Podcasts about Chinese Buddhism

Bright on Buddhism - Episode 115 - Who is Kumarajiva? What did he do in his life? How did that affect Buddhism in East Asia?Resources: Chandra, Moti (1977), Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publications, ISBN 9788170170556; Eitel, E.J.; Edkins, Joseph (1871), "Handbook for the Student of Chinese Buddhism", The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal, 3, FOOCHOW.: American Presbyterian Mission Press: 217; Greene, Eric Matthew (2012), Meditation, Repentance, and Visionary Experience in Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism (PhD dissertation), University of California, Berkeley; Kumar, Yukteshwar (2005), A History of Sino-Indian Relations, APH Publishing Corporation, ISBN 978-8176487986; Lu, Yang (2004), "Narrative and Historicity in the Buddhist Biographies of Early Medieval China: The Case of Kumārajīva", Asia Major, Third Series, 17 (2): 1–43; Nan, Huai-Chin (1998), Basic Buddhism: Exploring Buddhism and Zen, ISBN 978-1578630202; Nattier, Jan (1992), "The Heart Sutra: A Chinese Apocryphal Text?", Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 15 (2): 153–223, archived from the original on 2013-10-29, retrieved 2013-10-23; Nattier, Jan (2005), A Few Good Men: The Bodhisattva Path according to The Inquiry of Ugra (Ugraparipṛcchā), University of Hawaii Press, ISBN 978-0824830038; Pollard, Elizabeth (2015), Worlds Together Worlds Apart, New York: W.W. Norton Company Inc, p. 287, ISBN 978-0-393-91847-2; Puri, B. N. (1987), Buddhism in Central Asia, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, ISBN 978-8120803725; Singh, Upinder (2009), A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, Pearson Education India, ISBN 978-8131716779; Smith, David Howard (1971), Chinese Religions From 1000 B.C. to the Present Day, Weidenfeld & Nicolson; Wu, Ching-hsing (1938), "Some Notes on Kao Seng Chuan", T'ien Hsia Monthly, 7, Kelly and Walsh, ltd.; Zürcher, Erik (2007) The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China. BRILL. Do you have a question about Buddhism that you'd like us to discuss? Let us know by emailing us at Bright.On.Buddhism@gmail.com.Credits:Nick Bright: Script, Cover Art, Music, Voice of Hearer, Co-HostProven Paradox: Editing, mixing and mastering, social media, Voice of Hermit, Co-Host

Send us a textI'm thrilled to share some exciting highlights from our latest episode of the "Endless Possibilities Podcast." This week, we dive deep into the fascinating world of spiritual awakening with our incredible guest, Dr. Pierce Salguero. Trust me, you won't want to miss this one!Key Takeaways from Our Conversation:A Transformative Experience: Dr. Salguero recounts a life-changing moment while driving, where he experienced a profound shift in consciousness. Imagine perceiving sights, sounds, and sensations independently, rather than as a cohesive whole. This sparked his deep dive into the nature of awakening.Unique Spiritual Journeys: We discuss how each person's spiritual path is unique. Dr. Salguero emphasizes that comparing your journey to others can hinder personal growth. Embrace your unique experiences—they're reflective of your individual psychological processes.Finding the Right Practice: Struggling with concentration-based meditation? Dr. Salguero did too, until he discovered loving-kindness meditation (metta bhavana). This shift led to a significant heart-opening experience, highlighting the importance of finding a practice that resonates with you.The Treads Model: We explore Dr. Salguero's "treads model" of spiritual awakening. He advocates for a balanced approach, akin to cross-training in athletics, where exploring various practices can help you discover what works best for you.Compassion in Everyday Life: After his heart-opening experience, Dr. Salguero immersed himself in compassion-based practices, focusing on Mahayana Buddhism. He found fulfillment in embodying compassion in daily life, rather than seeking dramatic spiritual experiences.Integration of Experiences: Dr. Salguero shares how his academic background in Chinese Buddhism and traditional healing work in Thailand enriched his spiritual journey. He emphasizes the importance of integrating personal experiences with intellectual understanding.Why You Should Listen:Personal Stories: Hear firsthand accounts of spiritual awakening that are both relatable and inspiring.Expert Insights: Gain valuable knowledge from Dr. Salguero, an expert in Buddhism, medicine, and contemporary spirituality.Practical Advice: Learn how to incorporate spiritual practices into your daily life for a more fulfilling and compassionate existence.

This episode we continue to follow the monk Xuanzang on his path along the silk road.  From Gaochang, he traveled through the Tarim Basin, up over the Tianshan Mountains, to the heart of the Western Gokturk Qaghanate.  From there, he traveled south, through the region of Transoxania to Bactria and the land of Tukhara.  He pushed on into the Hindu Kush, witnessing the stone Buddha statues of Bamiyan, and eventually made his way to the land of Kapisa, near modern Kabul, Afghanistan.  From there he would prepare to enter the Indian subcontinent: the home of the historical Buddha. For more discussion and some photos of the areas along this journey, check out our podcast blog at https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-121   Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua, and this is Episode 121: Journey to the West, Part 2   The cold winds blew through the travelers' doubled up clothing and thick furs.  Cold, wet ground meant that even two sets of boots were not necessarily enough after several days.  The frozen mist would often obscure everything except for the path immediately in front, hiding the peaks and making the sky a uniform white. In many places, the path would be blocked by rock, ice, or snow—the remnants of an avalanche, which could easily take an unsuspecting traveler.  And there was the elevation.  Hiking through the mountains, it was easy enough to reach heights of a mile or higher, and for those not accustomed to that elevation the thin air could take a surprising toll, especially if you were pushing yourself.  And the road was no less kind to the animals that would be hauling said travelers and their gear. And yet, this was the path that Xuanzang had agreed to.  He would continue to push through, despite the various deprivations that he would be subjected to.  No doubt he often wondered if it was worth it.  Then again, returning was just as dangerous a trip, so why not push on?   Last episode we introduced the monk Xuanzang, who traveled the Silk Road to India in the 7th century and returned to China.  He brought back numerous sutras to translate, and ended up founding a new school, known as the Faxian school—or the Hossou school in Japan.   As we mentioned last time, Xuanzang during his lifetime met with students from the archipelago when they visited the continent.  The records of his travels—including his biography and travelogue—are some of the best information we have on what life was like on the silk road around this time. In the last episode, we talked about Xuanzang: how he set out on his travels, his illegal departure from the Tang empire, and his perilous journey across the desert, ending up in Gaochang.  There, King Qu Wentai had tried to get him to stay, but he was determined to head out.  This episode we are going to cover his trip to Agni, Kucha, and Baluka—modern Aksu—and up to the Western Gokturk Qaghanate's capital of Suyab.  From there, we'll follow his footsteps through the Turkic controlled regions of Transoxania and into Tukhara, in modern Afghanistan.  Finally, we'll cover the last parts of his journey before he reached the start of his goal:  India. From Gaochang, Xuanzang continued on, through the towns he names as Wuban and Dujin, and into the country of Agni—known today as the area of Yanqi—which may also have been known as Wuqi.  The route was well-enough known, but it wasn't necessarily safe.  At one point, Xuanzang's caravan met with bandits, whom they were fortunately able to pay off.  The following night they encamped on a river bank with some merchants who also happened to be traveling the road.  The merchants, though, got up at midnight and headed out, hoping to get to the city early so that they could be the first ones to the market.  They only made it a few miles down the road, however, before they encountered more bandits, who slaughtered them and took their goods.  The following day, Xuanzang and his retinue came upon the merchants' remains lying in the road and saw the aftermath of the massacre. This was an unforgiving land, and the road was truly dangerous, even for those who traveled it regularly.  And yet Xuanzang was planning to travel its entire length until he reached India. So with little alternative, they carried on to the royal city of Agni. Agni, or Yanqi, sits on the southwestern edge of the basin, west of Bositeng lake, on the border between the Turfan basin and the larger Tarim Basin.  The name is thought to be a Tocharian—or Turfanian—name for the city, which is also known as Karashr. According to the biography by Huili, Xuanzang and his party didn't stay long in Agni.  Apparently Agni and Gaochang were not exactly on friendly terms, and even though the King of Agni and his ministers reportedly came out to greet Xuanzang and welcome him to their city, they refused to provide any horses.  They spent a single night and moved on. That said, Agni still made an impression on Xuanzang.  He noted how the capital was surrounded by hills on four sides, making it naturally defensible.  As for the people, he praises them as honest and straightforward.  They wore clothing of felt and hemp cloth, and cut their hair short, without hats or any kind of headwear.  Even the climate was pleasant, at least for the short time he was there.  He also notes that they used a script based on India—likely referring to the Brahmic script, which we find in the Tarim basin. However, as for the local lord, the King of Agni, he is a little less charitable.  Xuanzang claimed he was brave but “lacked resourcefulness” and he was a bit of a braggart.  Furthermore, the country had “no guiding principles or discipline and government orders are imperfect and not seriously implemented.”  He also mentioned the state of Buddhism in the country, noting that they were followers of Sarvastivada school, a Theravada sect popular along the Silk Road at the time.  Xuanzang was apparently not too pleased with the fact that they were not strict vegetarians, including the “three kinds of pure meat”.  From Agni, Xuanzang continued southwest, heading for the kingdom of Kucha.  He seems to have bypassed the nearby kingdom of Korla, south of Agni, and headed some 60 or 70 miles, climbing over a ridge and crossing two large rivers, and then proceeding another 200 miles or so to the land of Kucha. Kucha was a kingdom with over one hundred monasteries and five thousand monks following a form of Theravada Buddhism.  Here, Xuanzang was welcomed in by the king, Suvarnadeva, described as having red hair and blue eyes.  While Xuanzang was staying in Kucha, it is suspected that he probably visited the nearby Kizil grotto and the Buddhist caves, there, which include a painting of King Suvarnadeva's father, King Suvarnapuspa, and his three sons. You can still visit Kucha and the Kizil grottos today, although getting there is quite a trek, to be sure.  The ancient Kuchean capital is mostly ruins, but in the Kizil caves, protected from the outside elements, you can find vivid paintings ranging from roughly the 4th to the 8th century, when the site was abandoned.  Hundreds of caves were painted, and many still demonstrate vibrant colors.  The arid conditions protect them from mold and mildew, while the cave itself reduces the natural bleaching effect of sunlight.  The paintings are in numerous styles, and were commissioned by various individuals and groups over the years.  They also give us some inkling of how vibrant the city and similar structures must have been, back when the Kuchean kingdom was in its heyday. The people of Kucha are still something of a mystery.  We know that at least some of them spoke an Indo-European language, related to a language found in Agni, and both of these languages are often called Tocharian, which we discussed last episode.  Xuanzang himself noted that they used Indian writing, possibly referring to the Brahmi script, or perhaps the fact that they seem to have used Sanskrit for official purposes, such as the inscription on the cave painting at Kizil giving the name of King Suvarnapuspa.  The Kucheans also were clothed in ornamental garments of silk and embroidery.  They kept their hair cut, wearing a flowing covering over their heads—and we see some of that in the paintings. Xuanzang also notes that though we may think of this area as a desert, it was a place where rice and grains, as well as fruit like grapes, pomegranates, plums, pears, peaches, and almonds were grown.  Even today, modern Xinjiang grows some absolutely fantastic fruit, including grapes, which are often dried into raisins. Another point of interest for Xuanzang may have been that Kucha is known as the hometown of none other than Kumarajiva.  We first mentioned Kumarajiva back in episode 84.  Kumarajiva was one of the first people we know of who translated many of the sutras from India that were then more widely disseminated throughout the Yellow River and Yangzi river basins.  His father was from India and his mother was a Kuchean princess.  In the middle of the 4th century, when he was still quite young, he traveled to India and back with his mother on a Buddhist pilgrimage.  Later he would start a massive translation project in Chang'an.  His translations are credited with revolutionizing Chinese Buddhism. Xuanzang was initially welcomed by the king, his ministers, and the revered monk, Moksagupta.  They were accompanied by several thousand monks who set up tents outside the eastern gate, with portable Buddha images, which they worshipped, and then Xuanzang was taken to monastery after monastery until sunset.  At one of the monasteries, in the southeast of the city, there were several tens of monks who originally came from Gaochang, and since Xuanzang had come from there, they invited him to stay with them. The next day he met and feasted with the King, politely declining any meat, and then went to the monastery in the northwest to meet with the famous monk: Moksagupta.  Moksagupta himself had made the journey to India, and had spent 20 years there himself.  It seems like this would have been the perfect person for Xuanzang to talk to about his plans, but instead, the two butted heads.  Moksagupta seems to have seen Xuanzang's Mahayana faith as heretical.  He saw no reason for Xuanzang to travel all the way to India when he had all the sutras that anyone needed there in Kucha, along with Moksagupta himself.   Xuanzang's response seems to have been the Tang dynasty Buddhist version of “Okay, Boomer”, and then he went ahead and tore apart Moksagupta's understanding of his own sutras—or so Xuanzang relayed to his biographers.  We don't exactly have Moksagupta's side, and, let's face it, Xuanzang and his biographers are not necessarily reliable narrators.  After all, they followed Mahayana teachings, which they considered the “Greater Vehicle”, and they referred to the Theravada teachings as the “Hinayana” or “Lesser Vehicle”.  Meanwhile, Theravada Buddhists likely saw many of the Mahayana texts as extraneous, even heretical, not believing them to actually be the teachings of the Buddha. It must have been winter time, as the passes through the mountains on the road ahead were still closed, and so Xuanzang stayed in Kucha, spending his time sightseeing and meeting with various people.  He even went back to see Moksagupta, but the older monk shunned him, and would get up and exit the room rather than engaging with him, so they had no more conversations. Eventually, Xuanzang continued on his way west, following along the northern rim of the Tarim basin.  Two days out from Kucha, disaster struck.  Some two thousand or so Turkish bandits suddenly appeared—I doubt Xuanzang was counting, so it may have been more or less.  I imagine that memories of what had happened to the merchants near Agni must have gone through Xuanzang's mind.   Fortunately, for him, they were fighting over loot that they had pillaged from various travelers, and since they couldn't share it equally, they fell to fighting each other and eventually dispersed. He travelled for almost 200 miles after that, stopping only for a night at the Kingdom of Baluka, aka Gumo—the modern city of Aksu.  This was another Theravada Buddhist kingdom.  Xuanzang noted tens of Buddhist temples, and over 1000 Buddhist monks.  The country was not large—about 200 miles east to west and 100 miles north to south.  For reference that means it was probably comparable in size with Kyushu, in terms of overall area, or maybe the size of Denmark—excluding Greenland—or maybe the US state of Maryland.  Xuanzang described the country as similar to Kucha in just about every way, including the written language and law, but the spoken language was different, though we don't get many more details. From Baluka, he crossed northward through the Tianshan mountains, which are classified as an extension of the Pamirs known as the Ice Mountains.  Had he continued southwest, he would have hit Kashgar and crossed over between the Pamir and Tian Shan ranges into the Ferghana valley, but instead he turned north. We don't know exactly why he took this perilous option, but the route that may have been popular at the time as it was one of the most direct routes to the seat of the Western Gokturk Empire, which he was currently traveling through. The Tian Shan mountains were a dangerous journey.  Avalanches could block the road—or worse.  Xuanzang describes the permanent ice fields—indeed, it is the ice fields and glaciers of the Tian Shan that melt in the summer and provide the oasis towns of the Tarim Basin with water, even to this day.  In Xuanzang's day, those glaciers were likely even more prevalent than today, especially as they have been recorded as rapidly disappearing since 1961.  And where you weren't on snow and ice, the ground was probably wet and damp from the melt.  To keep warm, you would wear shoes over your shoes, along with heavy fur coats, all designed to reduce exposure. Xuanzang claims that 3 or 4 of every 10 people didn't survive the crossing—and that horses and oxen fared even worse.  Even if these numbers are an exaggeration, the message is clear:  This was a dangerous journey. After about seven days, Xuanzang came out of the mountains to the “Great Pure Lake”, the “Da Qing Hai”, also known as the Hot Sea or the Salt Sea, which likely refers to Issyk Kul.  The salt content, along with the great volume of water it possesses, means that the lake rarely freezes over, which is likely why it is seen as “hot” since it doesn't freeze when the fresh water nearby does.  This lake is the second largest mountain lake in the world, and the second deepest saltwater lake.  Traveling past the lake, he continued to Suyab, near modern Tokmok, in Kyrgyzstan, just west of the modern capital of Bishkek.  This was an old Sogdian settlement, and had since become the capital of the Western Gokturks.  Sogdians—like Xuanzang's guide, Vandak—were integral to the Gokturk kingdom. Their language was the lingua franca of the Silk Road, and at the time of the Gokturk Khaganate, it was also the official court language, and so when Xuanzang appeared at the court of the Great Khagan of the Western Gokturks, it was likely the language of diplomacy. When we think of Turkic people, many in the English speaking world think of Turkiye, and perhaps of the mighty Ottoman empire.  Some may think of Turkmenistan, Kazhakstan, Kyrgyzstan, or Uzbekistan, among others.  And of course, there are the Uyghur people in Xinjiang.  All of these people claim roots in the ancestral Turkic homeland in the Altai mountains, which sit largely in western Mongolia, north of China's Xinjiang region.  Much like the Xiongnu and the Mongols, they were pastoral nomads, moving their herds across the steppes, often covering great distances.  They would regularly move through different regions, perhaps returning each season, though sometimes not returning for years at a time.  They were often seen as barbarians by settled people living in cities, and yet their goods and horses were highly prized. Nomad and sedentary lifestyles would often collide.  Farmers would turn pastureland into fields, and when the nomadic people returned on their circuits, they would find walls and fences where there was once open land, and the people there would claim to “own” the land, a concept often foreign to people who were always on the move.  Nomadic people, such as the Gokturks, were not necessarily keeping vast libraries of records about themselves and their histories, and so much of what we get comes from external sources, which do not always have incredibly reliable narrators.  To many of the settled agriculturalists, groups like the Turks were marauders who raided their villages and farms.  They were a great bogeyman of the steppes, which required the firm hand of strong defenses to keep out—or so their opponents would want people to think. While they were known for their warfare, which incorporated their mobility, but they were keenly interested in trade, as well.  They understood the value of the trade routes and the various cities and states that they included in their empire.  Thus, the Sogdians and the Gokturks seem a natural fit: the Sogdians were more settled, but not entirely so, as demonstrated by their vast trade networks.  And the Sogdians also were part of the greater central Eurasian steppe culture, so the two cultures understood each other, to a degree.  They are even depicted similarly in art, with slight differences, such as long hair that was often associated with Turks over the Sogdians.  In some areas of the Gokturk empire, Sogdians would run the cities, while the Gokturks provided military aid and protection. Xuanzang's description of the people of Suyab, or the “City of Suye River”, doesn't pick out anyone in particular, and he even says that it was a place where traders of the Hu, or foreign, tribes from different countries mingle their abodes.  He mentions the people here as being called Suli, which is also the name given to the language—this may refer to “Sogdian” in general.  They write with an alphabet that is written vertically rather than horizontally—this may refer to a few scripts that were written this way, possibly based off Syriac or Aramaic alphabets that were adapted to Sogdian and other Iranian languages, but it isn't clear. We are told that the people dressed in felt and hemp clothing, with fur and “cotton” garments.  Their clothes fit tightly, and they kept their hair cut short, exposing the top of their heads—though sometimes they shaved it completely, tying a colored silk band around the forehead. He goes on to describe these people as greedy liars, possibly a reference to the mercantile nature of many of the people at the time. Something to note: The Turks of this time had not yet encountered Islam, which was just now starting to rise up in the Middle East.  The Prophet Muhammad is said to have been born around the end of the 6th century CE and was preaching in the early 7th century, though his teachings would begin to spread outward soon enough.  But that means that the Gokturks were not an Islamic empire.  Rather, their own traditions seem to have focused on the worship of Tengri, an Altaic personification of the universe, often simplified as a “sky god”.  Tengrism can be found amongst the Xiongnu, Mongols, and others, and it was the national religion of the Gokturks themselves, but there were many who also adopted other religions that they encountered, including Zoroastrianism, Christianity, Manichaeism, and Buddhism.  In fact, Xuanzang notes that the Turks he met in Suyab would not sleep or sit on beds made of wood because wood was thought to contain the spirit of fire, which he says they worshipped.  That sounds similar to Zoroastrian beliefs, where fire is associated with Ahura Mazda, who is also worshipped as a sky god.  These may have been beliefs inherited from their Eastern Iranian Sogdian partners. In Xuanzang's biography, we are given more details about his visit to Suyab.  Apparently, as he was headed to the city, he met a hunting party, which we are told was the retinue of Yehu Khan.  Hunting was an important part of life on the steppes, and it continued to be a favorite sport of the Gokturk nobility. Yehu Khan—possibly Yagbhu Khan, though that is up for some debate—is described as being dressed in a green silk robe, with his hair exposed, and wearing  a turban of white silk about ten feet long that wrapped his forehead and hung behind his back.  His “hunting” expedition wasn't just a couple of the guys.  It included about 200 officials, all with plaited hair and dressed in brocade robes—they weren't exactly out there roughing it.  He also had his soldiers, dressed in furs, felt, or fine woolen clothes, and there were so many cavalry that they stretched out of sight.  The Khan seemed pleased to meet Xuanzang, but his hunt was expected to last another couple of days, at least, so he sent an attendant named Dharmaja to take Xuanzang back to wait for the Khan to return. Three days later, Xuanzang was given an audience.  The khan was seated in a large yurt.  Xuanzang noted the seeming incongruity between the khan, sitting there in the tent, decorated with golden flowers, with the officials dressed in magnificent brocade garments sitting in two long rows in front of him and the armed guards behind him, compared to the simple felt walls of the tent. A ”yurt” is a common feature of nomadic life on the steppes.  It wasn't exactly a single person operation to haul them around, but they can be taken down and put up with relative ease.  And while yurts could be relatively simple, there are examples of much more elaborate structures.  There is little reason they couldn't be made larger, perhaps with some extra support.  In later centuries, there are examples of giant yurts that seem like real construction projects.  Use of tents, even in a city, where they had permanent palace buildings, was likely a means of retaining the nomadic steppe traditions, even while enjoying the benefits of city life. Whom exactly Xuanzang met with is a matter of debate.  His records seem to indicate that it was Tong Yabghu Qaghan of the Western Gokturk Khaganate, but other sources say that Tong Yabghu Qaghan died in 628, and the earliest Xuanzang could have been meeting with him was 630, two years later, so if that is the case, he must have met with Tong Yabghu's son, Si Yabghu Qaghan.  It is likely that Xuanzang, who was dictating his accounts years after, mentioned the Qaghan and then, when they looked up who it was, they simply made a mistake.  Remember, Xuanzang would have had everything translated through one or two languages.  He did know what he saw, however, and he recounted what he remembered. Tong Yabghu Qaghan oversaw the height of the Gokturk Qaghanate, and appears to have favored the Buddhist religion, though there were many different religions active in their territories at the time.  They oversaw an extremely cosmopolitan empire covering huge swaths of central Eurasia, including the lucrative silk road.  Xuanzang notes that at the court there were individuals from Gaochang and even a messenger from the Han—which is to say the Tang Empire.  One wonders if Xuanzang—or anyone at that time—realized just how tenuous the Khan'sposition was.  After Tong Yabghu's death, the Qaghanate would decline, and less than a decade later it would fall to the Tang dynasty, who took Suyab and made it their western outpost.  In fact, Suyab is thought to have been the birthplace, over a century later, of a young boy who would find a love of poetry.  That boy's name was Li Bai, or Ri Haku, in Japanese. He would become one of the most famous poets in Chinese history, and his poems were even known and studied in Japan.  And it was largely through Japanese study of Li Bai's poems that his works came to the English speaking world: first through Ernest Fenollosa, who had studied in Japan, and then by the celebrated Ezra Pound, who had used Ernest's notes to help with his own translations of the poems. This was, though, as I said, over a century after Xuanzang's journey.  At the time of our story, the Qaghan was throwing a feast, including Xuanzang and all of the foreign envoys.  Xuanzang comments on the food and drink—his hosts provided grape juice in lieu of wine, and cooked a special vegetarian feast just for him, while the other guests ate a feast of meat, such as veal, lamb, fish, and the like.  There was also the music of various regions along the Silk Road, which Xuanzang found to be catchy, but of course not as refined as the music he was used to, of course.  After dinner Xuanzang was asked to expound upon the Darma, largely about the basic principle that you should be kind to one another—I doubt he was getting into the deep mysteries of Buddhist philosophy. Xuanzang stuck around the court for three more days, during which time the Qaghan tried to get him to stay, but Xuanzang insisted that he had to make it to India.  And so the Qaghan relented.  He found men in his army who could translate for Xuanzang along his journey, and had letters of introduction written to at least as far as the state of Kapisa, in modern Afghanistan. And so, armed with the Qaghan's blessing and a fresh translator, Xuanzang struck out again.  They headed westward for over one hundred miles, eventually reaching Bingyul, aka the Thousand Springs.  This is the area where the Qaghan and his court would spend his summers, and the deer in the area were protected under his orders, so that they were not afraid of humans—which sounds similar to the situation with the deer in Nara.  Continuing on another fifty miles or so—the distances are approximate as Xuanzang's primary duty was not exactly to map all of this out—Xuanzang arrived at the city of Taras, in modern Kazakhstan, another place where the cultures of the Silk Road mixed and mingled.  Xuanzang didn't have much to say about Taraz, apparently, though it is one of the oldest cities in Transoxania, founded near the beginning of the Common Era.  A few miles south of there, Xuanzang reportedly found a village of re-settled ethnic Han that had been captured by the Gokturks and settled here.  They had adopted the dress and customs of the Turkic people, but continued to speak a version of Chinese. Southwest of that he reached the City of White Water, likely referring to Aksukent.  This is the same “Aksu” as the city in Xinjiang, both of which mean “White Water” in Turkic, but this one is in the south of Kazakhstan.  Xuanzang found the climate and products an improvement over what he had experienced in Taras.  Beyond that, he next arrived at the city of Gongyu, and then south again to Nujkend, and then traveling westward to the country of Chach, aka Tashkent.  Both Nujkend and Chach were large cities in nations of smaller, mostly autonomous city-states, which made up a lot of the political geography of Transoxania. I would note that Xuanzang's notes here are much more sparse than previously.  This may be because these were outside of the Tarim basin and therefore of less interest to individuals in the Tang empire.  Or perhaps he was just making his way more quickly and not stopping at every kingdom along the way. From Tashkent, he continued southeast to the Ferghana valley—the country of Feihan.  Oddly, this country doesn't appear in Xuanzang's biography, even though the Ferghana Valley seems to have been fairly well known back in the Tang Empire—it was known as the home of some of the best horses, which were one of its first major exports.  In fact, the Han dynasty even mounted a military expedition to travel to Ferghana just to obtain horses.  Xuanzang is oddly silent on this; however, he does talk about the fertile nature of the land.  He mentions that their language here is different from the lands he had been traveling through up to this point, and also points out that the people of the Ferghana valley were also visibly different from others in the area. From the Ferghana valley, Xuanzang headed west for about 300 miles or more to the land of Sutrushana—perhaps referring to the area of Ushrusana, with its capital of Bunjikat.  This country was also largely Sogdian, and described as similar to Tashkent.  From there, he traveled west through a great desert, passing skeletons, which were the only marker of the trail other than a view of the far off mountains.  Finally, they reached Samarkand, known as the country of “Kang” in Chinese, which was also the term used to mark Sogdians who claimed descent from the people of Samarkand. Samarkand is another of the ancient cities of Central Asia, and even today is the third largest city in modern Uzbekistan.  Human activity in the region goes back to the paleolithic era, and the city was probably founded between the 8th and 7th centuries BCE.  Samarkand was conquered by Alexander the Great, and during the Achaemenid Empire it was the capital of Sogdiana.  During Xuanzang's visit, Samarkand was described as an impenetrable fortress with a large population. For all of his travel, Samarkand was the first place Xuanzang notes as specifically not a Buddhist land.  In fact, there were two monasteries, suggesting that there had been Buddhists, but if any monks tried to stay there then the locals would chase them out with fire.  Instead, they worshipped fire—likely meaning Ahura Mazda and Zoroastrianism.  This leads to a story that I have to wonder about, given the reliability of our narrators. It is said that Xuanzang was met by the King with arrogance, but after staying the night Xuanzang was able to tell the King about Buddhism and its merits.  The king was intrigued, and asked to observe the Precepts, and treated Xuanzang with hospitality and respect.  So when two of Xuanzang's attendants went to the monasteries to worship, they were chased out with fire.  When the king heard about this, he had the people arrested and ordered their hands to be cut off.  Xuanzang could not bear to witness such suffering, however, and he intervened to have them spared.  So instead the king had them flogged and banished from the city.  Ever since then, all the people believed in Buddhism. Some parts of this strike true.  It was likely that the king would entertain this strange wanderer who had arrived with letters from the great Qaghan—that may have even explained why Xuanzang had been encouraged to make the dangerous journey to Suyab in the first place, so that he could obtain such permission.  And it would not be strange for the king to listen to his teachings.  If Xuanzang's attendants were attacked, that would have been a huge breach of hospitality, and however the King felt about it, he no doubt had to do something about it.  And so all of that sounds somewhat believable.  Does that mean everyone suddenly converted to Buddhism?  I don't know that I'm quite willing to go that far.  It is also likely that there were Buddhists there already, even if the majority religion was Zoroastrianism. From Samarkand, Xuanzang traveled farther southwest, to the country of Kasanna, which seems to have been the edge of what we might call Sogdiana.   According to his biographers, however, there was a little more to all of this.  Rather, he headed west to Kusanika.  Then he traveled to  Khargan, and further on to the country of Bukhara, and then to Vadi.  All of these were “An” in Chinese, which was the name element used for Sogdians from this region.  He then continued west to the country of Horismika, on the other side of the Amu Darya, aka the Oxus River of Transoxanian fame. From there he traveled further southwest, entering into the mountains.  The path here was often such that they had to travel single-file, and there was no food or water other than what you brought with you.  Eventually they came to a set of doors, known as the Iron Gate.  This was a Turkic fortress.  It was no doubt fortuitous that he had come from his meeting with the Qaghan, and likely had permission to pass through.  From there, they entered the country of Tukhara. As we noted in Episode 119, Tukhara was in the region of Bactria.  It was bordered by the Pamir range in the east, and the Persian empire in the west.  There were also the Great Snow Mountains in the south, likely referencing the Hindu Kush. Tukhara had been conquered by the Gokturks just within the past couple of decades, and Xuanzang notes that the country had been split into largely autonomous city-states as the local royalty had died without an heir many years before.  With the Gokturk conquest, it was now administered by Tardu Shad, the son of Tong Yabghu Qaghan.  “Shad” in this case was a local title. Here, Xuanzang's narrative gets a little dicey, especially between his biography and his records.  The records of the Western Regions denotes various countries in this area.  It is unclear if he traveled to all of them or is just recounting them from records he obtained.  He does give us at least an overview of the people and the region.  I would also note that this is one of the regions he visited, again, on his return trip, and so may have been more familiar with the region than those areas he had passed through from Suyab on down. For one thing, he notes that the language of the region was different from that of the “Suli”, which appears to refer to the Sogdians.  This was the old territory of the Kushan empire, and they largely spoke Bactrian.  Like Sogdian, it was another Eastern Iranian language, and they used an alphabet based largely on Greek, and written horizontally rather than vertically.  They also had their own coins. This region had plenty of Buddhist communities, and Xuanzang describes the cities and how many monasteries they had, though, again, it isn't clear if he actually visited all of them or not.  These are countries that Li Rongji translates as “Tirmidh”, “Sahaaniyan”, “Kharuun”, “Shuumaan”, etc. It does seem that Xuanzang made it to the capital city, the modern city Kunduz, Afghanistan. Xuanzang actually had something specific for the local Gokturk ruler, Tardu Shad.  Tardu Shad's wife was the younger sister of King Qu Wentai of Gaochang, whom we met last episode.  Qu Wentai had provided Xuanzang a letter for his younger sister and her husband.  Unfortunately, Xuanzang arrived to learn that the princess of Gaochang had passed away, and Tardu Shad's health was failing.  It does seem that Tardu Shad was aware of Xuanzang, however—a letter had already come from Qu Wentai to let them know that Xuanzang was on his way.  As I mentioned last episode, letters were an important part of how communities stayed tied together.  Of course, given the perils of the road, one assumes that multiple letters likely had to be sent just in case they didn't make it.  The US Postal Service this was not. Tardu Shad, though not feeling well, granted an interview with Xuanzang.  He suggested that Xuanzang should stick around.  Then, once the Shad had recovered from his illness, he would accompany Xuanzang personally on his trip to India.  Unfortunately, that was not to be.  While Xuanzang was staying there, he was witness to deadly drama.  Tardu Shad was recovering, which was attributed to the recitations by an Indian monk who was also there.  This outcome was not exactly what some in the court had wanted.  One of the Shad's own sons, known as the Tagin prince, plotted with the Shad's current wife, the young Khatun, and she poisoned her husband.  With the Shad dead, the throne might have gone to the son of the Gaochang princess, but he was still too young.  As such, the Tagin Prince was able to usurp the throne himself, and he married his stepmother, the young Khatun.  The funeral services for the late Tardu Shad meant that Xuanzang was obliged to stay at Ghor for over a month. During that time, Xuanzang had a seemingly pleasant interaction with an Indian monk.  And when he finally got ready to go, he asked the new Shad for a guide and horses.  He agreed, but also made the suggestion that Xuanzang should then head to Balkh.  This may have meant a bit of backtracking, but the Shad suggested that it would be worth it, as Balkh had a flourishing Buddhist community. Fortunately, there was a group of Buddhist monks from Balkh who happened to be in Kunduz to express their condolences at the passing of Tardu Shad, and they agreed to accompany Xuanzang back to their hometown, lest he end up getting lost and taking the long way there. The city of Balkh is also known as “Baktra”, as in “Bactria”, another name of this region.  A settlement has been there since at least 500 BCE , and it was already an important city when it was captured by Alexander the Great.  It sits at the confluence of several major trade routes, which no doubt were a big part of its success.  Xuanzang's biography notes that it was a massive city, though it was relatively sparsely populated—probably due to the relatively recent conquest by the Gokturks, which had occurred in the last couple of decades.  That said, there were still thousands of monks residing at a hundred monasteries in and around the city.  They are all characterized as monks of Theravada schools.  Southwest of the city was a monastery known as Navasamgharama, aka Nava Vihara, or “New Monastery”.  Despite its name, the monastery may have actually been much older, going back to the Kushan emperor Kaniska, in the 2nd century CE.  Ruins identified as this “New Monastery” are still visible south of Balkh, today. The monastery is described as being beautifully decorated, and it seems that it had a relic—one of the Buddha's teeth.  There are also various utensils that the Buddha is said to have used, as well.  The objects would be displayed on festival days.  North of the monastery there was a stupa more than 200 feet in height.  South of the monastery was a hermitage.  Each monk who studied there and passed away would have a stupa erected for them, as well.  Xuanzang notes that there were at around 700 memorial stupas, such that they had to be crammed together, base to base. It was here that Xuanzang met a young monk named Prajnaakara, who was already somewhat famous in India, and well-studied.  When questioned about certain aspects of Buddhism, Xuanzang was impressed by the monk's answers, and so stayed there a month studying with the young monk. Eventually, Xuanzang was ready to continue on his journey.  He departed Balkh towards the south, accompanying the teacher Prajnakara, and together they entered the Great Snow Mountains, aka the Hindu Kush.  This path was even more dangerous than the trip through the Tian Shan mountains to Suyab.   They eventually left the territory of Tukhara and arrived at Bamiyan.  Bamiyan was a kingdom in the Hindu Kush, themselves an extension of the Himalayan Mountain range.  It Is largely based around valley, home to the modern city of Bamyan, Afghanistan, which sits along the divide between Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent.  Today it is a major center for individuals of the Hazara ethnic group, one of the main ethnic groups in Afghanistan, which is a multi-ethnic state that includes, today, the Pashtun, Hazara, Tajik, and Uzbek people, along with a number of smaller ethnic groups.  Today they largely reside in the mountainous areas of the Hindu Kush. Bamiyan made an impact on our protagonist.   Their language was slightly different from that in Tukhara, but using the same—or similar enough—writing system.  Buddhism was thriving in the capital, and we are told of a rock statue of the standing Buddha, over a hundred feet in height, along with a copper statue of the standing Buddha nearby.    There was also another reclining Buddha a mile or two down the road.  There were multiple monasteries with thousands of monks, and the ruler of that kingdom received Xuanzang well. Xuanzang wasn't the first monk to travel to Bamiyan from the Middle Kingdom—in this he was, perhaps unwittingly, on the trail of the monk Faxian.  Faxian likely did not see these statues, though, as we believe they were built in the 6th and early 7th century—at least the stone Buddha statues.  They were a famous worship site until February 2001, when the Taliban gave an order to destroy all of the statues in Afghanistan.  Despite this, they were inscribed as UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2003. Fortunately, we have images from before their destruction.  These statues were a blend of Greco-Buddhist and Gandharan art styles—appropriate as it stands between the Hellenistic area of Tukhara and the ancient region of Gandhara—including the modern city of Kandahar and into the Indus Valley region of Pakistan. Continuing east through the mountains, Xuanzang eventually came out at the kingdom of Kapisa.  This may have had its capital around modern-day Bagram, north of modern Kabul, but the country seems to have been quite large.  Kapisa over saw some tens of other countries, and it is thought that at one time its influence extended from Bamyan and Kandahar to the area of modern Jalalabad.  Their language was even more different than that of Tukhara, but they were still using the same writing system.  The king of Kapisa is said to have been of Suli ethnicity—which would seem to indicate that he was Sogdian, or at least descended from people of the Transoxanian region.    Xuanzang notes that the ruler, as rough and fiery as he is described—as a true warlord or similar—he nonetheless made a silver image of the Buddha, eighteen feet in height, every year.  He also gave charity to the poor and needy in an assembly that was called every five years.  There were over one hundred monasteries and some 6000 monks, per Xuanzang's recollection, and notably, they were largely following Mahayana teachings. For the most part the monks that Xuanzang had encountered on this journey were Theravada—Xuanzang refers to them as “Hinayana”, referring to the “Lesser Vehicle” in contrast to Xuanzang's own “Mahayana”, or “Greater Vehicle”.  “Theravada” refers to the “way of the elders” and while Mahayana Buddhism largely accepts the sutras of Theravada Buddhism, there are many Mahayana texts that Theravada Buddhists do not believe are canonical.  We discussed this back in Episode 84. There was apparently a story of another individual from the Yellow River being sent as a hostage to Kapisa when it was part of the Kushan Empire, under Kanishka or similar.  Xuanzang recounts various places that the hostage, described as a prince, lived or visited while in the region.  Xuanzang's arrival likely stirred the imagination of people who likely knew that the Tang were out there, but it was such a seemingly impossible distance for most people.  And yet here was someone who had traveled across all of that distance.  One of the monasteries that claimed to have been founded because of that ancient Han prince invited Xuanzang to stay with them.  Although it was a Theravada monastery, Xuanzang took them up on the offer, both because of the connection to someone who may have been his countryman, but also because of his traveling companion, Prajnakara, who was also a Theravada monk, and may not be comfortable staying at a Mahayana monastery. Xuanzang spends a good deal of ink on the stories of how various monasteries and other sites were founded in Kapisa and the surrounding areas.  He must have spent some time there to accumulate all of this information.  It is also one of the places where he seems to have hit at least twice—once on the way to India, and once during his return journey. The King of Kapisa is said to have been a devotee of Mahayana Buddhism.  He invited Xuanzang and Prajnakara to come to a Mahayana monastery to hold a Dharma gathering.  There they met with several leading figures in the monastery, and they discussed different theories.  This gathering lasted five days, and at the end, the king offered Xuanzang and the other monks five bolts of pure brocade and various other gifts.  Soon thereafter, the monk Prajnakara was invited back to Tukhara, and so he and Xuanzang parted ways. And it was about time for Xuanzang to continue onwards as well.  From Kapisa, he would travel across the “Black Range” and into Lampaka.  This may refer to the area of Laghman or Jalalabad.  Today, this is in modern Afghanistan, but for Xuanzang, this would have been the northwestern edge of India.  He was almost there. And so are we, but we'll save his trip into India for next episode. Until then thank you for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

In this roundtable episode, host Ellie Woodacre is joined by a panel of five experts on monarchy in premodern Asia--including the Indian subcontinent, China and Southeast Asia. This episode captures a vibrant discussion on the impact of Buddhism on the ideals and practice of monarchy in the region, drawing on their respective research.Speaker Bios: Stephanie Balkwill is Associate Professor of Chinese Buddhism at the University of California Los Angeles, where she is also the Director of the Center for Buddhist Studies. She publishes broadly on the connection between women, Buddhist affiliation, and political opportunity in early medieval China. She is the author of The Women Who Ruled China: Buddhism, Multiculturalism, and Governance in the Sixth Century (UC Press 2024) as well as the co-Editor of Buddhist Statecraft in East Asia (Brill 2022)--both are Open Access.Megan Bryson is Associate Professor of Religious Studies and Chair of the Asian Studies program at the University of Tennessee. Her work focuses on gender, ethnicity, and kingship in East Asian Buddhism, specifically in the regimes of Nanzhao (653–903) and Dali (937–1253) that were based in what is now China's Yunnan province. Bryson is the author of the book Goddess on the Frontier: Religion, Ethnicity, and Gender in Southwest China (Stanford UP, 2016), co-editor of the volume Buddhist Masculinities (Columbia UP, 2023), and she is currently finishing a book about Buddhist transmission along the Southwestern Silk Road.Alice Collett: Prior to joining St Andrews, Professor Collett worked at several universities around the world, in teaching, research and senior management roles, including a period as Acting Dean at Nalanda University in India. Her research specialism is ancient Indian religions, with a focus on women. Her publications include Women in Early Indian Buddhism: Comparative Textual Studies (OUP, 2013) and Translating Buddhism: Historical and Contextual Perspectives (SUNY, 2021).  Bruno Shirley is a historian of medieval Sri Lanka, interested in ideas about and practices of religion, politics, and gender. He is currently a research fellow in Buddhist Studies at Heidelberg University. Trent Walker is assistant professor of Southeast Asian studies and Thai Professor of Theravada Buddhism at the University of Michigan. Prior to moving to Ann Arbor, he completed postdoctoral fellowships at Chulalongkorn University in Thailand and the Ho Center for Buddhist Studies at Stanford University. A specialist in Southeast Asian Buddhist music, literature, and manuscripts, he is the author of Until Nirvana's Time: Buddhist Songs from Cambodia (winner of the 2024 Khyentse Foundation Prize for Outstanding Translation) and co-editor of Out of the Shadows of Angkor: Cambodian Poetry, Prose, and Performance through the Ages. 

Tao Te Ching by Lao Tzu, a Chinese classic text written around 400 BC and traditionally credited to the sage. A a fundamental text for both philosophical and religious Taoism. It also strongly influenced other schools of Chinese philosophy and religion, including Legalism, Confucianism, and Chinese Buddhism, which was largely interpreted through the use of Taoist words and concepts when it was originally introduced to China.  Tao - The basic principle of the Universe. "Tao Te Ching" by Lao Tzu - Book PReview  Book of the Week - BOTW - Season 7 Book 23 Buy the book on Amazon https://amzn.to/3RssP8N GET IT. READ :) #tao #laotzu #awareness  FIND OUT which HUMAN NEED is driving all of your behavior http://6-human-needs.sfwalker.com/ Human Needs Psychology + Emotional Intelligence + Universal Laws of Nature = MASTER OF LIFE AWARENESS https://www.sfwalker.com/master-life-awareness --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/sfwalker/message Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/sfwalker/support

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/buddhist-studies

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/religion

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/japanese-studies

During the Republican period (1912–1949) and after, many Chinese Buddhists sought inspiration from non-Chinese Buddhist traditions, showing a particular interest in esoteric teachings. What made these Buddhists dissatisfied with Chinese Buddhism, and what did they think other Buddhist traditions could offer? Which elements did they choose to follow, and which ones did they disregard? And how do their experiences recast the wider story of twentieth-century pan-Asian Buddhist reform movements? Based on a wide range of previously unexplored Chinese sources, Esoteric Buddhism in China: Engaging Japanese and Tibetan Traditions, 1912–1949 (Columbia UP, 2023) explores how esoteric Buddhist traditions have shaped the Chinese religious landscape. Wei Wu examines cross-cultural religious transmission of ideas from Japanese and Tibetan traditions, considering the various esoteric currents within Chinese Buddhist communities and how Chinese individuals and groups engaged with newly translated ideas and practices. She argues that Chinese Buddhists' assimilation of doctrinal, ritual, and institutional elements of Tibetan and Japanese esoteric Buddhism was not a simple replication but an active process of creating new meanings. Their visions of Buddhism in the modern world, as well as early twentieth-century discourses of nation building and religious reform, shaped the reception of esoteric traditions. By analyzing the Chinese interpretation and strategic adaptations of esoteric Buddhism, this book sheds new light on the intellectual development, ritual performances, and institutional formations of Chinese Buddhism in the twentieth century. To understand the broader forces that shaped the debates about esoteric Buddhism in modern China, please also check Wu Wei's article, "Buddhism and Superstition: Buddhist Apologetics in the Anti-Superstition Campaigns in Modern China," which is open access and can be found here.

Zazen is a practice that involves the body in ways such as working with the breath. Joshu Sasaki Roshi came up with the phrase, “Buddha is the center of gravity.” Rooting ourselves to the earth through the hara, the abdominal area, is an aspect of Chan or Chinese Buddhism that came to be known as Zen in Japan. We unconsciously absorb negativity that denigrates the body in our culture. There is a symbiotic relationship between spirit and the body in ancient systems like yoga, tai chi, and qigong. There is a traditional analogy of a chariot (the body), horses (our will and energy), driver (the ego that is in connection with the world), and passenger (the Self or witness). The ego needs direction from the Self. When we get beyond busy-ness we can hear the messages of the Self and the body. In Buddhism, it is not desire but unexamined desire that is suffering. The vessel has been referred to as the receptacle of the soul. Do we relate to the vessel with tenderness or judgment? Judgment pops up over and over; it is ingrained and patterned in our bodies. With deep meditation experience we understand that we're not just the human body. In spiritual practice, relationship to the body is often ignored. The Middle Way does not deny or punish the body with ascetic practice and does not indulge the body. This way has got to look different today than when Buddha lived in 500 B.C. The focus on the evolution of consciousness can last right up to the end of our lives. A koan is a practice of a dying activity meant to dissolve the sense of a separate self. When we have compassion for ourselves, it spills out to other people. Myosho Ginny Matthews was a student of Joshu Sasaki Roshi for 40 years. She took lay ordination in 2000, leads retreats on practice, is a dance teacher and choreographer, and is featured in the book, The Unknown She: Eight Faces of an Emerging Consciousness.

[Chinese Buddhism and the Chan Tradition] From Tea Words Vol. Two By Chan Master Sheng Yen / Narrated by Yingshyan Ku Tea Words is an archived edition of Master Sheng Yen's early teachings in the West. It contains 50 selected articles published in two volumes. It speaks of the attitude one should have to practice Chan correctly.

I'm answering YOUR questions about Buddhism in this episode! Recently I asked on my social media if anyone had questions about Buddhism and here are a few of those questions that I answered. Be on the lookout for me asking again or simply message me from my website. Chapters: 00:00 Introduction 00:30 Do Monastics Have a Better Chance at Nirvana Over Laypersons? 05:13 Buddhism and Vegetarian? 12:10 Westerners Focus on Vipassana [Meditation] Only? 16:55 Bodhisattvas Real? 24:34 Four Heavenly Kings Only in Chinese Buddhism? Contact Alan: alanpeto.com/contact Podcast Homepage: alanpeto.com/podcast Podcast Disclaimer: alanpeto.com/legal/podcast-disclaimer --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/alanpeto/message

Buddhism reached China in the 1st century AD, yet it remained a minor, foreign religion for the next 100 years. It was not until the fall of the Han dynasty in 220 AD and the cracking of the classical Confucian order that Buddhism began to make headway in the Middle Kingdom. Over the following centuries, the religion took hold and so China both transformed Buddhism and was transformed by it. Yet, a monk named Xuanzang, born in 600 AD, was worried about Chinese Buddhism. He feared it had strayed too far from its origin and so he undertook a journey to the Buddhist heartlands of North India and the great university of Nalanda. Listen as William and Anita discuss the early stages of Buddhism in China. For bonus episodes, ad-free listening, reading lists, book discounts, a weekly newsletter, and a chat community. Sign up at https://empirepod.supportingcast.fm/ Twitter: @Empirepoduk Email: empirepoduk@gmail.com Goalhangerpodcasts.com Assistant Producer: Anouska Lewis Producer: Callum Hill Exec Producer: Neil Fearn Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Bright on Buddhism Episode 80 - What is the story of Buddhism's arrival into Japan? How did this relate with traditions of kami worship? How did this affect Japanese Buddhism going forward? Resources: Buswell, Robert; Lopez, Donald S. (2013). The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-15786-3.; Deal, William E.; Ruppert, Brian (2015). A Cultural History of Japanese Buddhism. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1405167017.; Rahder, Johannes (January 1956). "Harivarman's Satyasiddhi-sastra". Philosophy East & West. 5 (4): 348. doi:10.2307/1396885. JSTOR 1396885.; Sharf, Robert H. (August 1993), "The Zen of Japanese Nationalism", History of Religions, 33 (1): 1–43, doi:10.1086/463354, S2CID 161535877; Shi, Zhangqing (2004). The Two Truths in Chinese Buddhism. Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 978-81-208-2035-7.; Snelling, John (1987), The Buddhist handbook. A Complete Guide to Buddhist Teaching and Practice, London: Century Paperbacks; Takakusu, Junjirō (2002). The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 978-81-208-1592-6.; Tamura, Yoshiro (2005). Japanese Buddhism, A Cultural History. Kosei Publishing. ISBN 4-333-01684-3.; Victoria, Brian Daizen (2006), Zen at war (Second ed.), Lanham e.a.: Rowman & Littlefield PublishersBuswell, Robert; Lopez, Donald S. (2013). The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-15786-3.; Deal, William E.; Ruppert, Brian (2015). A Cultural History of Japanese Buddhism. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1405167017.; Rahder, Johannes (January 1956). "Harivarman's Satyasiddhi-sastra". Philosophy East & West. 5 (4): 348. doi:10.2307/1396885. JSTOR 1396885.; Sharf, Robert H. (August 1993), "The Zen of Japanese Nationalism", History of Religions, 33 (1): 1–43, doi:10.1086/463354, S2CID 161535877; Shi, Zhangqing (2004). The Two Truths in Chinese Buddhism. Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 978-81-208-2035-7.; Snelling, John (1987), The Buddhist handbook. A Complete Guide to Buddhist Teaching and Practice, London: Century Paperbacks; Takakusu, Junjirō (2002). The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 978-81-208-1592-6.; Tamura, Yoshiro (2005). Japanese Buddhism, A Cultural History. Kosei Publishing. ISBN 4-333-01684-3.; Victoria, Brian Daizen (2006), Zen at war (Second ed.), Lanham e.a.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Do you have a question about Buddhism that you'd like us to discuss? Let us know by tweeting to us @BrightBuddhism, emailing us at Bright.On.Buddhism@gmail.com, or joining us on our discord server, Hidden Sangha https://discord.gg/tEwcVpu! Credits: Nick Bright: Script, Cover Art, Music, Voice of Hearer, Co-Host Proven Paradox: Editing, mixing and mastering, social media, Voice of Hermit, Co-Host --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/brightonbuddhism/message

In this episode, we continue exploring the rich spiritual tradition of Buddhism through one of its most profound and important schools - Chan/Zen. We dive into the history and development of the school, as well as its characteristic teachings about meditation, koans, liberation and Buddha-nature.Sources/Suggested Reading: Chuang Zhi (2019). "Exploring Chán: An Introduction to the Religious and Mystical Tradition of Chinese Buddhism". Songlark Publishing. Hershock, Peter D. (2004). "Chan Buddhism". University of Hawaii Press. Red Pine (translated by) (1989). "The Zen Teachings of Bodhidharma". North Point Press. Red Pine (translated by) (2002). "The Diamond Sutra". Counterpoint. Red Pine (translated by) (2008). "The Platform Sutra: The Zen Teaching of Hui-neng". Counterpoint. Westerhoff, Jan (2009). "Nagarjuna's Madhyamaka: A Philosophical Introduction". Oxford University Press. Ziporyn, Brook (2016). "Emptiness and Omnipresence: An essential introduction to Tiantai Buddhism". Indiana University Press. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Bright on Buddhism Episode 76 - What is the story of Buddhism's arrival into China? How did this affect Confucianism and Daoism? How does this influence Chinese Buddhism going forward? Resources: Broughton, Jeffrey L. (1999), The Bodhidharma Anthology: The Earliest Records of Zen, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-21972-4; Chen, Kenneth Kuan Sheng. Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey. Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1964.; Dumoulin, Heinrich (2005), Zen Buddhism: A History, vol. 1: India and China, Bloomington, IN: World Wisdom, ISBN 978-0-941532-89-1; Han Yu. Sources of Chinese Tradition. c. 800.; Ebrey, Patricia Buckley (1999), The Cambridge Illustrated History of China (paperback), Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-66991-7; Ebrey, Patricia; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James (2006), East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, ISBN 978-0-618-13384-0; Hill, John E. (2009) Through the Jade Gate to Rome: A Study of the Silk Routes during the Later Han Dynasty, 1st to 2nd centuries CE. John E. Hill. BookSurge, Charleston, South Carolina. ISBN 978-1-4392-2134-1.; Hodus, Lewis (1923), Buddhism and Buddhists in China; Welch, Holmes. The Practice of Chinese Buddhism. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967.; Welch, Holmes. The Buddhist Revival in China. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1968.; Welch, Holmes. Buddhism under Mao. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1972.; Welter, Albert (2000), Mahakasyapa's smile. Silent Transmission and the Kung-an (Koan) Tradition. In: Steven Heine and Dale S. Wright (eds.)(2000): "The Koan. Texts and Contexts in Zen Buddhism, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press Do you have a question about Buddhism that you'd like us to discuss? Let us know by tweeting to us @BrightBuddhism, emailing us at Bright.On.Buddhism@gmail.com, or joining us on our discord server, Hidden Sangha https://discord.gg/tEwcVpu! Credits: Nick Bright: Script, Cover Art, Music, Voice of Hearer, Co-Host Proven Paradox: Editing, mixing and mastering, social media, Voice of Hermit, Co-Host --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/brightonbuddhism/message

民俗信仰 mín sú xìn yǎng - folk beliefs 觀世音菩薩 guān shì yīn pú sà - Guanyin Bodhisattva 傳 chuán - to transmit; to spread to 套 tào - set, system 佛經 Fó jīng - Buddhist scripture 道教 Dào jiào - Taoism 儒家 Rú jiā - Confucianism 孔子 Kǒng zǐ - Confucius 思想 sī xiǎng - ideology, thought 融合為一 rónghé wéi yī - to integrate into one 畫像 huà xiàng - portrait, picture 雕像 diāo xiàng - sculpture, statue 尊 zūn - a measure word used for statues or figurines of deities or important figures 念經 niàn jīng - recite scripture 平靜 píng jìng - calm, peaceful 慈眉善目 cí méi shàn mù - (describing someone) kind-looking with gentle eyes 迷信 mí xìn - superstition 菩薩保佑你 pú sà bǎo yòu nǐ - may the bodhisattva bless you Follow me on Instagram: fangfang.chineselearning I hope you like today's podcast! Got feedback? I'd love to hear it! Rate my podcast show or leave me a review! Learn Chinese Podcast | Chinese Listening Practice | Learn Taiwanese Mandarin | Chinese Learning Podcast

Loretta H. Yang and Chang Yi, founders and artists of LIULI Crystal Art, devoted their life to the art of LIULI for three decades. In the process, they revived the ancient Chinese technique of pâte de verre lost wax casting and instigated the contemporary glass art movement in Asia. Richly imbued with traditional Chinese artistic vocabulary and philosophical thinking, Yang's works have been acquired by more than 22 museums for their permanent collections including Victoria and Albert Museum in London, the Palace Museum in Beijing, New York Museum of Arts and Design, The Corning Museum of Glass, and Musée des Arts Décoratifs in Paris. She has created work for the Oscars, Grammys and 32 world leaders. “Beauty transformed” is how Japanese critics have described Yang's multiple talents. Named Best Leading Actress in the 21st and 22nd Golden Horse Film Awards ceremony, she was the first actress who won this award two years in a row. In 1987, Yang left the film industry along with her late husband, film director Chang Yi, and several other people from the film industry to establish the glass workshop and studio LIULI Crystal Art near Taipei, Taiwan. The industrious group invested their resources in rehabilitating a dilapidated factory and learned the techniques and process of glass casting in the French manner, similar to the luxury glass made by Lalique and Daum. Yang single-handedly rediscovered the techniques of pâte de verre glass casting and uses this technique to create works with a traditional Chinese artistic flare.  When asked, “What has it been like being a woman in the glass arts industry all these years,” Yang responded: “Honestly, I haven't given this topic much thought. Don't exceptional women exist in all industries? Chang Yi believed that women were the stronger gender and possess a resilience men don't. He would use the saying ‘will of steel, gentle heart' to describe women, because he observed that we lead with a gentleness of heart and an unwavering will. Maybe I've been lucky to work with Chang Yi all this time because despite what other people said, we took it with a grain of salt and continued to live according to our own set of rules. We complemented each other. He was responsible for the development, planning and operational aspects of the company. And because of this, he was able to steer our team in the right direction and instill an equitable value system.”  She continues: “I, on the other hand, have more patience and lean more toward innovation. I enjoy researching techniques – LIULI Crystal Art's 12-step technique is a product of my work. Yes, the process was challenging, but what would we be without it? LIULI Crystal Art faced a lot of challenges in our 36 years. The sheer will to complete a project was our greatest encouragement and got us through them. Chang Yi used to good-naturedly admonish that I was the type of person who doesn't know when to quit. But really, I'm the type of person who immerses themselves in something and will continue searching for an answer until I find it. Value and strength are creations of our own design. I refuse to put myself in a box or limit myself in any way. Women can be just as bold as men, men can be just as resilient as women.”  Today, LIULI Crystal Art owns factories on Taiwan (Tamshui) and in Shanghai, and numerous galleries on Taiwan and in China, Hong Kong, Singapore and United States. The group decided to use the Chinese word LIULI as opposed to more common names for glass in the Chinese language. It is commonly believed that the word LIULI first appeared during the Western Zhou Dynasty (about 1045-771 BCE), which referred to the glass being produced at the time. For Yang especially, using the term LIULI greatly references her own body of work, which draws upon traditional Chinese motifs and such Buddhist teachings as enlightenment and transparency, evoking an almost meditative practice and devotional purpose. Each piece undergoes a comprehensive 12-step process and requires six to eight months to complete. Known for her floral sculptures, in 2006 Yang removed all traces of color from her work. This pure, transparent series debuted at Leo Kaplan Modern in New York in 2007 with Proof of Awareness, an oversized and colorless blooming peony, garnering widespread acclaim. To Yang, the oversized flowers of Proof of Awareness represented her life reflections and the next stage of her creative journey. Says Yang: “LIULI petals, when looked at individually, hold little significance. But when clustered together, these petals manifest a symbiotic relationship to create a single large and flawless flower. A harmonious and mutually beneficial relationship does not focus on the self but on the greater good of everyone involved.”  Combining pâte de verre with hot casting, Yang uses multiple castings to create the abstract form of Buddha. Because life is impermanent, LIULI is the perfect material to capture its wavering illusory and tangible qualities. Yang explored the Buddhist philosophy of enlightenment and non-attachment in her exhibition Diamond Sutra held at the Grand Palais in 2015. The Ateliers d'Art de France commented: “The collection exudes a meditative philosophy that captures the Parisian way of life yet is an uncommon component in contemporary French art.” In 1996, when Yang and Chan Yi visited the Buddhist grottoes near the desert oasis of Dunhuang in western China, the moment they saw the Thousand-armed, Thousand-eyed Guanyin fresco in Cave 3 at Mogao, painted during the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368) and slowly disappearing under the relentless weathering of the desert sandstorms, Yang vowed to recreate the image in glass as a way of handing down to future generations the wisdom and compassion it has accumulated over the centuries. On the reverse side is engraved the Great Compassion Dharani, a popular incantation in Chinese Buddhism. The unique transparent nimbus represents the wisdom and compassion of Guanyin illuminating the world. The image exudes an air of boundless compassion, quelling the anxiety of a troubled heart. Though Yang has completed a 200cm version, her deepest wish is to complete a LIULI-made Thousand-armed, Thousand-eyed Guanyin that measures14.7 feet tall!  In order to “continuously create art for the good of the heart,” Chang wrote a dedicated poem for each artwork. It took great determination and faith to accumulate such a compelling body of work. He viewed LIULI as a communicator of life and death, and as the state between illusion and reality, light and shadow. Even though life was illusory, a dream and ephemeral like bubbles, there was always an unwavering touch of red in the heart urging all to never give up life and never give up hope.  Says Yang: “Although it's been more than three decades, we know there's a lot more to achieve. And the only way to do so is to continuously practice what we believe in. The mission of LIULI has always been more than LIULI. It is the society, the culture, and the human beings.  

Why is Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva so popular across all traditions of Buddhism? What are the benefits of meditating on Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva? Why is his mantra treasured for stability, riches and wish-granting?We answer these questions, followed by a short visualization meditation of Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva. We finish with the mantra of the great Earth Store Bodhisattva chanted beautifully by Hrishikesh Sonar in Sanskrit.Before we begin, please like, subscribe and turn on notifications to help support the making of more videos and the Spread the Dharma mission of Buddha Weekly. His name translates to English as Earth Store Savior.Why Earth Store?Earth nurtures the growth of all things, and Store refers to hidden treasures.It is from Earth that life springs.Like the earth, this Enlightened hero is able to make all things grow.Like the great earth, he has endless, boundless treasure troves in the ground for people to uncover, including treasures of Dharma teachings.Those with faith will see the treasures revealed.According to the Hundred and Eight Names of Kṣhitigarbha and Ten Wheels Sūtra, his practice will ensure the universe will remain stable, riches will increase, you will gain whatever you wish for, and all glorious qualities will expand enormously.Why is his meditation, mantra and sutra recitation so effective?According to tradition and Sutra teachings, Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva — also known as Jizo in Japan, or Dìzàng in Chinese Buddhism — will be the most active of the Bodhisattvas in the time between the Nirvana of Shakyamuni Buddha and the rise of the next Buddha Maitreya.For these reasons, and his closeness to our world, he is called the Earth Store Bodhisattva.In times of natural disaster, such as earthquakes, climate change, hurricanes, and epidemics, teachers such as Lama Zopa Rinpoche recommend his meditation and mantra.The mantra and his Dharani contain the essence of recitation of the Eight Names of Kṣitigarbha and Ten Wheels Sutra.He is also widely treasured because he is an unfailing friend and hero, rescuing those suffering from negative karmas and hell realms.He is praised and honored in most traditions of Mahayana Buddhism, because of his great vows to save all sentient beings from suffering.His special day, celebrated by most Buddhists, is on the 30th day of the 7th lunar month, but he is a daily practice for many.For a more in-depth look at this great Earth Store Bodhisattva, see our full features in Buddha Weekly at the link icon in the top right.Come along with us now, as we visualize the glorious Earth Store Bodhisattva, in a visualized meditation..Half close your eyes, or visualize with the images in this video.Breathe in softly.  In.     Then out.  In.   And out. Breathe slowly.  In.    Out.    In.    Out.  Calm your mind. Become mindful and spacious. See yourself, seated in spacious emptiness, peaceful and serene. Golden light arises, gently, enveloping you, warming you, protecting you. From that golden light, you see Golden Kṣitigarbha arise, beautiful and wondrous. Surrounding him is an aureole of more golden light. ... (continues)Support the show

 Proto Chan - Dharma Talk on May 23, 2022 by Gilbert GutierrezMany thanks to Celeste Tan for transcribing this lecture and to Michael Schnabel for editing it.Lecture audio: https://riversidechan.org/lectures/Dharma_Talk_20220523.mp3 Lecture video: https://youtu.be/l5hX3TIB7uc Lecture material: The DDM-Lineage of Chinese Buddhism.pdf (chancenter.org), Buddhism in China: a Historical Survey (

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/buddhist-studies

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/religion

Since the early days of Buddhism in China, monastics and laity alike have expressed a profound concern with the past. In voluminous historical works, they attempted to determine as precisely as possible the dates of events in the Buddha's life, seeking to iron out discrepancies in varying accounts and pinpoint when he delivered which sermons. Buddhist writers chronicled the history of the Dharma in China as well, compiling biographies of eminent monks and nuns and detailing the rise and decline in the religion's fortunes under various rulers. They searched for evidence of karma in the historical record and drew on prophecy to explain the past. John Kieschnick provides an innovative, expansive account of how Chinese Buddhists have sought to understand their history through a Buddhist lens. Exploring a series of themes in mainstream Buddhist historiographical works from the fifth to the twentieth century, he looks not so much for what they reveal about the people and events they describe as for what they tell us about their compilers' understanding of history. Kieschnick examines how Buddhist doctrines influenced the search for the underlying principles driving history, the significance of genealogy in Buddhist writing, and the transformation of Buddhist historiography in the twentieth century. This book casts new light on the intellectual history of Chinese Buddhism and on Buddhists' understanding of the past. As I say in the interview, Buddhist Historiography in China (Columbia University Press, 2022) is one of those that you hope exists out there somewhere, and are delighted when you find out it does! This book is highly recommended not only for those with a keen interest in Buddhism and Chinese history, but also those fascinated by questions of historiography and temporarily more broadly.  Lance Pursey is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Aberdeen where they work on the history and archaeology of the Liao dynasty. They are interested in questions of identity, and the complexities of working with different kinds of sources textually and materially.

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

Episode 87:This week we're finishing On Practice and Contradiction by Mao ZedongThe two halves of the book are available online here:https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-1/mswv1_16.htmhttps://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-1/mswv1_17.htmThe previous episode that already covered chapter 2 of this book can be found here:https://www.abnormalmapping.com/leftist-reading-rss/2020/8/31/guest-leftist-reading-oppose-book-worship[Part 1]1. A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire[Bonus 1, from the archives]2. Oppose Book Worship[Part 2]3. On Practice: On the Relation between Knowledge and Practice, between Knowing and Doing[Part 3 - 6]4. On Contradiction [Part 6]5. Combat Liberalism6. The Chinese People Cannot Be Cowed by the Atom Bomb7. US Imperialism Is a Paper Tiger[Part 7]8. Concerning Stalin's Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR9. Critique of Stalin's Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR[Part 8]10. On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the PeopleSection 1-2[Part 9]Section 3-8[Part 10]Section 9-1211. Where Do Correct Ideas Come From?[Part 11]12. Talk on Questions of Philosophy[Part 12 - This Week]12. Talk on Questions of PhilosophySecond Reading - 00:22Discussion - 24:55Footnotes:27) 00:34Ai Ssu-chti (c. 1910–66) was, at the time of his death, Vice-President of the Higher Party School. He was one of the Party's leading philosophical spokesmen, who had translated works on dialectical materialism from the Russian, and written many books and articles which aimed to make Marxism accessible to the masses. On 1 November 1964 he published an article in People's Daily attacking Yang Hsien-chen, the ‘bourgeois' philosopher Mao refers to earlier in this talk in connection with the principle of ‘two combining into one'.28) 03:54The metaphor of ‘dissecting a sparrow' is an applied theory and a work method to acquire knowledge and sum up experiences. Instead of attempting to generalize about a vast number of repetitions of a phenomenon, this work method advocates the in-depth analysis, thorough study and investigation of a prototype, and a summing-up experience through such analysis. The slogan is derived from the common saying, ‘while a sparrow is small, it contains all the vital organs'. Here, Mao makes the point that, in the broader international context, China as a whole is a microcosm of the problems of revolution in the world today.29) 05:27Leng Tzu-hsing discourses on the mansion of the Duke of Jung-kuo in chapter 2 of The Story of the Stone. The ‘Talisman for Officials' was a list of the rich and influential families in the area which the former novice from the Bottle-Gourd Temple said every official should carry in order to avoid offending them and thereby wrecking his career.30) 06:33For Comrade Mao's criticisms on this matter see ‘Letter Concerning the Dream of the Red Chamber' (Selected Works, vol. V, pp. 150–51), ‘On Criticising Longloumeng yuanjia' (Selected Works, vol. V, pp. 293–94). For Mao's criticism of Yü P'ing-po see ‘Letter Concerning the Study of the Dream of the Red Chamber', 16 October 1954, Selected Works, vol. V. Wang K'un-lun was Vice-Mayor of Peking in the 1950s.31) 06:36Ho Ch'i-fang (1911—), a lyric poet and powerful figure in the literary world, had defended Yü P'ing-po up to a point at the time of the campaign against him in 1954, saying that Yü was wrong in his interpretation of the Dream of the Red Chamber, but politically loyal. He himself came under attack at the time of the Great Leap Forward.32) 06:41Wu Shih-ch'ang's work on this subject has been translated into English: On ‘The Red Chamber Dream', Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1961.33) 07:01Mao's statement here concords with the views of Lu Hsün.34) 07:55The figures Mao gives here, as he shifts to the present and calls to mind the final showdown with the Kuomintang, are those at the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War rather than those at the beginning of the renewed civil war in 1946, when the People's Liberation Army had grown to at least half a million men.35) 09:28In January 1949, General Fu Tso-i, commanding the nationalist garrison in Peiping (as it was then called), surrendered the city without a fight to avoid useless destruction. He subsequently became Minister of Water Conservancy in the Peking government.36) 11:05The legendary Emperor Shen Nung is said to have taught the art of agriculture in the third millennium BC, and in particular to have discovered the medicinal properties of plants.37) 14:30The Lung Shan and Yang Shao cultures, located respectively in northeastern and north-western China, were the two most remarkable cultures of the neolithic period. As Mao indicates, they are particularly noted for their pottery.38) 16:18The book called the Chuang-tzu, which was probably composed only in part by the man of the same name who lived in the second half of the fourth century BC, is not only one of the classic texts of Taoism (with the Lao-tzu and the Book of Changes), but one of the greatest literary masterpieces in the history of China.39) 22:23Sakata Shiyouchi, a Japanese physicist from the University of Nagoya, holds that ‘elementary particles are a single, material, differentiated and limitless category which make up the natural order'. An article by him expounding these views was published in Red Flag in June 1965.40) 22:55Mao is apparently referring to a collection of essays published by Jen Chi-yü in 1963, and reprinted in 1973: Han Tang fo-chiao ssu-hsiang lun chi (Collected Essays on Buddhist Thought in the Han and T'ang Dynasties). In these studies, he quotes from Lenin at considerable length regarding dialectics.41) 23:06T'ang Yung-t'ung (1892–1964), whom Jen Chi-yü acknowledges as his teacher, was the leading historian of Buddhism, who had written on Chinese Buddhism under the Han, Wei, Chin, and Northern and Southern dynasties, on the history of Indian thought, etc. He was Dean of the Humanities at Peking University from 1948 until he fell ill in 1954.42) 23:24Under the influence of Ch'an Buddhism (better known under its Japanese name of Zen), Chinese philosophers of the Sung and Ming dynasties, of whom Chu Hsi (1130–1200) is the most famous, developed a synthesis between Confucianism and Buddhism in which a central role is played by the concept li (principle or reason), commonly known as Neo-Confucianism. For a Chinese view of the relations between these schools basically similar to Mao's, see Hou Wai-lu, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1959, pp. 33–51. For an interpretation by a Western specialist, see H. G. Creel, Chinese Thought from Confucius to Mao Zedong, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, and London, Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1953, Ch. 10.43) 24:06Han Yü and Liu Tsung-yüan. Han Yü sought to recreate the simplicity of the classical period, while avoiding excessive archaism. The slogan about ‘learning from their ideas' quoted by Mao refers to this aim of seeking inspiration from the ancient Confucian sages, while avoiding outmoded forms of expression. He adopted a critical attitude towards Buddhism, but nonetheless borrowed some ideas from it. Liu Tsung-yüan, whom Mao calls here by his literary name of Liu Tzu-hou, was a close friend of Han Yü.44) 24:17Liu Tsung-yüan's essay T'ien Tui (Heaven Answers) undertook to answer the questions about the origin and nature of the universe raised by Ch'ü Yüan in his poem T'ien Wen (Heaven Asks). The latter is translated under the title ‘The Riddles' in Li Sao and Other Poems of Chu Yuan. It is, as Mao says, suggestive but extremely obscure.

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum  Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in  New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She  started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered  monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and  meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day  retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation  project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation  practice have been published now. While working on translating books,  she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in  Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and  Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum  centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North  America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious  dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum  Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in  New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She  started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered  monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and  meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day  retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation  project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation  practice have been published now. While working on translating books,  she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in  Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and  Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum  centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North  America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious  dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum  Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in  New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She  started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered  monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and  meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day  retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation  project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation  practice have been published now. While working on translating books,  she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in  Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and  Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum  centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North  America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious  dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum  Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in  New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She  started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered  monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and  meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day  retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation  project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation  practice have been published now. While working on translating books,  she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in  Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and  Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum  centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North  America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious  dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation practice have been published now. While working on translating books, she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum  Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in  New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She  started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered  monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and  meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day  retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation  project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation  practice have been published now. While working on translating books,  she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in  Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and  Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum  centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North  America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious  dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum  Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in  New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She  started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered  monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and  meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day  retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation  project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation  practice have been published now. While working on translating books,  she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in  Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and  Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum  centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North  America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious  dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

This teaching is by Venerable Chang Wu. Venerable Chang Wu is the Director of Dharma Drum Vancouver Center in Richmond, B.C., a branch monastery of Dharma Drum  Mountain (DDM), founded by Chan Master Sheng Yen. In 1993, Venerable Chang Wu began practicing with Master Sheng Yen in  New York while she was a business professional holding an MBA. She  started her teacher's training with Master Sheng Yen in 1999 and entered  monastic life the next year. In 2003 she started teaching as Dharma and  meditation instructor and a few years later leading 1-day to 3-day  retreats. In 2009, she moved to Taiwan and initiated a translation  project of Master Sheng Yen's Complete Work. A few books on meditation  practice have been published now. While working on translating books,  she was active in leading meditation activities and teaching classes in  Dharma Drum Sangha University. Currently, she teaches meditation and  Dharma classes, gives public lectures and leads retreats at Dharma Drum  centers, meditation groups and Dharma centers in west coast North  America, London, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Other than meditation practice, Chinese Buddhism, inter-religious  dialogue, she also enjoys being in nature, walking in the woods and artworks. You can find more from her at https://www.chanmeditation.ca/ This podcast is run by the London Chan Meditation. You can find out more about us at https://londonchanmeditation.org

In our first Avatar: The Last Airbender episode we discuss the four classical elements in Buddhist, Persian, and Greek antiquity. Content warning: repeated use of the word “moist.” . Resources: Hammerstrom, E. (2015) The Science of Chinese Buddhism. Cho, F. (2014) “Buddhist Mind and Matter.” Habashi, F. (2000) “Zoroaster and the Theory of Four Elements.” O'Connor, J. (2000) “Empedocles of Acragas.” Curd, P. (2020) “Presocratic Philosophy.” Music: "Dance Robot ACTIVATE" by Loyalty Freak Music. [All views expressed are our own and do not represent the opinions of any entity with which we are affiliated.]