Podcasts about Yan

Endelig fredag igjen, og dermed klart for de to distingverte herrer John og Yan. Det blir som vanlig et lystig blikk på noen av den siste ukes nyheter, litt musikk, litt nytt, litt gammelt og en del tull og tøys.

Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, has emphasized that formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) is of great significance for facilitating China's sustained and sound development, and for putting the country on firmer foundations for basically achieving socialist modernization as planned.The remarks were made in Xi's explanatory speech on the recommendations for the 15th Five-Year Plan, delivered at the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, which concluded last week in Beijing.Both the speech and the recommendations, which were adopted at the plenum, were made public on Tuesday.In his speech, Xi said the recommendations were drafted to make systematic plans and strategic arrangements for China's economic and social development in the next five years.The recommendations were initiated in line with the country's strategic development goals, recognizing the pivotal role of the next five years, and based on an in-depth analysis of both the domestic and global landscapes, he added.He highlighted that the drafting process placed particular emphasis on staying oriented toward both goals and problems, applying systems thinking, further deepening reform comprehensively, and opening wider to the outside world."Socialist modernization can only be realized through a historical process of gradual and ongoing development. It requires the unremitting hard work of one generation after another," Xi said.He noted that the 15th Five-Year Plan period will serve as a critical stage in building on past successes to break new ground for basically achieving socialist modernization by 2035.Elaborating on important points and major measures in the recommendations, Xi pointed out that a key development objective for the 15th Five-Year Plan period is to maintain an appropriate rate of economic and social development.He also defined promoting high-quality development as the main focus in this period, stressing that the recommendations highlight the guiding role of scientific and technological innovation and make overall plans for modernizing the industrial system, boosting self-reliance and strength in science and technology, and accelerating the green transition across the board.A group was established in January for the purpose of drafting the recommendations, with Xi serving as its chief. The group convened its first plenary meeting in February, marking the official start of the drafting work.Throughout the drafting process, the CPC Central Committee followed a democratic approach and drew on a vast pool of wisdom, conducting in-depth surveys and studies, and seeking opinions from within and outside of the Party, Xi said.The CPC Central Committee organized six teams to conduct research projects in 12 provincial-level regions. In addition, 35 key research projects were assigned to Party and government bodies, and multiple symposiums were held. An online campaign was launched to gather public suggestions, receiving more than 3 million comments.During the drafting process, the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee met three times and the Political Bureau convened on two occasions to review and revise draft versions of the document, before the final draft recommendations were submitted to the plenary session for deliberation."It is fair to say that the drafting work for this document is yet another vivid example of intra-Party democracy and whole-process people's democracy in action," Xi said.Jiang Jinquan, director of the CPC Central Committee Policy Research Office, told a news conference on the outcomes of the fourth plenary session that participants of the plenum agreed that the recommendations represent another major programmatic document in the Party's history.Yan Yilong, deputy dean of the Institute for Contemporary China Studies at Tsinghua University, said the recommendations provide political guidance for formulating the outline of the 15th Five-Year Plan.The drafting of the outline has officially begun and the draft outline is scheduled to be submitted to next year's two sessions for deliberation, Yan noted.Sheradil Baktygulov, director of the Institute of World Politics of Kyrgyzstan, said in a recent interview with Xinhua News Agency that China's development experience demonstrates its ability to mobilize resources effectively to achieve national goals.He expects China to become more technologically advanced, self-sufficient and confident on the global stage, with the 15th Five-Year Plan playing a critical role in advancing the second centenary goal — to build China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious and beautiful by 2049.

durée : 01:28:31 - Yan Pascal Tortelier, la maîtrise et l'enthousiasme - par : Aurélie Moreau - Chef d'orchestre émérite du BBC Philharmonic, Yan Pascal Tortelier est chef principal de l'Orchestre Symphonique d'Islande jusqu'en 2020. Il mène toujours une brillante carrière de chef invité des orchestres internationaux les plus prestigieux. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

In this episode, I sit down with homeopath Yan Yamamoto, whose path began in pharmacy school and led her deep into the intelligence of nature. Yan shares how studying plants, witnessing the limits of conventional care, and listening closely to her clients reshaped the way she supports people in even the direst medical situations. We talk about the role of the vital force, the subtle micro-expressions she watches for, and how she approaches cases others have deemed hopeless. Yan also opens up about the personal adventures and teachers who helped her understand healing from the inside out, giving us a glimpse of the heart behind her work. Episode Highlights: 04:57 - Yan's Journey into Homeopathy 10:19 - Exploring Crystal Healing 15:09 - Integrating Various Healing Modalities 17:21 - Understanding Micro Expressions in Clients 21:03 - Overview of Yan's Upcoming Course 27:22 - Potency and Remedy Selection in Acute Cases 34:43 - Using Potency Chords in Homeopathy 36:28 - The Role of Pink Rose Remedy 38:13 - Exploring Soul Constitutions 44:09 - Navigating Past Life and Ancestral Trauma 47:47 - Safe Practices in Healing and Client Care 54:00 - Healing Retreat on Sacred Tribal Land About my Guests: Yan (Diane) Yamamoto Ouadfel is the founder of True Jewel Wellness Homeopathy and Yan's Rainbow Essence. From a young age, she felt a deep connection to the unseen healing intelligence within nature. She pursued her early passion for science at Purdue University, earning her Bachelor of Pharmacy Science in 1988 and Doctor of Pharmacy in 1989, followed by a residency and fellowship at USC–LA County. Her work in a pharmacognosy lab opened her eyes to the natural origins of many medicines, and during her pharmacy career—particularly while specializing in HIV/AIDS care—she increasingly recognized that true healing extends beyond pharmaceuticals alone. Guided by intuition and curiosity, Yan expanded her studies into vibrational medicine. She became an Advanced Crystal Healer through The Crystal Academy in 2005 and continued studying energy and vibrational healing at the RMA Mystery School. After discovering Ambika Wauters' Color and Sound book in a library, she pursued formal homeopathic training, graduating in 2017 from the American Medical College of Homeopathy @ PIHMA in Phoenix, Arizona. She has continued to deepen her skills through advanced learning in Tanzania with Jeremy and Camilla Sherr, as well as Qi Gong and Qi Gong Sound Healing with Jeff Primack and Master Mingtong Gu. She is also a contributing author in The Inner Circle Chronicles – Book 4, guided by her intuitive mentor Anne Deidre. Yan began her private practice in 2014 and has lovingly supported her clients ever since. Her approach integrates clinical knowledge, natural wisdom, and the understanding that healing is a journey back to oneself. When asked what homeopathy means to her at its core, Yan answered with heartfelt clarity: “Coming Home.” Find out more about Yan Website: https://lifeenergymedicine.com/ Email: yansrainbow@yahoo.com If you would like to support the Homeopathy Hangout Podcast, please consider making a donation by visiting www.EugenieKruger.com and click the DONATE button at the top of the site. Every donation about $10 will receive a shout-out on a future episode. Join my Homeopathy Hangout Podcast Facebook community here: https://www.facebook.com/groups/HelloHomies Follow me on Instagram https://www.instagram.com/eugeniekrugerhomeopathy/ Here is the link to my free 30-minute Homeopathy@Home online course: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vqBUpxO4pZQ&t=438s Upon completion of the course - and if you live in Australia - you can join my Facebook group for free acute advice (you'll need to answer a couple of questions about the course upon request to join): www.facebook.com/groups/eughom                                

When the sleepy animal town of Woodbrook is rocked by a spate of grisly murders, Yan and Nat pack their bags and set out in pursuit of truth, justice, and some of that true crime ad revenue. With the whole town on edge, and no shortage of potential suspects, it's a podcaster's paradise among the pages of "Beneath the Trees Where Nobody Sees" by Patrick Horvath and Hassan Otsmane-Elhaou! Now all our hosts have to do is keep their paws clean, their dinners down, and their mic levels green. Easy, right? ...right? --- In this episode, Nat reads Issues #1 and #3. Show notes and bibliography available here. Hear an interesting ad? Learn more about our advertisers here. If you enjoyed the show, consider supporting us on Patreon! You'll get access to the exclusive Comic Sans Aftershow, ad-free episodes, bonus content, and more. And tag us @comicsanspod on Instagram and Bluesky — we'd love to hear from you! --- 00:00 - Preamble 03:49 - Introducing "Beneath the Trees Where Nobody Sees" 07:18 - Nat's Five Words 09:09 - Yan's Recap of Issues #1 and #3 10:50 - Discussion 50:46 - Yan's Final Questions 56:54 - Up Next on Comic Sans --- Comic Sans is an Andas Productions podcast hosted by Myle Yan Tay and Nathaniel Mah, produced by Scott Lee Chua and Roshan Singh Sambhi. Edited by Maddy Searle (audio) and Kit Ling Leong (video). Cover art by Isabel Fang. Motion graphics animation by Knikni Studio (Maryana Rudakova). And a huge thank you to the members of our Patreon Inner Circle: Eugene Choo, Melody Lau, and Smith Chua — your support makes this show possible! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hiç duymayan ya da çok az bilgisi olanlar için homepati'yi anlattığımız canlı yayınlarımızın sıradaki konuğu; Yazar, homeopat, schüssler uzmanı Abidin Şarooğlu. Eğitiminde birinci yılını tamamladığım ve bu sisteme olan hayranlığımın her gün daha da daha da arttığı, School of Homeopathy okulumun eğitmenlerinden, değerli Hocam @homeopat_abidin_saroglu ile klasik homeopatide schüssler mineral tuzlarına dair konuştuk. Yanı sıra, vitaminler, supplement'lerin ve çeşitli popüler takviyelerin bedenlere tesiri ve kullanımlarının katkı olup olmadığı üzerine merak edilenlere değindik. Bu dolu dolu sohbeti kaçırmayın. Katkı olsun

In 1954, one year after China initiated the inaugural Five-Year Plan (1953-57), a specialized factory for manufacturing bearings, core components of mechanical equipment, was set up in Luoyang, Henan province.1954年，即中国启动第一个五年计划（1953-1957年）后的一年，河南省洛阳市建成了一家专门生产轴承（机械设备核心零部件）的工厂。It was one of the 156 key projects launched nationwide during the period when the country was striving to build up the basic industries essential for national industrialization. These projects, spanning sectors such as steel, machinery, energy and chemical engineering, laid the foundation for China's industrialization in its early days, marking a determined stride from an agricultural society toward industrial prowess.该工厂是全国156个重点项目之一，这些项目在国家着力建设国民工业化必需的基础产业时期在全国范围内推进。这些项目涵盖钢铁、机械、能源、化工等多个领域，为中国早期工业化奠定了基础，标志着中国从农业社会向工业强国迈出了坚定步伐。Over 70 years later, Luoyang Bearing Group stands as a testament to this enduring vision, as it has evolved into an innovation-driven enterprise manufacturing over 30,000 types of high-precision bearings, vital to industries ranging from aerospace and wind power to rail transit and marine engineering.70多年后，洛阳轴承集团成为这一长远愿景的见证者——如今它已发展为一家创新驱动型企业，可生产超过3万种高精度轴承，对航空航天、风电、轨道交通、海洋工程等多个行业至关重要。During a visit to the company in May, President Xi Jinping, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, reflected on this remarkable progress, saying: "China has always adhered to the path of developing the real economy. From the past reliance on imported matches, soap and iron, to now becoming the world's largest manufacturing country with the most complete industrial categories, we have taken the right path."5月，中国共产党中央委员会总书记、中国共产党中央军事委员会主席、中华人民共和国主席、中华人民共和国中央军事委员会主席习近平在考察该企业时，回顾了这一显著发展历程，他指出：“中国始终坚持发展实体经济。从过去依赖进口火柴、肥皂、铁钉，到如今成为工业门类最齐全的世界第一制造大国，我们走对了路。”Sticking to this path, China has remained the world's largest manufacturing country for 15 consecutive years. Observers noted that this transformative journey underscores the profound efficacy of the five-year plan system as a fundamental instrument of China's governance.坚持这一道路，中国已连续15年保持世界第一制造大国地位。观察人士指出，这一变革性历程凸显了五年规划体系作为中国治理基本工具的深远效能。Five-year plans are crucial strategic documents that outline national goals, major tasks and policy directions in various sectors for each five-year period.五年规划是重要的战略文件，为每一个五年期内各领域的国家目标、重大任务和政策方向作出规划。It is an approach that experts say maintains policy continuity and stability toward established goals, and ensures the efficient and well-calibrated allocation of resources.专家表示，这一模式能够保障针对既定目标的政策连续性与稳定性，并确保资源得到高效、精准的配置。Formulating and implementing five-year plans has been a hallmark of the Communist Party of China's governance, enabling China to promote coordinated economic and social development over the medium and long terms. For China, the consistent theme from the first Five-Year Plan to the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25), as President Xi pointed out, has been to build China into a modern socialist country.制定和实施五年规划是中国共产党治国理政的显著特征，助力中国推动中长期经济社会协调发展。习近平主席指出，从第一个五年计划到第十四个五年计划（2021-2025年），中国始终围绕建设社会主义现代化国家这一主题推进各项工作。For more than seven decades, a key to the enduring vitality of the five-year plan system lies in "a synergistic relationship in which the top-level design and long-term perspective of national planning effectively complement the microlevel efficiency and innovative drive of the market economy", said Yan Yilong, deputy dean of the Institute for Contemporary China Studies at Tsinghua University.清华大学当代中国研究中心副主任阎学通表示，70多年来，五年规划体系保持持久活力的关键在于“国家规划的顶层设计和长远视野，与市场经济的微观效率和创新动力形成了协同互补的关系”。"This system operates on three pillars: building consensus on national goals through political guidance and scientific planning, breaking down goals into actionable tasks with evaluation and supervision, and ensuring resource allocation to support these objectives," Yan said.他指出：“这一体系依托三大支柱运行：通过政治引领和科学规划凝聚国家目标共识、将目标分解为可执行任务并辅以评估监督、保障资源配置以支撑这些目标的实现。”The five-year plans are not merely economic plans but comprehensive national development blueprints, and the robust implementation of these blueprints is the highlight of China's governance, he added.他补充道，五年规划不仅是经济规划，更是全面的国家发展蓝图，而这些蓝图的有力实施是中国治理的突出亮点。Acknowledging the nature and significance of China's five-year plan system, The Diplomat, a Washington, DC-based foreign affairs magazine, noted that "the plans are neither rigid blueprints nor mere guidelines. Instead, they act as authoritative signals that shape the behavior of ministries, provincial governments, State-owned enterprises, private firms, and increasingly foreign investors".美国华盛顿特区的外交杂志《外交家》认可中国五年规划体系的性质与意义，指出“这些规划既非僵化的蓝图，也非单纯的指导方针，而是具有权威性的信号，能够影响各部委、省级政府、国有企业、民营企业，乃至越来越多的外国投资者的行为”。Over the decades, China's five-year plans have guided continuous progress in national development and living standards, from ensuring adequate food and clothing after completing the sixth and seventh five-year plans in the 1980s to propelling China's total economic output to become the world's second-largest in the 11th Five-Year Plan (2006-10) period.数十年来，中国的五年规划引领国家发展和人民生活水平不断提升：20世纪80年代完成第六、七个五年计划后，中国解决了温饱问题；在第十一个五年计划（2006-2010年）期间，中国经济总量跃居世界第二。"Five-year plans illustrate the nation's shift from a planned economy to a socialist market economy," said Zhang Zhanbin, director of the Chinese Modernization Research Center at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee.中共中央党校（国家行政学院）中国式现代化研究中心主任张占斌表示：“五年规划见证了中国从计划经济向社会主义市场经济的转变。”He highlighted the transformative power of these plans by citing the example of the revitalization of Northeast China, comprising Heilongjiang, Jilin and Liaoning provinces.他以中国东北地区（包括黑龙江、吉林、辽宁三省）的振兴为例，凸显了五年规划的变革力量。The region became the nation's heavy-industry heartland during the first Five-Year Plan period and was reinvigorated decades later by the 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-05), which proposed to support the adjustment and transformation of the old industrial base. Each subsequent five-year plan has included dedicated sections outlining tasks for Northeast China's revitalization.“一五”时期，东北地区成为国家重工业基地；数十年后，第十个五年计划（2001-2005年）提出支持老工业基地调整改造，为该地区注入了新活力。此后的每一个五年规划中，都设有专门章节明确东北地区振兴的任务。The 14th Five-Year Plan has initiated a more comprehensive revitalization phase for Northeast China, with a State Council-approved implementation plan outlining a clear road map for the region's future.第十四个五年计划开启了东北地区全面振兴的新阶段，国务院批复的实施方案为该地区未来发展绘制了清晰路线图。"The elevating of the strategic positioning of Northeast China in the recent five-year plans reflects the Party and the country's earnest expectations for its comprehensive revitalization in the new era," Zhang said.张占斌指出：“近年来的五年规划不断提升东北地区的战略定位，这体现了党和国家对新时代东北全面振兴的殷切期望。”关键阶段The year 2025 signifies the conclusion of the 14th Five-Year Plan and is pivotal in shaping the subsequent five-year agenda.2025年是第十四个五年规划的收官之年，对制定后续五年规划议程具有关键意义。The 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30), the draft proposals of which are being discussed at the ongoing fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, is tasked with achieving "decisive progress" in basically realizing socialist modernization by 2035, said Yan.阎学通表示，正在召开的党的二十届四中全会正在讨论第十五个五年计划（2026-2030年）草案建议，该规划的任务是到2035年基本实现社会主义现代化并取得“决定性进展”。Speaking at a symposium with provincial leaders in Shanghai in April, Xi pointed out that the scientific formulation and consistent implementation of five-year plans represent an important experience of the Party in governing the country and a major political strength of socialism with Chinese characteristics.4月，习近平在上海与省级领导干部座谈时指出，科学制定和坚决实施五年规划，是党治国理政的重要经验，也是中国特色社会主义的重要政治优势。Xi, who previously led the drafting groups for both the 13th and 14th five-year plans, has consistently emphasized strategic foresight in guiding each phase of national development.习近平曾牵头第十三、十四个五年规划的编制工作，他始终强调以战略远见引领国家各阶段发展。During the 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-20) period, he underscored that this stage was decisive for building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and highlighted the importance of leveraging strategic opportunities. For the 14th Five-Year Plan, he outlined the historic mission of advancing toward the second centenary goal and called for a profound understanding of the new stage of development, including its characteristics and requirements.在第十三个五年计划（2016-2020年）时期，他强调该阶段是全面建成小康社会的决胜阶段，并着重指出把握战略机遇的重要性；针对第十四个五年规划，他明确了向第二个百年奋斗目标迈进的历史使命，要求深刻认识新发展阶段的内涵与要求。广泛共识Looking ahead to the 15th Five-Year Plan, Xi has highlighted that the formulation and implementation of this plan has immense significance for fully realizing the strategic initiatives outlined at the 20th CPC National Congress and advancing Chinese modernization.展望第十五个五年规划，习近平强调，制定和实施这一规划，对全面落实党的二十大部署的战略任务、推进中国式现代化具有重大意义。In an instruction in May, he emphasized the importance of integrating top-level design with seeking advice from the public, enhancing research and discussions, and building broad consensus, and stressed sound, democratic and law-based decision-making to ensure that the next five-year plan is formulated with high quality.5月，习近平在一份指示中强调，要坚持顶层设计和问计于民相结合，深入开展调研论证，凝聚广泛共识，坚持科学决策、民主决策、依法决策，确保高质量编制好下一个五年规划。A key feature of the planning process has been the emphasis on public participation. From May 20 to June 20, an online campaign soliciting opinions for the 15th Five-Year Plan received over 3.11 million suggestions from the public. Xi described this as a vivid example of whole-process people's democracy and urged relevant departments to carefully study and absorb these valuable insights.公众参与是五年规划编制过程的重要特点。5月20日至6月20日，面向第十五个五年规划的网上意见征集活动收到了超过311万条公众建议。习近平称这是全过程人民民主的生动实践，并要求相关部门认真研究吸收这些宝贵意见。By integrating visionary guidance with inclusive governance, China's "target governance mechanism", exemplified by the five-year plan system, continues to be a vital tool for aligning national ambitions with the aspirations of its people, said Yan, the Tsinghua expert.阎学通表示，通过将远见引领与包容性治理相结合，以五年规划体系为代表的中国“目标治理机制”，仍是统筹国家愿景与人民期盼的重要工具。As China navigates a complex landscape of technological acceleration, economic transformation and strategic competition, the next five-year plan represents a critical step toward securing sustainable and high-quality development, he added.他补充道，在当前技术加速迭代、经济转型升级、国际竞争加剧的复杂形势下，下一个五年规划将是中国实现可持续高质量发展的关键一步。20th CPC Central Committee membersn.中共二十届中央委员会委员/ˈtwentiəθ ˌsiː piː ˈsiː ˈsentrəl kəˈmɪti ˈmembəz/15th Five-Year Plan researchers/expertsn.“十五五”规划研究者/专家/ˌfɪfˈtiːnθ ˈfaɪv jɪə plæn rɪˈsɜːtʃəz/ /ˈekspɜːts/

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Endelig er det fredag igjen, og det betyr at vi får stifte bekjentskap igjen med de to distingverte herrer John og Yan.Dagens sending er en musikkspesial som er gjort i opptak. Det betyr at alle dere som hører på sendingen i opptak, og det er jo alle, kan kose dere med musikkprat som også vil bli å finne på søndagens skriftlige bidrag fra Yan Friis.Ha kaffen klar, og gled dere til en liten time med John og Yans lister over de gitarister og keyboardister som har betydd mest for dem.Sendingen sendes i opptak klokken ni, og legges ut på Spotify og Podbean senere.

Earlier this week, UFC CEO Dana White made some big announcements as it relates to December's UFC 323 event — the final pay-per-view card under the ESPN banner before the shift to Paramount — and revealed that Merab Dvalishvili will attempt to defend his bantamweight title for the fourth time. If he's successful against Petr Yan, is Dvalishvili's 2025 the best year for a fighter in UFC history? On an all-new edition of Between the Links, the panel reacts to White announcing Dvalishvili vs. Yan 2, and Alexandre Pantoja vs. Josh Van for the flyweight title. Additionally, topics may include Charles Oliveira's big win over Mateusz Gamrot at UFC Rio and callout of Max Holloway for the BMF title, the revised Ali Act getting support from CSAC, Saturday's UFC Vancouver event headlined by Reinier de Ridder vs. Brendan Allen, and much more. Join MMA Fighting's Mike Heck and Jed Meshew as they answer your questions about all things mixed martial arts and combat sports.

Earlier this week, UFC CEO Dana White made some big announcements as it relates to December's UFC 323 event — the final pay-per-view card under the ESPN banner before the shift to Paramount — and revealed that Merab Dvalishvili will attempt to defend his bantamweight title for the fourth time. If he's successful against Petr Yan, is Dvalishvili's 2025 the best year for a fighter in UFC history? On an all-new edition of Between the Links, the panel reacts to White announcing Dvalishvili vs. Yan 2, and Alexandre Pantoja vs. Josh Van for the flyweight title. Additionally, topics may include Charles Oliveira's big win over Mateusz Gamrot at UFC Rio and callout of Max Holloway for the BMF title, the revised Ali Act getting support from CSAC, Saturday's UFC Vancouver event headlined by Reinier de Ridder vs. Brendan Allen, and much more. Join MMA Fighting's Mike Heck and Jed Meshew as they answer your questions about all things mixed martial arts and combat sports.

Earlier this week, UFC CEO Dana White made some big announcements as it relates to December's UFC 323 event — the final pay-per-view card under the ESPN banner before the shift to Paramount — and revealed that Merab Dvalishvili will attempt to defend his bantamweight title for the fourth time. If he's successful against Petr Yan, is Dvalishvili's 2025 the best year for a fighter in UFC history? On an all-new edition of Between the Links, the panel reacts to White announcing Dvalishvili vs. Yan 2, and Alexandre Pantoja vs. Josh Van for the flyweight title. Additionally, topics may include Charles Oliveira's big win over Mateusz Gamrot at UFC Rio and callout of Max Holloway for the BMF title, the revised Ali Act getting support from CSAC, Saturday's UFC Vancouver event headlined by Reinier de Ridder vs. Brendan Allen, and much more. Join MMA Fighting's Mike Heck and Jed Meshew as they answer your questions about all things mixed martial arts and combat sports.

THE BOYS ARE BACK!Tim “The Red Hawk” Welch is joined by MMA Legend Joe "Diesel" Riggs and Art of Recovery Owner Art! They boys talk the BREAKING fight news Merab vs Yan 2, Pantoja vs Van, Cejudo vs Talbott, Cejudo's hilarious slip up on Rmapage's stream, answer YOUR questions and more!⚡️Check out PrizePicks! Sign up with code "TIMBO" to play $5 and WIN $50 INSTANTLY Click here: https://prizepicks.onelink.me/ivHR/TIMBO♠️ Check out Spade! Use Code: TIMBOSPADE10 FOR 10% OFF!!https://www.amazon.com/stores/SPADE/page/91C86242-444D-487E-9D63-3FBB1503187F?ref_=ast_blnTimestamps:00:00 Prize Picks CODE TIMBO01:19 Welcome Riggs and Art!01:49 Men Are Dumb08:31 Merab Is NOT Human11:21 Merab vs Yan 2 BREAKDOWN13:45 Viral Cejudo Rampage Clip18:52 Pre-Night Out Workouts Are A Must21:40 PBR Athletes Have Some Cojones 23:10 Riggs Is Making Progress 24:53 Entrepreneurs Are Built Different 32:16 The Boys Plans if the Apocalypse Happens38:45 Riggs' Settlement Money is Pending40:20 AI Is Taking Over Boys43:09 Leadership Advice44:07 Pecker Enhancers Can Be Dangerous 46:33 Not Everyone Can Throw Hands 48:07 Time Travel: Where Would the Boys Go if They Could Tim Travel?50:56 No Lessons Without L's54:55 Sug vs Sandhagen BREAKDOWN57:48 Rigg's Son Goes To Portugal 58:45 AI Corn Is Coming…1:00:00 Bounce Back Would Be Tough1:03:00 Divorces Are Brutal 1:06:23 RDR vs Allen BREAKDOWN1:09:27 Confidential Sneak Peek Timbo's NEW MERCHhttps://timbomerch.com

Matthias and Wiki Dave explore the mysterious Xirkaali Empire and talk about the Hemicyons, Yan and Shaoquan...or atleast as much as we can talk about them with the information on hand.Youtube - https://youtu.be/9czB6UegMj4LinksXirkaali Empire: Introduction and Pre-Orders - https://www.manticgames.com/news/xirkaali-empire-introduction-and-pre-orders/Xirkaali Army List - https://www.manticgames.com/kings-of-war/xirkaali/Kings of War Wiki - https://kingsofwarwiki.comContact us⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Email - kingsofwarwiki@gmail.com or manticuniversepodcast@gmail.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Patreon - https://www.patreon.com/manticuniversepodcast/Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/manticuniversepodcast/Tiktok - https://www.tiktok.com/@manticuniversepodcastFacebook Group - ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.facebook.com/groups/1427435774358022⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Discord server: https://discord.gg/EBhU6Pr5ZA

Mukhang sarap na sarap ka naman daw, pero bakit ganun? Hindi mo matandaan ang mga nangyari. Pwede pala yun? Yan ang kwento ng hotline caller natin for this episode, si JIN. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Geçtiğimiz hafta, çarşambadan pazara kadar Suriye'deydim. Yanımda üç kıymetli dostum daha vardı. En kuzeyden en güneye, hazırladığımız bir rota dâhilinde adım adım ilerledik. Seyahat bittiğinde, uğradığımız durakları düşününce şu cümleyi kurdum: “İslâm tarihinin kahramanlarını ziyaret etmişiz.” Gerçekten de, kabirleri başında durup hikâyelerini konuştuğumuz şahsiyetlerin tamamına yakınını neredeyse ta ilkokuldan itibaren duyuyorduk. Hepsinin Suriye topraklarında cem olması da, Bilâdüşşâm'ın bereketine işaretti.

Quelle voiture avez-vous possédé? Avec Alexandra et Sébastien Boucher------------------------------------------------------------------Pour suivre FAF - http://fafhumoriste.comPour suivre Will - http://willpaq.comPATREON - http://yantheriault.com/PatreonDiscord - http://yantheriault.com/discordTwitter - http://yantheriault.com/twitterInstagram - http://yantheriault.com/instagramFacebook - http://yantheriault.com/facebook

Last time we spoke about the Battle of Taierzhuang. Following the fall of Nanjing in December 1937, the Second Sino-Japanese War entered a brutal phase of attrition as Japan sought to consolidate control and press toward central China. Chinese defense prioritized key rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Xuzhou, the JinPu and Longhai lines, and the Huai River system forming crucial lifelines. By early 1938, Japanese offensives aimed to link with forces around Beijing and Nanjing and encircle Chinese positions in the Central Yangtze region, threatening Wuhan. In response, Chiang Kai-shek fortified Xuzhou and expanded defenses to deter a pincer move, eventually amassing roughly 300,000 troops along strategic lines. Taierzhuang became a focal point when Japanese divisions attempted to press south and link with northern elements. Chinese commanders Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, Tang Enbo, and Sun Lianzhong coordinated to complicate Japanese plans through offensive-defensive actions, counterattacks, and encirclement efforts. The victory, though numerically costly, thwarted immediate Japanese objectives and foreshadowed further attritional struggles ahead.   #171 The Flooding of the Yellow River Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. We last left off with a significant event during the Xuzhou campaign. Three Japanese divisions under General Itagaki Seishiro moved south to attack Taierzhuang and were met by forces commanded by Li Zongren, Sun Lianzhong, and Tang Enbo, whose units possessed a decent amount of artillery. In a two-week engagement from March 22 to April 7, the battle devolved into a costly urban warfare. Fighting was vicious, often conducted in close quarters and at night. The urban environment negated Japanese advantages in armor and artillery, allowing Chinese forces to contend on equal terms. The Chinese also disrupted Japanese logistics by resupplying their own troops and severing rear supply lines, draining Japanese ammunition, supplies, and reinforcements. By April 7, the Japanese were compelled to retreat, marking the first Chinese victory of the war. However both sides suffered heavy losses, with around 20,000 casualties on each side. In the aftermath of this rare victory, Chiang Kai-Shek pushed Tang Enbo and Li Zongren to capitalize on their success and increased deployments in the Taierzhuang theater to about 450,000 troops. Yet the Chinese Army remained hampered by fundamental problems. The parochialism that had crippled Chiang's forces over the preceding months resurfaced. Although the generals had agreed to coordinate in a war of resistance, each still prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of Chiang's bid to consolidate power. Li Zongren, for example, did not deploy his top Guangxi provincial troops at Taierzhuang and sought to shift most of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's forces. Chiang's colleagues were mindful of the fates of Han Fuju of Shandong and Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria: Han was executed for refusing to fight, while Zhang, after allowing Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army, ended up under house arrest. They were right to distrust Chiang. He believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a unified national command, which he would lead. From a national-unity perspective, his aspiration was not unreasonable. But it fed suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would dilute their power. The divided nature of the command also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off. By late April the Chinese had reinforced the Xuzhou area to between 450,000-600,000 to capitalize on their victory. However these armies were plagued with command and control issues. Likewise the Japanese licked their wounds and reinforced the area to roughly 400,000, with fresh troops and supplies flowing in from Tianjin and Nanjing. The Japanese continued with their objective of encircling Chinese forces. The North China Area Army comprised four divisions and two infantry brigades drawn from the Kwantung Army, while the Central China Expeditionary Army consisted of three divisions and the 1st and 2nd Tank Battalions along with motorized support units. The 5th Tank Battalion supported the 3rd Infantry Division as it advanced north along the railway toward Xuzhou. Fighting to the west, east, and north of Xuzhou was intense, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. On 18 April, the Japanese advanced southward toward Pizhou. Tang Enbo's 20th Army Corps, together with the 2nd, 22nd, 46th, and 59th corps, resisted fiercely, culminating in a stalemate by the end of April. The 60th Corps of the Yunnan Army engaged the Japanese 10th Division at Yuwang Mountain for nearly a month, repelling multiple assaults. By the time it ceded its position to the Guizhou 140th Division and withdrew on 15 May, the corps had sustained losses exceeding half of its forces. Simultaneously, the Japanese conducted offensives along both banks of the Huai River, where Chinese defenders held out for several weeks. Nevertheless, Japanese artillery and aerial bombardment gradually tilted the balance, allowing the attackers to seize Mengcheng on 9 May and Hefei on 14 May. From there, the southern flank split into two parts: one force moved west and then north to cut off the Longhai Railway escape route from Xuzhou, while another division moved directly north along the railway toward Suxian, just outside Xuzhou. Simultaneously, to the north, Japanese units from north China massed at Jining and began moving south beyond Tengxian. Along the coast, an amphibious landing was made at Lianyungang to reinforce troops attacking from the east. The remaining portions of Taierzhuang were captured in May, a development symbolically significant to Tokyo. On 17 May, Japanese artillery further tightened the noose around Xuzhou, striking targets inside the city.  To preserve its strength, the Nationalist government ordered the abandonment of Xuzhou and directed its main forces to break out toward northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, and eastern Henan. To deter the Japanese army's rapid westward advance and penetration into northern Henan and western Shandong, many leading military and political figures within the Nationalist government proposed breaching dams over the Yellow River to delay the offensive, a strategy that would have been highly advantageous to the Nationalist forces at the time. Chiang Kai-shek vetoed the proposal outright, insisting that the Nationalist army could still resist. He understood that with tens of millions of Chinese lives at stake and a sliver of hope remaining, the levee plan must not be undertaken. Then a significant battle broke out at Lanfeng. Chiang also recognized that defeat could allow the elite Japanese mechanized divisions, the 14th, 16th, and 10th, to advance directly toward Zhengzhou. If Zhengzhou fell, the Japanese mechanized forces on the plains could advance unimpeded toward Tongguan. Their southward push would threaten Xi'an, Xiangfan, and Nanyang, directly jeopardizing the southwest's rear defenses. Concurrently, the Japanese would advance along the Huai River north of the Dabie Mountains toward Wuhan, creating a pincer with operations along the Yangtze River.  Now what followed was arguably the most important and skillful Chinese maneuver of the Xuzhou campaign: a brilliantly executed strategic retreat to the south and west across the Jinpu railway line. On May 15, Li Zongren, in consultation with Chiang Kai-shek, decided to withdraw from Xuzhou and focus on an escape plan. The evacuation of civilians and military personnel began that day. Li ordered troops to melt into the countryside and move south and west at night, crossing the Jinpu Railway and splitting into four groups that would head west. The plan was to regroup in the rugged Dabie Mountains region to the south and prepare for the defense of Wuhan. Li's generals departed reluctantly, having held out for so long; Tang Enbo was said to have wept. Under cover of night, about forty divisions, over 200,000 men, marched out of Japanese reach in less than a week. A critical moment occurred on May 18, when fog and a sandstorm obscured the retreating troops as they crossed the Jinpu Railway. By May 21, Li wired Chiang Kai-shek to report that the withdrawal was complete. He mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite units, such as the 74th Army, withdrawn from Xuzhou and transferred directly to Lanfeng, with a resolute intent to “burn their boats.” The force engaged the Japanese in a decisive battle at Lanfeng, aiming to secure the last line of defense for the Yellow River, a position carrying the lives of millions of Chinese civilians. Yet Chiang Kai-shek's strategy was not universally understood by all participating generals, who regarded it as akin to striking a rock with an egg. For the battle of Lanfeng the Chinese mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite forces, comprising 14 divisions totaling over 150,000 men. Among these, the 46th Division of the 27th Army, formerly the Central Training Brigade and the 36th, 88th, and 87th Divisions of the 71st Army were German-equipped. Additionally, the 8th Army, the Tax Police Corps having been reorganized into the Ministry of Finance's Anti-Smuggling Corps, the 74th Army, and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps, the new 1st Army, equipped with the 8th Division were elite Nationalist troops that had demonstrated strong performance in the battle of Shanghai and the battle of Nanjing, and were outfitted with advanced matériel. However, these so-called “elite” forces were heavily degraded during the campaigns in Shanghai and Nanjing. The 46th Division and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps sustained casualties above 85% in Nanjing, while the 88th and 87th Divisions suffered losses of up to 90%. The 74th Army and the 36th Division also endured losses exceeding 75%. Their German-made equipment incurred substantial losses; although replenishment occurred, inventories resembled roughly a half-German and half-Chinese mix. With very limited heavy weapons and a severe shortage of anti-tank artillery, they could not effectively match the elite Japanese regiments. Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps maintained its national equipment via a close relationship with Chiang Kai-shek. In contrast, the 74th Army, after fighting in Shanghai, Nanjing, and Xuzhou, suffered heavy casualties, and the few German weapons it had were largely destroyed at Nanjing, leaving it to rely on a mix of domestically produced and Hanyang-made armaments. The new recruits added to each unit largely lacked combat experience, with nearly half of the intake having received basic training. The hardest hit was Li Hanhun's 64th Army, established less than a year prior and already unpopular within the Guangdong Army. Although classified as one of the three Type A divisions, the 155th, 156th, and 187th Divisions, it was equipped entirely with Hanyang-made firearms. Its direct artillery battalion possessed only about 20 older mortars and three Type 92 infantry guns, limiting its heavy firepower to roughly that of a Japanese battalion. The 195th Division and several miscellaneous units were even less prominent, reorganized from local militias and lacking Hanyang rifles. Additionally, three batches of artillery purchased from the Soviet Union arrived in Lanzhou via Xinjiang between March and June 1938. Except for the 52nd Artillery Regiment assigned to the 200th Division, the other artillery regiments had recently received their weapons and were still undergoing training. The 200th Division, had been fighting awhile for in the Xuzhou area and incurred heavy casualties, was still in training and could only deploy its remaining tank battalion and armored vehicle company. The tank battalion was equipped with T-26 light tanks and a small number of remaining British Vickers tanks, while the armored vehicle company consisted entirely of Italian Fiat CV33 armored cars. The disparity in numbers was substantial, and this tank unit did not participate in the battle.  As for the Japanese, the 14th Division was an elite Type A formation. Originally organized with four regiments totaling over 30,000 men, the division's strength was later augmented. Doihara's 14th Division received supplements, a full infantry regiment and three artillery regiments, to prevent it from being surrounded and annihilated, effectively transforming the unit into a mobile reinforced division. Consequently, the division's mounted strength expanded to more than 40,000 personnel, comprising five infantry regiments and four artillery regiments. The four artillery regiments, the 24th Artillery Regiment, the 3rd Independence Mountain Artillery Regiment, the 5th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, and the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, possessed substantial heavy firepower, including 150mm heavy howitzers and 105mm long-range field cannons, placing them far in excess of the Nationalist forces at Lanfeng. In addition, both the 14th and later the 16th Divisions commanded tank regiments with nearly 200 light and medium tanks each, while Nationalist forces were markedly short of anti-tank artillery. At the same time, the Nationalist Air Force, though it had procured more than 200 aircraft of various types from the Soviet Union, remained heavily reliant on Soviet aid-to-China aircraft, amounting to over 100 machines, and could defend only a few cities such as Wuhan, Nanchang, and Chongqing. In this context, Japanese forces effectively dominated the Battle of Lanfeng. Moreover, reports indicate that the Japanese employed poison gas on the battlefield, while elite Nationalist troops possessed only a limited number of gas masks, creating a stark disparity in chemical warfare preparedness. Despite these disparities, Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government were initially unaware of the updated strength and composition of the Doihara Division. Faced with constrained options, Chiang chose to press ahead with combat operations. On May 12, 1939, after crossing the Yellow River, the IJA 14th Division continued its southward advance toward Lanfeng. The division's objective was to sever the Longhai Railway, disrupt the main Nationalist retreat toward Zhengzhou, and seize Zhengzhou itself. By May 15, the division split into two columns at Caoxian and moved toward key nodes on the Longhai Line. Major General Toyotomi Fusatarou led two infantry regiments, one cavalry regiment, and one artillery regiment in the main assault toward Kaocheng with the aim of directly capturing Lanfeng. Doihara led three infantry regiments and three artillery regiments toward Neihuang and Minquan, threatening Guide. In response, the Nationalist forces concentrated along the railway from Lanfeng to Guide, uniting Song Xilian's 71st Army, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army, Yu Jishi's 74th Army, Li Hanhun's 64th Army, and Huang Jie's 8th Army. From May 15 to 17, the Fengjiu Brigade, advancing toward Lanfeng, met stubborn resistance near Kaocheng from roughly five divisions under Song Xilian and was forced to shift its effort toward Yejigang and Neihuang. The defense near Neihuang, including Shen Ke's 106th Division and Liang Kai's 195th Division, ultimately faltered, allowing Doihara's division to seize Neihuang, Yejigang, Mazhuangzhai, and Renheji. Nevertheless, the Nationalist forces managed to contain the Japanese advance east and west of the area, preventing a complete encirclement. Chiang Kai-shek ordered Cheng Qian, commander-in-chief of the 1st War Zone, to encircle and annihilate the Japanese 14th Division. The deployment plan mapped three routes: the Eastern Route Army, under Li Hanhun, would include the 74th Army, the 155th Division of the 64th Army, a brigade of the 88th Division, and a regiment of the 87th Division, advancing westward from Guide); the Western Route Army, commanded by Gui Yongqing, would comprise the 27th Army, the 71st Army, the 61st Division, and the 78th Division, advancing eastward from Lanfeng; and the Northern Route Army, formed by Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Army and Shang Zhen's 20th Army, was to cut off the enemy's retreat to the north bank of the Yellow River near Dingtao, Heze, Dongming, and Kaocheng, while attacking the Doihara Division from the east, west, and north to annihilate it in a single decisive operation.  On May 21, the Nationalist Army mounted a full-scale offensive. Yu Jishi's 74th Army, commanded by Wang Yaowu's 51st Division, joined a brigade of Song Xilian's 71st Army, led by the 88th Division, and drove the Japanese forces at Mazhuangzhai into retreat, capturing Neihuang and Renheji. The main Japanese force, more than 6,000 strong, withdrew southwest to Yangjiji and Shuangtaji. Song Xilian, commanding Shen Fazao's 87th Division, launched a sharp assault on Yejigang (Yifeng). The Japanese abandoned the stronghold, but their main body continued advancing toward Yangjiji, with some units retreating to Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. On May 23, Song Xilian's 71st Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army enveloped and annihilated enemy forces at Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. That evening they seized Ximaoguzhai, Yangzhuang, and Helou, eliminating more than a thousand Japanese troops. The Japanese troops at Donggangtou fled toward Lanfeng. Meanwhile, Gui Yongqing's forces were retreating through Lanfeng. His superior strength, Jiang Fusheng's 36th Division, Li Liangrong's 46th Division, Zhong Song's 61st Division, Li Wen's 78th Division, Long Muhan's 88th Division, and Shen Ke's 106th Division—had held defensive positions along the Lanfeng–Yangji line. Equipped with a tank battalion and armored vehicle company commanded by Qiu Qingquan, they blocked the enemy's westward advance and awaited Japanese exhaustion. However, under the Japanese offensive, Gui Yongqing's poor command led to the loss of Maji and Mengjiaoji, forcing the 27th Army to retreat across its entire front. Its main force fled toward Qixian and Kaifeng. The Japanese seized the opportunity to capture Quxingji, Luowangzhai, and Luowang Railway Station west of Lanfeng. Before retreating, Gui Yongqing ordered Long Muhan to dispatch a brigade to replace the 106th Division in defending Lanfeng, while he directed the 106th Division to fall back to Shiyuan. Frightened by the enemy, Long Muhan unilaterally withdrew his troops on the night of the 23rd, leaving Lanfeng undefended. On the 24th, Japanese troops advancing westward from Donggangtou entered Lanfeng unopposed and, relying on well-fortified fortifications, held their ground until reinforcements arrived. In the initial four days, the Nationalist offensive failed to overwhelm the Japanese, who escaped encirclement and annihilation. The four infantry and artillery regiments and one cavalry regiment on the Japanese side managed to hold the line along Lanfeng, Luowangzhai, Sanyizhai, Lanfengkou, Quxingji, Yang'erzhai, and Chenliukou on the south bank of the Yellow River, offering stubborn resistance. The Longhai Railway was completely cut off. Chiang Kai-shek, furious upon hearing the news while stationed in Zhengzhou, ordered the execution of Long Muhan, commander of the 88th Division, to restore military morale. He also decided to consolidate Hu Zongnan's, Li Hanhun's, Yu Jishi's, Song Xilian's, and Gui Yongqing's troops into the 1st Corps, with Xue Yue as commander-in-chief. On the morning of May 25, they launched a determined counterattack on Doihara's 14th Division. Song Xilian personally led the front lines on May 24 to rally the defeated 88th Division.  Starting on May 25, after three days of intense combat, Li Hanhun's 64th Army advanced to seize Luowang Station and Luowangzhai, while Song Xilian's 71st Army retook Lanfeng City, temporarily reopening the Longhai Line to traffic. At Sanyi Village, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army captured a series of outlying positions, including Yang'eyao, Chailou, Cailou, Hezhai, Xuelou, and Baowangsi. Despite these gains, more than 6,000 Japanese troops offered stubborn resistance. During the fighting, Ji Hongru, commander of the 302nd Regiment, was seriously wounded but continued to fight, shouting, “Don't worry about my death! Brothers, fight on!” He ultimately died a heroic death from his wounds. By May 27, Chiang Kai-shek, concerned that the forces had not yet delivered a decisive victory at Lanfeng, personally reprimanded the participating generals and ordered them to completely encircle and annihilate the enemy west of Lanfeng by the following day. He warned that if the opportunity was missed and Japanese reinforcements arrived, the position could be endangered. The next day, Chiang Kai-shek issued another telegram, urging Cheng Qian's First War Zone and all participating units to press the offensive. The telegram allegedly had this in it “It will forever be a laughingstock in the history of warfare.” Meanwhile on the other side, to prevent the annihilation of Doihara's 14th Division, the elite Japanese 16th Division and the 3rd Mixed Brigade, totaling over 40,000 men, launched a westward assault from Dangshan, capturing Yucheng on May 26. They then began probing the outskirts of Guide. Huang Jie's Eighth Army, responsible for the defense, withdrew to the outskirts of Guide that evening. On May 28, Huang Jie again led his troops on his own initiative, retreating to Liuhe and Kaifeng, leaving only the 187th Division to defend Zhuji Station and Guide City. At dawn on May 29, Peng Linsheng, commander of the 187th Division, also withdrew his troops, leaving Guide a deserted city. The Japanese occupied Guide without a fight. The loss of Guide dramatically shifted the tide of the war. Threatened on the flanks by the Japanese 16th Division, the Nationalist forces were forced onto the defensive. On May 28, the Japanese 14th Division concentrated its forces to counterattack Gui Yongqing's troops, but they were defeated again, allowing the Japanese to stabilize their position. At the same time, the fall of Shangqiu compelled Xue Yue's corps to withdraw five divisions to block the enemy in Shangqiu, and the Nationalist Army shifted to a defensive posture with the 14th Division holding Sanyizhai and Quxingji. To the north of the battlefield, the Japanese 4th Mixed Brigade, numbering over 10,000 men, was preparing to force a crossing of the Yellow River in order to join with the nearby 14th Division. More seriously, the 10th Division, together with its 13th Mixed Brigade and totaling more than 40,000 men, had captured Woyang and Bozhou on the Henan-Anhui border and was rapidly encircling eastern Henan. By the time of the Battle of Lanfeng, Japanese forces had deployed more than 100,000 troops, effectively surrounding the Nationalist army. On May 31, the First War Zone decided to withdraw completely, and the Battle of Lanfeng ended in defeat for the Nationalists, forcing Chiang Kai-shek to authorize diverting the Yellow River embankment to relieve pressure. The consequence was a deteriorating strategic situation, as encirclement tightened and reinforcement options dwindled, driving a retreat from the Lanfeng front. The National Army suffered more than 67,000 casualties, killed and wounded more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers, Lanfeng was lost, and Zhengzhou was in danger.  As in Nanjing, this Chinese army might have lived to fight another day, but the effect on Xuzhou itself was horrific. The city had endured Japanese bombardment since August 1937, and the population's mood swung between cautious hope and utter despair. In March, Du Zhongyuan visited Xuzhou. Before he left Wuhan, friends told him that “the city was desolate and the people were terrified, all the inhabitants of Xuzhou were quietly getting on with their business … sometimes it was even calmer than Wuhan.” The Australian journalist Rhodes Farmer recalled a similar image in a book published at war's end, noting the “ordinary townsfolk who became wardens, fire-fighters and first-aid workers during the raid and then went back to their civil jobs.” Yet the mid-May departure of Nationalist troops left the city and its outskirts at the mercy of an angry Imperial Army. Bombing continued through the final days of battle, and a single raid on May 14, 1938 killed 700 people. Around Xuzhou, buildings and bridges were destroyed—some by retreating Chinese forces, some by advancing Japanese troops. Taierzhuang, the scene of the earlier iconic defense, was utterly destroyed. Canadian Jesuits who remained in Xuzhou after its fall recorded that more than a third of the houses were razed, and most of the local population had fled in terror. In rural areas around the city, massacres were repeatedly reported, many witnessed by missionaries. Beyond the atrocities of the Japanese, locals faced banditry in the absence of law enforcement, and vital agricultural work such as planting seed ground to a halt. The loss of Xuzhou was both strategic and symbolic. It dealt a severe blow to Chiang's attempt to hold central China and to control regional troop movements. Morale, which Taierzhuang had briefly boosted, was battered again though not extinguished. The fall signaled that the war would be long, and that swift victory against Japan was no longer likely. Mao Zedong's Yan'an base, far to the northwest, grasped the meaning of defeat there. In May 1938 he delivered one of his most celebrated lectures, “On Protracted War,” chiding those who had over-optimistically claimed the Xuzhou campaign could be a quasi-decisive victory and arguing that, after Taierzhuang, some had become “giddy.” Mao insisted that China would ultimately prevail, yet he warned that it could not be won quickly, and that the War of Resistance would be protracted. In the meantime, the development of guerrilla warfare remained an essential piece of the long-term strategy that the Communist armies would pursue in north China. Yet the loss of Xuzhou did not necessarily portend a long war; it could, instead, presage a war that would be terrifyingly short. By spring 1938 the Chinese defenders were desperate. There was a real danger that the entire war effort could collapse, and the Nationalist governments' notable success as protectors of a shrinking “Free China” lay in avoiding total disaster. Government propaganda had successfully portrayed a plan beyond retreat to foreign observers, yet had Tokyo captured Wuhan in the spring, the Chinese Army would have had to withdraw at speed, reinforcing perceptions of disintegration. Western governments were unlikely to intervene unless convinced it was in their interests. Within the Nationalist leadership, competing instincts persisted. The government pursued welfare measures for the people in the midst of a massive refugee relief effort, the state and local organizations, aided by the International Red Cross, housed large numbers of refugees in 1937–1938. Yet there was a harsher strain within policy circles, with some officials willing to sacrifice individual lives for strategic or political ends as the Japanese threat intensified. Throughout central China, the Yellow River, China's “Sorrow”, loomed as the dominant geographic force shaping history. The loess-laden river, notorious for floods and shifting channels, was banked by massive dikes near Zhengzhou, exactly along the line the Japanese would traverse toward Wuhan. Using the river as a military instrument was discussed as a drastic option: Chiang and Cheng Qian's First War Zone contemplated diverting or breaching the dikes to halt or slow the Japanese advance, a measure that could buy time but would unleash enormous civilian suffering. The idea dated back to 1887 floods that cost hundreds of thousands of lives, and even in 1935 Alexander von Falkenhausen had warned that the Yellow River could become the final line of defense. In 1938 Chiang, recognizing the futility of defeating the Japanese by conventional means at Zhengzhou, considered unleashing the river's force if necessary to impede the invaders. The political and strategic calculus was stark: protect central China and Wuhan, even if it required drastic and morally fraught measures. A more humane leader might have hesitated to break the dikes and spare the dams, allowing the Japanese to take Wuhan. But Chiang Kai-shek believed that if the dikes were not breached and Wuhan fell within days, the Nationalist government might be unable to relocate to Chongqing in time and would likely surrender, leaving Japan in control of almost all of China. Some have compared the choice to France's surrender in June 1940, underscoring that Chiang's decision came during the country's most terrifying assault, with Chinese forces much weaker and less trained than their European counterparts. The dilemma over whether to break the Yellow River dikes grew out of desperation. Chiang ultimately ordered General Wei Rulin to blow the dike that held the Yellow River in central Henan. There was no doubt about the consequences: floods would inundate vast areas of central China, creating a waterlogged barrier that would halt the Japanese advance. Yet for the plan to succeed, it had to be carried out quickly, and the government could offer no public warning in case the Japanese detected it and accelerated their movement. Xiong Xianyu, chief of staff in the 8th Division at the time, recorded the urgency of those hours in his diary. The Japanese were already on the north bank of the Yellow River, briefly delayed when the Chinese army blew up the railway bridge across the river. The destruction of the dikes was the next step: if the area became a sea of mud, there would be no way the Japanese could even attempt to reconstruct the bridge. Blasting the dikes proved easier in theory than in practice. Holding back such a massive body of water required substantial engineering, dams thick and well fortified. The army made its first attempts to blow the dike at the small town of Zhaokou between June 4 and 6, 1938, but the structure proved too durable; another nearby attempt failed as well. Hour by hour, the Japanese moved closer. Division commander Jiang Zaizhen asked Xiong Xianyu for his opinion on where they might breach the dams. Xiong wrote “I discussed the topography, and said that two places, Madukou and Huayuankou, were both possible.” But Madukou was too close to Zhaokou, where the breach had already failed, presenting a danger that the Japanese might reach it very soon. The village of Huayuankou, however, lay farther away and on a bend in the river: “To give ourselves enough time, Huayuankou would be best.” At first, the soldiers treated the task as a military engineering assignment, an “exciting” one in Xiong's words. Xiong and Wei Rulin conducted their first site inspection after dark, late on June 6. The surroundings offered a deceptive calm: Xiong recounted “The wind blew softly, and the river water trickled pleasantly.” Yet gauging the water level proved difficult, hampered by murky moonlight and burned-out flashlights. They spent the night in their car to determine precisely where to break the dike as soon as day broke. But daylight seemed to bring home the consequences of what they planned to do, and the soldiers grew increasingly anxious. Wang Songmei, commander of the 2nd Regiment, addressed the workers about to breach the dike: “My brothers, this plan will be of benefit to our country and our nation, and will lessen the harm that is being done to the people.In the future, you'll find good wives and have plenty of children.” Wang's words were meant to reassure the men of the political necessity of their actions and that fate would not, in the traditional Chinese sense, deny them a family because of the enormity of their deeds. General Wei confirmed that Huayuankou was the right spot, and on June 8 the work began, with about 2,000 men taking part. The Nationalist government was eager to ensure rapid progress. Xiong recorded that the “highest authorities”,, kept making telephone calls from Wuhan to check on progress. In addition, the party sent performers to sing and play music to bolster the workers' spirits. Senior General Shang Zhen announced to the laborers that if they breached the dam by midnight on June 8, each would receive 2,000 yuan; if they achieved it by six the next morning, they would still be paid 1,000 yuan. They needed encouragement, for the diggers had no artificial assistance. After the initial failures at Zhaokou, Wei's troops relied entirely on manual labor, with no explosives used. Yet the workers earned their payments, and the dike was breached in just a few hours. On the morning of June 9, Xiong recorded a rapid shift in mood: the atmosphere became tense and solemn. Initially, the river flow was modest, but by about 1:00 p.m. the water surged “fiercely,” flowing “like 10,000 horses.” Looking toward the distance, Xiong felt as though a sea had appeared before him. “My heart ached,” he wrote. The force of the water widened the breach, and a deadly stream hundreds of feet wide comprising about three-quarters of the river's volume—rushed southeast across the central Chinese plains. “We did this to stop the enemy,” Xiong reflected, “so we didn't regret the huge sacrifice, as it was for a greater victory.” Yet he and the other soldiers also saw a grim reality: the troops who had taken on the task of destroying the railway bridge and the dikes could not bear the flood's consequences alone. It would be up to the government and the people of the nation to provide relief for the countless households uprooted by the flood. In fact, the previous evening Commander Jiang had telephoned to request assistance for those flooded out of their homes.   Wei, Xiong, and their troops managed to escape by wooden boats. Hundreds of thousands of farmers trapped in the floods were far less fortunate. Time magazine's correspondent Theodore White reported on the devastation a few days later “Last week “The Ungovernable” [i.e. the Yellow River] lashed out with a flood which promised to change not only its own course but also the course of the whole Sino-Japanese War. Severe breaks in the dikes near Kaifeng sent a five-foot wall of water fanning out over a 500-squaremile area, spreading death. Toll from Yellow River floods is not so much from quick drowning as from gradual disease and starvation. The river's filth settles ankle-deep on the fields, mothering germs, smothering crops. Last week, about 500,000 peasants were driven from 2,000 communities to await rescue or death on whatever dry ground they could find”. Chiang's government had committed one of the grossest acts of violence against its own people, and he knew that the publicity could be a damaging blow to its reputation. He decided to divert blame by announcing that the dike had been broken, but blaming the breach on Japanese aerial bombing. The Japanese, in turn, fiercely denied having bombed the dikes. White's reporting reflected the immediate response of most foreigners; having heard about the atrocities at Nanjing and Xuzhou, he was disinclined to give the Japanese the benefit of the doubt. Furthermore, at the very time that the Yellow River was flooding central China, the Japanese were heavily bombing Guangzhou, causing thousands of casualties. To White, the Japanese counterargument—that the Chinese themselves were responsible, seemed unthinkable: “These accusations, foreign observers thought, were absurd. For the Chinese to check the Japanese advance at possible sacrifice of half a million lives would be a monstrous pyrrhic victory. Besides, dike-cutting is the blackest of Chinese crimes, and the Chinese Army would hardly risk universal censure for slight tactical gains.” But, of course, that is exactly what they had done. During the war the Nationalists never admitted that they, not the Japanese, had breached the dikes. But the truth quickly became widely known. Just a month later, on July 19, US Ambassador Johnson noted, in private communication, that the “Chinese blocked the advance on Chengchow [Zhengzhou] by breaching the Yellow River dikes.” Eventually some 54,000 square kilometers of central China were inundated by the floods. If the Japanese had committed such an act, it would have been remembered as the prime atrocity of the war, dwarfing even the Nanjing Massacre or the Chongqing air raids in terms of the number of people who suffered. Accurate statistics were impossible to obtain in the midst of wartime chaos and disaster, but in 1948 figures issued by the Nationalists themselves suggested enormous casualties: for the three affected provinces of Henan, Anhui, and Jiangsu, the number of dead was put at 844,489, with some 4.8 million becoming refugees. More recent studies place the numbers lower, but still estimate the dead at around 500,000, and 3–5 million refugees. In contrast, the devastating May 1939 air raids on Chongqing killed some thousands. Xiong reflected in his diary that the breaching of the Yellow River dikes was a sacrifice for a greater victory. Even to some Japanese it seemed that the tactic had been successful in the short term: the first secretary at the US Embassy in Wuhan reported that the flood had “completely checked the Japanese advance on Chengchow” and had prevented them taking Wuhan by rail. Instead, he predicted, the attack was likely to come by water and along the north shore of the Yangtze. Supporters of the dike breaches could argue that these acts saved central China and Chiang's headquarters in Wuhan for another five months. The Japanese were indeed prevented from advancing along the Long–Hai railway toward Wuhan. In the short term the floods did what the Nationalists wanted. But the flooding was a tactic, a breathing space, and did not solve the fundamental problem: China's armies needed strong leadership and rapid reform. Some historians suggest that Chiang's decision was pointless anyway, since it merely delayed the inevitable. Theodore White was right: no strategic advantage could make the deaths of 500,000 of China's own people a worthwhile price to pay. However, Chiang Kai-shek's decision can be partly explained, though not excused, by the context. We can now look back at the actions of the Nationalists and argue that they should not have held on to Wuhan, or that their actions in breaching the dam were unjustifiable in the extreme. But for Chiang, in the hot summer of 1938, it seemed his only hope was to deny Japan as much of China for as long as possible and create the best possible circumstances for a long war from China's interior, while keeping the world's attention on what Japan was doing. The short delay won by the flooding was itself part of the strategy. In the struggle raging within the soul of the Nationalist Party, the callous, calculating streak had won, for the time being. The breaking of the dikes marked a turning point as the Nationalists committed an act whose terrible consequences they would eventually have to expiate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In late 1937, China's frontline trembled as Japanese forces closed in on Wuhan. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: endure costly defenses or unleash a desperate gamble. Chiangs' radical plan emerged: breach the Yellow River dikes at Huayuankou to flood central China, buying time. The flood roared, washing villages and futures away, yet slowing the enemy. The battlefield paused, while a nation weighed courage against civilian suffering, victory against devastating costs.

In 1906, the mutilated body of young sales clerk James Logan was discovered on Southern California's grandest resort hotel, The Raymond. When an African American tailor was accused of the crime, the city's allegiances split. Half of the city of Pasadena wanted the man condemned to death, but the other half fought to save him, believing he had been framed.Sources:Biery, Bryan. “The Princes: Pasadena's Regal Family.” Colorado Boulevard Newspaper. 12 March, 2024. https://www.coloradoboulevard.net/the-princes-pasadenas-regal-family/Lindquist, Heather. “‘Exploring Pasadena's Past'- The Heart of Pasadena's Communities of Color.” Pasadena Museum of History. 18 June, 2022. https://pasadenahistory.org/exploring-pasadenas-past-the-heart-of-pasadenas-communities-of-color/Liu, Yan. “A full moon in another land: The Moon Bridge in the Japanese garden of the Huntington Library.” Frontiers of Architectural Research Vol. 9 Iss. 3, September 2020. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2095263520300182#abs0010Most of this episode consists of original research, drawn from the newspapers listed below.Newspapers: California EagleLiberator (Los Angeles)Long Beach TribuneLos Angeles Evening ExpressLos Angeles Evening Post RecordLos Angeles HeraldLos Angeles TimesPasadena Star NewsPasadena PostSacramento Daily UnionSan Francisco Daily CallSouth PasadenanSouth Pasadena RecordMusic: Edvard Grieg's 1906 'Butterfly' is this episode's background music. Credits to Holizna, Fesilyan Studios & Virginia Liston. For more information, visit www.oldbloodpodcast.com

WhoAlan Henceroth, President and Chief Operating Officer of Arapahoe Basin, Colorado – Al runs the best ski area-specific executive blog in America – check it out:Recorded onMay 19, 2025About Arapahoe BasinClick here for a mountain stats overviewOwned by: Alterra Mountain Company, which also owns:Pass access* Ikon Pass: unlimited* Ikon Base Pass: unlimited access from opening day to Friday, Dec. 19, then five total days with no blackouts from Dec. 20 until closing day 2026Base elevation* 10,520 feet at bottom of Steep Gullies* 10,780 feet at main baseSummit elevation* 13,204 feet at top of Lenawee Mountain on East Wall* 12,478 feet at top of Lazy J Tow (connector between Lenawee Express six-pack and Zuma quad)Vertical drop* 1,695 feet lift-served – top of Lazy J Tow to main base* 1,955 feet lift-served, with hike back up to lifts – top of Lazy J Tow to bottom of Steep Gullies* 2,424 feet hike-to – top of Lenawee Mountain to Main BaseSkiable Acres: 1,428Average annual snowfall:* Claimed: 350 inches* Bestsnow.net: 308 inchesTrail count: 147 – approximate terrain breakdown: 24% double-black, 49% black, 20% intermediate, 7% beginnerLift count: 9 (1 six-pack, 1 high-speed quad, 3 fixed-grip quads, 1 double, 2 carpets, 1 ropetow)Why I interviewed himWe can generally splice U.S. ski centers into two categories: ski resort and ski area. I'll often use these terms interchangeably to avoid repetition, but they describe two very different things. The main distinction: ski areas rise directly from parking lots edged by a handful of bunched utilitarian structures, while ski resorts push parking lots into the next zipcode to accommodate slopeside lodging and commerce.There are a lot more ski areas than ski resorts, and a handful of the latter present like the former, with accommodations slightly off-hill (Sun Valley) or anchored in a near-enough town (Bachelor). But mostly the distinction is clear, with the defining question being this: is this a mountain that people will travel around the world to ski, or one they won't travel more than an hour to ski?Arapahoe Basin occupies a strange middle. Nothing in the mountain's statistical profile suggests that it should be anything other than a Summit County locals hang. It is the 16th-largest ski area in Colorado by skiable acres, the 18th-tallest by lift-served vertical drop, and the eighth-snowiest by average annual snowfall. The mountain runs just six chairlifts and only two detachables. Beginner terrain is limited. A-Basin has no base area lodging, and in fact not much of a base area at all. Altitude, already an issue for the Colorado ski tourist, is amplified here, where the lifts spin from nearly 11,000 feet. A-Basin should, like Bridger Bowl in Montana (upstream from Big Sky) or Red River in New Mexico (across the mountain from Taos) or Sunlight in Colorado (parked between Aspen and I-70), be mostly unknown beside its heralded big-name neighbors (Keystone, Breck, Copper).And it sort of is, but also sort of isn't. Like tiny (826-acre) Aspen Mountain, A-Basin transcends its statistical profile. Skiers know it, seek it, travel for it, cross it off their lists like a snowy Eiffel Tower. Unlike Aspen, A-Basin has no posse of support mountains, no grided downtown spilling off the lifts, no Kleenex-level brand that stands in for skiing among non-skiers. And yet Vail tried buying the bump in 1997, and Alterra finally did in 2024. Meanwhile, nearby Loveland, bigger, taller, snowier, higher, easier to access with its trip-off-the-interstate parking lots, is still ignored by tourists and conglomerates alike.Weird. What explains A-Basin's pull? Onetime and future Storm guest Jackson Hogen offers, in his Snowbird Secrets book, an anthropomorphic explanation for that Utah powder dump's aura: As it turns out, everyone has a story for how they came to discover Snowbird, but no one knows the reason. Some have the vanity to think they picked the place, but the wisest know the place picked them.That is the secret that Snowbird has slipped into our subconscious; deep down, we know we were summoned here. We just have to be reminded of it to remember, an echo of the Platonic notion that all knowledge is remembrance. In the modern world we are so divorced from our natural selves that you would think we'd have lost the power to hear a mountain call us. And indeed we have, but such is the enormous reach of this place that it can still stir the last seed within us that connects us to the energy that surrounds us every day yet we do not see. The resonance of that tiny, vibrating seed is what brings us here, to this extraordinary place, to stand in the heart of the energy flow.Yeah I don't know, Man. We're drifting into horoscope territory here. But I also can't explain why we all like to do This Dumb Thing so much that we'll wrap our whole lives around it. So if there is some universe force, what Hogen calls “vibrations” from Hidden Peak's quartz, drawing skiers to Snowbird, could there also be some proton-kryptonite-laserbeam s**t sucking us all toward A-Basin? If there's a better explanation, I haven't found it.What we talked aboutThe Beach; keeping A-Basin's whole ski footprint open into May; Alterra buys the bump – “we really liked the way Alterra was doing things… and letting the resorts retain their identity”; the legacy of former owner Dream; how hardcore, no-frills ski area A-Basin fits into an Alterra portfolio that includes high-end resorts such as Deer Valley and Steamboat; “you'd be surprised how many people from out of state ski here too”; Ikon as Colorado sampler pack (or not); local reaction to Alterra's purchase – “I think it's fair that there was anxiety”; balancing the wild ski cycle of over-the-top peak days and soft periods; parking reservations; going unlimited on the full Ikon Pass and how parking reservations play in – “we spent a ridiculous amount of time talking about it”; the huge price difference between Epic and Ikon and how that factors into the access calculus; why A-Basin still sells a single-mountain season pass; whether reciprocal partnerships with Monarch and Silverton will remain in place; “I've been amazed at how few things I've been told to do” by Alterra; A-Basin's dirt-cheap early-season pass; why early season is “a more competitive time” than it used to be; why A-Basin left Mountain Collective; Justice Department anti-trust concerns around Alterra's A-Basin purchase – “it never was clear to me what the concerns were”; breaking down A-Basin's latest U.S. Forest Service masterplan – “everything in there, we hope to do”; a parking lot pulse gondola and why that makes sense over shuttles; why A-Basin plans a two-lift system of beginner machines; why should A-Basin care about beginner terrain?; is beginner development is related to Ikon Pass membership?; what it means that the MDP designs for 700 more skiers per day; assessing the Lenawee Express sixer three seasons in; why A-Basin sold the old Lenawee lift to independent Sunlight, Colorado; A-Basin's patrol unionizing; and 100 percent renewable energy.What I got wrong* I said that A-Basin was the only mountain that had been caught up in antitrust issues, but that's inaccurate: when S-K-I and LBO Enterprises merged into American Skiing Company in 1996, the U.S. Justice Department compelled the combined company to sell Cranmore and Waterville Valley, both in New Hampshire. Waterville Valley remains independent. Cranmore stayed independent for a while, and has since 2010 been owned by Fairbank Group, which also owns Jiminy Peak in Massachusetts and operates Bromley, Vermont.* I said that A-Basin's $259 early-season pass, good for unlimited access from opening day through Dec. 25, “was like one day at Vail,” which is sort of true and sort of not. Vail Mountain's day-of lift ticket will hit $230 from Nov. 14 to Dec. 11, then increase to $307 or $335 every day through Christmas. All Resorts Epic Day passes, which would get skiers on the hill for any of those dates, currently sell for between $106 and $128 per day. Unlimited access to Vail Mountain for that full early-season period would require a full Epic Pass, currently priced at $1,121.* This doesn't contradict anything we discussed, but it's worth noting some parking reservations changes that A-Basin implemented following our conversation. Reservations will now be required on weekends only, and from Jan. 3 to May 3, a reduction from 48 dates last winter to 36 for this season. The mountain will also allow skiers to hold four reservations at once, doubling last year's limit of two.Why now was a good time for this interviewOne of the most striking attributes of modern lift-served skiing is how radically different each ski area is. Panic over corporate hegemony power-stamping each child mountain into snowy McDonald's clones rarely survives past the parking lot. Underscoring the point is neighboring ski areas, all over America, that despite the mutually intelligible languages of trail ratings and patrol uniforms and lift and snowgun furniture, and despite sharing weather patterns and geologic origins and local skier pools, feel whole-cut from different eras, cultures, and imaginations. The gates between Alta and Snowbird present like connector doors between adjoining hotel rooms but actualize as cross-dimensional Mario warpzones. The 2.4-mile gondola strung between the Alpine Meadows and Olympic sides of Palisades Tahoe may as well connect a baseball stadium with an opera house. Crossing the half mile or so between the summits of Sterling at Smugglers' Notch and Spruce Peak at Stowe is a journey of 15 minutes and five decades. And Arapahoe Basin, elder brother of next-door Keystone, resembles its larger neighbor like a bat resembles a giraffe: both mammals, but of entirely different sorts. Same with Sugarbush and Mad River Glen, Vermont; Sugar Bowl, Donner Ski Ranch, and Boreal, California; Park City and Deer Valley, Utah; Killington and Pico, Vermont; Highlands and Nub's Nob, Michigan; Canaan Valley and Timberline and Nordic-hybrid White Grass, West Virginia; Aspen's four Colorado ski areas; the three ski areas sprawling across Mt. Hood's south flank; and Alpental and its clump of Snoqualmie sisters across the Washington interstate. Proximity does not equal sameness.One of The Storm's preoccupations is with why this is so. For all their call-to-nature appeal, ski areas are profoundly human creations, more city park than wildlife preserve. They are sculpted, managed, manicured. Even the wildest-feeling among them – Mount Bohemia, Silverton, Mad River Glen – are obsessively tended to, ragged by design.A-Basin pulls an even neater trick: a brand curated for rugged appeal, scaffolded by brand-new high-speed lifts and a self-described “luxurious European-style bistro.” That the Alterra Mountain Company-owned, megapass pioneer floating in the busiest ski county in the busiest ski state in America managed to retain its rowdy rap even as the onetime fleet of bar-free double chairs toppled into the recycling bin is a triumph of branding.But also a triumph of heart. A-Basin as Colorado's Alta or Taos or Palisades is a title easily ceded to Telluride or Aspen Highlands, similarly tilted high-alpiners. But here it is, right beside buffed-out Keystone, a misunderstood mountain with its own wild side but a fair-enough rap as an approachable landing zone for first-time Rocky Mountain explorers westbound out of New York or Ohio. Why are A-Basin and Keystone so different? The blunt drama of A-Basin's hike-in terrain helps, but it's more enforcer than explainer. The real difference, I believe, is grounded in the conductor orchestrating this mad dance.Since Henceroth sat down in the COO chair 20 years ago, Keystone has had nine president-general manager equivalents. A-Basin was already 61 years old in 2005, giving it a nice branding headstart on younger Keystone, born in 1970. But both had spent nearly two decades, from 1978 to 1997, co-owned by a dogfood conglomerate that often marketed them as one resort, and the pair stayed glued together on a multimountain pass for a couple of decades afterward.Henceroth, with support and guidance from the real-estate giant that owned A-Basin in the Ralston-Purina-to-Alterra interim, had a series of choices to make. A-Basin had only recently installed snowmaking. There was no lift access to Zuma Bowl, no Beavers. The lift system consisted of three double chairs and two triples. Did this aesthetic minimalism and pseudo-independence define A-Basin? Or did the mountain, shaped by the generations of leaders before Henceroth, hold some intangible energy and pull, that thing we recognize as atmosphere, culture, vibe? Would The Legend lose its duct-taped edge if it:* Expanded 400 mostly low-angle acres into Zuma Bowl (2007)* Joined Vail Resorts' Epic Pass (2009)* Installed the mountain's first high-speed lift (Black Mountain Express in 2010)* Expand 339 additional acres into the Beavers (2018), and service that terrain with an atypical-for-Colorado 1,501-vertical-foot fixed-grip lift* Exit the Epic Pass following the 2018-19 ski season* Immediately join Mountain Collective and Ikon as a multimountain replacement (2019)* Ditch a 21-year-old triple chair for the mountain's first high-speed six-pack (2022)* Sell to Alterra Mountain Company (2024)* Require paid parking reservations on high-volume days (2024)* Go unlimited on the Ikon Pass and exit Mountain Collective (2025)* Release an updated USFS masterplan that focuses largely on the novice ski experience (2025)That's a lot of change. A skier booted through time from Y2K to October 2025 would examine that list and conclude that Rad Basin had been tamed. But ski a dozen laps and they'd say well not really. Those multimillion upgrades were leashed by something priceless, something human, something that kept them from defining what the mountain is. There's some indecipherable alchemy here, a thing maybe not quite as durable as the mountain itself, but rooted deeper than the lift towers strung along it. It takes a skilled chemist to cook this recipe, and while they'll never reveal every secret, you can visit the restaurant as many times as you'd like.Why you should ski Arapahoe BasinWe could do a million but here are nine:1) $: Two months of early-season skiing costs roughly the same as A-Basin's neighbors charge for a single day. A-Basin's $259 fall pass is unlimited from opening day through Dec. 25, cheaper than a Dec. 20 day-of lift ticket at Breck ($281), Vail ($335), Beaver Creek ($335), or Copper ($274), and not much more than Keystone ($243). 2) Pali: When A-Basin tore down the 1,329-vertical-foot, 3,520-foot-long Pallavicini double chair, a 1978 Yan, in 2020, they replaced it with a 1,325-vertical-foot, 3,512-foot-long Leitner-Poma double chair. It's one of just a handful of new doubles installed in America over the past decade, underscoring a rare-in-modern-skiing commitment to atmosphere, experience, and snow preservation over uphill capacity. 3) The newest lift fleet in the West: The oldest of A-Basin's six chairlifts, Zuma, arrived brand-new in 2007.4) Wall-to-wall: when I flew into Colorado for a May 2025 wind-down, five ski areas remained open. Despite solid snowpack, Copper, Breck, and Winter Park all spun a handful of lifts on a constrained footprint. But A-Basin and Loveland still ran every lift, even over the Monday-to-Thursday timeframe of my visit.5) The East Wall: It's like this whole extra ski area. Not my deal as even skiing downhill at 12,500 feet hurts, but some of you like this s**t:6) May pow: I mean yeah I did kinda just get lucky but damn these were some of the best turns I found all year (skiing with A-Basin Communications Manager Shayna Silverman):7) The Beach: the best ski area tailgate in North America (sorry, no pet dragons allowed - don't shoot the messenger):8) The Beavers: Just glades and glades and glades (a little crunchy on this run, but better higher up and the following day):9) It's a ski area first: In a county of ski resorts, A-Basin is a parking-lots-at-the-bottom-and-not-much-else ski area. It's spare, sparse, high, steep, and largely exposed. Skiers are better at self-selecting than we suppose, meaning the ability level of the average A-Basin skier is more Cottonwoods than Connecticut. That impacts your day in everything from how the liftlines flow to how the bumps form to how many zigzaggers you have to dodge on the down.Podcast NotesOn the dates of my visit We reference my last A-Basin visit quite a bit – for context, I skied there May 6 and 7, 2025. Both nice late-season pow days.On A-Basin's long seasonsIt's surprisingly difficult to find accurate open and close date information for most ski areas, especially before 2010 or so, but here's what I could cobble together for A-Basin - please let me know if you have a more extensive list, or if any of this is wrong:On A-Basin's ownership timelineArapahoe Basin probably gets too much credit for being some rugged indie. Ralston-Purina, then-owners of Keystone, purchased A-Basin in 1978, then added Breckenridge to the group in 1993 before selling the whole picnic basket to Vail in 1997. The U.S. Justice Department wouldn't let the Eagle County operator have all three, so Vail flipped Arapahoe to a Canadian real estate empire, then called Dundee, some months later. That company, which at some point re-named itself Dream, pumped a zillion dollars into the mountain before handing it off to Alterra last year.On A-Basin leaving Epic PassA-Basin self-ejected from Epic Pass in 2019, just after Vail maxed out Colorado by purchasing Crested Butte and before they fully invaded the East with the Peak Resorts purchase. Arapahoe Basin promptly joined Mountain Collective and Ikon, swapping unlimited-access on four varieties of Epic Pass for limited-days products. Henceroth and I talked this one out during our 2022 pod, and it's a fascinating case study in building a better business by decreasing volume.On the price difference between Ikon and Epic with A-Basin accessConcerns about A-Basin hurdling back toward the overcrowded Epic days by switching to Ikon's unlimited tier tend to overlook this crucial distinction: Vail sold a 2018-19 version of the Epic Pass that included unlimited access to Keystone and A-Basin for an early-bird rate of $349. The full 2025-26 Ikon Pass debuted at nearly four times that, retailing for $1,329, and just ramped up to $1,519.On Alterra mountains with their own season passesWhile all Alterra-owned ski areas (with the exception of Deer Valley), are unlimited on the full Ikon Pass and nine are unlimited with no blackouts on Ikon Base, seven of those sell their own unlimited season pass that costs less than Base. The sole unlimited season pass for Crystal, Mammoth, Palisades Tahoe, Steamboat, Stratton, and Sugarbush is a full Ikon Pass, and the least-expensive unlimited season pass for Solitude is the Ikon Base. Deer Valley leads the nation with its $4,100 unlimited season pass. See the Alterra chart at the top of this article for current season pass prices to all of the company's mountains.On A-Basin and Schweitzer pass partnershipsAlterra has been pretty good about permitting its owned ski areas to retain historic reciprocal partners on their single-mountain season passes. For A-Basin, this means three no-blackout days at Monarch and two unguided days at Silverton. Up at Schweitzer, passholders get three midweek days each at Whitewater, Mt. Hood Meadows, Castle Mountain, Loveland, and Whitefish. None of these ski areas are on Ikon Pass, and the benefit is only stapled to A-Basin- or Schweitzer-specific season passes.On the Mountain Collective eventI talk about Mountain Collective as skiing's most exclusive country club. Nothing better demonstrates that characterization than this podcast I recorded at the event last fall, when in around 90 minutes I had conversations with the top leaders of Boyne Resorts, Snowbird, Aspen, Jackson Hole, Sun Valley, Snowbasin, Grand Targhee, and many more.On Mountain Collective and Ikon overlapThe Mountain Collective-Ikon overlap is kinda nutso:On Pennsylvania skiingIn regards to the U.S. Justice Department grilling Alterra on its A-Basin acquisition, it's still pretty stupid that the agency allowed Vail Resorts to purchase eight of the 19 public chairlift-served ski areas in Pennsylvania without a whisper of protest. These eight ski areas almost certainly account for more than half of all skier visits in a state that typically ranks sixth nationally for attendance. Last winter, the state's 2.6 million skier visits accounted for more days than vaunted ski states New Hampshire (2.4 million), Washington (2.3), Montana (2.2), Idaho (2.1). or Oregon (2.0). Only New York (3.4), Vermont (4.2), Utah (6.5), California (6.6), and Colorado (13.9) racked up more.On A-Basin's USFS masterplanNothing on the scale of Zuma or Beavers inbound, but the proposed changes would tap novice terrain that has always existed but never offered a good access point for beginners:On pulse gondolasA-Basin's proposed pulse gondola, should it be built, would be just the sixth such lift in America, joining machines at Taos, Northstar, Steamboat, Park City, and Snowmass. Loon plans to build a pulse gondola in 2026.On mid-mountain beginner centersBig bad ski resorts have attempted to amp up family appeal in recent years with gondola-serviced mid-mountain beginner centers, which open gentle, previously hard-to-access terrain to beginners. This was the purpose of mid-stations off Jackson Hole's Sweetwater Gondola and Big Sky's new-for-this-year Explorer Gondola. A-Basin's gondy (not the parking lot pulse gondola, but the one terminating at Sawmill Flats in the masterplan image above), would provide up and down lift access allowing greenies to lap the new detach quad above it.The Storm explores the world of lift-served skiing year-round. Join us. Get full access to The Storm Skiing Journal and Podcast at www.stormskiing.com/subscribe

Endelig er det fredag igjen, og det betyr en ny herlig time med de to distingverte herrer John og Yan.

How can we possibly be expected to trust settled climate science when we simply refuse to do so? BONUS EPISODES available on Patreon (https://www.patreon.com/deniersplaybook) SOCIALS & MORE (https://linktr.ee/deniersplaybook) CREDITS Created by: Rollie Williams, Nicole Conlan & Ben BoultHosts: Rollie Williams & Nicole ConlanExecutive Producer: Ben Boult Producers: Ben Boult & Gregory Haddock Editor: Gregory HaddockResearchers: Carly Rizzuto, Canute Haroldson & James CrugnaleArt: Jordan Doll Music: Tony Domenick Special Thanks: The Civil Liberties Defense CenterSOURCESBattle of Ideas 2015 | speaker | Martin Durkin. (n.d.). Archive.battleofideas.org.uk. Retrieved June 8, 2024British Thought Leaders. (2024, April 23). The Science Simply Does Not Support the Ridiculous Hysteria Around Climate At All: Martin Durkin. YouTube. Burns, D. (2024, April 11). Review of Climate: The Movie (The Cold Truth) reveals numerous, well-known misinformation talking points and inaccuracies - Science Feedback. Https://Science.feedback.org/. Claire Fox. (n.d.). Academy of Ideas. Retrieved June 11, 2024Clement, N. O., Michael E. Mann, Gernot Wagner, Don Wuebbles, Andrew Dessler, Andrea Dutton, Geoffrey Supran, Matthew Huber, Thomas Lovejoy, Ilissa Ocko, Peter C. Frumhoff, Joel. (2021, June 1). That “Obama Scientist” Climate Skeptic You've Been Hearing About ... Scientific American. Cook, J. (2019). Arguments from Global Warming Skeptics and what the science really says. Skeptical Science. Desmog. (n.d.). Willie Soon. DeSmog. Retrieved June 10, 2024Does Urban Heat Island effect exaggerate global warming trends? (2015, July 5). Skeptical Science. GOV.UK. (n.d.). FAST CAR FILMS LIMITED filing history - Find and update company information - GOV.UK. Find-And-Update.company-Information.service.gov.uk. Retrieved June 8, 2024Hayhoe, K. (2017, November 23). New rebuttal to the myth “climate scientists are in it for the money” courtesy of Katharine Hayhoe. Skeptical Science. Hayhoe, K. (2024, April). Katharine Hayhoe on LinkedIn: There's a new climate denial movie doing the rounds. In the first 42… | 54 comments. Www.linkedin.com. Hobbes, M. (2023, June 18). x.com. X (Formerly Twitter). Jaffe, E. (2011, October 25). Bloomberg - Are you a robot? Www.bloomberg.com. Kriss, S. (2016, May 12). “Brexit: the Movie” Reveals Why the Upper Classes Are So Excited About the Prospect of Leaving the EU. Vice. Lowenstein, A. M. (2024, March 21). A Green New Shine for a Tired Playbook. DeSmog. Martin Durkin. (n.d.). DeSmog. Retrieved June 8, 2024Mason, J., & BaerbelW. (2024, March 23). Climate - the Movie: a hot mess of (c)old myths! Skeptical Science. Overland, I., & Sovacool, B. K. (2020). The misallocation of climate research funding. Energy Research & Social Science, 62(62), 101349. Ramachandran, N. (2021, February 11). Asacha Media Group Takes Majority Stake in U.K.'s WAG Entertainment. Variety. Schmidt, G. (2023, September 6). RealClimate: As Soon as Possible. Www.realclimate.org. Sethi, P., & Ward, B. (2024, May 2). Fake graphs and daft conspiracy yarns in Durkin's latest propaganda film. Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment. Wag Entertainment. (n.d.). Wag. Wagentertainment.com. Retrieved June 8, 2024Weinersmith, Z. (2012, March 21). Saturday Morning Breakfast Cereal - 2012-03-21. Www.smbc-Comics.com. Westervelt, A. (2023, March 1). Fossil fuel companies donated $700m to US universities over 10 years. The Guardian. Wikipedia Contributors. (2019, December 3). William Happer. Wikipedia; Wikimedia Foundation. Yan, F. (2024, January 29). Fossil fuels fund Doerr School of Sustainability research, data shows. The Stanford Daily. MORE LINKSDurkin on Australian TV (1) -Global Warming Swindle Debate Pt1Durkin on Australian TV (2) -Global Warming Swindle Debate Pt2Prof. Hayhoe on How Research Funding Actually Works - Climate change, that's just a money grab by scientist... right?See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Earlier today, the R.S.S. Comic Sans returned safely to Earth after its slingshot voyage around the sun, making Yan and Nat the first — and last — podcast hosts to go to space. As the details of their mission are top secret, they'll instead spend today's press conference discussing the graphic novel "Through a Life" by Tom Haugomat, dissing AI art, and doing Charlton Heston impressions. Refreshments will be served. --- In this episode, Nat reads the entire graphic novel. Show notes and bibliography available here. If you enjoyed the show, consider supporting us on Patreon! You'll get access to the exclusive Comic Sans Aftershow, ad-free episodes, bonus content, and more. Tag us @comicsanspod on Instagram and Bluesky — we'd love to hear from you! --- 00:00 - Welcome to Season Four! 04:24 - Introducing "Through a Life" 12:31 - Nat's Five Words 14:36 - Discussion 53:21 - Yan's Final Questions 59:46 - Up Next on Comic Sans --- Comic Sans is an Andas Productions podcast hosted by Myle Yan Tay and Nathaniel Mah, produced by Scott Lee Chua and Roshan Singh Sambhi. Edited by Maddy Searle (audio) and Kit Ling Leong (video). Cover art by Isabel Fang. Motion graphics animation by Knikni Studio (Maryana Rudakova). And a huge thank you to the members of our Patreon Inner Circle: Eugene Choo, Melody Lau, and Smith Chua — your support makes this show possible! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

If you'd like to see full video of this and other episodes, join the Reel Notes Patreon at the Homie ($5/month) tier or higher. Each episode is also available to buy individually for $5 (BUY IT THROUGH A WEB BROWSER OR THE PATREON ANDROID APP, NOT VIA THE PATREON iOS APP. YOU'LL GET CHARGED EXTRA MONEY AND IT WILL TAKE LONGER TO PROCESS.) You also get early access to episodes, an invite to our Discord server, access to the Reel Talk movie night archives, and more!My guest this week is New Jersey-based playlist curator, Assistant Music Programmer for R&B and Lead Music Programmer for African & Caribbean music at Pandora, and co-creator and co-host of the Reasonable Dialogue podcast, Tatiana “Yan” Snead. We spoke about The Summer I Turned Pretty, the art of rewatching old movies, growing up in Jersey, her journey from aspiring singer to playlist curator to radio programmer, the music industry, and the creative process behind Reasonable Dialogue and her new solo podcast Raw Form. Come fuck with us.Reasonable Dialogue, featuring co-hosts DJ Miss Millan and Jazmine Kind, is available wherever you get your podcasts. Follow Reasonable Dialogue on Twitter (@RsnbleDialogue) and Instagram (@reasonabledialogue). Raw Form is available exclusively on Spotify.    My first book, Reel Notes: Culture Writing on the Margins of Music and Movies, is available now, via 4 PM Publishing. Order a digital copy on Amazon.Reel Notes stands in solidarity with American immigrants against ICE and the oppressed peoples of Palestine, Congo, Sudan, Tigray, and Haiti. Please consider donating to the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights, the Palestine Children's Relief Fund,  The Palestinian Youth Movement, The Zakat Foundation, HealAfrica, FreeTigray, and/or Hope For Haiti. Protest, fight back, and fuck the system.Follow me on Instagram (@cinemasai), Twitter (@CineMasai_), TikTok (@cinemasai), Letterboxd (@CineMasai), and subscribe to my weekly Nu Musique Friday newsletter to stay tapped in to all things Dylan Green.  Follow Hearing Things at hearingthings.co or @hearingthingsco on all platforms    Support the show

durée : 00:03:53 - Bulles de BD - par : Laetitia Gayet - Dans un futur proche, les humains sont menacés d'extinction après l'apparition d'Organos, des robots qui s'infiltrent dans le corps des hommes. Après le brillant Yan, les éditions Glénat publient le 3ème et dernier tome de Baby, une série plus ancienne du Taïwanais Chang Sheng. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

Yan berkongsi kisah seram yang dialaminya semasa berumur 15 tahun, ketika tinggal di asrama sekolah pedalaman bersama makciknya dan dua rakan. Selepas mencabar “hantu” untuk muncul, mereka mula diganggu oleh bau wangi misteri, jeritan tengah malam, dan kelibat perempuan berambut panjang. Namun kemuncak ketakutan itu tiba apabila rakan sebilik mereka, Tiara… muncul semula ke asrama — dengan membawa cerita bahawa dia baru pulang dari kampung. Jadi, siapakah sebenarnya yang tidur bersama mereka sepanjang minggu itu?See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

durée : 00:03:53 - Bulles de BD - par : Laetitia Gayet - Dans un futur proche, les humains sont menacés d'extinction après l'apparition d'Organos, des robots qui s'infiltrent dans le corps des hommes. Après le brillant Yan, les éditions Glénat publient le 3ème et dernier tome de Baby, une série plus ancienne du Taïwanais Chang Sheng. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

On parle du film Aurore 2 avec Pat Savard et Tom Chicoine------------------------------------------------------------------Pour suivre FAF - http://fafhumoriste.comPour suivre Will - http://willpaq.comPATREON - http://yantheriault.com/PatreonDiscord - http://yantheriault.com/discordTwitter - http://yantheriault.com/twitterInstagram - http://yantheriault.com/instagramFacebook - http://yantheriault.com/facebook

                                                                                                                                                                                                                      Last time we spoke about the continuation of the war after Nanjing's fall. The fall of Nanjing in December 1937 marked a pivotal juncture in the Second Sino-Japanese War, ushering in a brutal phase of attrition that shaped both strategy and diplomacy in early 1938. As Japanese forces sought to restructure China's political order, their strategy extended beyond battlefield victories to the establishment of puppet arrangements and coercive diplomacy. Soviet aid provided critical support, while German and broader Axis diplomacy wavered, shaping a nuanced backdrop for China's options. In response, Chinese command decisions focused on defending crucial rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Wuhan emerging as a strategic hub and the Jinpu and Longhai railways becoming lifelines of resistance. The defense around Xuzhou and the Huai River system illustrated Chinese determination to prolong resistance despite daunting odds. By early 1938, the war appeared as a drawn-out struggle, with China conserving core bases even as Japan pressed toward central China.   #170 The Battle of Taierzhuang Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Following their victory at Nanjing, the Japanese North China Area Army sought to push southward and link up with the Japanese Eleventh Army between Beijing and Nanjing. The two formations were intended to advance along the northern and southern ends of the JinPu railway, meet at Xuzhou, and then coordinate a pincer movement into Chinese strongholds in the Central Yangtze region, capturing Jiujiang first and then Wuhan. Recognizing Xuzhou's strategic importance, Chinese leadership made its defense a top priority. Xuzhou stood at the midpoint of the JinPu line and at the intersection with the Longhai Line, China's main east–west corridor from Lanzhou to Lianyungang. If seized, Japanese control of these routes would grant mobility for north–south movement across central China. At the end of January, Chiang Kai-shek convened a military conference in Wuchang and declared the defense of Xuzhou the highest strategic objective. Chinese preparations expanded from an initial core of 80,000 troops to about 300,000, deployed along the JinPu and Longhai lines to draw in and overstretch Japanese offensives. A frightening reality loomed by late March 1938: the Japanese were nearing victory on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, led by Generals Itagaki Seishirô, Nishio Toshizô, and Isogai Rensuke, aimed to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under General Hata Shunroku for a coordinated drive into central China. Li Zongren and his senior colleagues, including Generals Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, resolved to meet the Japanese at the traditional stone-walled city of Taierzhuang. Taierzhuang was not large, but it held strategic significance. It sat along the Grand Canal, China's major north–south waterway, and on a rail line that connected the Jinpu and Longhai lines, thus bypassing Xuzhou. Chiang Kai-shek himself visited Xuzhou on March 24. While Xuzhou remained in Chinese hands, the Japanese forces to the north and south were still separated. Losing Xuzhou would close the pincer. By late March, Chinese troops seemed to be gaining ground at Taierzhuang, but the Japanese began reinforcing, pulling soldiers from General Isogai Rensuke's column. The defending commanders grew uncertain about their ability to hold the position, yet Chiang Kai-shek made his stance clear in an April 1, 1938 telegram: “the enemy at Taierzhuang must be destroyed.” Chiang Kai-shek dispatched his Vice Chief of Staff, Bai Chongxi, to Xuzhou in January 1938. Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi were old comrades from the New Guangxi Clique, and their collaboration dated back to the Northern Expedition, including the Battle of Longtan. Li also received the 21st Group Army from the 3rd War Area. This Guangxi unit, commanded by Liao Lei, comprised the 7th and 47th Armies. Around the same time, Sun Zhen's 22nd Group Army, another Sichuan clique unit, arrived in the Shanxi-Henan region, but was rebuffed by both Yan Xishan, then commander of the 2nd War Area and Shanxi's chairman and Cheng Qian, commander of the 1st War Area and Henan's chairman. Yan and Cheng harbored strong reservations about Sichuan units due to discipline issues, notably their rampant opium consumption. Under Sun Zhen's leadership, the 22nd Group Army deployed four of its six divisions to aid the Northern China effort. Organized under the 41st and 45th Armies, the contingent began a foot march toward Taiyuan on September 1, covering more than 50 days and approximately 1,400 kilometers. Upon reaching Shanxi, they faced a harsh, icy winter and had no winter uniforms or even a single map of the province. They nevertheless engaged the Japanese for ten days at Yangquan, suffering heavy casualties. Strapped for supplies, they broke into a Shanxi clique supply depot, which enraged Yan Xishan and led to their expulsion from the province. The 22nd withdrew westward into the 1st War Area, only to have its request for resupply rejected by Cheng Qian. Meanwhile to the south Colonel Rippei Ogisu led Japanese 13th Division to push westward from Nanjing in two columns during early February: the northern column targeted Mingguang, while the southern column aimed for Chuxian. Both routes were checked by Wei Yunsong's 31st Army, which had been assigned to defend the southern stretch of the Jinpu railway under Li Zongren. Despite facing a clearly inferior force, the Japanese could not gain ground after more than a month of sustained attacks. In response, Japan deployed armored and artillery reinforcements from Nanjing. The Chinese withdrew to the southwestern outskirts of Dingyuan to avoid a direct clash with their reinforced adversaries. By this point, Yu Xuezhong's 51st Army had taken up a defensive position on the northern banks of the Huai River, establishing a line between Bengbu and Huaiyuan. The Japanese then captured Mingguang, Dingyuan, and Bengbu in succession and pressed toward Huaiyuan. However, their supply lines were intercepted by the Chinese 31st Corps, which conducted flanking attacks from the southwest. The situation worsened when the Chinese 7th Army, commanded by Liao Lei, arrived at Hefei to reinforce the 31st Army. Facing three Chinese corps simultaneously, the Japanese were effectively boxed south of the Huai River and, despite air superiority and a superior overall firepower, could not advance further. As a result, the Chinese thwarted the Japanese plan to move the 13th Division north along the Jinpu railway and link up with the Isogai 10th Division to execute a pincer against Xuzhou. Meanwhile in the north, after amphibious landings at Qingdao, the Japanese 5th Division, commanded by Seishiro Itagaki, advanced southwest along the Taiwei Highway, spearheaded by its 21st Infantry Brigade. They faced Pang Bingxun's 3rd Group Army. Although labeled a Group Army, Pang's force actually comprised only the 40th Army, which itself consisted of the 39th Division from the Northwestern Army, commanded by Ma-Fawu. The 39th Division's five regiments delayed the Japanese advance toward Linyi for over a month. The Japanese captured Ju County on 22 February and moved toward Linyi by 2 March. The 59th Army, commanded by Zhang Zizhong, led its troops on a forced march day and night toward Linyi. Seizing the opportunity, the 59th Army did not rest after reaching Yishui. In the early morning of the 14th, Zhang Zizhong ordered the entire army to covertly cross the Yishui River and attack the right flank of the Japanese “Iron Army” 5th Division. They broke through enemy defenses at Tingzitou, Dataiping, Shenjia Taiping, Xujia Taiping, and Shalingzi. Initially caught off guard, the enemy sustained heavy losses, and over a night more than a thousand Japanese soldiers were annihilated. The 59th Army fought fiercely, engaging in brutal hand-to-hand combat. By 4:00 a.m. on the 17th, the 59th Army had secured all of the Japanese main positions. That same day, Pang Bingxun seized the moment to lead his troops in a fierce flank attack, effectively supporting the 59th Army's frontal assault. On the 18th, Zhang and Pang's forces attacked the Japanese from the east, south, and west. After three days and nights of bloody fighting, they finally defeated the 3rd Battalion of the 11th Regiment, which had crossed the river, and annihilated most of it. The 59th Army completed its counterattack but suffered over 6,000 casualties, with more than 2,000 Japanese killed or wounded. News of the Linyi victory prompted commendations from Chiang Kai-shek and Li Zongren. General Li Zongren, commander of the 5th War Zone, judged that the Japanese were temporarily unable to mount a large-scale offensive and that Linyi could be held for the time being. On March 20, he ordered the 59th Army westward to block the Japanese Seya Detachment. On March 21, the Japanese Sakamoto Detachment, after a brief reorganization and learning of the Linyi detachment, launched another offensive. The 3rd Corps, understrength and without reinforcements, was compelled to retreat steadily before the Japanese. General Pang Bingxun, commander of the 3rd Corps, urgently telegraphed Chiang Kai-shek, requesting reinforcements. Chiang Kai-shek received the telegram and, at approximately 9:00 AM on the 23rd, ordered the 59th Army to return to Linyi to join with the 3rd Corps in repelling the Sakamoto Detachment. Fierce fighting ensued with heavy Chinese losses, and the situation in Linyi again grew precarious. At a critical moment, the 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division and the Cavalry Regiment of the 13th Army were rushed to reinforce Linyi. Facing attacks from two directions, the Japanese withdrew, losing almost two battalions in the process. This engagement shattered the myth of Japanese invincibility and embarrassed commander Seishirō Itagaki, even startling IJA headquarters. Although the 5th Division later regrouped and attempted another push, it had lost the element of surprise. The defeat at Linyi at the hands of comparatively poorly equipped Chinese regional units set the stage for the eventual battle at Tai'erzhuang. Of the three Japanese divisions advancing into the Chinese 5th War Area, the 10th Division, commanded by Rensuke Isogai, achieved the greatest initial success. Departing from Hebei, it crossed the Yellow River and moved south along the Jinpu railway. With KMT General Han Fuju ordering his forces to desert their posts, the Japanese captured Zhoucun and reached Jinan with little resistance. They then pushed south along two columns from Tai'an. The eastern column captured Mengyin before driving west to seize Sishui; the western column moved southwest along the Jinpu railway, capturing Yanzhou, Zouxian, and Jining, before turning northwest to take Wenshang. Chiang Kai-shek subsequently ordered Li Zongren to employ “offensive defense”, seizing the initiative to strike rather than merely defend. Li deployed Sun Zhen's 22nd Group Army to attack Zouxian from the south, while Pang Bingxun's 40th Division advanced north along the 22nd's left flank to strike Mengyin and Sishui. Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Group Army also advanced from the south, delivering a two-pronged assault on the Japanese at Jining. Fierce fighting from 12 to 25 February, particularly by the 12th Corps, helped mitigate the reputational damage previously inflicted on Shandong units by Han Fuju. In response to Chinese counterattacks, the Japanese revised their strategy: they canceled their original plan to push directly westward from Nanjing toward Wuhan, freeing more troops for the push toward Xuzhou. On March 15, the Japanese 10th Division struck the Chinese 122nd Division, focusing the action around Tengxian and Lincheng. Chinese reinforcements from the 85th Corps arrived the following day but were driven back on March 17. With air support, tanks, and heavy artillery, the Japanese breached the Chinese lines on March 18. The remaining Chinese forces, bolstered by the 52nd Corps, withdrew to the town of Yixian. The Japanese attacked Yixian and overran an entire Chinese regiment in a brutal 24-hour engagement. By March 19, the Japanese began advancing on the walled town of Taierzhuang. To counter the Japanese advance, the Chinese 2nd Army Group under General Sun Lianzhong was deployed to Taierzhuang. The 31st Division, commanded by General Chi Fengcheng, reached Taierzhuang on March 22 and was ordered to delay the Japanese advance until the remainder of the Army Group could arrive. On March 23, the 31st Division sallied from Taierzhuang toward Yixian, where they were engaged by two Japanese battalions reinforced with three tanks and four armored cars. The Chinese troops occupied a series of hills and managed to defend against a Japanese regiment (~3,000 men) for the rest of the day. On March 24, a Japanese force of about 5,000 attacked the 31st Division. Another Japanese unit pressed the Chinese from Yixian, forcing them to withdraw back into Taierzhuang itself. The Japanese then assaulted the town, with a 300-strong contingent breaching the northeast gate at 20:00. They were subsequently driven back toward the Chenghuang temple, which the Chinese set on fire, annihilating the Japanese force. The next day, the Japanese renewed the assault through the breached gate and secured the eastern portion of the district, while also breaking through the northwest corner from the outside and capturing the Wenchang Pavilion. On March 25, a morning Japanese onslaught was repelled. The Japanese then shelled Chinese positions with artillery and air strikes. In the afternoon, the Chinese deployed an armored train toward Yixian, which ambushed a column of Japanese soldiers near a hamlet, killing or wounding several dozen before retreating back to Taierzhuang. By nightfall, three thousand Chinese troops launched a night assault, pushing the Japanese lines northeast to dawn. The following three days subjected the Chinese defenders to sustained aerial and artillery bombardment. The Chinese managed to repulse several successive Japanese assaults but sustained thousands of casualties in the process. On March 28, Chinese artillery support arrived, including two 155 mm and ten 75 mm pieces. On the night of March 29, the Japanese finally breached the wall. Setting out from the district's southern outskirts, a Chinese assault squad stormed the Wenchang Pavilion from the south and east, killing nearly the entire Japanese garrison aside from four taken as prisoners of war. The Chinese then retook the northwest corner of the district. Even by the brutal standards already established in the war, the fighting at Taierzhuang was fierce, with combatants facing one another at close quarters. Sheng Cheng's notes preserve the battlefield memories of Chi Fengcheng, one of the campaign's standout officers “We had a battle for the little lanes [of the town], and unprecedentedly, not just streets and lanes, but even courtyards and houses. Neither side was willing to budge. Sometimes we'd capture a house, and dig a hole in the wall to approach the enemy. Sometimes the enemy would be digging a hole in the same wall at the same time. Sometimes we faced each other with hand grenades — or we might even bite each other. Or when we could hear that the enemy was in the house, then we'd climb the roof and drop bombs inside — and kill them all.” The battle raged for a week. On April 1, General Chi requested volunteers for a near-suicide mission to seize a building: among fifty-seven selected, only ten survived. A single soldier claimed to have fired on a Japanese bomber and succeeded in bringing it down; he and his comrades then set the aircraft ablaze before another plane could arrive to rescue the pilot. One participant described the brutal conditions of the battle “"The battle continued day and night. The flames lit up the sky. Often all that separated our forces was a single wall. The soldiers would beat holes in the masonry to snipe at each other. We would be fighting for days over a single building, causing dozens of fatalities." The conditions were so brutal that Chinese officers imposed severe measures to maintain discipline. Junior officers were repeatedly forbidden to retreat and were often ordered to personally replace casualties within their ranks. Li Zongren even warned Tang Enbo that failure to fulfill his duties would lead him to be “treated as Han Fuju had been.” In Taierzhuang's cramped streets, Japan's artillery and air superiority offered little advantage; whenever either service was employed amid the dense melee, casualties were roughly even on both sides. The fighting devolved into close-quarters combat carried out primarily by infantry, with rifles, pistols, hand grenades, bayonets, and knives forming the core of each side's arsenal. The battle unfolded largely hand-to-hand, frequently in darkness. The stone buildings of Taierzhuang provided substantial cover from fire and shrapnel. It was precisely under these close-quarters conditions that Chinese soldiers could stand as equals, if not superior, to their Japanese opponents, mirroring, in some respects, the experiences seen in Luodian, Shanghai, the year before. On March 31, General Sun Lianzhong arrived to assume command of the 2nd Army Group. A Japanese assault later that day was repulsed, but a Chinese counterattack also stalled. At 04:00 on April 1, the Japanese attacked the Chinese lines with support from 11 tanks. The Chinese defenders, armed with German-made 37mm Pak-36 antitank guns, destroyed eight of the armored vehicles at point-blank range. Similar incidents recurred throughout the battle, with numerous Japanese tanks knocked out by Chinese artillery and by suicide squads. In one engagement, Chinese suicide bombers annihilated four Japanese tanks with bundles of grenades. On April 2 and 3, Chi urged the Chinese defenders around Taierzhuang's north station to assess the evolving situation. The troops reported distress, crying and sneezing, caused by tear gas deployed by the Japanese against Chinese positions at Taierzhuang's north station, but the defenders remained unmoved. They then launched a massive armored assault outside the city walls, with 30 tanks and 60 armored cars, yet managed only to drive the Chinese 27th Division back to the Grand Canal. The fighting continued to rage on April 4 and 5. By then, the Japanese had captured roughly two-thirds of Taierzhuang, though the Chinese still held the South Gate. It was through this entry point that the Chinese command managed to keep their troops supplied. The Chinese also thwarted Japanese efforts to replenish their dwindling stocks of arms and ammunition. In consequence, the Japanese attackers were worn down progressively. Although the Japanese possessed superior firepower, including cannon and heavy artillery, the cramped conditions within Taierzhuang nullified this advantage for the moment. The Chinese command succeeded in keeping their own supplies flowing, a recurring weakness in other engagements and also prevented the Japanese from replenishing their dwindling stock of arms and bullets. Gradually, the Japanese maneuvered into a state of attrition. The deadlock of the battle was broken by events unfolding outside Taierzhuang, where fresh Chinese divisions had encircled the Japanese forces in Taierzhuang from the flanks and rear. After consulting their German advisors earlier, the commanders of the 5th War Area prepared a double envelopment of the exposed Japanese forces in Taierzhuang. Between March and April 1938, the Nationalist Air Force deployed squadrons from the 3rd and 4th Pursuit Groups, fighter-attack aircraft, in long-distance air interdiction and close-air support of the Taierzhuang operations. Approximately 30 aircraft, mostly Soviet-made, were deployed in bombing raids against Japanese positions. On 26 March, Tang Enbo's 20th Army, equipped with artillery units, attacked Japanese forces at Yixian, inflicting heavy casualties and routing the survivors. Tang then swung south to strike the Japanese flank northeast of Taierzhuang. Simultaneously, the Chinese 55th Corps, comprised of two divisions, executed a surprise crossing of the Grand Canal and cut the railway line near Lincheng. As a result, Tang isolated the Japanese attackers from their rear and severed their supply lines. On 1 April, the Japanese 5th Division sent a brigade to relieve the encircled 10th Division. Tang countered by blocking the brigade's advance and then attacking from the rear, driving them south into the encirclement. On 3 April, the Chinese 2nd Group Army launched a counter-offensive, with the 30th and 110th Divisions pushing northward into Beiluo and Nigou, respectively. By 6 April, the Chinese 85th and 52nd Armies linked up at Taodun, just west of Lanling. The combined force then advanced north-westward, capturing Ganlugou. Two more Chinese divisions arrived a few days later. By April 5, Taierzhuang's Japanese units were fully surrounded, with seven Chinese divisions to the north and four to the south closing in. The Japanese divisions inside Taierzhuang had exhausted their supplies, running critically low on ammunition, fuel, and food, while many troops endured fatigue and dehydration after more than a week of brutal fighting. Sensing imminent victory, the Chinese forces surged with renewed fury and attacked the encircled Japanese, executing wounded soldiers where they lay with rifle and pistol shots. Chinese troops also deployed Soviet tanks against the defenders. Japanese artillery could not reply effectively due to a shortage of shells, and their tanks were immobilized by a lack of fuel. Attempts to drop supplies by air failed, with most packages falling into Chinese hands. Over time, Japanese infantry were progressively reduced to firing only their machine guns and mortars, then their rifles and machine guns, and ultimately resorted to bayonet charges. With the success of the Chinese counter-attacks, the Japanese line finally collapsed on April 7. The 10th and 5th Divisions, drained of personnel and ammunition, were forced to retreat. By this point, around 2,000 Japanese soldiers managed to break out of Taierzhuang, leaving thousands of their comrades dead behind. Some of the escapees reportedly committed hara-kiri. Chinese casualties were roughly comparable, marking a significant improvement over the heavier losses suffered in Shanghai and Nanjing. The Japanese had lost the battle for numerous reasons. Japanese efforts were hampered by the "offensive-defensive" operations carried out by various Chinese regional units, effectively preventing the three Japanese divisions from ever linking up with each other. Despite repeated use of heavy artillery, air strikes, and gas, the Japanese could not expel the Chinese 2nd Group Army from Taierzhuang and its surrounding areas, even as the defenders risked total annihilation. The Japanese also failed to block the Chinese 20th Group Army's maneuver around their rear positions, which severed retreat routes and enabled a Chinese counter-encirclement. After Han Fuju's insubordination and subsequent execution, the Chinese high command tightened discipline at the top, transmitting a stringent order flow down to the ranks. This atmosphere of strict discipline inspired even junior soldiers to risk their lives in executing orders. A “dare-to-die corps” was effectively employed against Japanese units. They used swords and wore suicide vests fashioned from grenades. Due to a lack of anti-armor weaponry, suicide bombing was also employed against the Japanese. Chinese troops, as part of the “dare-to-die” corps, strapped explosives such as grenade packs or dynamite to their bodies and charged at Japanese tanks to blow them up.  The Chinese later asserted that about 20,000 Japanese had perished, though the actual toll was likely closer to 8,000. The Japanese also sustained heavy material losses. Because of fuel shortages and their rapid retreat, many tanks, trucks, and artillery pieces were abandoned on the battlefield and subsequently captured by Chinese forces. Frank Dorn recorded losses of 40 tanks, over 70 armored cars, and 100 trucks of various sizes. In addition to vehicles, the Japanese lost dozens of artillery pieces and thousands of machine guns and rifles. Many of these weapons were collected by the Chinese for future use. The Chinese side also endured severe casualties, possibly up to 30,000, with Taierzhuang itself nearly razed. Yet for once, the Chinese achieved a decisive victory, sparking an outburst of joy across unoccupied China. Du Zhongyuan wrote of “the glorious killing of the enemy,” and even Katharine Hand, though isolated in Japanese-controlled Shandong, heard the news. The victory delivered a much-needed morale boost to both the army and the broader population. Sheng Cheng recorded evening conversations with soldiers from General Chi Fengcheng's division, who shared light-hearted banter with their senior officer. At one moment, the men recalled Chi as having given them “the secret of war. when you get food, eat it; when you can sleep, take it.” Such familiar, brisk maxims carried extra resonance now that the Nationalist forces had demonstrated their willingness and ability to stand their ground rather than retreat. The victors may have celebrated a glorious victory, but they did not forget that their enemies were human. Chi recalled a scene he encountered: he had picked up a Japanese officer's helmet, its left side scorched by gunpowder, with a trace of blood, the mark of a fatal wound taken from behind. Elsewhere in Taierzhuang, relics of the fallen were found: images of the Buddha, wooden fish, and flags bearing slogans. A makeshift crematorium in the north station had been interrupted mid-process: “Not all the bones had been completely burned.” After the battle, Li Zongren asked Sheng if he had found souvenirs on the battlefield. Sheng replied that he had discovered love letters on the corpses of Japanese soldiers, as well as a photograph of a girl, perhaps a hometown sweetheart labeled “19 years old, February 1938.” These details stood in stark contrast to news coverage that depicted the Japanese solely as demons, devils, and “dwarf bandits.” The foreign community noted the new, optimistic turn of events and the way it seemed to revive the resistance effort. US ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote to Secretary of State Cordell Hull from Wuhan just days after Taierzhuang, passing on reports from American military observers: one had spent time in Shanxi and been impressed by Communist success in mobilizing guerrilla fighters against the Japanese; another had spent three days observing the fighting at Taierzhuang and confirmed that “Chinese troops in the field there won a well-deserved victory over Japanese troops, administering the first defeat that Japanese troops have suffered in the field in modern times.” This reinforced Johnson's view that Japan would need to apply far more force than it had anticipated to pacify China. He noted that the mood in unoccupied China had likewise shifted. “Conditions here at Hankow have changed from an atmosphere of pessimism to one of dogged optimism. The Government is more united under Chiang and there is a feeling that the future is not entirely hopeless due to the recent failure of Japanese arms at Hsuchow [Xuzhou] . . . I find no evidence for a desire for a peace by compromise among  Chinese, and doubt whether the Government could persuade its army or its people to accept such a peace. The spirit of resistance is slowly spreading among the people who are awakening to a feeling that this is their war. Japanese air raids in the interior and atrocities by Japanese soldiers upon civilian populations are responsible for this stiffening of the people.”. The British had long been wary of Chiang Kai-shek, but Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, the British ambassador in China, wrote to the new British foreign secretary, Lord Halifax, on April 29, 1938, shortly after the Taierzhuang victory, and offered grudging credit to China's leader “[Chiang] has now become the symbol of Chinese unity, which he himself has so far failed to achieve, but which the Japanese are well on the way to achieving for him . . . The days when Chinese people did not care who governed them seem to have gone . . . my visit to Central China from out of the gloom and depression of Shanghai has left me stimulated and more than disposed to believe that provided the financial end can be kept up Chinese resistance may be so prolonged and effective that in the end the Japanese effort may be frustrated . . . Chiang Kai-shek is obstinate and difficult to deal with . . . Nonetheless [the Nationalists] are making in their muddlIn the exhilaration of a rare victory”. Chiang pressured Tang and Li to build on their success, increasing the area's troop strength to about 450,000. Yet the Chinese Army remained plagued by deeper structural issues. The parochialism that had repeatedly hampered Chiang's forces over the past six months resurfaced. Although the various generals had agreed to unite in a broader war of resistance, each prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of any move by Chiang to centralize power. For example, Li Zongren refrained from utilizing his top Guangxi forces at Taierzhuang, attempting to shift the bulk of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's units. The generals were aware of the fates of two colleagues: Han Fuju of Shandong was executed for his refusal to fight, while Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria had allowed Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army and ended up under house arrest. They were justified in distrusting Chiang. He truly believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a national military command led by himself. From a national-unity standpoint, Chiang's aim was not unreasonable. But it bred suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would erode their own power. The fragmented command structure also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off a good job of things in extremely difficult circumstances. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Chinese victory at the battle of Tairzhuang was a much needed morale boost after the long string of defeats to Japan. As incredible as it was however, it would amount to merely a bloody nose for the Imperial Japanese Army. Now Japan would unleash even more devastation to secure Xuzhou and ultimately march upon Wuhan.

Salih Merî (r.âleyh), cuma gecesi, cuma namazını kılmak üzere mescide gitmek için yola çıktı. Kabristana uğradı. Kendi kendine şöyle dedi: “Tanyeri ağarıncaya kadar kalayım.” Gözlerine uyku geldi. Şöyle bir rüya gördü: Kabirde yatanlar kabirlerinden çıkmışlar, halka halka olup oturmuş, konuşuyorlar. Bir de baktı ki, onlardan ayrı, kirli elbiseli bir genç, bir köşede, üzüntülü bir hâlde oturuyor. Oradakilerin hepsine tepsi tepsi, üzeri mendillerle örtülü hediyeler gelip dağıldı. Herkes kendi tabağını aldı; sonra kabrine girdi. En sona bu genç kaldı. “Hey Allâh (c.c.)'un kulu, sende gördüğüm bu üzüntü neden?” “O tabaklar, hayattakilerin ölülerine hediyeleridir. Onların adına verdikleri sadaka, yaptıkları duâ, cuma geceleri onlara gelir.” Daha sonra şöyle dedi: “Anam hacca gitmek istedi; berâber yola çıktık. Basra'ya gelince öldüm. Bundan sonra anam evlendi.Dünyaya daldı. Ölümümden sonra beni hatırlayan kimse olmayınca üzülmek bana haktır.” “Senin ananın evi nerede?” Onun yerini bana anlattı. Sabah oldu. Namazımı kıldım. Sonra gittim. O kadının evini sordum, buldum. Yanına gittim, izin istedim. Kendimi ona tanıttım, kapıdan: “Ben Sâlîh Merî'yim” dedim. İzin verdi, içeri girdim. Şöyle dedim: “Benim söyleyeceğim söz, senin söyleyeceğin söz, hiç kimse tarafından duyulmamalıdır. Böyle istiyorum.” Ona yaklaştım, aramızda bir perde kaldı. Şöyle sordum: “Sana Allâh (c.c.)'dan rahmet dilerim, çocuğun var mı?” “Benim bir genç oğlum vardı, öldü.” Bunun üzerine durumu ona anlattım. Ağlamaya başladı. Daha sonra çıkardı bana bin dirhem verdi. Ve şöyle dedi: “O sevdiğim göz nurum için bunları dağıt. Kalan ömrümde onu duâdan unutmayacağım. Onun için sadaka yereceğim.”(Ebu'l-Leys es-Semerkandi, Tenbihü'l-Gafilin, s.346-347)

Contrary to popular belief, peer review has only recently become an integral step in scientific publishing. Currently seen by many as a badge of honour ensuring valid, innovative and honest research, peer review seems in reality to be increasingly thankless, exploitative, and sometimes invisible. How did we get here? In this episode of Communicable, Annie Joseph and Angela Huttner are joined by two experts, Melinda Baldwin (University of Maryland, USA) and Serge Horbach (Radboud University, Netherlands), to unpack and examine the role of peer review, why it is still essential, and how it fits within the greater editorial process. The conversation covers the history of peer review, contemporary formats including open review and the use of artificial intelligence, and thoughtful discussion on how to fix and rethink peer review. This episode was edited by Kathryn Hostettler and peer reviewed by Barbora Píšová from the Czech Republic.Related podcast episodes Communicable episode 13: The Wild West of publishing today—predatory journals and how to deal with them https://share.transistor.fm/s/e3abe9af ResourcesEASE, the European Association of Science Editors https://ease.org.uk/ Peer review week https://peerreviewweek.net/ Further readingCsiszar, A. The Scientific Journal: Authorship and the Politics of Knowledge in the Nineteenth Century. The University of Chicago Press, 2018. DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226553375.001.0001 Entradas, Sousa, Yan, et al. (2023) Public Deliberative Workshops – Findings. POIESIS project deliverable D2.2. https://poiesis-project.eu/deliverables/.Ross-Hellauer T and Horbach SPJM. Additional experiments required: A scoping review of recent evidence on key aspects of Open Peer Review, Research Evaluation, 2024. DOI: 10.1093/reseval/rvae004Horbach SPJM and Halffman W. The changing forms and expectation of peer review. Res Integr Peer Rev 2018. DOI: 10.1186/s41073-018-0051-5Danziger S, et al. Extraneous factors in judicial decisions. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA, 2011. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1018033108Fyfe, A., Moxham, N., McDougall-Waters, J., & Røstvik, C. M. (2022). A History of Scientific Journals: Royal Society publishing, 1665-2015. London: UCL Press.“Misconduct in Science,” 9 February 1983, NN3-443-UD-12D-1 box 78, file “RES 12 Misconduct in Science, 1983-1987,” Papers of the NIH Director, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.Baldwin M. In Referees We Trust? How Peer Review Became a Mark of Scientific Legitimacy. MIT Press (Open Access). Work in Progress.

Yan Grey, also known as Mr Grey, is a French Canadian lifelong Experiencer and host of Experiencer Interviews. A podcast on YouTube speaking with people around the world, who share stories about their own extra-terrestrial and other-worldly experiences and phenomena.Yan is from a small mining town in Canada, where everyone knows your business. Yan has been an Experiencer since the age of 3. Once he started grade school, his experiences stopped but returned when he finished college. He's a college graduate, with two mining degrees.Yan holds private gatherings for people who are interested in knowing more about the ET phenomena, helping them in their own awakening process. From ETs, UFOs, Shadow Beings, Angelic experiences to psychic predictions, visions and communications with the afterlife. Yan has been blessed with the chance to live out these experiences.On Yan's show; Experiencer Interviews on YouTube, Yan and his guests speak about ET related abductions and contact experiences, Out of Body Experiences, many types of close encounters, the ET Hybrid Program, the secret space force, the paranormal and much more.https://www.youtube.com/@ExperiencerInterviews https://www.pastliveshypnosis.co.uk/https://www.patreon.com/alienufopodcastMy book 'Verified Near Death Exeriences' https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0DXKRGDFP Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Today, we'll continue to explore the daily life, social structure, and the mysterious decline of Yan's capital and uncover how a once-thriving city was abandoned within centuries, leaving behind a legacy intertwined with both ritual practice and historical upheaval.

510 - How did our favourite Degrassi characters come to life?Yan Moore shares stories from his role as Degrassi's Head Writer in the classic era and his return for Degrassi: The Next Generation.Which characters were Yan's favourite to write?How did he handle feedback from the network? And what made him think of the idea for Degrassi: The Next Generation?If you're a Degrassi super fan, this podcast is for you. *Audio podcast released on June 15, 2024! Now, the video podcast is available!_____________ Degrassi Fan Checklist: Join⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠The Degrassi Kid Discord⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ for monthly fan events!Visit patreon.com/degrassikid for our bonus interview content with Yan Moore!Follow our editor ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@Eevee Pacini⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠! 

In this episode of Poised for Exit, we sit down with Nolan Gaffney, and Yan Arsenault, of Trust Point Inc., to explore real estate strategies that can transform how business owners and families protect their wealth. With trillions of dollars in real estate expected to pass from one generation to the next, the conversation couldn't be more timely.Nolan and Yan walk us through approaches that allow owners to transition away from the burdens of managing property while still enjoying the benefits of real estate ownership. They share how tools like Delaware Statutory Trusts and 721 exchanges can create a smoother handoff to heirs, eliminate day-to-day management headaches, and defer significant tax obligations. Along the way, they illustrate how these strategies are helping families reduce risk, diversify their holdings, and plan with confidence for the future.Hearing how these strategies have played out for real families adds an important layer to the conversation. From clients eager to step away from the hassle of tenants and repairs to those focused on leaving a smoother path for their kids, the stories are relatable and eye-opening. Nolan and Yan strip away the complexity and show that with the right help, these options are available to more people than you might expect.If you've ever wondered how to move from active landlord responsibilities to passive real estate investing, or how to prepare your family to inherit wealth instead of stress, this episode is for you!Connect with Nolan here or email ngaffney@trustpointinc.comConnect with Yan here or email trust_point@trustpointinc.comLearn more about Trust Point Inc. hereLearn more about Delaware Statutory Trusts (DSTs) hereConnect with Julie Keyes, Keyestrategies LLCFounder, Consultant, Author, Pod-caster and Instructor

Garza sits down in-person with Yan Blanchette & Dom Dez. Hosts for Brutality Podcast. https://youtube.com/@brutalitypodSPONSORS:Sweetwater - https://imp.i114863.net/rnrmVBDistroKid - https://distrokid.com/vip/garza 30% OFF!00:00 - “Yan”06:13 - How Yan & Dom Met10:03 - Starting the Brutality Podcast12:43 - Deathcore Nostalgia // Myspace Era21:19 - Meditation22:30 - Myspace Deathcore Revival25:24 - Band/Industry Strategy33:53 - Who Invented Deathcore?48:45 - Suicide Silence Return?50:24 - Podcasting, Intention & Passion57:01 - Finn McKenty & Punk Rock MBA1:04:20 - Deathcore Backlash, Haters1:16:08 - Theo Von “Fan” Confrontation1:28:21 - Hosting vs Guesting1:32:00 - Reflecting1:40:18 - Top 5 Deathcore Bands1:51:17 - Worst Deathcore Trends1:56:55 - Not Moving on Stage

The Daily Shower Thoughts podcast is produced by Klassic Studios. [Promo] Check out the Daily Dad Jokes podcast here: https://dailydadjokespodcast.com/ [Promo] Like the soothing background music and Amalia's smooth calming voice? Then check out "Terra Vitae: A Daily Guided Meditation Podcast" here at our show page [Promo] The Daily Facts Podcast. Get smarter in less than 10 minutes a day. Pod links here Daily Facts website. [Promo] The Daily Life Pro Tips Podcast. Improve your life in less than 10 minutes a day. Pod links here Daily Life Pro Tips website. [Promo] Check out the Get Happy Headlines podcast by my friends, Stella and Mickey. It's a podcast dedicated to bringing you family friendly uplifting stories from around the world. Give it a listen, I know you will like it. Pod links here Get Happy Headlines website. Shower thoughts are sourced from reddit.com/r/showerthoughts Shower Thought credits: fwilliams13, Affectionate_Dog2781, redsaeok, Able_Visual955, TheRepeatTautology, Tball5, asusny2002, KaramCyclone, Historyteach87, JessePinkman-chan, mcclutch7, cortemptas, _i_am_a_dragon_, gaudiocomplex, treethirtythree, YourRedditorInChief, FearlessBanana434, kouteki, meshah, , Rhysd007, gabzlel, , NorthPengyyy, RhinoPillow, Yan-gi, siumpepe Podcast links: Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/3ZNciemLzVXc60uwnTRx2e Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/daily-shower-thoughts/id1634359309 Stitcher: https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/daily-dad-jokes/daily-shower-thoughts iHeart: https://iheart.com/podcast/99340139/ Amazon Music: https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/a5a434e9-da18-46a7-a434-0437ec49e1d2/daily-shower-thoughts Website: https://cms.megaphone.fm/channel/dailyshowerthoughts Social media links Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/DailyShowerThoughtsPodcast/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/DailyShowerPod Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/DailyShowerThoughtsPodcast/ TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@dailyshowerthoughtspod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

For decades, scientists have been trying to develop a male contraceptive similar to the birth control pill that can be taken orally and is reversible, with minimal side effects. An oral male contraceptive could also be a more effective alternative to using a condom or undergoing surgery for a vasectomy, while helping to reduce the number of unintended pregnancies which account for nearly half of all pregnancies worldwide.    Wei Yan is a professor and director of the Center for Reproductive Biology and the School of Molecular Biosciences at Washington State University who has spent two decades in the quest to develop a male contraceptive pill. His current investigation involves a compound derived from an herb used in traditional Chinese medicine that is showing encouraging lab results. In a commentary he recently wrote for an academic journal, he argues that the development of a new male contraceptive needs to be reframed as a “women’s health priority” that would allow reproductive responsibility to be more equitably shared.    Yan joins us to share his perspective, the status of his own research efforts and the funding landscape to advance this work.   

Canadian-Chinese filmmaker Yan Ma knew from the outset that he was putting himself at risk for making a political thriller about a lab leak in China. “The Unrestricted War” is a movie that was inspired by the cover-up and outbreak of COVID-19 and spotlights how the Chinese Communist Party coerces its citizens, and even foreigners living within China, to achieve its ends.Officials pressured Ma's family members back in China in attempts to coerce him to stop the project. His Chinese team members faced similar pressure. Ethnically Chinese actors refused to participate in the film for fear of the Chinese regime targeting them, ruining their careers, or threatening their families. The actor cast as the lead of the project abruptly backed out just three days before filming, leaving Yan and his casting director scrambling to audition a new lead.In this episode, we dive into some of the extraordinary challenges Yan and his team faced to make this movie a reality, and why he feels it was all worth it.Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

In our Patreon-exclusive aftershow, Yan and Nat continue the conversation with Gambian comics critic ML Kejera. Right before this audio preview, ML and our hosts were talking about how difficult it was to find "official" copies of today's readings (Arzach and Blueberry by Mœbius) — which turns into a conversation about piracy, preservation, and the ails of the comics industry. If you want to hear more, head over to Patreon and become a Friend of Comic Sans today! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The movie kicks off, once again way harder than it needs to. Bombay is out there crushing it in the minors. His future is bright. But he's hit hard and goes down with a knee injury. He goes back home and is picked up by Hans's brother, Yan. They talk about what's next for his life. He doesn't want to go back to Ducksworth. He doesn't think he can make money with pee wee. For now, he's just going to help out in the shop. One day, he has a visitor. It's Don Tibbles and he wants Bombay to coach a team representing the United States in the Junior Goodwill Games in Los Angeles.You'd think maybe there'd be an open try out. There's not. He just gets the Ducks back together thanks to Charlie.Team USA is going to consists of the Ducks and 5 new players:  Luis Mendoza, a fast skater who can't stop, Dwayne Robertson, a cowboy who is good with the puck, Julie "The Cat" Gaffney,  a goalie that will give Goldberg a run for his money, Ken Wu, a junior Olympic figure skater, and Dean Portman, who is a new enforcer.During the first practice, the teams tutor comes in. Michelle McCay. Bombay immediately puts on the moves. The first practice is rocky, but that's nothing some line dancing and country music can't solve.They have 1 school lesson and they're off to Los Angeles to get started! Up first, Trinidad & Tobago. Tough that USA has to play 2 teams at once but what can ya do. They dominate. The next day, at a press conference, Team Iceland shows up and the coach says TEAM USA IS GOING DOWN, THAT'S WHERE THEY'RE GOING! That's coach and ex-NHL player Wolf "The Dentist" Stansson. More on him later. Bombay begins to enjoy the fancy things that Dom Tibbles is giving him and begins to leave the team by themselves more which causes some issues. One night, Fulton & Portman are out past curfew and they see Bombay out on a date with one of the assistant coaches from Iceland.Bombay walks into the locker room the next day in a fancy suite and his slick back hair. The vibes are off. It's time to play Iceland for the first time. It does not go well. They get blown out 12-1 and Tibbles threatens to fire him if he doesn't get this figured out. He yells at the team and they get real mad. On a mandatory off day given by Michelle,  the players go play some street hockey, against a team led by a kid who has been trash talking them at all the games. His name is Russ and he blows their minds with his knuckle-puck.After a kick in the pants by Yan, Bombay goes to skate to clear his mind.In their match against Germany, Bombay fails to arrive on time cuz I guess he lost track of time while skating? I dunno man. Charlie asks Michelle to coach and she does her best but the team is struggling.  Bombay finally arrives with his duck call which we all know is duck for "I'm sorry" and the team gets straight to business with the Flying V and win the game. Bombay and Yan go full Mr Miagi and teach all the kids how to use their special skills. Bombay finds out that Banks has a hurt wrist and tells him he has to bench him. But Charlie has found his replacement - Russ and his knuckle-puck. At the last team practice, Bombay wants to have some fun with a beach ball. The Dentist shows up, squashes their ball, and challenges Bombay to a 1 on 1 game. Bombay is killing him when The Dentists nails his knee with his stick intentionally. It's time for the championship and Banks walks in to show that he's been healed. Only problem is his roster spot has been filled. So Charlie offers to give up his spot and become a coach. Bombay does not try to talk him out of it because Charlie sucks at hockey. The game is off to a real rocky start and they go into intermission down 4-1. So they head into the locker room and Bombay gives the classic "ducky fly together" speech and Yan surprises everyone with Ducks uniforms because there's no rule in the play book against changing jerseys during the game. And it works! Thanks to some clever play, the Ducks tie it up. The championship comes down to a shootout. It's 4-3. Iceland has one more shot to tie it up. Naturally, Bombay puts in Julie the cat as goalie. She stops it and the Ducks, I mean Team USA, wins!!!The team heads home and spends some time around the fire as they sing we are the champions together.

✦ Have you ever watched Ferris Bueller's Day Off or The Wizard of Oz and thought, "Where are all the Black characters?" Dad's Garage is answering that burning question in their show "Blackground," which is on stage through September 27. WABE arts reporter Summer Evans sat down with Jon Carr, the artistic director of Dad's Garage and one of the show's participants to learn more. ✦ City Lights Collective members Jasmine Hentschel and EC Flamming, the creatives behind Atlanta's visual art print magazine, "GULCH", want you to get out and engage with the city's art scene. Each week, they spotlight five standout happenings, and today their mix includes: SCAD in 4D with Atlanta Photography Group, Trees Atlanta, and Lost in the Letters collaborating to bring us stories of Atlanta's canopy, and a global group show at ABV's headquarters in East Atlanta. ✦ WABE's Sounds Like ATL documentary series explores the vibrant Atlanta music scene. Each week, it either introduces or reintroduces you to a local artist, sharing their creative process and a few live performances. You can watch, dance, and sing along to new episodes every Wednesday on the YouTube channel, @WABE ATL. Here's a preview featuring Rex Evans. ✦ Originating over 50 years ago in Mexico City, Circus Vazquez has presented death-defying acts and mesmerizing entertainment since 1969. Their all-human cast of performers has come together from locations around the globe, including Italy, Africa, and even Ukraine. The Circus is returning to Atlanta on August 22, and they'll be pitching their tent at Plaza Fiesta on Buford Highway through August 24. When City Lights Collective co-host Kim Drobes caught up with ringmaster and performer Yan Vazquez, and aerialist Valeria Koshova, Yan began by explaining why his grandfather originated the Circus over 5 decades ago. ✦ When you think of iconic Georgia foods, pecan pie, peach cobbler, or boiled peanuts might come to mind. But a deeper dive into the state's culinary history reveals a much richer—and sometimes surprising—story. Taste the State: A Culinary Journey Through Georgia offers just that. Co-authors Dr. David Shields and Chef Kevin Mitchell take readers on a delicious trip through the state's food history—one recipe, one story at a time. City Lights Collective producer Josh Thane spoke with the duo about the dishes that define Georgia and the deeper stories they tell.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

As the sweltering purple sun rises over the old ruins, the comics in Yan and Nat's hands shrivel away and crumble to dust. With no food, no water, and nothing to read for today's episode, the end seems nigh for our brave adventurers, until… look! With a mighty cry, comic critic ML Kejera soars in on a biometallic pterodactyl holding aloft a glowing tome — "Arzach" by Mœbius! --- The conversation with ML continues in the Comic Sans Aftershow, our Patreon-exclusive podcast where Yan and Nat chat in depth with guests on their work and creative practice. Become a Friend of Comic Sans today! 00:00 - Welcome to the show, ML! 06:41 - Unhinged Keje-rant: To Dream, Perchance to Draw 29:31 - Discussion of Arzach #1 33:20 - Discussion of Arzach #3 36:23 - Discussion of Arzach #2 42:54 - Discussion of Arzach #4 52:26 - Sharing of Dream Journals 55:32 - ML's Final Questions In this episode, Yan and Nat read the four issues of Arzach by Mœbius. Transcript and bibliography coming soon. --- ML Kejera is a Gambian writer and comics critic currently based in Illinois. His fiction has been shortlisted for the Commonwealth Short Story Prize and awarded a Miles Morland Writing Scholarship. He used to review comics for the AV Club, and both wrote and edited for the Eisner-winning journal of comics criticism, PanelxPanel. ML has work published or forthcoming in The Nation, LA Review of Books Quarterly, The Comics Journal, Wasafiri, and the Cafe Irreal. Follow ML on Bluesky and Instagram, or email him at mlaminkejera [at] gmail [dot] com. If you enjoyed the show, you can support us on Patreon, leave us a review, or follow us @comicsanspod on Instagram, Bluesky, and Tiktok. Comic Sans is an Andas Productions podcast hosted by Myle Yan Tay and Nathaniel Mah, produced by Scott Lee Chua and Roshan Singh Sambhi. Edited by Maddy Searle (audio) and Kit Ling Leong (video). Transcribed by Danielle Anne Espinosa. Cover art and motion graphics animation by Knikni Studio (Maryana Rudakova). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Send us a textWhat happens when artificial intelligence makes it increasingly simple to create thousands of fake identities? In the world of Web3, this isn't a theoretical question. It's a pressing challenge that threatens to undermine the fair distribution of resources and community governance.Yan Ketelers, CMO at Holonym (the foundation behind human.tech), joins us to discuss how the proliferation of bot activity and Sybil attacks is diluting value that should flow to actual humans. "A single entity can collect a thousand times the airdrop they should be entitled to get," Jan explains, highlighting how this pattern creates a system where honest participants find their rewards and voting power dramatically reduced.The conversation explores human.tech's innovative approach to solving this contradiction through zero-knowledge protocols. Their ecosystem—consisting of Human Passport (formerly Gitcoin Passport), the upcoming Human Wallet, and the Human Network backend infrastructure enables users to prove their humanity without compromising privacy. This technology has already proven valuable for projects like Story Protocol in ensuring airdrops reach genuine community members.Perhaps most exciting is human.tech's solution to one of crypto's persistent user experience problems: wallet recovery without seed phrases. By splitting keys across network nodes that can be reconstituted when needed, they eliminate a significant barrier to mainstream adoption. "We don't believe everyone should do self-custody and write down their seed phrase, then hide it somewhere in a field," Yan shares, outlining their vision for more accessible crypto ownership.Beyond crypto applications, human.tech's partnership with RefUnite is helping refugees establish digital identities and receive aid without requiring traditional identity documents. This practical application ensures humanitarian assistance reaches intended recipients rather than being diverted through intermediaries or fraudulent accounts.As AI continues to advance, the distinction between authentic and artificial identities grows increasingly blurred. Join us to discover how Human Tech is establishing a framework where individuals maintain control of their digital identities while still being able to prove their humanity when needed. Subscribe now and share your thoughts on the future of digital personhood!This episode was recorded through a Descript call on July 24, 2025. Read the blog article and show notes here: https://webdrie.net/fighting-bots-the-human-tech-revolution/

Sad day. Robert Whittaker has been beaten up by a Dutchman--again. Predatory instinct: how Max Holloway attacks - read my latest breakdown on Substack: https://open.substack.com/pub/facepunching/p/predatory-instinct-how-max-holloway?r=evbq&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=web&showWelcomeOnShare=false  KotoshoWHO? Discussing the shocking results of the July sumo tournament on Patreon with Miguel Class: https://www.patreon.com/heavyhands  Heavy Hands merch: https://www.redbubble.com/shop/ap/64577943?asc=u  CONTENTS: 00:00 Intro 00:44 Whittaker vs de Ridder 23:56 Yan vs Mcghee 42:15 Magomedov vs Barriault 50:33 Grant vs Blackshear

This video dives into the end of an era as boxing says goodbye to ESPN and traditional cable networks. Teddy breaks down what this shift means for the sport's future. Plus, a full recap of all the boxing and UFC fights from this past weekend — key results, standout performances, and what's next for the winners and losers.Thanks for being with us. The best way to support is to subscribe, share the episode and check out our sponsor: https://athleticgreens.com/atlas Timestamps:00:00 - Intro07:30 - Top Rank Farewell22:15 - Vargas vs Espinoza33:15 - Carrington vs Heita42:25 - AG143:00 - Zayas vs Garcia53:55 - Shields vs Daniels01:00:15 - Yan vs McGhee01:05:15 - Whittaker vs De RidderTEDDY'S AUDIOBOOKAmazon/Audible: https://amzn.to/32104DRiTunes/Apple: https://apple.co/32y813rTHE FIGHT T-SHIRTShttps://teddyatlas.comTEDDY'S SOCIAL MEDIATwitter - http://twitter.com/teddyatlasrealInstagram - http://instagram.com/teddy_atlasTikTok - https://twitter.com/Teddy_Atlas_RealTHE FIGHT WITH TEDDY ATLAS SOCIAL MEDIAInstagram - http://instagram.com/thefightWTATwitter - http://twitter.com/thefightwtaFacebook - https://www.facebook.com/TheFightwithTeddyAtlasThanks for tuning in. Please be sure to subscribe! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last time we spoke about the battle of Luodian. Following a significant counter-offensive, the initial optimism waned as casualties escalated and morale plummeted. The strategically vital town of Luodian became a pivotal battleground, with the Chinese determined to defend it at all costs. Despite heroic efforts, including a daring nighttime assault, the overwhelming Japanese forces employed superior tactics and artillery, steadily gaining ground.  As September progressed, Japanese reinforcements flooded the frontline, exacerbating the already dire situation for the Chinese defenders. By late September, the fierce struggle to control Luodian culminated in a forced retreat by the Chinese forces, marking a significant turning point in the fight for Shanghai. Though they withdrew, the Chinese army earned newfound respect, having showcased their tenacity against a formidable adversary. The battle became a testament to their resilience amid overwhelming odds, setting the stage for the tumultuous conflict that lay ahead in their fight for sovereignty.   #160 The Battle of Shanghai Part 5: Fighting along the Wusong Creek Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The tides of warfare had shifted in Shanghai. In late September, the Japanese high command dispatched three divisions to the Shanghai area, starting with the 101st Division landing on September 22. This was followed by the 9th and 13th Divisions, bolstering Japan's military presence to five divisions in the city, despite the Chinese forces numbering over 25 divisions. However, the true dynamics of the confrontation revealed a complex picture: while the Chinese boasted numerical superiority, the Japanese divisions, each comprising around 15,000 soldiers, were supported by nearly 90,000 troops when including marines and infantry. China's units, often as small as 5,000 men, made their effective deployment difficult. The Japanese forces also leveraged their advantages in materials, aircraft, and naval artillery, which could effectively target critical positions along the Chinese front. With these reinforcements in place, Japanese commanders, including Matsui, devised a bold strategy: to execute a powerful thrust across Wusong Creek and advance toward Suzhou Creek. The goal was to encircle and annihilate the main Chinese force in a maneuver they had envisioned since their arrival in China.  Ogishima Shizuo, a reservist of the 101st division had just been through his first night at the front. Within his trench, soldiers leapt up from their slumber to a hail of bullets. Ogishima looked over the edge of the trench. It was still dark, making it hard to discern what was happening, but he thought he saw a flash of a helmet in a foxhole near the creek's edge. It wasn't a Japanese helmet. Suddenly, it hit him that the gunfire wasn't a mistake. “It's the enemy! The enemy!” he yelled. Others began to shout as well. “The enemy! They're behind us! Turn around!” Under the cloak of darkness, a Chinese unit had managed to bypass the Japanese lines and launch an attack from the rear. The sound of aggressive gunfire erupted, and a Japanese heavy machine gun joined in the fray. However, most of the bullets were fired haphazardly into the night. A force of 50 Chinese were firing on them. Japanese officers ordered the men to storm their positions, seeing infantrymen leap over their trench into the barrage. The Japanese and Chinese fired at each other and tossed grenades when close enough. The Japanese jumped into the Chinese foxholes and stabbed at them with bayonets. Ogishima thrust his bayonet into the belly of a Chinese soldiers, marking his first kill. He felt no emotion. Within minutes the little battle was over, every Chinese soldier lay dead, it was a suicide mission. Ogishima saw countless comrades dead around him, it was a scene of carnage. It was the morning of October 7, the 101st Division had crossed Wusong Creek from the north in the early hours of October 6, specifically, only half of the division had made it across. The other half remained on the far side, unable to get their boats past the 300 feet of water protected by unseen Chinese machine guns and mortar crews that would open fire at the slightest hint of movement on the northern bank. Dozens of corpses floated in the murky water, serving as grim evidence of the carnage from the previous 24 hours. Ogishima, alongside tens of thousands of Japanese soldiers were entering the most brutal part of the Shanghai campaign. Matsui's vision of a quick and decisive end to the Shanghai campaign, would not come to be. Matsui detailed his plans in an order issued on September 29. The attack was to be conducted from west to east by the 9th, 3rd, and 101st Infantry Divisions. The 11th Infantry Division was assigned to follow the 9th Division, securing the right flank against potential Chinese counterattacks from the west. The 13th Infantry Division would serve as the reserve. The objective was to capture Dachang, an ancient town encircled by a medieval-style wall, and then advance as quickly as possible to breach the Chinese lines north of Suzhou Creek. Matsui had arranged an unusually high concentration of troops; the three divisions were aligned along a front that spanned only three miles. This meant that each division had less than half the front length that the Japanese field manual typically recommended. The decision to compress the divisions into such a narrow front was partly to compensate for the artillery shortcomings that were still hindering the Japanese offensive. The Japanese attackers confronted a formidable and well-prepared enemy. After extensive discussions, the Chinese commanders ultimately recognized that they had no choice but to shorten their front line. Defending Liuhang, a town situated along the route from Luodian to Dachang, had proven too costly, offering no prospect of victory. Chen Cheng, the commander of the Chinese left wing, had often visited Liuhang and understood how dire the situation was. He repeatedly urged that the unwinnable battle be abandoned and that valuable troops be withdrawn to stronger positions. However, his pleas initially went unheeded. Chiang Kai-shek was primarily driven by the belief that war was about securing territory, and he insisted on maintaining control over Liuhang at all costs. Meanwhile the Chinese positions north of Wusong Creek had been breached in numerous places during late September and this caused Chiang Kai-Shek to finally relent. A fighting retreat began on the night of October 1st and would be completed by dawn of the 3rd. The new defensive line extended just over a mile west of the road from Luodian to Dachang, providing the Chinese defenders with excellent opportunities to harass the advancing Japanese Army with flanking fire for several miles as they moved south. At Wusong Creek, the Chinese line curved eastward and followed the southern bank for several miles. The creek provided a significant advantage to the Chinese defenders; despite its name, it would be more accurate to describe it as a river. It reached widths of up to 300 feet in some areas, and in several spots, the southern bank formed a steep six-foot wall. Anyone attempting to scale this barrier under intense mortar fire would be met at the top by rows of barbed wire and heavy machine gun fire. For a full mile south of the creek, the Chinese had spent weeks constructing a dense network of defenses, transforming farm buildings into formidable fortifications linked by deep trenches. They had learned valuable lessons from their German mentors, many veterans of the battles of Somme and Verdun, and they applied these lessons effectively. The Japanese took Liuhang on the 3rd and were met with counterattacks, but these were easily repelled. More confident, Matsui issued new orders on the 4th for the 3rd, 9th and 101 divisions to cross the Wusong Creek and advance a mile south. Beginning on the 5th, the 3 divisions crossed and carved out a narrow bridgehead under heavy resistance. The Chinese were frantic now, as after the Wusong Creek, the last remaining natural obstacle was the Suzhou Creek. Two miles west of the key road from Luodian to Dachang,  battalion commander Yan Yinggao of the 78th Division's 467th Regiment awaited the anticipated Japanese assault. The regiment had fortified three villages near a creek, reinforced with sandbags, barbed wire, and cleared fields of fire, along with deep trenches for troop movement. The 1st Battalion occupied the westernmost village, the 3rd Battalion held the other two, while the 2nd Battalion remained in reserve. The initial Japanese attack began with a heavy artillery bombardment. Despite facing significant casualties, their infantry was forced to withdraw from all three villages. They returned later in the afternoon with an even fiercer artillery assault. The 1st Battalion suffered devastating losses, including its commander, leading to the loss of the village to the Japanese. Yan Yinggao, observing from the rear, dispatched a reinforcement company, but it was quickly annihilated within ten minutes. Simultaneously the Chinese 3rd battalion at Tangbeizhai were nearly encircled. Yan received orders for his regiment to advance over to relieve them, but as they did a Japanese column of 60 soldiers approached from the opposite direction. A battle ensued over the smoking rubbled of the bombed out village. The few survivors of the 3rd battalion made a last stand, allowing the 2nd battle to fight their way in to take up their position. It was a small and temporary victory. Units arriving to the Shanghai theater were being tossed right into the front lines, such as the Tax Police Division. Despite its name they were a fully equipped military formation and quite well training consisting of 6 regiments, roughly 25,000 armed men. Their officers had previously served under the young marshal, Zhang Xueliang. They were rushed to Tangqiaozhan, lying on the road from Luodian to Dachang, bridged by the Wusong Creek. The bridge was crucial to the entire operation, as holding it would enhance the Chinese's chances of delaying the Japanese advance. The Tax Police, stationed at the northern end of the bridge, became surrounded on three sides. Intense fighting ensued, occasionally escalating to hand-to-hand combat. By the second day after their arrival, casualties had escalated significantly, forcing the Tax Police units to retreat south across the bridge, which ultimately fell to the advancing Japanese forces. A crisis atmosphere surrounded the meeting of the 3rd War Zone staff, chaired by Chiang Kai-shek, in Suzhou on October 11. Everyone agreed the previous efforts to halt the Japanese advance south across Wusong Creek had utterly failed. Each engagement resulted in Chinese troops being repelled without regaining significant territory. Chen Cheng proposed an attack in his sector, specifically targeting the area around Luodian. However, most felt that such an operation would not effectively influence the Japanese advance at Wusong Creek and ultimately dismissed the suggestion. Bai Chongxi, whom at this point held an informal advisory role, called for simultaneous attacks along both banks of Wusong Creek, thrusting into the right flank of the advancing Japanese. This would require an enormous amount of troops if there was to be any chance of success. Bai Chongxi was pushing to take 4 divisions from Guangxi, already in transit to Shanghai for the task. Chiang Kai-Shek liked the idea of a single decisive blow and agreed to Bai's idea. The German advisors were not so keen on this one. In fact the Germans were getting depressed over a concerning issue. It seemed the Chinese staff simply talked too much, taking far too long to produce very few decisions. There were a lot of reasons for this, a lot of these figures held to many positions. For example Gu Zhuong, Chiang Kai-Sheks deputy in Suzhou, was a chief of staff and also held two advisory roles. Then there were these informal generals, such as Bai Chongxi. A man such as Bai had no formal command here, yet he was providing views on operational issues. To the Germans who held clear military hierarchies as the bible, it looked obviously chaotic. There was notable hope though. The Germans acknowledged the Chinese were improving their artillery situation. For the first time since the battle for Shanghai began, 6 artillery battalions were moved into positions in the vicinity of Nanxiang, under the unified command of the headmaster of the Tangshan artillery school near Nanjing. From there they could coordinate barrages in the area south of the Wusong Creek.  Sun Liren got off at Nanxiang railway station on October 7th. At 36 he was leading one of China's best units, the 4th regiment of the Tax Police. Within confusion he was assigned to the 88th division, who were fighting the heaviest battles in the campaign. By noon of the next day, nearly all of Sun Liren's regiment were cannibalized, sent as reinforcements to the 88ths front lines. Afterwards all the was left was Sun and a group of 20 orderlies and clerks. At 2pm he got a call from th division, they needed more reinforcements at the front or else a small bridge north of Zhabei would be taken, collapsing their lines. Sun replied he had no troops left only to be told “its an order. If you disobey, you'll be courtmartialed”.  Without any choice, Sun hastily organized dozens of soldiers and marched them to the bridge. As they arrived, his men saw Chinese troops withdrawing away from the bridge. He asked one man what was going on “the officers have all left, we also don't want to die”. To this Sun said he was an officer and would stay and fight with them. The Japanese in pursuit were shocked to see the Chinese turn around attack them. In general the Japanese were surprised by the sudden resilience of the Chinese around the Wusong Creek. Many assaults were being beaten back. In the Zhabei district, much more urbanized, foreigners were watching in awe. A war correspondent wrote “Every street was a defense line and every house a pocket fort. Thousands of holes had been knocked through walls, linking the labyrinth of lanes into a vast system of defense in depth. Every intersection had been made into a miniature fortress of steel and concrete. Even the stubs of bomb-battered walls had been slotted at ground level for machine guns and rifles. No wonder the Japanese Army was months behind its boasts”.  East of the Huangpu River at Pudong, Sun Shengzhi commanded an artillery regiment whom began launching a barrage across the river upon the Gongda airfield, that had been allowing the Japanese air forces to support their infantry. Meanwhile Chinese soldiers rolled a battery of 8 bofor guns 300 yards from the riverbank and at dawn began firing upon aircraft taking off. They reported 4 downed Japanese aircraft and 7 damaged. By mid-October the 88th division took advantage of a lull in the fighting and prepared a ambitious attack aimed at cutting off the Sichuan North road, which the Japanese were using to as a supply line from the docks to units north of the city. The German advisors developed this attack using Stosstruppen tactics taken from WW1. For stosstruppen, the main means of weakening the enemy line was via infiltration, rather than a massive frontal attack. The attack was unleashed on the 18th after a bombardment by artillery and mortars as lightly armed Chinese stormed down the streets near the North railway station and took the Japanese there by complete surprise. They quickly occupied a segment of the Sichuan North Road cutting the Japanese supply chain for many days. Back on the 13th, Kuse Hisao led a company of the Japanese 9th division to perform an attack on Chenjiahang, located due north of Wusong Creek. It was a strategic and heavily fortified stronghold that obstructed the southward advance. As Kuse's men reached its vicinity they stopped to rest with orders to begin the assault at 1pm. The Japanese artillery kicked off the fight and was soon met with much larger Chinese artillery. This was an unpleasant surprise for the Japanese, whom to this point had always had superiority in artillery. Regardless the assault went ahead seeing wave upon wave of attackers fighting through cotton fields and bullets. Kuse's men were forced to crawl through the field. Kuse crawled his way to a small creek to discover with horror it was full of Japanese and Chinese corpses at various stages of decomposition.  The assault on Chenjiahang bogged down quickly. Kuse and his men spent a night amongst the rotting dead. The following day orders arrived for two neighbouring units to renew the assault as Kuse's fell back into the reserve. That day's attempt fared no better, simply piling more bodies upon the field and waterways. The next day Kuse watched Japanese flamethrower units enter the fray as they led an attack over a creek. Men jumped into waist deep water, waded across to fight up slopes through mazes of Chinese trenches. Then to all of their surprise they stormed and unoccupied Chenjiahang without firing a shot. Kuse and his men suddenly saw a grenade come flying at them. Kuse was injured and taken out by comrades to the rear. Chenjiahang and been bitterly fought over for weeks. Alongside Yanghang it was considered two key points necessary for the Japanese to be able to advance against Dachang further south.  Meanwhile Sichuanese troops were being pulled back for the fresh 4 Guangxi divisions to come in. They wore lighter brown uniforms with British styled tin hat helmets. One of their divisions, the 173rd was sent straight to Chenjiahang, arriving before dawn of the 16th. While the handover of positions was taking place, the Japanese launched an intense aerial and artillery bombardment causing significant casualties before the 173rd could even deploy. Later that day, one of their regiments engaged the Japanese and were slaughtered on the spot. Two-thirds of their men became casualties. The battle raged for four days as the 3 other Guangxi divisions moved to the front. There was no break on either side, as one Guanxi officer recalled, “I had heard the expression ‘storm o f steel' before, but never really understood what it meant. Now I do.” By mid October, Matsui's optimism about his southern push was waning. Heavy rain over the past week had slowed his men down considerably. Supplies were taking much longer to reach the front. Intelligence indicated the senior Chinese commanders had moved from Suzhou to Nanxiang, with some in Shanghai proper. To Matsui this meant they were nowhere near close to abandoning Shanghai. Matsui wrote in his diary “It's obvious that earlier views that the Chinese front was shaken had been premature. Now is definitely not the time to rashly push the offensive.” During this rainy time, both sides received some rest as a no-mans land formed. Winter uniforms were arriving for the Japanese 3rd and 11th divisions, causing some encouragement. The 3rd division had already taken 6000 casualties, but received 6500 reinforcements. Matsui estimated their combat strength to only by one-sixth of its original level.  On the 19th Matsui received reports that soldiers from Guangxi were arriving in Shanghai and deploying around Wusong Creek. To relieve some pressure the IJN sent a mock invasion force up the Yangtze to perform a 3 day diversion mission. 8 destroyers and 20 transport vessels anchored 10 miles upriver from Chuanshakou. They bombarded the area to make it seem like a amphibious invasion was imminent. Meanwhile both nations were fighting a propaganda war. On October 14th, China filed a complaint at the League of Nations accusing Japan of using poison gas in Shanghai. To this the Japanese accused them of using gas, specifically mentioning at the battle for Chenjiahang. Early in the campaign they accused the Chinese of using sneezing gas, a chemical adopted during WW1. To this accusation, Shanghai's mayor Yu Hongjun stated to reporters ‘The Japanese sneeze because they've got cold feet.” Back to our friend Ogishima with the 101st. His unit crossed the Wusong Creek early on. Afterwards the fighting became confused as the Chinese and Japanese started across 150 yards of no man's land. Every now and then the Japanese would leap out of trenches and charge into Chinese lines, but the attacks all ended the same. Rows of the dead cut down by machine guns. It was just like the western front of WW1. The incessant rain kept the trenches drenched like knee-deep bogs. Officers who had read about the western front routinely had their men line up for health checks. Anyone trying to fake a disease risked being branded a deserter, and deserters were shot. As Ogishima recalled “The soldiers in the frondine only have one thought on their minds. They want to escape to the rear. Everyone envies those who, with light injuries, are evacuated. The ones who unexpectedly get a ticket back in this way find it hard to conceal their joy. As for those left in the frontline, they have no idea if their death warrant has already been signed, and how much longer they have to live.” Nohara Teishin with the 9th division experienced pure hell fighting entrenched Chinese firing through holes in walls of abandoned farm buildings. Japanese officers urged their men to charge over open fields. Out of 200 men he fought with, 10 were able to fight after the battle. As Nohara recalled “All my friends died there. You can't begin to describe the wretchedness and misery of war.” Watanabe Wushichi, an officer in the 9th division was given orders to secure water supplies for the front line troops. A task that seemed simple enough given the sheer amount of creeks and ponds in the area. However they were all filled with corpses now. For many troops dying of thirst, it became so unbearable when anyone came across an unpolluted well, they would crown around it like zombies turning into a mud pool. Officers were forced to post guards at all discovered water sources. Watanabe was shocked by the Chinese fierceness in battle. At one point he was attacked pillboxes and upon inspecting the captured ones he was horrified to see how many Chinese bodies lay inside still clutching their rifles.  International outcry mounted over the invasion. On October 5th, president Franklin Roosevelt made a speech in Chicago calling for concrete steps to be taken against Japan. “It would seem to be unfortunately true that the epidemic of world lawlessness is spreading. When an epidemic of physical disease starts to spread the community approves and joins in a quarantine of the patients in order to protect the community against the spread of the disease.” Meanwhile Chiang Kai-Shek pushed the international community to sanction Japan and deprive her of oil, iron, steal, all materials needed for waging her illegal war. The League of Nations proved completely inept. On October 21st, Japanese foreign minister Hirota Koki approached the German ambassador in Tokyo, Herbert von Dirksen, asking if China was willing to negotiate. Germany declared she was willing to act as mediator, and to this Japan sent demands. Japan sought for Chinese concessions in north China and a demilitarized zone around Shanghai. Germany's ambassador to Nanjing, Oskar Trautmann conveyed this to Chiang Kai-Shek. Instead of replying Chiang asked the German what he thought. Trautmann said he considered the demands a basis for further talks and gave the example of what happened to his nation at the negotiating table during WW1. To this Chiang scoffed and made it clear he intended to restore the situation to its pre-hostile state before any talks.  Back at the front, Bai Chongxi planned his counterattack into the right flank of the Japanese. The attack was set for the 21st. The Guangxi troops at Chenjiahang were extricated and sent to assembly points. Matsui wrote in his diary on the 23rd “The enemy will launch a counterattack along the entire front tonight. It seems the planned attack is mainly targeted at the area south of Wusong Creek. It will give us an opportunity to catch the enemy outside of his prepared defenses, and kill him there. At 7pm the Chinese artillery began, an hour later troops were advancing east. The left wing of the Chinese attack, led by the 176th Guangxi Division north of Wusong Creek, initially advanced swiftly. However, it soon encountered significant obstacles, including numerous creeks and canals that disrupted progress. Concerned about supply trains lagging behind, the vanguard decided to relinquish much of the ground it had gained as dawn approached, hoping to reclaim it later that night. Meanwhile, the 174th Guangxi Division's assault south of Wusong Creek also struggled. It met unexpectedly strong resistance and had difficulty crossing the canals due to insufficient bridge-building materials. Fearing artillery and air attacks before dawn, this division retreated to its starting line, abandoning the hard-won territory from the previous night. Both divisions then dug in, preparing to withstand a counterattack during the daylight hours, when the Japanese forces could fully leverage their air superiority. As anticipated, the counterattack occurred after sunrise on October 22. In the 176th Division's sector, Japanese forces surrounded an entire battalion by noon, resulting in its complete destruction, including the battalion commander. The main success for the day came from a Guangxi unit that, despite facing an attack from Japanese infantry supported by five tanks, managed to hold its ground. Initially on the verge of collapse, they organized a rapid defense that repelled the Japanese assault. One tank was destroyed, two became stuck in a canal, and two others retreated, highlighting the challenges of tank warfare in the riverine terrain around Shanghai. An after-action report from the Guangxi troops read  “The Japanese enemy's army and air force employed every kind of weapon, from artillery to tanks and poison gas,” it said. “It hit the Chinese front like a hurricane, and resulted in the most horrific losses yet for the army group since it entered the battle.” As the sun rose on the 23rd, Japanese airplanes took to the skies. At 9:00 a.m., they targeted the already battered 174th Guangxi Division south of Wusong Creek. A Guangxi general who survived the assault recounted the devastation: “The troops were either blown to pieces or buried in their dugouts. The 174th disintegrated into a state of chaos.” Other units suffered similarly catastrophic losses. By the end of October 23, the Chinese operation had incurred heavy casualties, including two brigade commanders, six regimental commanders, and around 2,000 soldiers, with three out of every five troops in the first wave either killed or injured. Consequently, the assault had to be called off. Bai Chongxi's counterattack was a complete disaster. Many Guangxi veterans would hold grudges for years for what was seen as a senseless and hopeless battle.  Meanwhile in Zhabei Zhang Boting, the 27th year old chief of staff of the 88th division came to the headquarters of General Gu Zhutong, urging him to move to a safer location, only to be told “Chiang Kai-shek wants your division to stay in Zhabei and fight. Every company, every platoon, every squad is to defend key buildings in the city area, and villages in the suburbs. You must fight for every inch of land and make the enemy pay a high price. You should launch guerrilla warfare, to win time and gain sympathy among our friends abroad.” The command had more to do with diplomacy than any battlefield strategy. The Nine-Powers Conference was set for Brussels the following week and it was important China kept a spectacle going on in Shanghai for the foreigners. If the war advanced into lesser known hamlets in the countryside there would be no talk amongst the great powers. To this explanation Zhang Boting replied “Outside o f the streets of Zhabei, the suburbs consist o f flat land with little opportunity for cover. It's not suitable for guerrilla warfare. The idea o f defending small key points is also difficult. The 88th Division has so far had reinforcements and replacements six times, and the original core of officers and soldiers now make up only 20 to 30 percent. It's like a cup o f tea. If you keep adding water, it becomes thinner and thinner. Some of the new soldiers we receive have never been in a battle, or never even fired a shot. At the moment we rely on the backbone o f old soldiers to train them while fighting. As long as the command system is in place and we can use the old hands to provide leadership, we'll be able to maintain the division as a fighting force. But if we divide up the unit, the coherence will be lost. Letting every unit fight its own fight will just add to the trouble.” Zhang Boting then rushed east to the 88th divisional HQ inside the Sihang Warehouse laying just across from the International settlement. Here a final stand would be made and whose participants would be known as the 800 heroes, but that's a story for a later podcast.  Zhang Boting had returned to his HQ on October 26th, by then the Shanghai situation had deteriorated dramatically. The stalemate around Wusong Creek had suddenly collapsed. The IJA 9th division broke the Guangxi forces and now Matsui planned for a major drive south against Dachang. Before he even had time to meet with his colleagues the 3rd and 9th divisions reached Zoumatang Creek, which ran west to east two miles south of Wusong Creek. In preparation for the continued advance, the Japanese began dropping leaflets over the Chinese positions. Each one offered the soldiers who laid down their arms 5 Chinese yuan each, roughly half a US dollar each at the time. This did not meet much results, as the Chinese knew the Japanese rarely took prisoners. Instead the Guangxi troops continued to retreat after a brutal week of combat. Most of them were moving to prepared positions north and south of the Suzhou Creek, the last remaining natural obstacle to stop the Japanese conquest of Shanghai. In the early hours of the 25th the Japanese gradually realized the Chinese were withdrawing. The Japanese unleashed hundreds of aircraft and employed creeping barrages with their artillery. This may have been the first instance they employed such WW1 tactics during the campaign. The barrage was kept 700 yards in front of the advancing Japanese forces, giving the Chinese ample time to emerge from cover and re-man positions they had abandoned under artillery fire. Despite a general withdrawal, the Chinese also mounted a strong defense around Dachang.  Two strategic bridges across Zoumatang Creek, located west of Dachang, were defended by one division each. The 33rd Division, a recent arrival in Shanghai, was tasked with securing the westernmost bridge, Old Man Bridge, while the 18th Division, also newly arrived, was stationed near Little Stone Bridge, closer to Dachang. However, neither division was capable of stopping the advancing Japanese forces. On October 25, a Japanese column, led by more than 20 tanks, overwhelmed the 33rd Division's defenses and captured Old Man Bridge. As the Chinese division attempted a fighting retreat toward Dachang, it suffered severe casualties due to superior Japanese firepower. By mid-afternoon, only one in ten of its officers and soldiers remained fit for combat, and even the division commander had been wounded. The Japanese force then advanced to Little Stone Bridge, and after intense fighting with the 18th Division that lasted until sunset, they captured the bridge as well. Meanwhile, the 18th Division fell back into Dachang, where their commander, Zhu Yaohua, received a blunt order from Gu Zhutong to hold Dachang at all costs, warning that disobedience would lead to court-martial. Concerned that losing Little Stone Bridge might already jeopardize his position, Zhu Yaohua quickly organized a nighttime counterattack to reclaim it. However, the Japanese had anticipated this move and fortified their defenses near the bridge, leading to a disastrous failure for the Chinese. On October 26, the Japanese unleashed all available resources in an all-out assault on Dachang. The town had been nearly reduced to rubble, with only the ancient wall remaining as evidence of its former population. Up to 400 airplanes, including heavy bombers, targeted Chinese troops in and around Dachang, causing significant casualties among both soldiers and pack animals. A Western correspondent watching from afar described it as the “fiercest battle ever waged in Asia up to that time. A tempest of steel unleashed by Japanese planes, which flew leisurely overhead while observation balloons guided them to their targets. The curtain of fire never lifted for a moment from the Chinese trenches”. Following the aerial assault, more than 40 Japanese tanks emerged west of Dachang. The Chinese forces found themselves defenseless against this formidable armored column, as they had already relocated their artillery to safer positions behind the front lines. Left to fend for themselves, the Chinese infantry was quickly overwhelmed by the advancing wall of enemy tanks. The defending divisions, including Zhu Yaohua's 18th Division, stood no chance against such material superiority and were swiftly crushed. After a brief skirmish, the victorious Japanese forces marched in to claim Dachang, which had become a sea of flames. Matsui observed the scene with deep satisfaction as the Rising Sun banner flew over the smoldering ruins of the town. “After a month of bitter fighting, today we have finally seen the pay-off,”. In stark contrast, Zhu Yaohua faced immediate criticism from his superiors and peers, many of whom believed he could have done more to resist the Japanese onslaught. The weight of this humiliation became unbearable for him. Just two days after his defeat at Dachang, he shot himself in the chest ending his life. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In late September, the Battle of Shanghai intensified as Japanese forces surged with reinforcements, pressing against Chinese defenses in Luodian. Amidst chaos, Japanese soldiers like Ogishima fought bravely in the trenches, witnessing unimaginable carnage. As October began, the battle's brutality escalated, with waves of attacks resulting in devastating casualties on both sides. However, the Chinese forces showcased remarkable resilience, adapting their strategies and fortifying defenses, marking a significant chapter in their struggle for sovereignty against overwhelming odds.  

Editor - Yan Miles ACE, BFE Andor editor Yan Miles partly attributes the decision not to extensively use the Stagecraft "volume" technology as the reason why his series has a distinctly different look and feel to other shows under the Star Wars banner. Instead, Andor leans into real-world environments, capturing the grit and authenticity that Yan believes enhances the narrative. Another significant factor in that differentiation is Tony Gilroy's writing, where the narrative complexity lies. Despite knowing the ultimate fate of characters like Cassian Andor, the series thrives on the uncertainty surrounding minor characters and their arcs. It's in these uncharted territories that the tension in Andor finds its heartbeat. Season 2 of Andor continues the chronicling of Cassian Andor's journey as he becomes a key figure in the burgeoning Rebel Alliance against the Galactic Empire. The season covers the four years leading up to the events of Rogue One, with each arc spanning a year.  Yan Miles ACE, BFE Yan Miles ACE, BFE is an acclaimed film and television editor whose work spans some of the most prestigious and visually dynamic series of the last decade. A member of both American Cinema Editors and British Film Editors, Yan has brought his keen sense of story and rhythm to internationally celebrated productions such as The Crown, Sherlock, and Game of Thrones. Known for his ability to blend emotional nuance with bold editorial choices, his work has helped define the tone and texture of modern prestige television.   The Credits Visit ExtremeMusic for all your production audio needs Streamline your postproduction pipeline with Shade See which model of Avid Media Composer is right for you Subscribe to The Rough Cut podcast and never miss an episode Visit The Rough Cut on YouTube

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