. https://history.ky.gov/explore/catalog-research-tools/register-of-the-kentucky-historical-society Hosted by Dr. Daniel J. Burge, associate editor of The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society and coordinator of our Research Fellows program, which brings in researchers from across the world to conduct research in the rich archival holdings of the Kentucky Historical Society. https://history.ky.gov/khs-for-me/for-researchers/research-fellowships Kentucky Chronicles is presented by the Kentucky Historical Society, with support from the Kentucky Historical Society Foundation. https://history.ky.gov/about/khs-foundation This episode was recorded and produced by Gregory Hardison. Thanks to Dr. Stephanie Lang for her support and guidance. Our theme music, “Modern Documentary” was created by Mood Mode and is used courtesy of Pixabay. Other backing tracks are used courtesy of Pixabay or are original compositions by Gregory Hardison. To learn more about our publication of The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society, or to learn more about our Research Fellows program, please visit our website: https://history.ky.gov/ https://history.ky.gov/khs-podcasts

For review:1. Russia - Ukraine Talks in Istanbul Thursday: Will Russian President Attend? In what may have been a surprise for the Russian leader, Ukrainian President Zelenskyy responded by accepting the invitation, saying he was ready to meet Putin in Turkey on 15 May.2. President Trump said he might take a detour during his Mideast trip to visit Turkey for peace negotiations between Russia and Ukraine on 15 May.3.  Calm in Kashmir Border Region as Ceasefire Holds. Indian and Pakistani authorities said Monday there was no firing reported overnight along the heavily militarized region between their countries, the first time in recent days the two nations were not shooting at each other. 4. US-Israeli Hostage Edan Alexander Freed from 580 Days in Hamas Captivity. 5. NATO's top military officer (Admiral Giuseppe Dragone - Italy) said he has no indication yet that the United States will withdraw forces committed to the alliance's defense plans and shift them to the Indo-Pacific.6.  NATO must make drastic changes to its electromagnetic warfare (EW) capabilities if the alliance wants to win a future war against Russia.7. President Donald Trump's plan to “temporarily” transform a Boeing 747 originally owned by Qatar's royal family into a new Air Force One plane has come under fire from congressional Democrats. 

A U.S. Navy destroyer armed with tomahawk missiles enroute to the gulf waters off the coast of Texas. What’s this all about? Investigative reporter Lauren McGaughy of The Texas Newsroom with word that the Texas government appears to be maintaining a list of people asking for information about changing the sex on their driver's licenses. […] The post Navy destroyer headed to the southern border region appeared first on KUT & KUTX Studios -- Podcasts.

On Sunday, the 60-day window to implement the ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel will close. As part of the deal, Israeli troops must withdraw from Lebanon and Hezbollah must disarm in a border zone. But just days from the deadline, Israeli troops remain and Hezbollah's status is unclear. Simona Foltyn reports from Beirut. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

On Sunday, the 60-day window to implement the ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel will close. As part of the deal, Israeli troops must withdraw from Lebanon and Hezbollah must disarm in a border zone. But just days from the deadline, Israeli troops remain and Hezbollah's status is unclear. Simona Foltyn reports from Beirut. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook

AP correspondent Naeun Kim reports on the latest attacks in Russia and Ukraine where at least five people have died, and journalists were injured.

Day 902.Today, we bring you the latest on Ukraine's surprise incursion into Kursk, as Russian civilians flee the fighting and the Kremlin's propagandists struggle to hold the line. We also roundup the latest political and diplomatic news and look back over the last week of break-neck battlefield updates.Contributors:David Knowles (Journalist). @djknowles22 on X.Dominic Nicholls (Associate Editor, Defence). @DomNicholls on X.Joe Barnes (Brussels Correspondent). @Barnes_Joe on X.James Kilner (Foreign Correspondent). @jkjourno on X.Iona Cleave (Foreign Correspondent). @cleaveiona on X.Articles:Latest from Kursk: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2024/08/12/russia-evacuates-border-region-as-ukrainian-kursk-invasion/Joe's weekend read: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2024/08/10/ukraine-invasion-russia-sudzha-gas-pipeline-hungary/Free Telegraph Subscription for Students. Enjoy free access to The Telegraph with your university student email address: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/studentsubSubscribe to The Telegraph: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Latest news from 06 August 2024, as reported in the Ukrainian media. Easy ways to support us: Subscribe to our Patreon to give monthly support https://www.patreon.com/highlightsfromukraine Send us a one-time 'thank you' tip via PayPal at: highlightsfromukraine@gmail.com Out YouTube channel: https://bit.ly/3oH111z Special thanks to our top Patreon supporters - Helena Pszczolko O'Callaghan, mattg629, krissi, Jared and Dick Warner!

Please join us for the annual Keeling lecture in honor of Scripps Professor Charles David Keeling's life and invaluable contributions to climate science and the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. Tereza Cavazos's will present an overview of relevant climate drivers shared in the US-Mexico western border region, as well as their possible changes and impacts. From extreme weather to droughts, from the monsoon rains to the jet stream and El Niño events, these variations see no artificial borders; however, adaptation to climate change poses major challenges particularly south of the border. Delays in finding feasible and equitable actions can have severe consequences for present and future generations. Series: "Jeffrey B. Graham Perspectives on Ocean Science Lecture Series" [Science] [Show ID: 39650]

Please join us for the annual Keeling lecture in honor of Scripps Professor Charles David Keeling's life and invaluable contributions to climate science and the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. Tereza Cavazos's will present an overview of relevant climate drivers shared in the US-Mexico western border region, as well as their possible changes and impacts. From extreme weather to droughts, from the monsoon rains to the jet stream and El Niño events, these variations see no artificial borders; however, adaptation to climate change poses major challenges particularly south of the border. Delays in finding feasible and equitable actions can have severe consequences for present and future generations. Series: "Jeffrey B. Graham Perspectives on Ocean Science Lecture Series" [Science] [Show ID: 39650]

Please join us for the annual Keeling lecture in honor of Scripps Professor Charles David Keeling's life and invaluable contributions to climate science and the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. Tereza Cavazos's will present an overview of relevant climate drivers shared in the US-Mexico western border region, as well as their possible changes and impacts. From extreme weather to droughts, from the monsoon rains to the jet stream and El Niño events, these variations see no artificial borders; however, adaptation to climate change poses major challenges particularly south of the border. Delays in finding feasible and equitable actions can have severe consequences for present and future generations. Series: "Jeffrey B. Graham Perspectives on Ocean Science Lecture Series" [Science] [Show ID: 39650]

Please join us for the annual Keeling lecture in honor of Scripps Professor Charles David Keeling's life and invaluable contributions to climate science and the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. Tereza Cavazos's will present an overview of relevant climate drivers shared in the US-Mexico western border region, as well as their possible changes and impacts. From extreme weather to droughts, from the monsoon rains to the jet stream and El Niño events, these variations see no artificial borders; however, adaptation to climate change poses major challenges particularly south of the border. Delays in finding feasible and equitable actions can have severe consequences for present and future generations. Series: "Jeffrey B. Graham Perspectives on Ocean Science Lecture Series" [Science] [Show ID: 39650]

Please join us for the annual Keeling lecture in honor of Scripps Professor Charles David Keeling's life and invaluable contributions to climate science and the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. Tereza Cavazos's will present an overview of relevant climate drivers shared in the US-Mexico western border region, as well as their possible changes and impacts. From extreme weather to droughts, from the monsoon rains to the jet stream and El Niño events, these variations see no artificial borders; however, adaptation to climate change poses major challenges particularly south of the border. Delays in finding feasible and equitable actions can have severe consequences for present and future generations. Series: "Jeffrey B. Graham Perspectives on Ocean Science Lecture Series" [Science] [Show ID: 39650]

Please join us for the annual Keeling lecture in honor of Scripps Professor Charles David Keeling's life and invaluable contributions to climate science and the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. Tereza Cavazos's will present an overview of relevant climate drivers shared in the US-Mexico western border region, as well as their possible changes and impacts. From extreme weather to droughts, from the monsoon rains to the jet stream and El Niño events, these variations see no artificial borders; however, adaptation to climate change poses major challenges particularly south of the border. Delays in finding feasible and equitable actions can have severe consequences for present and future generations. Series: "Jeffrey B. Graham Perspectives on Ocean Science Lecture Series" [Science] [Show ID: 39650]

Please join us for the annual Keeling lecture in honor of Scripps Professor Charles David Keeling's life and invaluable contributions to climate science and the Scripps Institution of Oceanography. Tereza Cavazos's will present an overview of relevant climate drivers shared in the US-Mexico western border region, as well as their possible changes and impacts. From extreme weather to droughts, from the monsoon rains to the jet stream and El Niño events, these variations see no artificial borders; however, adaptation to climate change poses major challenges particularly south of the border. Delays in finding feasible and equitable actions can have severe consequences for present and future generations. Series: "Jeffrey B. Graham Perspectives on Ocean Science Lecture Series" [Science] [Show ID: 39650]

GOOD EVENING: The show begins in Brussels where the trend, says Anatol Lieven of Quincy, is toward young voters preferring the "far right" parties in each country, including Sweden, exclaims Anatol. To the Tri-Border region of Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay. To the Netherlands, to Taiwan, to California. To Campania, Italy and the G-7 where PM Meloni was the star. To The West Bank, to Yemen, to Havana Harbor and Mexico City and Buenos Aires. To Saipan, to DC, to empty civics classrooms since 1960. 1944 Saipan

PREVIEW: #BRAZIL: #PARAGUAY: #ARGENTINA: Conversation with colleague Mary Anastasia O'Grady of WSJ Editorial re the Tri-Border Region of South America that encourages and struggles with the extravagantly rewarding crimes of the black marketeers -- and what is needed to improve all cross-border trade. More tonight. https://www.wsj.com/articles/brazil-enables-the-black-market-eedb14c7 December 1936 FDR and Paraguay President Gabriel Terra in Montivideo

"ASEAN's announcement to immediately stop attacks in the border region" Myanmar Nway Oo Chronicle 18th Apr 2024 (Moemaka Article).This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Metadata, VBR MP3

1/2: #HEZBOLLAH: Planned attacks on Brazil synagogues by Brazilian Nationals recruited by Lebanese bad actors in the Tri Border Region. Emanuele Ottolenghi, FDD https://ict.org.il/hezbollah-terror-plot-in-brazil/ 1914 Rio de Janeiro

2/2: #HEZBOLLAH: Planned attacks on Brazil synagogues by Brazilian Nationals recruited by Lebanese bad actors in the Tri Border Region. Emanuele Ottolenghi, FDD. https://ict.org.il/hezbollah-terror-plot-in-brazil/ 1920 Rio de Janeiro

PREVIEW: From a conversation with Josh Rogin of the Washington Post re the strategic mission for Tower 22 snd the network of US outposts in the tri-border region of Jordan, Syria and Iraq -- and why Tahran wants the US to leave the region.  More tonight. 1880 Damascus

AP correspondent Charles de Ledesma reports on Russia Ukraine War.

"China's Influence on the Ethnic Areas in the Border Region" Myanmar Spring Chronicle 13th Oct 2023 (Moemaka Article) Nway Oo Maung.This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Metadata, VBR MP3

Born and raised in Mexico, Daniel Gutierrez knew from an early age he wanted to build a career in economics. In 2009, Daniel and his wife moved to San Antonio to join the North American Development Bank as a senior analysis and structuring specialist. North American Development Bank is a binational financial institution, established by the governments of the U.S. and Mexico, that supports the development of infrastructure in the areas of potable water, wastewater treatment and solid waste, as well as projects aimed at improving air quality, conserving water, reducing energy consumption and developing renewable energy sources for communities located in the U.S.- Mexico border region.While in this role, Daniel decided to pursue his MBA and joined the Professional MBA program at Rice Business in 2012. Since graduating, Daniel has remained with North American Development Bank, and is currently the associate director of asset management. He joins host Maya Pomroy this episode to discuss growing up in Mexico in the 80s during inflation, NAFTA, how going to Rice Business' Diversity Preview Weekend changes his life's path, receiving an Owl Award for best Capstone project for Ovarcome, a Houston-based ovarian cancer nonprofit founded by another Rice Business alum, and the lessons he learned during his time at Rice. Owl Have You Know is a production of Rice Business and is produced by University FM.Episode Quotes:How Mexican leaders can prepare for the future13:16 - To build the next generation of leaders in Mexico, they have to think about where they want to develop their MBA studies or studies of where they can learn leadership, all the skills the MBA program grants, and critical thinking ability. All those skills will be needed in the next years—in the next 20, 30 years, the border region between Mexico and the US is going to become very dynamic. It's probably going to be one of the greatest times to be involved in an MBA program and to use those knowledge to make great things happen in Mexican businesses.15:40 - The importance of teamwork definitely was something that I recognized from what was taught to me at Rice. And I still consider teamwork as one of the important elements of my daily working life.On his evolving interest on artificial intelligence21:41 - I'm excited about all that kind of wave of artificial intelligence coming up and bringing every debate.Copyright issues, schools that are worried that students will use that technology to present their essays, stuff like that. But the real discussion is how are we going to train the next generation to use or leverage this technology. For the betterment of human beings, for the betterment of humanity.Show Links: North American Development Bank Ovarcome Transcript Guest Profile:Daniel's LinkedIn

AP correspondent Charles de Ledesma reports on Russia Ukraine War-border drones

In our news wrap Monday, a new earthquake touched off more terror across the Turkey-Syria border region, the far-right government in Israel advanced an overhaul of the courts amid mass dissent, the UN nuclear watchdog says it's asking Iran about signs of uranium being enriched to levels very near nuclear weapons-grade and dozens of people are missing in Brazil after extreme rains. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

In our news wrap Monday, a new earthquake touched off more terror across the Turkey-Syria border region, the far-right government in Israel advanced an overhaul of the courts amid mass dissent, the UN nuclear watchdog says it's asking Iran about signs of uranium being enriched to levels very near nuclear weapons-grade and dozens of people are missing in Brazil after extreme rains. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

Growing up in Imperial Valley, Liz Ramírez's parents instilled in her the value of learning. "In order to break barriers, I needed an education," she recalls. Ramírez shares the story of her struggles and successes as a first-generation immigrant navigating her way through college at UC San Diego. Family, community service, and mentorship all played a role, and she stresses the importance of staying connected to people who can make your dreams possible. Currently CEO of the Chicano Federation, Ramírez continues to give back to and be an advocate for others in her community and beyond. Series: "Education Channel" [Education] [Show ID: 38451]

Growing up in Imperial Valley, Liz Ramírez's parents instilled in her the value of learning. "In order to break barriers, I needed an education," she recalls. Ramírez shares the story of her struggles and successes as a first-generation immigrant navigating her way through college at UC San Diego. Family, community service, and mentorship all played a role, and she stresses the importance of staying connected to people who can make your dreams possible. Currently CEO of the Chicano Federation, Ramírez continues to give back to and be an advocate for others in her community and beyond. Series: "Education Channel" [Education] [Show ID: 38451]

Growing up in Imperial Valley, Liz Ramírez's parents instilled in her the value of learning. "In order to break barriers, I needed an education," she recalls. Ramírez shares the story of her struggles and successes as a first-generation immigrant navigating her way through college at UC San Diego. Family, community service, and mentorship all played a role, and she stresses the importance of staying connected to people who can make your dreams possible. Currently CEO of the Chicano Federation, Ramírez continues to give back to and be an advocate for others in her community and beyond. Series: "Education Channel" [Education] [Show ID: 38451]

Growing up in Imperial Valley, Liz Ramírez's parents instilled in her the value of learning. "In order to break barriers, I needed an education," she recalls. Ramírez shares the story of her struggles and successes as a first-generation immigrant navigating her way through college at UC San Diego. Family, community service, and mentorship all played a role, and she stresses the importance of staying connected to people who can make your dreams possible. Currently CEO of the Chicano Federation, Ramírez continues to give back to and be an advocate for others in her community and beyond. Series: "Education Channel" [Education] [Show ID: 38451]

Located in the northernmost land of the Central Highlands, Ngoc Hoi border crossing, the intersection of Vietnam – Laos – Cambodia with the beauty of wild mountains and forests and a special location that still transmits many cultural values ​​enough to make the souls of many passionate hearts flutter. Ngoc Hoi border junction, Kon Tum province is […]. View detail https://vietnamese.quest/traveling-to-ngoc-hoi-border-crossing-to-see-the-charming-beauty-of-the-border-region/

Donald Bowser is an international peace and security consultant with 30 years of experience in the former Soviet Union, including several in Ukraine.

Updates on the China/India border tensions. Prayed up and prepped up. You can support my work at the links below. We are totally listener supported and we appreciate each and every one of you! Thank you and God bless! PayPal: https://paypal.me/johnnystorm NEW! Cash app now available for donations! Our cash tag is $jstorm212 For checks and money orders please email us at dntspk5@gmail.com and we will send you the address. Support us through the BRAVE web browser here: https://brave.com/don308 Free book on Spiritual Warfare below! https://www.smashwords.com/books/view/780462 https://twitter.com/DontSpe54156130 Show Email dntspk5@gmail.com Back up Channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCuJ9KhNAvQ49eHU7HDP6j6Q/videos Website: https://dontspeaknews.com --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/dontspeak/support

Josh Read lives and breaths fishing and will head out at any chance he gets. In this episode Josh talks about fishing small clear systems for Murray Cod from his punt, and tips on how he does it. He also talks about what happened to the Upper Murray after the devastating bushfires, and what impact this event had on the Murray Cod population. Josh worked with local fisheries and through his local fishing club to clean up after the event, and now in works to restock and study the system for the future of the fishery. Josh and his girlfriend were also lucky enough to come across not one, but two Golden tagged fish in Victoria and he share this experience. Then towards the end of the episode we talk about live technology and we both share our experiences on this topic. Enjoy another episode of The Social Fishing Podcast! If you're after more fishing content, make sure you visit socialfishing.com.au.   Intro about Josh and his Background (3:00) Upper Murray Overview and Fishing (10:30) Fishing the Upper Murray (15:00) The Upper Murray Bushfire – Impacts, What Happened and Recovery (23:30) The Two Golden Tagged Trout (50:40) Tips for Chasing Trout (1:02:00) Josh's thoughts on Live Technology (1:06:00)

1. Kamala Harris Begins 1st Overseas Trip as VP 2. 11k Venezuelans Pour Into Texas Border Region 3. No to Voting Bill, Ending Filibuster: Manchin 4. Georgia GOP Censures State Sec. Raffensperger 5. Trump Denounces Crt, CCP at N.C. Convention

1. Kamala Harris Begins 1st Overseas Trip as VP 2. 11k Venezuelans Pour Into Texas Border Region 3. No to Voting Bill, Ending Filibuster: Manchin 4. Georgia GOP Censures State Sec. Raffensperger 5. Trump Denounces Crt, CCP at N.C. Convention

In recent years, conversations about the US-Mexico border have centered around the border wall. However, according to today’s guest, C.J. Alvarez, the wall is one of many construction projects that have occurred in the border region in the last 30 years. "From the boundary surveys of the 1850s to the ever-expanding fences and highway networks of the twenty-first century, Border Land, Border Water examines the history of the construction projects that have shaped the region where the United States and Mexico meet."

LAREDO, Texas - U.S. Rep. Henry Cuellar says he intends to bring at least four cabinet secretaries to the South Texas border region once President-elect Biden is sworn into office.Cuellar is critical of the way President Trump’s cabinet secretaries, when visiting the border region, would not meet with the business community or environmental leaders. Instead, he said, they only focused on the border wall, and stopping drugs and undocumented immigrants from coming into the country.The five cabinet secretaries are Deb Haaland, Biden’s pick for interior secretary, Xavier Becerra, who is set to be health and human services secretary, Marcia L. Fudge, who has been chosen to run housing and urban development, and Alejandro Mayorkas, the president-elect’s nominee to run homeland security.All four will need to be confirmed by the U.S. Senate.“There are some friends I intend to bring down here. Deb Haaland is going to be the new interior secretary. She is a friend of mine from New Mexico. I want to see how she can work with us, from the Department of Interior,” Cuellar said.“We have got Xavier Becerra, who is going to be the health and human services secretary. That is the second person I want to bring down to Laredo. Marcia Fudge, also, is someone that I served with and she is the HUD secretary. Those are the folks that are coming in.”Mayorkas, the son of Jewish Cuban refugees, would be the first Latino to run the department of homeland security. “The new homeland secretary is a friend of mine. I intend to bring him down to Laredo and to the Valley and do a border tour,” Cuellar said.“They usually go to El Paso and down to the lower Rio Grande or Arizona. I want them to see different areas, including Eagle Pass and other areas that have asked me to look at.”Editor's Note: To read the full story go to www.riograndeguardian.com

"If you read the horse right and have a mutual trust for each other, these are the starting points to bring out the best, and you can usually work on from there." - Charlie ProwCharlie Prow is a well known name around the racing industry.Breathing in the dust of Outback Queensland from his first breath, Charlie was born and raised in Outback Queensland and setting his sights on the saddle from a young age and continued a career over the next 60 years as an amateur jockey, professional jockey, horse trainer, horse breeder and master to apprentice jockeys.Throughout his career, Charlie has had 725 Wins, 1397 places, 4,961 starts. These Statistics are only recorded from the year 2000. Charlie was inducted into the Queensland Racing Hall of Fame of 2019.Miss Petty was a former Border Region galloper who was bought in partnership by Dick Banks and Fred Gilthrow, and given to Charlie Prow to train. Miss Petty went onto write her name into bush folklore by winning 22 races straight for Charlie and inducted into Queensland Racing Hall of Fame 2018.Charlie is undoubtably a wealth of knowledge and has earned his respect within the Racing Industry over the last 60 odd years.

How much do you know about NAFTA or the brand new USMCA? What about the impact that the global pandemic has had on the busiest land border crossing in the world, San Ysidro / Southern San Diego and Tijuana, Baja California, Mexico. Shark Bite Biz's David Strausser chats with Jason M-B Wells, the Executive Director of the San Ysidro Chamber of Commerce about how this virus has impacted the Baja Cali megaregion extraordinarily hard. They'll discuss some manufacturing and distribution in the binational metro area among other topics. Visit Jason Wells and the San Ysidro Chamber of Commerce here: http://www.sanysidrochamber.org    Join our Reddit Community: https://www.reddit.com/r/SharkBiteBiz/ Donate to our Patreon to SUPPORT this channel and get some BENEFITS and PERKS: http://patreon.com/sharkbitebiz Subscribe to the audio podcast on: http://www.SharkBiteBiz.com Find out more about the host, David Strausser: http://www.davidstrausser.com Follow David Strausser on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dstrausser83/ Follow us on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/SharkBiteBiz Follow us on Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/SharkBiteBiz Listen on Apple iTunes: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/shark-bite-biz/id1522304651 Listen on Google Podcasts: https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuc2hhcmtiaXRlYml6LmNvbS9mZWVkLnhtbA Listen on Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/1CZh0QdNr5Nn8CD8kInMAJ Listen on Stitcher: https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/shark-bite-biz Listen on iHeartRADIO: https://www.iheart.com/podcast/269-shark-bite-biz-68819872/ Intro music courtesy of Stationary Giant: https://instagram.com/stationarygiant?igshid=1mf4umgejvpgi Connect with David Strausser on LinkedIn: http://www.linkedin.com/in/DavidStrausser Produced by: Francisco Strausser: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC82qlvfm4mXg3C3AzqPHthw

Devon Apodaca is the Executive Director at the Humane Society of Imperial County, trying to save one dog at a time in a rural California community along the US/Mexico border region. Being in an economically disadvantaged area along the Border Region has meant dealing with limited resources, overcoming language and cultural barriers, and managing the ever-increasing number of strays/medical emergencies of pets. Devon has been impacted by many dogs who have touched his life in profound ways enough for him to carry on regardless of the many obstacles, politics, and limitations he faces on a daily basis never losing hope of the end result.SOCIAL MEDIAWebsite - https://www.dogsavethepeople.comInstagram - https://www.instagram.com/dogsavethepeople/Twitter - https://twitter.com/dogsavethepplFacebook - https://www.facebook.com/dogsavethepeopleFEATURED LINKSHumane Society of Imperial County on Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/HSOICHumane Society of Imperial County website - https://www.imperialcountyhumane.orgHumane Society of Imperial County on Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/humanesocietyic

Today: : Is time about to run out on the 32nd Daill, strike action by school secretaries today, Minister Heather Humhpreys discusses the €28m Economic Stimulus Package announced for the Border Region and Ireland’s Ambassador to the United Nations in New York, Geraldine Byrne Nason, speaks to us ahead of being awarded the Freedom of her hometown of Drogheda this evening See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

SOUTH PADRE ISLAND, RGV - The Texas Border Coalition held its 2019 annual meeting on Thursday, Oct. 24, in the Blue Marlin Room at Pearl South Padre Resort on South Padre Island.The meeting included a wide-ranging panel discussion on the innovative ways border communities are preparing for the 2020 Census. The panel discussion was titled “Counting the Whole Number of Persons in Each State: 2020 Census Preparations in the Border Region.” Cynthia Garza-Reyes, representing the City of Pharr, said her city would be utilizing the technology skills of high school students to ensure a thorough census count.“We are in a different environment to what we were ten years ago. As a city we acknowledge the value of our students in terms of how they are equipped when it comes to technology,” Garza-Reyes said.“We are assuming that a lot of the count will be done through our student population. We are working with each school district to come up with collaborative ways to make sure that each family is counted through the student.”In addition to Garza-Reyes, the panel consisted of Cameron County Clerk Sylvia Garza-Perez, Nestor Lopez, representing Hidalgo County, and Albert Morales, representing the U.S. Census Bureau. LeRoy Cavazos, senior manager of public affairs and communication at Coca Cola Southwest, moderated the panel discussion. Cavazos is a Texas Border Coalition board member.The above podcast consists the raw audio from that panel discussion.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador's presidential election victory was the topic of conversation for a recent LIVE at Bob's show. Specifically, experts were asked what the likely impact of an AMLO presidency would be on the Texas-Mexico border region. Our guests were: Arturo Lopez-Levy, politics professor at UT-Rio Grande Valley, author and journalist Blanca Gomez, who wrote a biography of AMLO when he was gearing up for his first presidential run, South Texas College economic professor Kevin Peek, who lived for a time in Mexico City, and customs broker Adrian Gonzalez. Rio Grande Guardian editor Steve Taylor was the moderator. The lunchtime show took place at Bob's Steak & Chop House in Edinburg, Texas.

Tebbe Davis is an artist and history geek with a Welsh lineage. His upcoming History & Mystery Tour of the Scottish Borders with Mark Nicol will uncover the history, intrigue & mysteries of the Scottish Borderlands on this exciting guided tour. Feel the thrill of standing on sacred ground where Scottish clan battles were fought, Romans once walked and ancient ceremonies were held. Mark Nicol is the driving force behind Discover Scottish Borders, with a lineage going back to the 600's in Scotland. His researching and scouting of this historic Border Region helps provide you the most informative information and will bring the history and tales to life that are almost forgotten. discoverscottishborders.com

Luis Urrea, author of “The Devil's Highway” and “The Hummingbird's Daughter,” talks about how his own search for identity provided fuel for his writing in this interview with host Dean Nelson, as part of the 2009 Writer's Symposium by the Sea, sponsored by Point Loma Nazarene University. Series: "Writer's Symposium By The Sea" [Public Affairs] [Humanities] [Show ID: 15698]

Luis Urrea, author of “The Devil's Highway” and “The Hummingbird's Daughter,” talks about how his own search for identity provided fuel for his writing in this interview with host Dean Nelson, as part of the 2009 Writer's Symposium by the Sea, sponsored by Point Loma Nazarene University. Series: "Writer's Symposium By The Sea" [Public Affairs] [Humanities] [Show ID: 15698]

Luis Urrea, author of “The Devil’s Highway” and “The Hummingbird’s Daughter,” talks about how his own search for identity provided fuel for his writing in this interview with host Dean Nelson, as part of the 2009 Writer’s Symposium by the Sea, sponsored by Point Loma Nazarene University. Series: "Writer's Symposium By The Sea" [Public Affairs] [Humanities] [Show ID: 15698]

Luis Urrea, author of “The Devil’s Highway” and “The Hummingbird’s Daughter,” talks about how his own search for identity provided fuel for his writing in this interview with host Dean Nelson, as part of the 2009 Writer’s Symposium by the Sea, sponsored by Point Loma Nazarene University. Series: "Writer's Symposium By The Sea" [Public Affairs] [Humanities] [Show ID: 15698]

Luis Urrea, author of “The Devil’s Highway” and “The Hummingbird’s Daughter,” talks about how his own search for identity provided fuel for his writing in this interview with host Dean Nelson, as part of the 2009 Writer’s Symposium by the Sea, sponsored by Point Loma Nazarene University. Series: "Writer's Symposium By The Sea" [Public Affairs] [Humanities] [Show ID: 15698]

Luis Urrea, author of “The Devil’s Highway” and “The Hummingbird’s Daughter,” talks about how his own search for identity provided fuel for his writing in this interview with host Dean Nelson, as part of the 2009 Writer’s Symposium by the Sea, sponsored by Point Loma Nazarene University. Series: "Writer's Symposium By The Sea" [Public Affairs] [Humanities] [Show ID: 15698]