Podcasts about Liaison

Should Canada spend more on foreign aid? Do we need school liaison officers in our schools? Are AI IPO values over-inflated? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Vancouver received a citywide makeover ahead of the FIFA World Cup. Is this a good thing, or does it only scratch the surface at tackling the city's problems? The federal government is extending an amnesty for owners of banned firearms while a legal battle plays out at the Supreme Court of Canada. Human rights organizations are calling for a province-wide moratorium on police liaison officers in schools, arguing that the programs can cause harm to Indigenous, Black and other marginalized students and contribute to the criminalization of youth. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

81 % des adolescents ne savent plus à qui faire confiance pour s'informer, et 66 % des Français n'ont jamais parlé à un journaliste de leur vie. Dans cet épisode, je reçois Lise Pressac, journaliste à France 2 (Télématin), enseignante en école de journalisme et co-autrice avec Lina Fourneau de Stop aux fake news (éd. Magenta). Elle partage la méthode concrète qu'elle transmet aux collégiens pour vérifier une information à l'ère de TikTok, des deepfakes et de l'IA générative.

At least 7 illegal miners have been detained and equipment seized on Mashobota Farm near Mbombela in Mpumalanga. A multi-disciplinary team today conducted raids aimed at clamping down on illegal mining in the area. Elvis Presslin spoke to Mpumalanga Safety, Security, and Liaison department spokesperson Mmusi Moeti.

Marie Jacquot tritt im September offiziell ihr Amt als Chefdirigentin des WDR Sinfonieorchesters Köln an. Begonnen hat die Liaison im Dezember 2022, als Jacquot nach nicht mal 10 Minuten merkte, dass die Chemie zwischen ihr und »einem der besten Orchester der Welt« stimmte. Über den Werdegang zwischen Tennis, Klavier, Posaune, Paris und Wien bis nach Kopenhagen und Köln. Über Zyklen, Zuhause und Karneval... - Marie Jacquot im Gespräch mit Christoph Vratz im Podcast der Kölner Philharmonie. Foto: Marie Jacquot © WDR/Julia Wesely

In this episode, Garrett Lamp, Orlando Health East Region EMS Liaison, and Alejandra Velasquez-Perez, Orlando Health East Region Pet Therapy Coordinator, join the podcast to discuss the impact of a hospital-based canine therapy program. They share heartwarming stories about Chloe the therapy dog, explain the responsibilities of both the handler and therapy animal, and highlight how these visits bring comfort and joy to patients during their hospital stay.

Nathalie Perrier était une femme qui avait tout pour briller. Un mari riche et important, deux enfants, une belle maison près de Chambéry. Sauf qu'elle voyait sa jeunesse s'enfuir et s'ennuyait de plus en plus dans sa vie d'épouse de notable. Elle a donc commencé à sortir, de plus en plus, et a pris un amant, un habitué de la nuit aux airs de mauvais garçon, le dénommé Lionel Veronèse. Liaison éphémère. Quelques semaines plus tard, le playboy était retrouvé mort à plus de 300 kilomètres de la Savoie, non loin de Marseille. Retrouvez tous les jours en podcast le décryptage d'un faits divers, d'un crime ou d'une énigme judiciaire par Jean-Alphonse Richard, entouré de spécialistes, et de témoins d'affaires criminelles.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Nathalie Perrier était une femme qui avait tout pour briller. Un mari riche et important, deux enfants, une belle maison près de Chambéry. Sauf qu'elle voyait sa jeunesse s'enfuir et s'ennuyait de plus en plus dans sa vie d'épouse de notable. Elle a donc commencé à sortir, de plus en plus, et a pris un amant, un habitué de la nuit aux airs de mauvais garçon, le dénommé Lionel Veronèse. Liaison éphémère. Quelques semaines plus tard, le playboy était retrouvé mort à plus de 300 kilomètres de la Savoie, non loin de Marseille.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Nathalie Perrier était une femme qui avait tout pour briller. Un mari riche et important, deux enfants, une belle maison près de Chambéry. Sauf qu'elle voyait sa jeunesse s'enfuir et s'ennuyait de plus en plus dans sa vie d'épouse de notable. Elle a donc commencé à sortir, de plus en plus, et a pris un amant, un habitué de la nuit aux airs de mauvais garçon, le dénommé Lionel Veronèse. Liaison éphémère. Quelques semaines plus tard, le playboy était retrouvé mort à plus de 300 kilomètres de la Savoie, non loin de Marseille.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Last time we spoke about the battle Yaoyi. Japan pushed hard into Hubei with a plan: surround the main Chinese forces and seize Yichang, hoping to use it to strike at Chongqing. At first, the fighting was chaotic and punishing. The Chinese side tried to hold the line and disrupt the advance, and they even managed setbacks for the Japanese, pushing back, retaking key ground, and hitting supply and positioning weaknesses. But victory came with a cost: commanders were lost, and every gain was hard-won. Still, the battle didn't unfold as a clean Chinese retreat or a simple Japanese win. As Japanese units shifted and tested for openings, the Chinese forces adjusted—delaying, regrouping, and fighting to keep their formations from being completely trapped. Eventually, Japan managed to break through at critical moments, especially through crossings and maneuvers that the Chinese had not fully sealed off. In the end, Japan succeeded in taking Yichang, but it didn't achieve the decisive annihilation it wanted.    #201 The New Fourth Army Incident and the Strained United Front Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After the catastrophe of the early 1930s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) entered the war against Japan in a political mood that was both hopeful and wary: it wanted to be seen as a genuine national leader of resistance, yet it also feared being absorbed—or destroyed—by the Guomindang (KMT) state it had spent years battling. That tension became the organizing principle of the war's early years. The turning point came from the Xi'an Incident in December 1936, which forced a new calculation in Nationalist politics. In the months that followed, agreements between KMT and CCP representatives were publicly proclaimed in August and September 1937, after the Shanghai fighting began. Under these arrangements, the CCP accepted constraints that in peacetime would have looked like surrender: it pledged to strive for Sun Yixian's "Three People's Principles," to end its former policies of armed revolt and sovietization, to abolish the soviet government, and to discontinue both the term "Red Army" and the expectation that its forces would operate outside central control. Communist troops would be treated as part of the national military under KMT command, and the revolution's old administrative structures were to be formally dismantled. In return, the KMT offered the CCP something just as important: space to exist publicly and politically. Liaison offices were permitted in key cities; the CCP was allowed to publish the New China Daily; and it could nominate representatives to KMT advisory bodies. Civil rights were extended—political prisoners were released—and subsidies were established to help cover administrative and military expenses in "reintegrated" areas and territories. The war thus transformed the tactical reality on the ground: the CCP could not treat the KMT as an immediate enemy, but it also could not afford to become politically passive. It had to learn how to fight Japan while building legitimacy fast enough to survive the next phase. In the first year and a half, the Party Center focused on three problems that kept returning in different forms: how the "united front" would be defined—especially what the CCP's relationship to the National government should be; how to coordinate military strategy and tactics with Nationalist units without losing control of its own operations; and how leadership should be consolidated, particularly for Mao Zedong in a party that still contained rival centers of authority. These disputes mattered not just for doctrine but for survival, because the CCP's autonomy was constantly being tested by the very alliance that was supposed to protect it. Mao's own approach to the united front combined cooperation with a refusal to surrender independence. Publicly, the CCP praised Jiang Jieshi and the KMT and promised unity, but it did so in language that was deliberately broad. In private (and in internal party debates), Mao treated unity as conditional: the CCP must not split the united front, but it also must not be "bound hand and foot." The strategic idea that emerged was political initiative under constraints—fighting when it could plausibly claim justification, keeping enough restraint that the CCP would not appear self-interested or anti-national, and deciding for itself when to engage and when to withdraw. This balance was reinforced through military reorganization. In August–September 1937, CCP forces were reorganized as the Eighth Route Army (8RA), with roughly 30,000 men drawn from Long March survivors, local forces, and new recruits. The 8RA was divided into three divisions: the 115th, 120th, and 129th, commanded by Lin Biao, He Long, and Liu Bocheng respectively. Shortly after the war began, the National government also authorized a second major Communist force: the New Fourth Army (N4A), to operate in central China. Its core came from those left behind when the Long March began in 1934—small groups surviving in difficult conditions against continuing KMT pressure. Officially authorized at 12,000, it took months to reach that strength. Nominally commanded by Ye Ting, actual military and political control rested with Xiang Ying and Chen Yi. From the start, then, the CCP's wartime "integration" with the National system coexisted with a clear effort to preserve internal control. Ideologically, the CCP worked to make its revolutionary program compatible—at least in appearance—with a national resistance coalition. On the New Democracy demonstrated how this strategy operated on two levels. In KMT-controlled spaces, its language could be read as aligning with liberal-democratic expectations: public participation, multi-party governance, legally protected civil rights. But in CCP-controlled areas, the same text could carry sharper class-based and authoritarian implications. The Party wanted a united front that broadened support without becoming committed to Nationalist limits on how society itself might be reorganized after victory. Meanwhile, even as the rhetoric of unity rose, the CCP worried about something more dangerous than military setbacks: the possibility that the KMT might accommodate Japan. Late 1939 and early 1940 made this fear harder to dismiss. Japan pursued collaboration with Wang Jingwei, culminating in the establishment of a "reorganized" government at Nanjing in March 1940. At the same time, Japanese intermediaries sought approaches to Chiang Kai-shek himself—an effort that the CCP tracked closely as a sign that peace negotiations might be possible even when battlefield conditions looked grim. Propaganda was involved, but the anxiety was real: if Japan and the Nationalists reached an arrangement, the CCP's whole wartime legitimacy-building effort could collapse overnight. As a result, the united front was interpreted inside the CCP not as a permanent coalition with the KMT, but as a flexible strategy with a cardinal purpose: to prevent peace between Japan and the Nationalists. Mao's position on the united front reflected this. For him, the alliance was meant to suspend the possibility of a China–Japan settlement, not to end the CCP's separate identity. The CCP could participate in a reconstituted national framework—possibly even a "democratic republic"—to gain legality and influence, but it should remain politically and, where possible, physically separate from the KMT. By 1939, however, the practical meaning of "flexibility" collided with reality. What had seemed, to some observers, like an unusually cordial entente began to fade. The KMT Central Committee adopted measures early in 1939 aimed at restricting Communist expansion, and armed clashes increased through the summer and continued into autumn and winter—especially around North China Communist bases. The period of rising conflict was later labeled by the CCP as the "first anti-Communist upsurge" (roughly spanning December 1939 into March 1940), but the crucial point was that both sides viewed each confrontation as a test of legal rights, moral legitimacy, and control over territory. Strategically, the CCP understood the KMT's effort as an attempt to check unauthorized growth of Communist armed power and to recover areas where influence had already slipped away—either to the Communists or, by indirect effect, to Japan. The KMT emphasized its traditional legal authority; the CCP countered with its claim to an "evolutionary" moral right to challenge the government's legitimacy. In practice, the conflict took the form of increasingly systematic military pressure, including a blockade around the Shen–Gan–Ning region. By this point, the blockade involved large numbers of troops (on the order of hundreds of thousands), halting Communist expansion and disrupting direct contact with other Communist forces farther afield, even as fighting flared along border zones and around vulnerable points in the Communist defensive perimeter. So, by the edge of the "middle years," the wartime alliance had not broken into open civil war—but it had also stopped being secure. The united front survived, yet it operated under strain: its language of cooperation continued, while "friction" between partners hardened into a central feature of the resistance struggle. Transition into the war's second phase began in early 1939, shaped by the stalemate Mao had already anticipated at the sixth plenum in late 1938. Mao argued that during this prolonged "new stage" the forces of resistance—above all, Communist-led forces—would strengthen. The overall result, however, was mixed. In Shandong and Central China, new Communist bases did take shape. But across much of North China, Japanese consolidation cost the resistance heavily in manpower and population. Base-area economies suffered serious strain, and the peasantry endured hardships more severe than at any earlier point. This stalemate had two main dimensions. The first was the growing resentment of the Nationalists toward Communist expansion—resentment made especially sharp by their own losses. As the Nationalists were driven out of regions that had previously provided them their greatest wealth and power in the central and lower Yangtze basin, they also lost the "cream" of their armies. In contrast, the CCP was spreading through the wider countryside behind Japanese lines, extending its influence and winning broader popular support. The second dimension was Japan's desire—and need—to consolidate territories it had only nominally conquered and to extract economic value from them. After all, the logic of the "China Incident" was to draw on China's labor and resources to strengthen Japan, not to bleed Japan's gains away by draining wealth into China's vast interior. A Japanese colonel, lamenting the situation, captured the frustration of this drift into deeper entanglement: he regretted that Japan had not ended the "China Incident" once its initial objectives were reached. Instead, Japan was drawn into the hinterland and became bogged down in endless attrition—leaving it with little more than "real estate" rather than the popular support it believed it would secure from those it claimed to "liberate." To improve their position, Japanese authorities—still fragmented by internal rivalry—pursued several strategies. One was a new peace offensive aimed simultaneously at Jiang Jieshi, alongside efforts to establish a "reformed" Nationalist government under Wang Jingwei, who had fled Chongqing in December 1938. Japan also recruited more collaborators and puppet officials. Finally, it carried out forceful military, political, and economic measures intended to establish effective territorial control and eliminate opposition. During the middle years of the war, the Communists described their conflicts with the Nationalists using the euphemism "friction". By 1939, what many observers—possibly incorrectly—had viewed as an unusually warm alliance began to break down. In early 1939, the KMT Central Committee adopted measures meant to restrict the CCP. From the summer onward, military clashes began and continued into autumn and winter with increasing frequency and intensity, most of them concentrated around and within the North China base areas. The Communists later labeled the period from December 1939 to March 1940 the "first anti-Communist upsurge." Naturally, each side accused the other of aggression and claimed self-defense against unjust attacks. Strategically, though, the North China "upsurge" functioned as a Nationalist attempt to limit the CCP's expansion beyond the areas assigned to it and to regain influence in regions the Communists—or the Japanese—had already taken from the KMT. Jiang Jieshi framed the matter as a defense of legal rights grounded in tradition, while the Communists asserted an "evolutionary" right to challenge the moral legitimacy of those legal claims. During 1939, the Nationalists began to blockade Shen–Gan–Ning around its southern and western perimeter. Within a year, this blockade grew to nearly 400,000 troops, including some of the last remaining Central Army units under the command of Hu Zongnan. The blockade stopped further Communist expansion, especially into Gansu and Suiyuan, and severed direct contact between SKN and Communists operating in Xinjiang (Chinese Turkestan) adjacent to Soviet Central Asia. The Xinjiang Communists—including Mao Zedong's brother—were eliminated in 1942. Meanwhile, fierce fighting erupted along the Gansu–Shaanxi border and in the north-eastern corner of SKN near the Great Wall at Suide, as the blockading forces probed for weak points. Elements of He Long's 120th Division were even pulled back from the Jin–Sui base across the Yellow River to strengthen SKN's regular defenses. Economically, the blockade was even more damaging. During 1939, central government subsidies to the Border Region budget were cut off. Trade between the Border Region and other parts of China nearly stopped, a devastating blow to a region unable to supply itself with many basic commodities. At the same time, Nationalist and regional forces also attempted to expand their military and administrative authority into Hebei, Shanxi, Henan, and Shandong—areas the CCP now considered its base zones. In resisting these efforts, the CCP predictable accused its rivals of harming resistance work and damaging the people's interests. The "experts in dissension" were said to cooperate with the Japanese and their puppets. Based on increasing collaboration by regional units with Japan, the CCP implied that this was a deliberate and cynical strategy—described as "crooked-line patriotism"—intended to preserve those units for future anti-Communist operations. Even so, the CCP tried to avoid an open break with the Nationalist regime in Chongqing. In public, it consistently portrayed these clashes as being initiated by local commanders acting beyond orders from higher authority—despite knowing this depiction was false. Jiang Jieshi, unable to refute the claim outright, effectively permitted it to serve as the justification for a firm Communist response. Mao Zedong outlined the general resistance policy as "justification, expedience, and restraint". The CCP was to fight when it could claim justification and when it could gain advantage, but not to press attacks beyond what the Nationalists would tolerate or in ways that could damage its image as selfless patriots. Communist forces were expected to keep initiative as much as possible in their own hands—deciding when to engage, whether to engage, and when to disengage. The most striking episode of the "first anti-Communist upsurge" was the rupture with Yan Xishan in December 1939. Tensions in Shanxi had been rising throughout the summer and autumn, as Yan and his conservative supporters—associated with the "Old Army"—linked the Sacrifice League and the Dare-to-die Corps of the "New Army" with Communist forces. When base areas and Japanese occupation eventually took over much of his province, Yan was forced into exile at Qiulin across the Yellow River in Shaanxi. In November, Yan ordered his Old Army to disarm the Dare-to-die forces with help from central units dispatched by Hu Zongnan. In the bloody fighting that followed, these elements gradually broke free of even nominal provincial control and fully completed their connection with Communist forces. More than 30,000 people went over to the Communists. One KMT intelligence agent described the process with bitterness and a sense of inevitability: the Communists were first "full of sweet words," flattery, and distortions designed to open things up and conceal their actions. But once they had fully entrenched themselves, and once the low-level base had been established, they turned and bit. The agent suggested they had suspected things might end this way, but were not aware how quickly events would move—or that it could happen precisely while Communist calls for "united front" and "maintenance of unity for resistance" filled the air. About a month later, in February and March 1940, elements of the 8RA beat back this so-called upsurge. Zhang Yinwu's forces were disarmed and dispersed across the plains of north Hebei. To the south, Chu Huaiping and Shi Yusan were pushed out of the base area, as was the KMT-appointed provincial governor Lu Zhonglin. Although some non-Communist forces remained in the region, the CCP's and CCLY bases were never again seriously threatened by forces affiliated with the central government. Reinforcing the CCP's accusations, Shi Yusan was later executed in 1940 by the central government for collaboration with the Japanese. By late 1939, CCP central authorities maintained that the areas where the CCP could expand its armed strength were mainly limited to Shandong and Central China. In those regions, the CCP continued trying to carve out bases where they could operate. The situation in Shandong was complicated. After the Japanese invasion, most Nationalist-affiliated forces stayed in the province, while Communist forces and bases were weaker and more scattered than further west. Only in late 1938 did major 8RA units from the 115th and 129th Divisions—led by Xu Xiangqian and Luo Ronghuan—enter Shandong to link up with the Shandong column and local guerrillas, including survivors of a large band recently decimated by the Japanese. Even with these efforts, Communist actions led to clashes not only with Japanese forces but also with various Nationalist-affiliated groups—groups that were stronger than the Communists at the time. Until late 1940, the CCP's clashes with Nationalist forces in Shandong were actually bloodier than clashes with the Japanese. The CCP understood that its Chinese rivals mistrusted one another, and that their attitudes toward the CCP varied widely. The main Nationalist forces were often not tightly affiliated with Chiang Kai-shek or the central government. Instead, they operated under independent—and at times disgruntled—regional commanders. Communist tactics were expressed through slogans emphasizing ways to win support and isolate hardliners: develop progressive forces and win over fence-sitters while isolating "die-hards"; flatter top echelons, enlist the middle ranks, and hit the rank and file; and win over Yi Xuezhong, isolate Shen Honglie, and eliminate Qin Qirong. Still, unlike other North China base areas, the Communists were unable for several years to neutralize Nationalist forces in Shandong. Even if Japanese mop-up campaigns had not weakened those Nationalists, the text suggests the Communists may still have struggled to do so. By November 1940, Xu Xiangqian claimed meaningful progress while admitting Shandong had not yet become a fully consolidated base. CCP successes were greatest along parts of the Shandong–Hebei border, around the Taishan massif in central Shandong, and near the tip of the peninsula far to the east. Elsewhere, "progressive forces" remained weak. Communist regular troops numbered about 70,000, which was far below the party center's goals of 150,000 regulars and between 1.5 and 2 million self-defense forces. Moreover, systematic economic reforms had barely begun. The CCP relied on familiar practices—confiscations, collections of "national salvation grain," contributions, and loans—alongside a conventional taxation system adjusted to favor poorer peasants. Communist expansion in Central China was even riskier, with a greater likelihood of large-scale conflict with central government forces than in the north. In much of North China, "friction" came primarily from rapid Communist expansion into areas with partial vacuums. In Central China, however, base-building required displacing an existing Nationalist military-administrative presence closely tied to Jiang Kai-shek and the Chongqing government. The burden of this expansion was carried mainly by the 6th Detachment (northern Anhui and Jiangsu) and the 5th Detachment, which was reinforced by 15,000 to 20,000 8RA troops under Huang K'o-ch'eng. As Chen Yi's 1st Detachment crossed from south to north through the corridor provided by Guan Wenwei's local forces, it became actively involved as well. This expansion—driven by increasingly urgent directives from Mao and Liu during the latter part of 1939 and into 1940—brought the N4A north of the river into ever more frequent and sharper clashes with Nationalist authorities in Anhui and Jiangsu, especially with units under Jiangsu governor Han Deqin. South of the river, though, Xiang Ying did not directly challenge Chongqing's commanders. Mao later charged that Xiang Ying may have been influenced by Wang Ming, or else he may simply have seen no realistic alternative. His forces—three detachments plus a headquarters unit—were heavily outnumbered by Qu Chutong's Nationalist units, not to mention Japanese forces and their puppets. Even if Mao insisted bases could be built "anywhere," the Shanghai–Hangzhou–Nanjing triangle was especially difficult terrain. Xiang Ying and his followers had survived with extraordinary tenacity in the mountains of South China between 1934 and 1937, enduring brutal search-and-destroy operations that were not lifted until the war began. It therefore seems unlikely that such survivors would suddenly become "right-wing capitulationists."  Yet by spring 1940, Mao was pressing Xiang Ying more intensely. The Central Committee's message was explicit: expansion was necessary in all cases. It meant reaching into all enemy-occupied areas rather than being bound by the Kuomintang's restrictions—going beyond Kuomintang limits, not waiting for official appointments, not depending on higher-ups for financing, and instead expanding armed forces freely and independently. It also meant setting up base areas without hesitation, independently mobilizing the masses in those areas, and building united front organs of political power under Communist Party leadership. The struggle between Nationalists and Communists involved more than contests for control of territory behind Japanese lines. It also involved national-level politics, ideology, and leadership. One worrying development for the CCP was the campaign throughout 1939 to expand Jiang Kai-shek's prestige and formal power—adding more titles for him across major party, government, and military positions. In early 1939, the Central Executive Committee appointed him "director-general" of the Kuomintang, a title reminiscent of the one previously held by Sun Yat-sen. In addition, during the summer and autumn of 1939 there was talk of constitutional rule. In November, the KMT announced plans to convene a constitutional assembly the following year. If Jiang could fulfill these promises, he and his government could gain new legitimacy and wider popularity. Mao and his colleagues could not allow this to go unchallenged. If the Nationalists were to have a paramount leader and authoritative spokesperson, the CCP needed one as well. The timing of Mao's famous "On the new democracy"—written in late 1939 and published the next January—was therefore no accident. Its substance had been anticipated earlier, but its final timing and full development were shaped by the KMT's constitutional movement. The CCP's entry into this competition served as both a bid for support away from the KMT and a statement of the multi-class united front that the CCP wanted to lead. Although "On the new democracy" was written in a tone that seemed moderate, it persuaded many Chinese readers that the CCP had either diluted its revolutionary objectives or postponed them to a distant future. In Kuomintang-controlled areas, the work could be read through the liberal values associated with Anglo-American democracy—popular participation, multi-party government, legally protected civil rights. In CCP-controlled territories, the same language carried stronger authoritarian, class-based meanings. In internal documents meant for party audiences rather than public consumption, the ambiguity was removed, showing a tough but patient and flexible commitment not only to resistance but also to social control and social change. During this same period, the Communists expressed deep concern about Nationalist capitulation to Japan—not only on the battlefield behind Japanese lines but also at the highest levels. Some of this concern was propaganda, but beneath propaganda lay genuine anxiety. In late 1939 and early 1940, politically aware Chinese already knew that Japan was negotiating with the unpredictable Wang Jingwei, who had fled Chongqing a year earlier. A "reorganized national government" in Nanjing was finally established in March 1940, representing the most formidable collaboration with Japan to date. Less well known, but equally important, was that Japan was also seeking an understanding directly with Jiang Kai-shek through intermediaries in Hong Kong. This effort, called "Operation Kiri"—described as spreading a "feast for Chiang"—combined intrigue with a kind of dark comedy. Reports suggested Chiang's reported interest in peace could have been a stratagem designed to discredit Wang Jingwei by keeping him waiting. But even if Chiang had no intention of coming to terms with Japan, the Communists could not be sure what the outcome would be until after the multi-pronged peace offensive had failed. By the middle of 1940, China had never been so isolated. In Europe, the "phony war" ended in the spring when Germany launched a blitz across the Low Countries. France fell soon after, and England appeared likely to be next. Japan used this moment to press China to sever its last tenuous connections to the outside world: cutting the Burma Road, trade with neutral Hong Kong, and the rail link running from Hanoi to Kunming. At the same time, Russia was engaged in a difficult and embarrassing war with Finland and reduced military aid to the Nationalists. The United States was only gradually moving away from isolationism and clearly regarded England as more important than China. In Chongqing and elsewhere in "Free China," signs of war weariness, despair, and demoralization were visible. Under these circumstances, Mao's insistence on aggressive expansion was a calculated risk—either it would deter any Japanese advance, or it would place the Communists in the strongest possible position in case a split between the KMT and the CCP became unavoidable. In Central China, the size and pace of the fighting kept increasing, starting in the final months of 1939. One flashpoint was the clash between Luo Pinghui's 5th Detachment and units of Han Deqin's Jiangsu force near Lake Gaoyou. In the following months, Guan Wenwei's forces ranged along the left bank of the Yangtze, repeatedly running into Luo's troops as they operated farther north. Luo also began receiving some 8RA reinforcements, moving them south through areas controlled by the 6th Detachment. Clearly, a major showdown was taking shape across north and central Jiangsu. At the same time, the South Yangtze Command was doing poorly. Nationalist commanders Leng Xin and Qu Chutong restricted its activities so severely that Mao and Liu gradually abandoned the idea of building a unified, consolidated base in that region. During late spring and early summer, Chen Yi moved most of his 1st and 2nd Detachments north of the Yangtze. In September, the 3rd Detachment followed suit, crossing the river into the area around Lake Chaohu, where the 4th Detachment was already stationed. After these moves, only the Headquarters Detachment—under Ye Ting and Xiang Ying—remained south of the Yangtze, positioned at Qingxian in southern Anhui. As the military situation edged toward an open confrontation, negotiations began in June 1940 between representatives of the KMT and the CCP. The core issues were Communist operating zones and the authorized strength of the armies led by the CCP. Proposals were exchanged, followed by equally sharp and hostile counter-proposals, but no agreement was reached. The KMT viewed it as a concession to permit the CCP "free rein" north of the pre-1938 course of the Yellow River, with the exception of southern Shanxi, which was to remain under the influence of Yan Xishan. In exchange, the KMT demanded that all 8RA and N4A units evacuate Central China. In effect, the KMT was offering the CCP something it was already prepared to allow, in return for the CCP giving up what it might soon be able to obtain by force of arms. Nationalist authorities then issued a set of deadlines, but without clearly stating what would happen if those deadlines were violated. On the surface, the CCP appeared to be complying in part. The movements of Chen Yi and the South Yangtze Command could look like obedience, but in reality they were responses to orders coming from their own superior leadership rather than instructions issued by the Nationalists. Even so, Xiang Ying's continued delays and evasions during the autumn and winter of 1940 remained puzzling. One possibility is that he felt—quite reasonably—that Mao had already lost confidence in him and that once he crossed to the north bank of the river he would lose his command. Another complication was that directives from Yan'an were sometimes ambiguous and even contradictory. He may also have been trying to reach secure understandings with KMT commanders about evacuation routes and guaranteed safe conduct out of the area. For a period, Han Teqin kept most of his forces—estimated at about 70,000 men, far outnumbering the N4A—in north Jiangsu, thereby blocking the expansion of the 6th Detachment and slowing further southern intrusions by 8RA troops. But by mid-summer he realized he would have to counter the N4A build-up in central Jiangsu, or else risk writing that region off to the Communists. A confusing sequence of engagements then unfolded, culminating in a decisive battle in early October 1940 near the central Jiangsu town of Huangjiao. Over the course of four days, several of Han's main-force units belonging to the 89th Army were destroyed, while others were scattered. That battle also served as a signal for the 6th Detachment to advance more aggressively in the north. In the aftermath, one of Han's principal commanders entered collaboration with the CCP, while another defected to the Nanjing government under Wang Jingwei. Although Han Teqin managed to maintain a foothold in Jiangsu until 1943, his real power had been broken. Relatively little attention was paid to the battle of Huangjiao in the Chinese press. The KMT did not want to publicize what it considered a disastrous defeat, while the Communists were satisfied to stay silent about an episode that conflicted with their proclaimed policy of a united front. As could be expected, during the autumn—after Han Teqin's defeat—KMT-CCP negotiations deteriorated further. In early December, Jiang Kai-shek personally ordered that all N4A forces withdraw from southern Anhui and southern Jiangsu by 31 December. He also ordered that the entire 8RA be positioned north of the Yellow River by the same deadline, followed one month later by the N4A. Discussions then followed between Ye Ting and Qu Chutong's deputies concerning the route to be taken, safe conduct, and—astonishingly—the money and supplies that were to be provided to the N4A to help it move. On 25 December, Mao Zedong ordered Xiang Ying to begin evacuating immediately. Yet it was not until 4 January 1941 that Ye and Xiang actually started moving. Almost immediately, Qu Chutong's forces harassed and dispersed the N4A Headquarters Group, which included administrative personnel, wounded soldiers and dependents, as well as combat-ready troops. In an attempt to reorganize, they moved southwest toward Maolin, where they were surrounded by Nationalists and, over the next several days, were cut to pieces. Losses were heavy on both sides. The CCP suffered an estimated 9,000 casualties. Xiang Ying tried twice to break out of the blockade on his own, but failed. He was then denounced as a deserter by Ye Ting, who took over full command of the doomed forces. Xiang Ying eventually escaped, but he was killed a couple of months later by one of his own bodyguards, motivated by the N4A gold reserves that he had taken with him. Up to the very end, Xiang either failed or refused to seek refuge in Liu Shaoqi's domain north of the Yangtze. The unfortunate Ye Ting was arrested and spent the rest of the war in prison. He was finally released in 1946, only to die one month later in a plane crash, along with several other high-ranking party members. On 17 January, Jiang Kai-shek declared that the New Fourth Army was dissolved for insubordination. Direct contacts between Yan'an and Chongqing nearly came to an end, and CCP military liaison offices in several cities held by the Nationalists were closed. This is what became known as the New Fourth Army incident, also referred to as the South Anhui incident. Clearly, it functioned as an act of retaliation for the defeats suffered by Han Teqin in north and central Jiangsu. It ended any realistic prospect of establishing a consolidated Communist base south of the Yangtze. Still, from a strategic perspective, these losses were ultimately more than offset by the gains achieved farther north. In fact, only a few months later, the reorganized N4A quietly began reintroducing some units into this region, where they carried out guerrilla activities without possessing a secure territorial base. Unlike the relative silence surrounding the fighting at Huangjiao, the New Fourth Army incident sparked bitter, prolonged controversy. The CCP argued that it was a second "anti-Communist upsurge," even more serious than the first. Presenting themselves as martyred patriots, they depicted their opponents as people who wanted to end the War of Resistance through what they called "Sino-Japanese cooperation" aimed at "suppressing the Communists." In their account, the Nationalists wanted to replace the war of resistance with civil war, substitute capitulation for independence, trade unity for a split, and replace light with darkness. People were telling each other the news and were horrified. Indeed, they claimed that the situation had never been as critical as it was at that moment. The Nationalist response, of course, was that provocations had been numerous and serious, and that violations of military discipline could not be tolerated. But the KMT's unwillingness to describe in detail its own defeats at the CCP's hands left it speaking in broad generalities. In the propaganda battle, the CCP clearly gained the better position and won more political capital. If it was politically valuable to be regarded as a national hero, it was even more valuable to be seen as a national martyr.  Many Chinese—and some outside—observers were genuinely alarmed and feared that civil war might openly resume. Yet, with a few exceptions, the events that culminated in the New Fourth Army incident have generally been interpreted as marking the breakdown of the second united front. That interpretation, however, is described as being wrong in two respects. First, the CCP understood the united front not as a narrow arrangement limited to a few major partners, but as a strategy that could be applied flexibly to all political, military, and social forces in China—from the highest levels of the central government down to the smallest village. Relations with Jiang Jieshi and the Guomindang regime mattered, but they did not, by themselves, constitute the whole of the united front. Even regarding Jiang and the Nationalists specifically, the common reading is said to be misguided. Throughout the war, a cardinal objective of the united front was to prevent peace between Japan and the Nationalists. Therefore, if clashes between CCP forces and those of the central government on such a large scale as at Huangjiao and Maolin could occur without leading to peace with Japan and without triggering a full-scale resumption of civil war, then this should not be understood as the end of the united front—it should be seen as its fundamental vindication. If friction at that scale could nevertheless be tolerated by Jiang Jieshi, then fears about his future accommodation with Japan were greatly reduced. Following the New Fourth Army incident, the CCP reorganized its political and military presence in Central China. The Central Plains and South-east China Bureaus were merged and renamed the Central China Bureau, with Liu Shaoqi placed in charge, reflecting the area's importance to Party Central. The New Fourth Army was also reorganized completely and substantially regularized. Chen Yi became its new acting commander, since Ye Ting was imprisoned. He directed the force, now divided into seven divisions. Each division had territorial responsibilities, and in each region the CCP claimed the establishment of a base. Indeed, base construction proceeded in earnest only after the friction of 1940 and the New Fourth Army incident. In the years that followed, the operating areas of the First through Fourth Divisions contained expanding enclaves of consolidated territory, where military dominance was joined with open party work: administrative control, the development of mass organizations, local elections, and socio-economic reforms. The other three areas fluctuated between semi-consolidated and guerrilla status. With the incident, the worst phase of the KMT-CCP conflict was now over. When CCP documents later speak of a third upsurge in 1943, they refer to something openly political. With the exception of Shandong—where a fairly strong Nationalist presence persisted for a longer time—the overall balance of power among Chinese forces behind Japanese lines had shifted in favor of the CCP by mid-1941. In subsequent years the CCP's predominance became even more pronounced, until by the end of 1943 the Communists were virtually beyond challenge by Chinese rivals.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After the CCP and KMT entered the united front, cooperation felt conditional from the start. Mao pushed the New Fourth Army to reorganize and preserve Communist autonomy, even as the 1937 agreements publicly pledged obedience to KMT leadership. In 1939–40 the Communists worried that Chiang might negotiate peace with Japan; so they expanded bases and military presence, triggering repeated clashes. The pressure intensified when KMT orders forced the New Fourth Army to evacuate south Anhui in late 1940. 

Retrouver la Minute Livre Audio avec Alexandre et Tiffany, chaque Mercredi à 7h50, ils vous font découvrir un livre à écouter : nouveautés, coups de cœur, grands classiques ou pépites inattendues. Plongez dans l'univers du livre audio et trouvez votre prochaine écoute, à savourer partout, à tout moment !

durée : 00:13:50 - Carnets de campagne - par : Dorothée Barba - Auront-ils la chance de parler à Sophie Adenot ? Des élèves du collège Louis Aragon ont été sélectionnés pour une liaison radio avec la station spatiale internationale. Aussi au programme des Carnets du jour dans la Nièvre : la Transverse, ancienne usine transformée en lieu de création artistique. - réalisation : Sophie Hoffmann Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France

This session shares my conversation with School Committee member Reis Hansen We had our discussion via Zoom on Monday, April 13, 2026. We condense and get into the explanations behind the key items from the recent School Committee meeting March 24, 2026.Our conversation covered the following topics:Lifelong learning updateStudent Opportunities Act Plan VoteEndorsement of Request for Statement of Interest for Development of Strategic Plan Subcommittee & Liaison role updatesOur conversation runs about 40 minutes. Let's listen--------------School Committee page (with contact info) - https://www.franklinps.net/o/fpsd/page/school-committee School Committee subcommittee assignments - https://www.franklinps.net/o/fpsd/page/subcommittees-and-liaisons The Franklin TV video is available for replay - https://www.youtube.com/live/uQe3rLUq6e8?&t=87 The agenda for this session - https://www.franklinma.gov/AgendaCenter/ViewFile/Agenda/_03242026-2201 My full set of notes taken during the meeting in one PDF - https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ZuJSdiqLK1QBa9NdcjVsk5KVX7AH2MX3/view?usp=drive_link Photo album of the slides presented for Lifelong Learninghttps://photos.app.goo.gl/adaJ3sZeYK5ih5t28-------------We are now producing this in collaboration with Franklin.TV and Franklin Public Radio (wfpr.fm) or 102.9 on the Franklin area radio dial. This podcast is my public service effort for Franklin but we can't do it alone. We can always use your help.How can you help?If you can use the information that you find here, please tell your friends and neighborsIf you don't like something here, please let me knowAnd if you have interest in reporting on meetings or events, please reach out. We'll share and show you what and how we do what we doThrough this feedback loop we can continue to make improvements. I thank you for listening.For additional information, please visit Franklinmatters.org/ or www.franklin.news If you have questions or comments you can reach me directly at shersteve @ gmail dot comThe music for the intro and exit was provided by Michael Clark and the group "East of Shirley". The piece is titled "Ernesto, manana" c. Michael Clark & Tintype Tunes, 2008 and used with their permission.I hope you enjoy!------------------You can also subscribe and listen to Franklin Matters audio on iTunes or your favorite podcast app; search in "podcasts" for "Franklin Matters"

Gabriela Castillo Rodriguez is the Second Secretary of the Embassy of the Republic of Cuba in the United States. She is the Liaison with the African Diaspora and Afro-Descendant Community in the United States. On this podcast Secretary Castillo Rodriguez updates us on the state of the island nation and the impact of the oil blockade and the current global climate. Later in the hour Dominique unboxes national and international headlines.https://misiones.cubaminrex.cu/en/usa/embassy-cuba-usa https://www.instagram.com/diprimaradio/

Gabriela Castillo Rodriguez is the Second Secretary of the Embassy of the Republic of Cuba in the United States. She is the Liaison with the African Diaspora and Afro-Descendant Community in the United States. On this podcast Secretary Castillo Rodriguez updates us on the state of the island nation and the impact of the oil blockade and the current global climate. Later in the hour Dominique unboxes national and international headlines. https://misiones.cubaminrex.cu/en/usa/embassy-cuba-usa https://www.instagram.com/diprimaradio/

This episode closes a podcast series from the DEI symposium at NCDA's 2025 Conference in Atlanta. Dr. Cheryl Love, who highlights the NCDA Diversity Initiatives and Cultural Inclusion Committee (DICI), encourages listeners to access symposium workshops via the podcast, and invites participation amid efforts to minimize DEI work. Dr. Natasha Barnes-Gwynn, DICI co-chair, previews the fourth annual DEI symposium in Minneapolis, including content on ethics, multicultural competence, supervision, working with diverse populations, a State of the Union, and mentoring. She describes DICI's subcommittees, resources, publications, a new group for new professionals and students, a membership meeting, and a reception. Dr. Frank Gorritz FitzSimons issues a call to action to join DICI for support, impact, and community.Dr. Cheryl Love is a Career Counselor and a College Specialist for the Arts, Humanities, School of Education and School of Public Policy in the Career Center at the University of California, Riverside. In this role she also serves as the Liaison to the African Student Programs, the Black Student Success Initiative, Basic Needs, UCR Transfer Work Group, and the Kessler Scholar Program.Dr. Natasha Barnes-Gwynn, CCC, NCC, FCD-I is a Clinical Professor at Southern New Hampshire University. She also serves as a career consultant through her private practice, Increasing Our Understanding (I.O.U.) Consultation, LLC. Dr. Barnes-Gwynn is a newly appointed board member for the Council of Accreditation and Related Educational Programs.Dr. Frank Gorritz FitzSimons, LPC, is a counselor educator in Florida. He is a nationally recognized scholar and counselor educator on topics including providing affirmative counseling care to queer and transgender communities of color, providing multicultural supervision, utilizing diverse approaches to counseling work, as well as addressing and disrupting white supremacy in counselor education. Resources:NCDA CommitteesNCDA 2026 Global Career Development Conference - Minneapolis

Chiara Wirz is a dual-admitted lawyer (California-Switzerland) who advises on privacy, AI governance, and cross-border corporate matters. She has served as Corporate Counsel and AI Ambassador at eBay Inc., where she built AI governance frameworks, operationalized AI deployment at the use case level, and trained legal and compliance professionals.Chiara holds triple IAPP certification, is completing a Professional MBA, and is Co-Chair of the WISP (Women in Security and Privacy) San Francisco Bay Area chapter. She is also an Executive Committee member of the New Lawyers Section and the Liaison of the Privacy Section of the California Lawyers Association.Our guest is a published author and conference speaker on AI governance (PLI, SCCE, California Lawyers Association).References* Chiara Wirz on LinkedIn* Women in Security and Privacy (WISP)* EU AI Act-based AI Governance (with AI Sentinel)* ISO 42001-based AI Governance (with AI Sentinel)* NIST-based AI Governance (with AI Sentinel). This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.mastersofprivacy.com/subscribe

Send us Fan MailEpisode Summary: In this episode of the PIO podcast, host Robert welcomes Moose Mutlow, a crisis communication and family liaison trainer, to discuss the intricacies of communicating with families during crises. Moose shares his diverse background, which includes years as a wilderness guide and experience in public information and family liaison roles. He emphasizes the importance of truth and immediacy when communicating with families, contrasting it with the more measured approach often required when dealing with the media. Moose highlights the emotional weight of family communication, noting that it requires a balance between professionalism and empathy, especially in high-stress situations where families are experiencing profound grief.The conversation delves into the operational pressures faced by public information officers (PIOs) and how these can complicate their efforts to support families. Moose discusses the significance of providing families with control over their narratives and the importance of transparency in building trust within the community. He also addresses the concept of secondary harm, the role of silence in communication, and the need for PIOs to prioritize the well-being of families over agency reputation. Throughout the episode, Moose shares practical strategies for effective family communication, emphasizing the need for empathy, honesty, and a human-centered approach in crisis situations.Moose's BIO: Moose Mutlow is an author and crisis-response trainer with extensive experience supporting families after fatalities, disasters, and major incidents. As a Family Liaison Officer, he works with public information officers, law enforcement, and emergency management professionals to strengthen family communication, reduce conflict, and deepen agency credibility during high-stakes events. He is the author of When Accidents Happen, Managing Crisis Communication as a Family Liaison Officer and teaches Family Liaison Officer courses across the country.To Contact Moose www.moosemutlow.comSupport the showOur premiere sponsor, Social News Desk, has an exclusive offer for PIO Podcast listeners. Head over to socialnewsdesk.com/pio to get three months free when a qualifying agency signs up.

UCSB's Associated Students Senate is a governing body of elected student representatives serving as the policy-making body for Associated Students (AS). The Senate has five standing committees, comprised of student representatives and senators: Advocacy, Outreach, Finance, Liaison, and Executive. Each committee plays a different role in representing student interests. KCSB's Tatiana Jacquez sat down with Outreach Chair, Noah Luken, to discuss how the Outreach Committee functions and its ongoing projects.

Behavioral addictions like gambling are real behavioral health conditions, not character flaws, and they can hide in plain sight. In this episode, Davina Mena, Tribal Liaison for the Arizona Division of Problem Gambling, explains how behavioral addictions work and why gambling is often misunderstood, including how it can rewire the brain's reward system much like substance use disorders. She describes how gambling addiction can surface at work through distraction, missed time, stress, and financial pressure, even when individuals appear high-functioning. Davina offers practical guidance for families and individuals, emphasizing empathy, healthy boundaries, honest self-checks, and awareness of local resources. She also urges providers to integrate brief screening questions into routine care and discusses the unique realities for tribal communities, where casinos support economic sovereignty while still posing risks that deserve proactive attention. Tune in to better understand behavioral addictions, reduce stigma, and learn concrete ways families, providers, and communities can respond. Resources: Connect with and follow Davina Mena on LinkedIn. Follow the Arizona Department of Gaming on LinkedIn.  Learn more about the Arizona Department of Gaming's Problem Gambling Division on their website. Take the Problem Gambling Self-screening Quiz here. If someone you know is struggling with a gambling addiction, call 1-800-NEXT-STEP or the national helpline at 1-800-GAMBLER for confidential support.

There's a constant focus in our state about supporting our military. According to state reports, CT has 130,000 veterans and only 50,000 use the VA healthcare system. That's why major healthcare networks are stepping up to do their part. We spoke with Sherri Vogt, Hartford Healthcare Veteran's Liaison, about the upcoming Veteran's Suicide Prevention Conference.To register and attend the event (virtually): Veteran's Suicide Prevention Conference 2026 - Hartford HealthCare - Continuing Education (CE) - Veteran's Suicide Prevention Conference 2026HHC Center for Healthy Aging: 877-424-4641

Agradece a este podcast tantas horas de entretenimiento y disfruta de episodios exclusivos como éste. ¡Apóyale en iVoox! Vamos con el programón de esta edición, la 496 que viene cargadita... Adiós a Billy Steinberg (I-Ten) Nuevos: Transatlantic Radio, Alien ( 2 temas del Live at Sweden Rock), Frontline, White Skies, Dan Lucas, Alicate, Venus5, Michael Sweet, Chez Kane, Fighter V Clásicos: Liaison, Heavy Bones, Steelheart, Heaven's Edge Escucha este episodio completo y accede a todo el contenido exclusivo de AOR Diamonds. Descubre antes que nadie los nuevos episodios, y participa en la comunidad exclusiva de oyentes en https://go.ivoox.com/sq/75094

Nathalie Perrier était une femme qui avait tout pour briller. Un mari riche et important, deux enfants, une belle maison près de Chambéry. Sauf qu'elle voyait sa jeunesse s'enfuir et s'ennuyait de plus en plus dans sa vie d'épouse de notable. Elle a donc commencé à sortir, de plus en plus, et a pris un amant, un habitué de la nuit aux airs de mauvais garçon, le dénommé Lionel Veronèse. Liaison éphémère. Quelques semaines plus tard, le playboy était retrouvé mort à plus de 300 kilomètres de la Savoie, non loin de Marseille.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Hey there! It's Michael here - and welcome back to Speak Naturally in a Minute from Happy English. I'm here every week with a quick one-point lesson to help you improve your pronunciation, rhythm, and intonation.Today, let's practice liaison - how sounds link together in natural American English.  Our focus today is the phrase “whaddaya.” I everyday English conversation,  what do you and what are you often sound exactly the same: whaddaya.So instead of saying:  “What do you think?”  Americans usually say:  “Whaddaya think?”And instead of:  “What are you doing?”  We say:  “Whaddaya doing?”Now, let's do some shadowing practice. I'll say a phrase twice.  First, just listen.  Then, say it together with me. Ready?Whaddaya think?  (Again - shadow me)  Whaddaya think?Whaddaya like?  (Again - shadow me) Whaddaya like?  Whaddaya want?  (Again - shadow me) Whaddaya want?  Whaddaya doing?   (Again - shadow me)  Whaddaya doing?Whaddaya thinking?   (Again - shadow me)  Whaddaya thinking?Whaddaya getting?   (Again - shadow me)  Whaddaya getting?This kind of liaison makes your English sound faster, smoother, and more natural. So next time you ask a question, try it the natural way:  Whaddaya think?Hey, thanks for practicing with me! And remember to follow and subscribe so you won't miss the next Happy English Podcast and next week's Speak Naturally in a Minute.  Until next time, keep learning and keep it cool.Happy English Podcast – Speak English Naturally I'm Michael from Happy English, and I help people speak English more naturally, confidently, and clearly.

In this episode, I sit down with Stefana Avera, founder of Liaison the Label, to talk about building a multimillion-dollar activewear brand from scratch—with zero experience in fashion or manufacturing. Stefana shares the raw, unfiltered journey of bartending to afford $80 product samples, crying over failed prototypes 3 years into development, and the delusional confidence it took to keep going when no one believed in her vision. This isn't a story of overnight success. It's about slow, steady growth, building community before going viral, and trusting your gut even when you don't know the "equation." If you're thinking about starting a brand or just need a reminder that you don't need a perfect background to build something incredible, this episode is for you. Shop Liasion the Label: https://www.liaisonlabel.com/ Follow Stefana: https://www.instagram.com/stefana.avara/ TIMESTAMPS: 0:00 - Intro: Meet Stefana & Liaison the Label 3:40 - How Stefana Started in Fitness (2017) 8:20 - The Moment She Decided to Build Liaison 12:00 - Bartending for $80 Product Samples 19:30 - 3 Years of Development & Almost Giving Up 24:30 - Building Community vs. Going Viral 32:00 - The Manufacturing Process (No Experience Required) 45:00 - Delusional Confidence & Founder Intuition EXTENDED SUBSTACK ARTICLE COMING SOON WITH STEFANA, SUBSCRIBE TO NOT MISS IT: https://thegrowthlist.substack.com Get 10% off your first purchase or domain by going to https://squarespace.com/nataliebarbu or use code NATALIEBARBU at checkout. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Join Mindy Ahler, CCL's Liaison Program Manager, for a training will provide an overview of Citizens' Climate Lobby's Congressional Liaisons Program, what the responsibilities are for the role, how to get involved if you are interested, and how to find out if there is a liaison need in your Congressional district. Skip ahead to the following section(s): (0:00) Intro & Agenda (3:26) Our Values & Theory of Change (8:17) Liaison ABC's (17:45) Liaison Resources Presentation Slides: https://cclusa.org/becoming-liaison-slides  CCL Training Page: https://community.citizensclimate.org/resources/item/19/400 

Alberta's two main parties - the UCP and NDP - are polling neck and neck. We dig into the new numbers with Liaison Strategies pollster David Valentin (3:00), before taking a look at updated federal numbers and a shocking reality around hospital emergency rooms across Canada. Feature interviews on Real Talk are presented by Mercedes-Benz Edmonton West.  THIS EPISODE IS PRESENTED BY HANSEN DISTILLERY -- EDMONTON'S ORIGINAL DISTILLERY -- ROOTED IN PRAIRIE GRIT AND A REBELLIOUS SPIRIT. PROUDLY LOCAL, ALWAYS ORIGINAL. HANSEN DISTILLERY IS MADE RIGHT, RIGHT HERE. https://hansendistillery.com/ LIAISON STRATEGIES: https://www.liaison.ca/ MBEW: https://www.mercedes-benz-edmontonwest.ca/ 42:00 | Jespo and Johnny dip into the Real Talk Live Chat powered by Park Power to see what you have to say about Liaison's polling numbers. We get into high-profile responses to PM Mark Carney's Davos speech (1:09:30) and President Donald Trump's inaccurate and offensive statement about NATO member nations. (Make sure you stick around for Jespo's poop analogy.) TELL US WHAT YOU THINK: talk@ryanjespersen.com SAVE on INTERNET, ELECTRICITY, and NATURAL GAS: https://parkpower.ca/realtalk/ 2:05:00 | Real Talker Michael deploys more f-bombs per minute than anybody in Flamethrower history with his message to the White House, Brendon lays out the real world cost of Alberta separation talk, Gerald's torn on the "leaked classroom audio" story, and Watty's got a proposal for a PST in Alberta. It's The Flamethrower presented by the DQs of Northwest Edmonton and Sherwood Park!  FIRE UP YOUR FLAMETHROWER: talk@ryanjespersen.com  WHEN YOU VISIT THE DQs IN PALISADES, NAMAO, NEWCASTLE, WESTMOUNT, or BASELINE ROAD, BE SURE TO TELL 'EM REAL TALK SENT YOU!  FOLLOW US ON TIKTOK, X, INSTAGRAM, and LINKEDIN: @realtalkrj & @ryanjespersen  JOIN US ON FACEBOOK: @ryanjespersen  REAL TALK MERCH: https://ryanjespersen.com/merch RECEIVE EXCLUSIVE PERKS - BECOME A REAL TALK PATRON: patreon.com/ryanjespersen THANK YOU FOR SUPPORTING OUR SPONSORS! https://ryanjespersen.com/sponsors The views and opinions expressed in this show are those of the host and guests and do not necessarily reflect the position of Relay Communications Group Inc. or any affiliates.

durée : 00:06:27 - La tech la première - Dans le cadre d'une expérience, une intelligence artificielle a fait du chantage sur un ingénieur pour éviter d'être éteinte. L'IA avait découvert la liaison extra-conjugale de l'employé dans un de ses emails. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

Thomas English talks with two guests from the Nevada Police Department and Compass Health Network about the rise mental health issues in the area. The guests are Nevada Police Department Lieutenant Amber Williamson and Community Behavioral Health Liaison with Compass Health Network Nicole Mulloy. They discuss the warning signs of mental health struggles and how to prevent it. They also discuss the various resources that are available and how to get help. Lastly, they discuss how the 988 lifeline is very useful. 

British Chinese actress Naomi Yang is perhaps best known for her role as Maggy in Sky series Wolfe. Up next, she stars in Sky's crime thriller Under Salt Marsh, alongside Kelly Reilly, Rafe Spall, Jonathan Pryce and Harry Lawtey. She's just been announced as joining the cast of BBC's acclaimed drama Vigil in a major role for its upcoming third season Naomi can be seen in a range of acclaimed television dramas including BBC's Nightsleeper and Peaky Blinders. Most recently she starred in ITV's DI Ray opposite Parminder Nagra and Jamie Bell. Other television credits include Apple TV+'s Liaison with Eva Green and Vincent Cassel, ITV's Protection, ITV's Maternal, Peacock's Brave New World, ITV's Deep Water, Channel 4's Chimerica, and Disney+'s Mars. Naomi made her screen debut in the BAFTA-nominated film Lilting, followed by roles in several short films including BIFA-nominated Housewarming, and critically acclaimed animated short A Kind of Testament. On stage, she portrayed Tsukiko in the Royal Shakespeare Company's widely celebrated, Olivier-nominated production of My Neighbour Totoro. In 2020, Naomi was selected for the prestigious BAFTA Elevate programme, spotlighting rising talent in the UK screen industry.Naomi Yang is our guest in episode 552 of My Time Capsule and chats to Michael Fenton Stevens about the five things she'd like to put in a time capsule; four she'd like to preserve and one she'd like to bury and never have to think about again .Follow Naomi Yang on Instagram: @imoanyang .Follow My Time Capsule on Instagram: @mytimecapsulepodcast & Twitter/X & Facebook: @MyTCpod .Follow Michael Fenton Stevens on Twitter/X: @fentonstevens & Instagram @mikefentonstevens .Produced and edited by John Fenton-Stevens for Cast Off Productions .Music by Pass The Peas Music .Artwork by matthewboxall.com .This podcast is proud to be associated with the charity Viva! Providing theatrical opportunities for hundreds of young people .To support this podcast, get all episodes ad-free and a bonus episode every Wednesday of "My Time Capsule The Debrief', please sign up here - https://mytimecapsule.supercast.com. All money goes straight into the making of the podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Yesterday, Keir Starmer defended his record in government before the Liaison Committee. Ava and Laura check his report card.Subscribe to How to Rebuild Britain now: https://linktr.ee/howtorebuildbritain Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

It's nearly Christmas, but there is still lots of excitement to be had in Westminster, including Keir Starmer's trip to the Liaison Committee. This is where the Prime Minister sits in front of senior MPs and is grilled on various policy areas. Today's topics included the leaks (Wes Streeting and the OBR) and Keir Starmer's integrity more generally, as well as the farm tax, the House of Lords and the government's long-anticipated strategy to counter violence against women and girls. How did today's proceedings expose the ‘paucity' of Starmer's Labour?Oscar Edmondson speaks to Isabel Hardman and James Heale.Produced by Oscar Edmondson.Become a Spectator subscriber today to access this podcast without adverts. Go to spectator.co.uk/adfree to find out more.For more Spectator podcasts, go to spectator.co.uk/podcasts.Contact us: podcast@spectator.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Sie war die Frau, die vor ihrer eigenen Legende floh. Er war der Mann, der nie ankommen konnte. Romy Schneider und Alain Delon – zwei der größten europäischen Filmstars des 20. Jahrhunderts – verband eine Liebe, die zu groß war für beide. In dieser Episode tauchen wir tief ein in die Lebensthemen zweier zerrissener Seelen: Romys ewiger Kampf gegen den goldenen Käfig der "Sissi", Delons melancholische Einsamkeit hinter der perfekten Fassade. Sie erfahren, wie ihre Filme zu Spiegeln ihrer inneren Konflikte wurden – und warum "Der Swimmingpool" bis heute als filmisches Denkmal ihrer tragischen Liaison gilt. Eine Geschichte über Ruhm, Flucht, Sehnsucht und den Preis, den man zahlt, wenn man das eigene Lebensthema nicht kennt. Was Sie aus diese Beitrag mitnehmen können: Wir hängen nicht an Menschen. Wir hängen an Gefühlen, die diese Begegnung in uns möglich gemacht hat. Manche Liebe ist kostbar – aber nicht alltagstauglich. Alte Bindungsmuster verschwinden nicht durch große Gefühle. Der Schmerz wird kleiner, wenn wir verstehen, was wir wirklich verloren haben. **[Die ganze Folge können Sie hier nachlesen ... ](https://www.persoenlichkeits-blog.de/article/121171/romy-schneider-und-alain-delon** Haben Sie auch ein persönliches Problem, das Sie bisher nicht lösen konnten? Dann buchen Sie auch ein **[3-h-Coaching](https://seminare4you.de/3-h-intensiv-coaching/)**. Wir finden die Lösung dort, wo Sie noch nie gesucht haben. Versprochen!

In our latest podcast episode, we welcome William Bohannon to the OKIE811 team! He joins the Education and Outreach Department as a new Liaison, teaming up with Luis Rendón to strengthen our community education efforts in safe excavation and damage prevention.

A shocking new report from Change The Air Foundation shows the alarming number of military families that have been exposed to toxic mold in base housing. Military Family Liaison Erica Thompson joins us to share her family's story and how she and other military families are fighting for change.

A shocking new report from Change The Air Foundation shows the alarming number of military families that have been exposed to toxic mold in base housing. Military Family Liaison Erica Thompson joins us to share her family's story and how she and other military families are fighting for change. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

“…The greatest of these is Love”, a Bible verse that became the key to open the heart of a Muslim. Listen now for the second part of a conversation with a former Imam who now embraces the Christian faith. In this episode FEBC's Liaison for International Ministry, Jonathan Mortiz continues his interview about the dramatic way God prepared our guest to be able to understand the truths of the Bible. In this edition we hear how dreams helped him face the fears of turning to a new religion, and the supernatural encounter he had with a loving Savior. In this journey of faith, we'll find out how his wife and family came to believe as they saw the reality of Christianity lived out in front of them…Until All Have Heard. 

L'affaire June Hopkins commence par une histoire d'amour. Un Français qui rencontre une Américaine. Le coup de foudre est immédiat. Très vite, elle tombe enceinte, puis elle se volatilise. Mais alors, pourquoi dix-huit ans plus tard, elle reviendrait tenter d'assassiner son amant ? Un podcast Bababam Originals Ecriture : Tiphaine Pioger Voix : Caroline Nogueras Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

We're back with another episode of the PrevenTable! Jenny sits down with Brenda Schell, Public Health Analyst and Liaison for the state of Missouri's Overdose Response Strategy, and Brad Germann of the Missouri State Highway Patrol. They discuss the encouraging decline in overdose rates across Missouri since 2022 and highlight the impact of statewide naloxone distribution, with more than 630,000 kits provided to partners across 15 counties between July 2024 and June 2025. The conversation covers the signs of an overdose, emerging drug use trends, and the innovative strategies being implemented both in Missouri and nationwide to save lives and strengthen communities.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Text a Message to the ShowIn the summer of 2025, one of my patrol officers, Hunter Simoncic, was struck by a car and killed in the line of duty. As part of the grieving process, we are sharing our experiences with you that you might be better prepared for the impossible tasks that immediately follow a line of duty death.One of the most difficult is that of family liaison officer.  A family liaison is assigned to the family of a fallen officer, to advocate for the family's needs, to communicate to them about police traditions and the departments needs, and be the point of contact for the countless questions that arise when everyone has just had their worst possible day.Our guest for this interview is friend of the show Captain Gregg Dorsett.  Captain Dorsett was asked to be a family liaison officer for the Simoncic family and he agreed to let me debrief him and share his experience with you.  To go from police commander and decision maker to family advocate in the midst of strongest possible emotions… well, that's a journey I think everyone can gain from hearing about.Concerns of Police Survivors can help families and coworkers.  Their website is https://www.concernsofpolicesurvivors.orgMusic is by the WesterliesHey Chaplain Podcast Episode 126 Part 2Tags:Family Liaison, Coroner, Family, Funeral Homes, Hospital, Memorials, Morgue, Murder, Paperwork, Planning, Police, Post-Mortem, Processions, Sympathy, Kansas City, KansasSupport the showThanks for Listening! And, as always, pray for peace in our city.Subscribe/Follow here: Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/hey-chaplain/id1570155168 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/2CGK9A3BmbFEUEnx3fYZOY Email us at: heychaplain44@gmail.comYou can help keep the show ad-free by buying me a virtual coffee!https://www.buymeacoffee.com/heychaplain

How does a person raised as a Muslim come to faith in Jesus as Savior? Listen for an up close and personal conversation with a former Imam who now embraces the Christian faith. In this episode FEBC's Liaison for International Ministry, Jonathan Mortiz joins us for his interview with a person who needs to be heard. It is an amazing story of radio programs that planted seeds of questions in a young Muslim. Those questions became a life-long quest for answers. Learn what these questions were and how the Bible opened up a life changing faith in Jesus…Until All Have Heard.

Protests at the Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in South Portland have been largely peaceful, despite President Trump’s attempts to send National Guard troops to the site. Local law enforcement has successfully managed conflicts among protesters and counter-protesters and made arrests for those who commit property or other crimes.   In September, Portland Police Chief Bob Day said on “Think Out Loud” that the bureau’s approach to these protests is consciously different from the one it took in 2020. He cited the use of Dialogue Liaison Officers who are “embedded” early on. “These are officers that are clearly identifiable with white shirts,” he said. “They’ve had additional training, and they go early on and try to establish communication and understanding.”   We learn more about this approach from Sergeant Daniel DiMatteo and Officer Jessica Ruch. They are among the approximately 10 Dialogue Liaison Officers the bureau deploys to protests.  

Australia is deploying one ADF liaison officer to a new US-led coordination centre in Israel to support the fragile Gaza ceasefire and President Trump's 20-point peace plan. However, a local analyst has heavily criticised the contribution as purely symbolic.

We've heard the stories of chaotic first years of 2000trees as James and his band of merry men tried to find their feet as festival organisers.But what we haven't heard about - until now - was their secret weapon for success: a woman who already had a clue what she was doing in the live music business.That hero is Sarah Gilbert, who now runs the artist liaison teams at both Trees and ATG as well and much, much, much more.Not bad for someone whose favourite metal band is Shania Twain. We go again, every Thursday morning.

Gwen decides it's time to take matters into her own hands. But what she finds out will make her doubt everything she thought she knew. An Aberystwyth-set thriller, by BAFTA Cymru nominee Fflur Dafydd, with original music by Mercury Prize nominees Gwenno and Rhys Edwards.CAST Gwen.... Alexandra Roach Liz.... Remy Beasley Owen... Sacha Dhawan Geraint.... Matthew Gravelle Dean... Alex Harries Mina.... Behnaz Vakili Kirsty.... Aoife Moss Puppeteer.... Cellan Wyn Ioan.... Liam Donnelly Theo.... Cai RobertsOriginal Music.... Gwenno and Rhys EdwardsSound design.... Rhys Morris Production Co-ordinators.... Lindsay Rees and Eleri McAuliffe Assistant Producer.... Ryan Hooper Technology Consultant... Gareth Mitchell Directed by Fay Lomas Produced by Fay Lomas and John Norton, BBC Audio Drama Wales

On this episode of Cancer Registry World, we shine a spotlight on The Mesothelioma Center in Orlando, Florida—a trusted resource dedicated to supporting patients and families navigating a mesothelioma diagnosis. Joining us are Jose Ortiz, Medical Outreach Liaison, and Karen Selby, Registered Nurse and Board-Certified Patient Advocate, who share how patient education, advocacy, and the power of cancer registry data come together to improve lives.

The Watchdogs Didn't Bark was the last great book on the September 11th 2001 terrorist attacks. In this episode I... The post ClandesTime 283 – 9/11: The Watchdogs Didn't Bark first appeared on Spy Culture.

Recorded live from the New Orleans Tax Forum, Roger and Annie sit down with Maggie Romaniello from IRS Stakeholder Liaison to discuss this often overlooked but crucial IRS department. Maggie explains how Stakeholder Liaison serves as an advocate for tax professionals and their clients, handling everything from systemic issues like erroneous extension letters to data breach incidents and disaster response. The conversation reveals how practitioners can access this free resource directly through the IRS website and highlights the department's role in pushing for technological improvements like online accounts and streamlined processes.SponsorsPadgett -  Contact Padgett or Email Jeff Phillips(00:00) - Introduction and Setting the Scene (01:02) - Overview of IRS Tax Forums (01:37) - Special Guest: Maggie Romaniello from Stakeholder Liaison (03:07) - History and Evolution of Stakeholder Liaison (04:57) - Current Challenges and Changes in Stakeholder Liaison (05:53) - Addressing Practitioner Issues and Communication (16:05) - How to Contact Stakeholder Liaison (19:55) - Introduction to Data Safetys (22:07) - Steps to Take After a Data Breach (24:00) - IRS Support and Resources (25:12) - State-Specific Requirements for Data Breaches (27:11) - The Importance of Online Accounts (28:45) - Setting Up and Using IRS Online Accounts (37:28) - Power of Attorney and Tax Pro Accounts (42:31) - Handling Disasters and IRS Outreach Get NASBA Approved CPE or IRS Approved CELaunch the course on EarmarkCPE to get free CPE/CE for listening to this episode.Connect with Maggie LinkedIn:  https://www.linkedin.com/in/margaret-romaniello-5189758aConnect with the Hosts on LinkedInRoger HarrisAnnie SchwabReviewLeave a review on Apple Podcasts or PodchaserSubscribeSubscribe to the Federal Tax Updates podcast in your favorite podcast app!This podcast is a production of the Earmark MediaThe full transcript for this episode is available by clicking on the Transcript tab at the top of this pageAll content from this podcast by SmallBizPros, Inc. DBA PADGETT BUSINESS SERVICES is intended for informational purposes only.

Be sure and join us with our special guest, 33 year FDNY veteran, Assistant Chief Robert Boyce. Chief has had a great career and worked in some great companies. He has also responded to a few good notable jobs!! Chief actually started out in the NYPD before making the move to FDNY. During his time with FDNY he served in some specialty areas including, Bureau of Communications, the Bureau of personnel, and went to Police HQ as a Liaison to PD and then to the Office of Emergency Management as the Deputy Commissioner of Homeland Security. Chief has some great stories for us. - January 1982 - NYPD - June 1983 - FDNY - July 1983 - assigned to E230 - September 1986 - 102 Truck - June 1990 - promoted to Lt. - December 1990 - 12 - Truck - December 1995 - promoted to Captain - January 2000 assigned to 111 Truck - September 2001 promoted to BC - 2007 promoted to DC - July 2009 promoted to DAC - May 2012 promoted to AC - March 2018 retired Going to be another great show. We will get the whole skinny. You don't want to miss this one. Join us at the kitchen table on the BEST FIREFIGHTER PODCAST ON THE INTERNET! You can also Listen to our podcast ...we are on all the players #lovethisjob #GiveBackMoreThanYouTake #Oldschool #Tradition #volunteerfirefighters #FDNY #nationalfallenfirefightersfoundationBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/gettin-salty-experience-firefighter-podcast--4218265/support.

Narcissism is ugly, dangerous, and abusive, and it is not gender specific. We will open the phones as we talk with Laurel Slade-Waggoner about narcissism and start with the question: Can women have this personality disorder as well as men? How does a Christian respond to a narcissist? How can someone protect their mental, emotional, and spiritual health from a narcissist? Get your dialing fingers ready as the lines light up with questions on narcissism.Become a Parshall Partner: http://moodyradio.org/donateto/inthemarket/partnersSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.