Podcasts about pashtun

Pakistan is in deep turmoil as Baloch, Sindhi, and Pashtun groups unite against the state, intensifying the resistance in Balochistan. In a desperate move, Pakistan is once again blaming India for the uprising, but is this just an excuse to cover its own failures? With multiple insurgencies brewing, is Pakistan heading toward a breakup? Sanjay Dixit, Ajay K Raina, and Aadi Achint analyze Pakistan's deteriorating control over Balochistan, the growing anti-Pakistan sentiment among ethnic groups, and the geopolitical consequences of a fractured Pakistan.

Episode Description Sign up to receive this Unreached of the Day podcast sent to you:  https://unreachedoftheday.org/resources/podcast/ People Group Summary: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/22294   #PrayforZERO is a podcast Sponsor.         https://prayforzero.com/ Take your place in history! We could be the generation to translate God's Word into every language. YOUR prayers can make this happen.  Take your first step and sign the Prayer Wall to receive the weekly Pray For Zero Journal:  https://prayforzero.com/prayer-wall/#join Pray for the largest Frontier People Groups (FPG): Visit JoshuaProject.net/frontier#podcast provides links to podcast recordings of the prayer guide for the 31 largest FPGs.  Go31.org/FREE provides the printed prayer guide for the largest 31 FPGs along with resources to support those wanting to enlist others in prayer for FPGs

Episode Description Sign up to receive this Unreached of the Day podcast sent to you:  https://unreachedoftheday.org/resources/podcast/ People Group Summary: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/21537   #PrayforZERO is a podcast Sponsor.         https://prayforzero.com/ Take your place in history! We could be the generation to translate God's Word into every language. YOUR prayers can make this happen.  Take your first step and sign the Prayer Wall to receive the weekly Pray For Zero Journal:  https://prayforzero.com/prayer-wall/#join Pray for the largest Frontier People Groups (FPG): Visit JoshuaProject.net/frontier#podcast provides links to podcast recordings of the prayer guide for the 31 largest FPGs.  Go31.org/FREE provides the printed prayer guide for the largest 31 FPGs along with resources to support those wanting to enlist others in prayer for FPGs

Back Home, One week later.By FinalStand. Listen to the Podcast at Explicit Novels.There is something worse than waking up and not knowing where you are: you could wake up and not know who you are.Note: World Events Stuff ~ aka Why things are happening in Cáel's lifeThe phone was from Iskender. His boss, Oyuun Tömörbaatar (OT), the former UN ambassador from Kazakhstan and now the informal and unrecognized UN representative and chief diplomat of the Khanate to the same august body, wanted to talk with me, immediately. OT wasn't being diplomatic at the moment, that would come later.{Now this is going to get convoluted}Any inquiries to the Khanate that didn't also include immediate official recognition of the Khanate currently were being steered my (and Hana's) way. For all the behind closed doors crap, he had me, his loyal ass-monkey mutton-head. I held faint hope that this latest meeting would work out to my benefit. For the meeting, I traveled light, only Naomi (the Amazon) and Chaz (British SRR) watched over me.Now fathers who know me, hide their daughters. I'd earned my 'scoundrel' reputation. T. Sarangerel, OT's daughter, was in the room when Iskender ushered me in. She gave me an uncertain look, I shrugged and she smiled. It took me 3 nano seconds to figure that out, OT was scoping me out as a potential son-in-law. I was in Temujin's Inner Circle and a man who he trusted (a rarity). Any union with me would strengthen OT's clan's standing in the new regime.The genetic footprint Temujin, and his immediate family collectively, had put down in the 13th and 14th centuries CE today was vast. He needed that to make his plans for the internal reorganization of the Khanate work. The old republics would go away, to be replaced by a system akin to the Byzantine 'themes, the re-organization of regions based on the recruitment of the Tumens.The Khanate was aiming for an 'Autocratic Republic' ~ a term invented in the 19th century. My use of this terminology was based on my gut instinct, Alal's host of memories involving every form of governance, and my experience with human nature. That clued me in to what Temujin was up to, his Greater Plan. He wasn't going to form a false-front government. He was going to retain the decision-making powers and do so openly, thus 'Autocratic'.He also planned to have a bicameral legislative branch. The Upper House would be based in Tumens and bureaucratic leadership, intellectual standing, religious sects, and tribal entities. This body would be based on merit, not primogeniture. The Lower, main chamber, would be a democratically-elected assembly (aka a democratic republic) that advised him on policy matters, thus 'Republic'.All the power would remain in the Great Khan's hands and would be exercised by his genetic descendants (which some geneticists estimated as being as high as 25% of the Central Asian population.) Marrying into that extended family would be easy, the 'family' itself would have a vested interesting in supporting a state that benefited them.Men and women could exercise power in the government through marriage alliances, identical to the manner Hana was working through me. Being surrounded by very populous countries in various states of belligerence, empowering women wouldn't be an issue since every willing mind and pair of hands mattered. Outsiders who shone through could be offered a spouse and brought into the ruling elite since polygamy was permissible.In the Khanate there would be universal compulsive suffrage (everyone 18+ was legally required to vote) to decide on the representatives in the new legislative body. Everyone was expected to fight, so everyone voted. It would be modeled on the Duma of early 20th century Imperial Russia. Unlike the ill-fated Tsar Nicholas II, Temujin would be much more attentive to the voice of the people, in the Information Age, he had to.Or so I hoped. I spewed forth my ideas to OT who didn't agree, or disagree with my vision. Perhaps Temujin and I did share a bond that went beyond obligation. OT then pulled a 'Pamela'."He told me he knew immediately you were his brother when you and I shared that vision," he commented out of nowhere."His words: You (Earth and Sky) are the old. He (meaning me) is the new. He (me again) will show us the way." My, that was nice, obtuse and not at all helpful. What did OT want? My good buddy, the Great Khan, wanted to cash in on Hana's and my sudden popularity. His most pressing need remained 'time'. He needed to have a cease-fire in the wings when his offensive resumed the next day.The Earth and Sky had moved, well, the Heaven and Earth to get the Tumens and their accompanying national armies up and running after only a two day respite. Thanks to me, Manchuria was a mess. The Russians had carried out my 'Operation: Funhouse' with mixed, mostly positive results.Dozens of smaller Chinese military police units along the border went, 'inactive' was the term most often used in the media. They didn't disarm, yet they didn't fight the Russians either. They sat back and let events unfold. The issue wasn't the Chinese's willingness to fight and die for their country. It was the schizophrenic government in Beijing.The PRC didn't want to wage a war with the Russian Federation at that moment. The Khanate was the priority. There were two fundamentally incompatible courses of action favored for dealing with the Russians:One large group advocated a passive Option A: let the Russians step in and shield the three remaining provinces making up Manchuria that were still in Chinese possession. Later, China would use military, economic and political means to edge the Russians out, once the Khanate was dealt with.A sizable faction favored a more aggressive Option B: play a game of chicken with Vladimir Putin. Tell the Bear not to come across the border while threatening him with a bloody and pointless (for him) guerilla war if he did intervene. Events on the ground were not providing a lot of support for that school of thought,However, this split at the highest levels of leadership left the local and regional commanders to try and muddle through as best they could. To the local commanders defending the Amur River side of the Chinese-Russian border, common sense dictated that they not oppose the Russian crossings, because the Russian 35th Army would kill them.All their military units had gone west to the Nen River line. With no heavy weapons and little air support, the People's Armed Police (PAP) (paramilitary) and the Public Security Bureau (regular police) units would be wiped out for little gain.Russia's GRU (Military Intelligence) sweetened the pot by allowing the police units to remain armed and in formation. It could be argued that they weren't even committing treason. At any time, they could throw themselves into the battle, or form the core of a resistance movement. 'Conserving your strength' had been a hallmark of the Communist Chinese struggle against the Imperial Japanese and Nationalists forces from the 1920's until 1945 and it had served them well.For the party officials, civil authorities and the People's Liberation Army (PLA), Army Air Force (PLAAF), and Army Navy (PLAN) who had gone with Option B, things weren't working out. In the north of Heilongjiang province at Morin Dawa/the Nen River line, the regional commander of the ad hoc forces facing the Khanate decided to duke it out with the Russian 36th Army as well. He was boned from the get-go.The PLAAF's overall command and control had been badly disrupted in the first few hours of The Unification War and had never fully recovered. Of the 22 air regiments that the PLAAF had started the war with in the Shenyang Military District (NE China), only 5 remained as effective formations flying, on average, a meager 20% of their original complement of advanced Shenyang J-16's, J-11's, Chengdu J-10's and Xian JH-7's aircraft.Replacing their aircraft losses meant sending up aged Shenyang J-8's (rolled out in 1980) and Nanchang Q-5's (in 1970) to fly and die in droves fighting their technologically superior Khanate foes. To add insult to injury, China's fleet of 97 Su-30MKK/MK2's (built in Russia) had suffered numerous suspicious mechanical and electronic failures, rendering them either flying coffins, or space holders in bomb-proof shelters.Furthermore, of the forces arrayed in the far north, only two of the five air regiments were responding. Two of the other three had begun displacing south into the Beijing Military District and preparing to defend the capital city. The fifth formation had another problem, North Korea (, more on that later.)In opposition to those two Chinese air regiments (roughly 60 aircraft of mixed types) stood seven complete and fresh Russian air regiments (over 400 front-line aircraft) and that didn't include the regiment and elements of the Far East Naval Aviation which was ALSO watching North Korea (, again more on that later.) The latter was of small comfort to the forces trying to hold the already compromised Nen River line.Behind those valiant troops, along the much more defensible Amur River line, the commander of the key city of Heihe sided with the Option A group and let the Russian 35th Army cross the river unopposed. By the time the PLA commanding general of the 'Nen Force' (the 69th Motorized Division and the subordinate 7th Reserve Division) figured that out, he was already in a shooting war with the Russians. So his supply lines weren't in danger, they were lost.The final indignity took place at Zalantun. The commander of the 3rd Reserve Div. had died during the attempt to recapture Zalantun. His replacement died when his helicopter was shot down as he was coming to assume command. In the absence of these officers, the divisional chief of staff told his men, including two hastily hustled forward mechanized brigades, to put down their arms. That meant 'Nen Force' was completely cut-off and surrounded.One battalion of the 36th Russian Motorized Brigade (yes, too many 36's running around) disarmed the Chinese troops while the rest, plus the 74th Independent Motorized Brigade raced for the prize, the city of Qiqihar. The last major mechanized formation of the 36th Rus. Army, the 39th MB was following them. However, instead of manning Qiqihar's defenses, the Chinese garrison in that city was waging war on its own populace.It wasn't only in Qiqihar; chaos reigned throughout Heilongjiang province. The Provincial Head of the Communist Party, Wang Xiankui, supported Option A. The Provincial Governor, Lu Hao, went with Option B. Both figures were rising stars in the PRC. Wang had ordered the still forming Reserve Divisions and the PAP units to disperse, thus avoiding any untimely confrontations with the Russians.Lu, without consulting Wang, ordered the same forces to launch a violent crackdown on all dissident forces, specifically all racial minorities. (It turned out that Lu was also a member of the Seven Pillars and his witch-hunt was aimed at getting the Earth and Sky organization operating in Heilongjiang).For the men and women on the other end of those phone conversations, there was no 'right' answer. Lest we forget, their organizations were already degraded by the Anthrax outbreak. Both men were powerful and represented China's future leadership, so if the person in charge at the ground level obeyed the wrong one, they could be assured of being roasted by the other.Some did try to do both, repress and disband at the same time. That meant that in the process of making mass arrests among an already war-fearful and plague-fearful populace, the law enforcement infrastructure began disintegrating.The problem with Lu's/7P's plan was that there was no 'revolutionary' organization to round up. That wasn't how the Earth and Sky operated in North-East China. They remained in tiny sabotage and reconnaissance cells. While they were scurrying for cover from the police crackdown, an opportunity presented itself.The afflicted minorities were getting furious with their treatment. These minorities saw themselves as loyal Chinese, yet they were being dragged out into the streets, put in detentions centers and (in a few cases) summarily executed. Being less than 10% of the overall population, resistance had never crossed their minds. It seemed all that those defenseless people could do was pray for Russian intervention forces to arrive.Within that mix of fear, betrayal and rage, the E and S discovered a way to start the dominos falling. The small, well-armed and well-trained E and S cells began ambushing police detachments. Weapons from those dead men and women were turned over to the pissed off locals before the cell went off to stalk the next police unit.Wash, rinse and repeat. It became a perverse and bloody case of wish fulfillment. Lu and the 7P's had been looking for an insurrection and they started one. Even though a miniscule portion of the population was involved, from the outside looking in, it reinforced the Putin Public Affairs initiative that portrayed Putin (and his army) as coming in to restore order to a collapsing civil system, which he was helping disrupt.From Moscow, the PRC's indecisiveness looked like Manna from Heaven. For the massive numbers of Russian soldiers riding through the Manchurian countryside, it felt like they were rolling into Arkham Asylum. Unlike the NATO countries' professional armies, Russia remained a largely conscript force whose normal term of service was only one year. These unseasoned troops could never tell if the local military, military police and police would attack until they rolled up on the Chinese units.At the start of that Day One of Operation: Funhouse, the Russian ROE (Rules of Engagement) was 'Ask and Verify'. It was tactically advantageous for the belligerent Chinese forces to lie about their intentions, then begin shooting at the Russians when they got close enough to hurt them. By Day Two, the standard front-line Russian soldier had adjusted that ROE to 'if they look at us wrong, light their asses up'. By Day Three, the officers had stopped trying to enforce Moscow's ROE orders.That was fine for the combat and rear echelon support troops because both the Chinese and Russian governments had another series of problems and they all centered around Pyongyang and Kim Jong-un's declaration that North Korea would intervene as well, without letting anyone know who he was 'intervening' against. To keep everyone guessing, the North Korean' People's Army was massing on all three borders, facing off with the PRC, Russia and South Korea. To prove his diplomatic intentions, Kim pledged to only mobilize half of his reserves, merely 4,250,000 extra men and women to go with his 950,000 strong standing army.It didn't take a military, or economic genius to realize the North Korean's chronically 'near death' economy was stampeding off a cliff. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) was in the middle of an oil crisis and Kim was increasing their fuel consumption by 400% while decreasing his workforce by 10%. To put it in perspective, the US unemployment was around 6%. Now imagine that in one week's time it would become 26%. One week, no severance packages. Would the population become unsettled?But wait, it gets better. The Secret War was colliding with the Real World in more places than Manchuria. Setting aside the assassination attempt (Grrr) of Hana Sulkanen, my fiancée, six Nipponese elders (two women and four men) appeared in the personal quarters of the Japanese Prime Minister on the first full night of 'Funhouse' and relayed their urgent requests.Those six were the Head of the Six (formerly Seven) Ninja Families and they were there at, my urging. Cause I'm an idiot and requiring the deaths of Romanians in my personal crusade obviously wasn't enough. Now I was asking the Japanese Defense Forces (JDF) to pony up as well. So take a deep breath and put on the hip-waders.You might be wondering why I would want the JDF, see, there was part of Operation: Funhouse that was hitting a predictable snag, namely the Korea People's Navy Force (KPNF) and the uncertain determination of the PLAN:The KPNF's vessels were rather old, small and crappy. They also had a love affair with anything that could launch a torpedo and they listed over 700 of these floating deathtraps (only 13 of which could be classified as surface warships) and the fanatical crews to take them into battle.The PLAN's numbers were far more realistic and the fleet generally more modern. Only their North (18 surface warships) and East Fleets (22 plus 5 'elsewhere') could play any role in an upcoming FUBAR, and both fleets were heading out to sea, mainly to avoid the sporadic, but increasingly effective Khanate air strikes.The FU to be BAR'ed was the Russian Far East Fleet (RFEF) (6 warships strong, ) that had seized on this crazy idea (per my suggestion) to sail south, around the Korean peninsula so they could land elements of the 55th Guards Red Banner Marine Brigade (the 165th Marine Regiment and the 180th Marine Tank Battalion).Theoretically they were going to be the 'Southern Shielding Force' that would interpose itself between the Khanate and Beijing. It should surprise no one that the RFEF's flotilla was unequal to the task of taking their destination, the port of Qinhuangdao, by amphibious assault. Fortunately for the Gods of War (which did not include me), there were five other navies involved.Meanwhile, South Korea was having kittens because their always crazy northern kin were slathering on the insanity. (In how many Buddhist countries do people flock to the temples and pray that their neighbor attacks someone, anyone else, but them? That wasn't a religious conundrum I wanted to deal with.) N.Korea mobilizing meant S.Korea had to mobilize, which sucked down on their GNP as well.Besides, N.Korean dams and coal-powered plants kept the lights on in Seoul. Erring on the side of caution, the S. Korea (aka Republic of Korea, ROK) Army suggested calling up only one million of their three million person reserve force in order to assure Cousin Kim that this was a purely defensive gesture. It didn't work. Kim Jong-un castigated the ROK for antagonizing him, despite his declaration that he 'might' feel like invading the South in the immediate future.Into the emerging crisis, the ROK Navy could sortie nineteen small surface ships. Japan's Navy wasn't up to its old imperial standards, but could still deploy 45 surface warships. The 800 lb. gorilla in the room was the core of the 7th Fleet stationed at Yokosuka, Japan, the USS carrier George Washington and her 14 escort vessels.If the George Washington was the gorilla, RIMPAC 2014 was King Kong. 22 nations, 50 ships, including the USS carrier Ronald Reagan were engaged in war games in the Central Pacific. With them were 5 vessels of the PLAN, had Kim Jong-un just kept his mouth shut, this wouldn't have been an issue. Hell, if the Khanate had not come into existence and launched its Unification War, but he had and they did,To show the US was taking this escalation seriously (without tipping their hand that they knew about Funhouse, Carrier Strike Group One (CSG 1) (the Carl Vinson +10) was rushing across the Pacific from San Diego. CSG 3 (the John C. Stennis +2) was being assembled hastily so that they could rendezvous with CSG 1 ASAP. So many brave souls running toward the danger, sometimes I hate myself.So now does it make sense that I found myself in a room with a US Senator tasked with riding herd on me?Anyway, there were the other three navies still unaccounted for, Taiwan / the Republic of China (ROC) (22 surface ships), Vietnam (7) and the Philippines (3). Taiwanese involvement was easy to explain, the PRC refused to acknowledge them as an independent country and probably never would.The Vietnam People's Navy was tiny in both numbers and tonnage. Five of the vessels were 1960's Soviet frigates. What Vietnam did have was a huge grudge against the PRC. The PLA invaded Vietnam in 1979 and devastated the northernmost provinces, killing as many as 100,000 civilians.The PLAN had walloped the VPN in 1974 (technically South Vietnam) and again in 1988. Out in the South China Sea were two island archipelagos; the Paracel (occupied by a small PLA garrison and claimed by the PRC, Vietnam and the ROC) and Spratlys Islands (disputed by Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, the PRC, the ROC, and Vietnam).The Philippines had a grand total of three frigates (all between 50 and 70 years old). 99% of the time, they faced a hopeless struggle enforcing Philippines' South China Sea claims, except they were now experiencing that 1% where the PRC found itself in a life and death struggle. Even then, the PLAN's South Sea Fleet was hands-down the biggest player with 26 surface warships centered on the Carrier Liaoning.Except (and there always seems to be an 'except') virtually all the PLAN's naval aviation had gone off to fight the Khanate and it wasn't coming back, ever. In the air, the Philippines was next to useless. What did they have of offer in the struggle for the South China Sea? Bases. The ROC and Vietnam had much more to bring to the table.The Vietnamese People's Liberation Air Force (VPLAR) had about 50 front-line aircraft and 175 nearly obsolete models ~ the same models the PLAAF was now piloting. The ROC Air Force could put up 325 almost-new fighters that were now superior to their opponents on the mainland. Why would I give a shit?Things cascade. The Khanate Air Force took a two-day long deep breath as Putin's 'Policeman that only looks like an invading army' started their intervention. Forty-eight hours later, the Khanate started the fourth stage (the first lunge, defeat the PLA's counter-attack then the second lunge) of the campaign.Their initial air power was still skating on thin ice where maintenance was concerned. They need more time to thoroughly rest their pilots and bring all their top-flight equipment to 100% working condition. Against them, in two days the PLAAF's assets increased by over 250 fighters.In turn, the Khanate had added their constituent state air forces plus nearly 80 new cutting edge air planes and 25 drones. Phase Four saw rolling airstrikes all along the forces massing in front of the northern and central Tumens. For a few hours, the PLA thought they knew what was going on.They were wrong and this was where my meeting with OT came in. Jab with the right, cut them down with the left. The left in my case was Tibet. Yeah, Tibet. Economic value = not nearly enough. From the very start of the war, a small number of seemingly inconsequential air strikes had seriously eroded the PLA and PLAAFs combat power in the Tibetan Plateau while leaving the roads, bridges and towns intact.Common military logic dictated that the Khanate had to punch their way further east into Qinghai (to the south) and Gansu (to the north) provinces. That was where the population and industry where. Farther east were even greater numbers of people and factories and the Khanate forces in the North hadn't been strong enough to threaten to cut off the Qinghai-Gansu front. Then the Russians showed up and the Khanate forces threatening that flank doubled overnight.The PLA hastily reinforced their northern flank, using troops from their strategic reserves. The move resulted in incredible attrition by airpower to the freshly equipped formations. The PLA was about to get flanked, but not from the north. Southwest of Qinghai was Tibet. A third of the Khanate's mobile forces now swept around in a huge left haymaker to the south.My job? I needed the 'Free Tibet' forces in the US and UK to provide public and moral support to the Khanate move. As Khanate Special Forces seized crucial bottlenecks in Tibet, they needed the locals to keep their 'liberators' informed of PLA presences and undermine any attempt to create a guerilla movement.The five Tumens dedicated to being the Schwerpunkt (point of maximum effort) of this flanking maneuver were going to be on a tight timetable if they were going to surround the PLA forces in Central China.My plan was to convince the Tibetans that the PRC's 55 years of occupation was coming to an end and the Great Khan wanted to sign a 'Treaty of Mutual Respect' (my invention). This would require both the Khanate and Tibet to recognize each other's right to exist the moment a cease-fire was reached. That was it. No 'armed presence', or 'mutual defense' agreements.The treaty would be formally signed in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, when the city was safe ~ as determined by the Central Tibetan Administration (the Tibetan Government in Exile, CTA). Riki came up with an additional sweetener and proved she was quickly adjusting to our group's extra-governmental capabilities.

This episode we continue to follow the monk Xuanzang on his path along the silk road.  From Gaochang, he traveled through the Tarim Basin, up over the Tianshan Mountains, to the heart of the Western Gokturk Qaghanate.  From there, he traveled south, through the region of Transoxania to Bactria and the land of Tukhara.  He pushed on into the Hindu Kush, witnessing the stone Buddha statues of Bamiyan, and eventually made his way to the land of Kapisa, near modern Kabul, Afghanistan.  From there he would prepare to enter the Indian subcontinent: the home of the historical Buddha. For more discussion and some photos of the areas along this journey, check out our podcast blog at https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-121   Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua, and this is Episode 121: Journey to the West, Part 2   The cold winds blew through the travelers' doubled up clothing and thick furs.  Cold, wet ground meant that even two sets of boots were not necessarily enough after several days.  The frozen mist would often obscure everything except for the path immediately in front, hiding the peaks and making the sky a uniform white. In many places, the path would be blocked by rock, ice, or snow—the remnants of an avalanche, which could easily take an unsuspecting traveler.  And there was the elevation.  Hiking through the mountains, it was easy enough to reach heights of a mile or higher, and for those not accustomed to that elevation the thin air could take a surprising toll, especially if you were pushing yourself.  And the road was no less kind to the animals that would be hauling said travelers and their gear. And yet, this was the path that Xuanzang had agreed to.  He would continue to push through, despite the various deprivations that he would be subjected to.  No doubt he often wondered if it was worth it.  Then again, returning was just as dangerous a trip, so why not push on?   Last episode we introduced the monk Xuanzang, who traveled the Silk Road to India in the 7th century and returned to China.  He brought back numerous sutras to translate, and ended up founding a new school, known as the Faxian school—or the Hossou school in Japan.   As we mentioned last time, Xuanzang during his lifetime met with students from the archipelago when they visited the continent.  The records of his travels—including his biography and travelogue—are some of the best information we have on what life was like on the silk road around this time. In the last episode, we talked about Xuanzang: how he set out on his travels, his illegal departure from the Tang empire, and his perilous journey across the desert, ending up in Gaochang.  There, King Qu Wentai had tried to get him to stay, but he was determined to head out.  This episode we are going to cover his trip to Agni, Kucha, and Baluka—modern Aksu—and up to the Western Gokturk Qaghanate's capital of Suyab.  From there, we'll follow his footsteps through the Turkic controlled regions of Transoxania and into Tukhara, in modern Afghanistan.  Finally, we'll cover the last parts of his journey before he reached the start of his goal:  India. From Gaochang, Xuanzang continued on, through the towns he names as Wuban and Dujin, and into the country of Agni—known today as the area of Yanqi—which may also have been known as Wuqi.  The route was well-enough known, but it wasn't necessarily safe.  At one point, Xuanzang's caravan met with bandits, whom they were fortunately able to pay off.  The following night they encamped on a river bank with some merchants who also happened to be traveling the road.  The merchants, though, got up at midnight and headed out, hoping to get to the city early so that they could be the first ones to the market.  They only made it a few miles down the road, however, before they encountered more bandits, who slaughtered them and took their goods.  The following day, Xuanzang and his retinue came upon the merchants' remains lying in the road and saw the aftermath of the massacre. This was an unforgiving land, and the road was truly dangerous, even for those who traveled it regularly.  And yet Xuanzang was planning to travel its entire length until he reached India. So with little alternative, they carried on to the royal city of Agni. Agni, or Yanqi, sits on the southwestern edge of the basin, west of Bositeng lake, on the border between the Turfan basin and the larger Tarim Basin.  The name is thought to be a Tocharian—or Turfanian—name for the city, which is also known as Karashr. According to the biography by Huili, Xuanzang and his party didn't stay long in Agni.  Apparently Agni and Gaochang were not exactly on friendly terms, and even though the King of Agni and his ministers reportedly came out to greet Xuanzang and welcome him to their city, they refused to provide any horses.  They spent a single night and moved on. That said, Agni still made an impression on Xuanzang.  He noted how the capital was surrounded by hills on four sides, making it naturally defensible.  As for the people, he praises them as honest and straightforward.  They wore clothing of felt and hemp cloth, and cut their hair short, without hats or any kind of headwear.  Even the climate was pleasant, at least for the short time he was there.  He also notes that they used a script based on India—likely referring to the Brahmic script, which we find in the Tarim basin. However, as for the local lord, the King of Agni, he is a little less charitable.  Xuanzang claimed he was brave but “lacked resourcefulness” and he was a bit of a braggart.  Furthermore, the country had “no guiding principles or discipline and government orders are imperfect and not seriously implemented.”  He also mentioned the state of Buddhism in the country, noting that they were followers of Sarvastivada school, a Theravada sect popular along the Silk Road at the time.  Xuanzang was apparently not too pleased with the fact that they were not strict vegetarians, including the “three kinds of pure meat”.  From Agni, Xuanzang continued southwest, heading for the kingdom of Kucha.  He seems to have bypassed the nearby kingdom of Korla, south of Agni, and headed some 60 or 70 miles, climbing over a ridge and crossing two large rivers, and then proceeding another 200 miles or so to the land of Kucha. Kucha was a kingdom with over one hundred monasteries and five thousand monks following a form of Theravada Buddhism.  Here, Xuanzang was welcomed in by the king, Suvarnadeva, described as having red hair and blue eyes.  While Xuanzang was staying in Kucha, it is suspected that he probably visited the nearby Kizil grotto and the Buddhist caves, there, which include a painting of King Suvarnadeva's father, King Suvarnapuspa, and his three sons. You can still visit Kucha and the Kizil grottos today, although getting there is quite a trek, to be sure.  The ancient Kuchean capital is mostly ruins, but in the Kizil caves, protected from the outside elements, you can find vivid paintings ranging from roughly the 4th to the 8th century, when the site was abandoned.  Hundreds of caves were painted, and many still demonstrate vibrant colors.  The arid conditions protect them from mold and mildew, while the cave itself reduces the natural bleaching effect of sunlight.  The paintings are in numerous styles, and were commissioned by various individuals and groups over the years.  They also give us some inkling of how vibrant the city and similar structures must have been, back when the Kuchean kingdom was in its heyday. The people of Kucha are still something of a mystery.  We know that at least some of them spoke an Indo-European language, related to a language found in Agni, and both of these languages are often called Tocharian, which we discussed last episode.  Xuanzang himself noted that they used Indian writing, possibly referring to the Brahmi script, or perhaps the fact that they seem to have used Sanskrit for official purposes, such as the inscription on the cave painting at Kizil giving the name of King Suvarnapuspa.  The Kucheans also were clothed in ornamental garments of silk and embroidery.  They kept their hair cut, wearing a flowing covering over their heads—and we see some of that in the paintings. Xuanzang also notes that though we may think of this area as a desert, it was a place where rice and grains, as well as fruit like grapes, pomegranates, plums, pears, peaches, and almonds were grown.  Even today, modern Xinjiang grows some absolutely fantastic fruit, including grapes, which are often dried into raisins. Another point of interest for Xuanzang may have been that Kucha is known as the hometown of none other than Kumarajiva.  We first mentioned Kumarajiva back in episode 84.  Kumarajiva was one of the first people we know of who translated many of the sutras from India that were then more widely disseminated throughout the Yellow River and Yangzi river basins.  His father was from India and his mother was a Kuchean princess.  In the middle of the 4th century, when he was still quite young, he traveled to India and back with his mother on a Buddhist pilgrimage.  Later he would start a massive translation project in Chang'an.  His translations are credited with revolutionizing Chinese Buddhism. Xuanzang was initially welcomed by the king, his ministers, and the revered monk, Moksagupta.  They were accompanied by several thousand monks who set up tents outside the eastern gate, with portable Buddha images, which they worshipped, and then Xuanzang was taken to monastery after monastery until sunset.  At one of the monasteries, in the southeast of the city, there were several tens of monks who originally came from Gaochang, and since Xuanzang had come from there, they invited him to stay with them. The next day he met and feasted with the King, politely declining any meat, and then went to the monastery in the northwest to meet with the famous monk: Moksagupta.  Moksagupta himself had made the journey to India, and had spent 20 years there himself.  It seems like this would have been the perfect person for Xuanzang to talk to about his plans, but instead, the two butted heads.  Moksagupta seems to have seen Xuanzang's Mahayana faith as heretical.  He saw no reason for Xuanzang to travel all the way to India when he had all the sutras that anyone needed there in Kucha, along with Moksagupta himself.   Xuanzang's response seems to have been the Tang dynasty Buddhist version of “Okay, Boomer”, and then he went ahead and tore apart Moksagupta's understanding of his own sutras—or so Xuanzang relayed to his biographers.  We don't exactly have Moksagupta's side, and, let's face it, Xuanzang and his biographers are not necessarily reliable narrators.  After all, they followed Mahayana teachings, which they considered the “Greater Vehicle”, and they referred to the Theravada teachings as the “Hinayana” or “Lesser Vehicle”.  Meanwhile, Theravada Buddhists likely saw many of the Mahayana texts as extraneous, even heretical, not believing them to actually be the teachings of the Buddha. It must have been winter time, as the passes through the mountains on the road ahead were still closed, and so Xuanzang stayed in Kucha, spending his time sightseeing and meeting with various people.  He even went back to see Moksagupta, but the older monk shunned him, and would get up and exit the room rather than engaging with him, so they had no more conversations. Eventually, Xuanzang continued on his way west, following along the northern rim of the Tarim basin.  Two days out from Kucha, disaster struck.  Some two thousand or so Turkish bandits suddenly appeared—I doubt Xuanzang was counting, so it may have been more or less.  I imagine that memories of what had happened to the merchants near Agni must have gone through Xuanzang's mind.   Fortunately, for him, they were fighting over loot that they had pillaged from various travelers, and since they couldn't share it equally, they fell to fighting each other and eventually dispersed. He travelled for almost 200 miles after that, stopping only for a night at the Kingdom of Baluka, aka Gumo—the modern city of Aksu.  This was another Theravada Buddhist kingdom.  Xuanzang noted tens of Buddhist temples, and over 1000 Buddhist monks.  The country was not large—about 200 miles east to west and 100 miles north to south.  For reference that means it was probably comparable in size with Kyushu, in terms of overall area, or maybe the size of Denmark—excluding Greenland—or maybe the US state of Maryland.  Xuanzang described the country as similar to Kucha in just about every way, including the written language and law, but the spoken language was different, though we don't get many more details. From Baluka, he crossed northward through the Tianshan mountains, which are classified as an extension of the Pamirs known as the Ice Mountains.  Had he continued southwest, he would have hit Kashgar and crossed over between the Pamir and Tian Shan ranges into the Ferghana valley, but instead he turned north. We don't know exactly why he took this perilous option, but the route that may have been popular at the time as it was one of the most direct routes to the seat of the Western Gokturk Empire, which he was currently traveling through. The Tian Shan mountains were a dangerous journey.  Avalanches could block the road—or worse.  Xuanzang describes the permanent ice fields—indeed, it is the ice fields and glaciers of the Tian Shan that melt in the summer and provide the oasis towns of the Tarim Basin with water, even to this day.  In Xuanzang's day, those glaciers were likely even more prevalent than today, especially as they have been recorded as rapidly disappearing since 1961.  And where you weren't on snow and ice, the ground was probably wet and damp from the melt.  To keep warm, you would wear shoes over your shoes, along with heavy fur coats, all designed to reduce exposure. Xuanzang claims that 3 or 4 of every 10 people didn't survive the crossing—and that horses and oxen fared even worse.  Even if these numbers are an exaggeration, the message is clear:  This was a dangerous journey. After about seven days, Xuanzang came out of the mountains to the “Great Pure Lake”, the “Da Qing Hai”, also known as the Hot Sea or the Salt Sea, which likely refers to Issyk Kul.  The salt content, along with the great volume of water it possesses, means that the lake rarely freezes over, which is likely why it is seen as “hot” since it doesn't freeze when the fresh water nearby does.  This lake is the second largest mountain lake in the world, and the second deepest saltwater lake.  Traveling past the lake, he continued to Suyab, near modern Tokmok, in Kyrgyzstan, just west of the modern capital of Bishkek.  This was an old Sogdian settlement, and had since become the capital of the Western Gokturks.  Sogdians—like Xuanzang's guide, Vandak—were integral to the Gokturk kingdom. Their language was the lingua franca of the Silk Road, and at the time of the Gokturk Khaganate, it was also the official court language, and so when Xuanzang appeared at the court of the Great Khagan of the Western Gokturks, it was likely the language of diplomacy. When we think of Turkic people, many in the English speaking world think of Turkiye, and perhaps of the mighty Ottoman empire.  Some may think of Turkmenistan, Kazhakstan, Kyrgyzstan, or Uzbekistan, among others.  And of course, there are the Uyghur people in Xinjiang.  All of these people claim roots in the ancestral Turkic homeland in the Altai mountains, which sit largely in western Mongolia, north of China's Xinjiang region.  Much like the Xiongnu and the Mongols, they were pastoral nomads, moving their herds across the steppes, often covering great distances.  They would regularly move through different regions, perhaps returning each season, though sometimes not returning for years at a time.  They were often seen as barbarians by settled people living in cities, and yet their goods and horses were highly prized. Nomad and sedentary lifestyles would often collide.  Farmers would turn pastureland into fields, and when the nomadic people returned on their circuits, they would find walls and fences where there was once open land, and the people there would claim to “own” the land, a concept often foreign to people who were always on the move.  Nomadic people, such as the Gokturks, were not necessarily keeping vast libraries of records about themselves and their histories, and so much of what we get comes from external sources, which do not always have incredibly reliable narrators.  To many of the settled agriculturalists, groups like the Turks were marauders who raided their villages and farms.  They were a great bogeyman of the steppes, which required the firm hand of strong defenses to keep out—or so their opponents would want people to think. While they were known for their warfare, which incorporated their mobility, but they were keenly interested in trade, as well.  They understood the value of the trade routes and the various cities and states that they included in their empire.  Thus, the Sogdians and the Gokturks seem a natural fit: the Sogdians were more settled, but not entirely so, as demonstrated by their vast trade networks.  And the Sogdians also were part of the greater central Eurasian steppe culture, so the two cultures understood each other, to a degree.  They are even depicted similarly in art, with slight differences, such as long hair that was often associated with Turks over the Sogdians.  In some areas of the Gokturk empire, Sogdians would run the cities, while the Gokturks provided military aid and protection. Xuanzang's description of the people of Suyab, or the “City of Suye River”, doesn't pick out anyone in particular, and he even says that it was a place where traders of the Hu, or foreign, tribes from different countries mingle their abodes.  He mentions the people here as being called Suli, which is also the name given to the language—this may refer to “Sogdian” in general.  They write with an alphabet that is written vertically rather than horizontally—this may refer to a few scripts that were written this way, possibly based off Syriac or Aramaic alphabets that were adapted to Sogdian and other Iranian languages, but it isn't clear. We are told that the people dressed in felt and hemp clothing, with fur and “cotton” garments.  Their clothes fit tightly, and they kept their hair cut short, exposing the top of their heads—though sometimes they shaved it completely, tying a colored silk band around the forehead. He goes on to describe these people as greedy liars, possibly a reference to the mercantile nature of many of the people at the time. Something to note: The Turks of this time had not yet encountered Islam, which was just now starting to rise up in the Middle East.  The Prophet Muhammad is said to have been born around the end of the 6th century CE and was preaching in the early 7th century, though his teachings would begin to spread outward soon enough.  But that means that the Gokturks were not an Islamic empire.  Rather, their own traditions seem to have focused on the worship of Tengri, an Altaic personification of the universe, often simplified as a “sky god”.  Tengrism can be found amongst the Xiongnu, Mongols, and others, and it was the national religion of the Gokturks themselves, but there were many who also adopted other religions that they encountered, including Zoroastrianism, Christianity, Manichaeism, and Buddhism.  In fact, Xuanzang notes that the Turks he met in Suyab would not sleep or sit on beds made of wood because wood was thought to contain the spirit of fire, which he says they worshipped.  That sounds similar to Zoroastrian beliefs, where fire is associated with Ahura Mazda, who is also worshipped as a sky god.  These may have been beliefs inherited from their Eastern Iranian Sogdian partners. In Xuanzang's biography, we are given more details about his visit to Suyab.  Apparently, as he was headed to the city, he met a hunting party, which we are told was the retinue of Yehu Khan.  Hunting was an important part of life on the steppes, and it continued to be a favorite sport of the Gokturk nobility. Yehu Khan—possibly Yagbhu Khan, though that is up for some debate—is described as being dressed in a green silk robe, with his hair exposed, and wearing  a turban of white silk about ten feet long that wrapped his forehead and hung behind his back.  His “hunting” expedition wasn't just a couple of the guys.  It included about 200 officials, all with plaited hair and dressed in brocade robes—they weren't exactly out there roughing it.  He also had his soldiers, dressed in furs, felt, or fine woolen clothes, and there were so many cavalry that they stretched out of sight.  The Khan seemed pleased to meet Xuanzang, but his hunt was expected to last another couple of days, at least, so he sent an attendant named Dharmaja to take Xuanzang back to wait for the Khan to return. Three days later, Xuanzang was given an audience.  The khan was seated in a large yurt.  Xuanzang noted the seeming incongruity between the khan, sitting there in the tent, decorated with golden flowers, with the officials dressed in magnificent brocade garments sitting in two long rows in front of him and the armed guards behind him, compared to the simple felt walls of the tent. A ”yurt” is a common feature of nomadic life on the steppes.  It wasn't exactly a single person operation to haul them around, but they can be taken down and put up with relative ease.  And while yurts could be relatively simple, there are examples of much more elaborate structures.  There is little reason they couldn't be made larger, perhaps with some extra support.  In later centuries, there are examples of giant yurts that seem like real construction projects.  Use of tents, even in a city, where they had permanent palace buildings, was likely a means of retaining the nomadic steppe traditions, even while enjoying the benefits of city life. Whom exactly Xuanzang met with is a matter of debate.  His records seem to indicate that it was Tong Yabghu Qaghan of the Western Gokturk Khaganate, but other sources say that Tong Yabghu Qaghan died in 628, and the earliest Xuanzang could have been meeting with him was 630, two years later, so if that is the case, he must have met with Tong Yabghu's son, Si Yabghu Qaghan.  It is likely that Xuanzang, who was dictating his accounts years after, mentioned the Qaghan and then, when they looked up who it was, they simply made a mistake.  Remember, Xuanzang would have had everything translated through one or two languages.  He did know what he saw, however, and he recounted what he remembered. Tong Yabghu Qaghan oversaw the height of the Gokturk Qaghanate, and appears to have favored the Buddhist religion, though there were many different religions active in their territories at the time.  They oversaw an extremely cosmopolitan empire covering huge swaths of central Eurasia, including the lucrative silk road.  Xuanzang notes that at the court there were individuals from Gaochang and even a messenger from the Han—which is to say the Tang Empire.  One wonders if Xuanzang—or anyone at that time—realized just how tenuous the Khan'sposition was.  After Tong Yabghu's death, the Qaghanate would decline, and less than a decade later it would fall to the Tang dynasty, who took Suyab and made it their western outpost.  In fact, Suyab is thought to have been the birthplace, over a century later, of a young boy who would find a love of poetry.  That boy's name was Li Bai, or Ri Haku, in Japanese. He would become one of the most famous poets in Chinese history, and his poems were even known and studied in Japan.  And it was largely through Japanese study of Li Bai's poems that his works came to the English speaking world: first through Ernest Fenollosa, who had studied in Japan, and then by the celebrated Ezra Pound, who had used Ernest's notes to help with his own translations of the poems. This was, though, as I said, over a century after Xuanzang's journey.  At the time of our story, the Qaghan was throwing a feast, including Xuanzang and all of the foreign envoys.  Xuanzang comments on the food and drink—his hosts provided grape juice in lieu of wine, and cooked a special vegetarian feast just for him, while the other guests ate a feast of meat, such as veal, lamb, fish, and the like.  There was also the music of various regions along the Silk Road, which Xuanzang found to be catchy, but of course not as refined as the music he was used to, of course.  After dinner Xuanzang was asked to expound upon the Darma, largely about the basic principle that you should be kind to one another—I doubt he was getting into the deep mysteries of Buddhist philosophy. Xuanzang stuck around the court for three more days, during which time the Qaghan tried to get him to stay, but Xuanzang insisted that he had to make it to India.  And so the Qaghan relented.  He found men in his army who could translate for Xuanzang along his journey, and had letters of introduction written to at least as far as the state of Kapisa, in modern Afghanistan. And so, armed with the Qaghan's blessing and a fresh translator, Xuanzang struck out again.  They headed westward for over one hundred miles, eventually reaching Bingyul, aka the Thousand Springs.  This is the area where the Qaghan and his court would spend his summers, and the deer in the area were protected under his orders, so that they were not afraid of humans—which sounds similar to the situation with the deer in Nara.  Continuing on another fifty miles or so—the distances are approximate as Xuanzang's primary duty was not exactly to map all of this out—Xuanzang arrived at the city of Taras, in modern Kazakhstan, another place where the cultures of the Silk Road mixed and mingled.  Xuanzang didn't have much to say about Taraz, apparently, though it is one of the oldest cities in Transoxania, founded near the beginning of the Common Era.  A few miles south of there, Xuanzang reportedly found a village of re-settled ethnic Han that had been captured by the Gokturks and settled here.  They had adopted the dress and customs of the Turkic people, but continued to speak a version of Chinese. Southwest of that he reached the City of White Water, likely referring to Aksukent.  This is the same “Aksu” as the city in Xinjiang, both of which mean “White Water” in Turkic, but this one is in the south of Kazakhstan.  Xuanzang found the climate and products an improvement over what he had experienced in Taras.  Beyond that, he next arrived at the city of Gongyu, and then south again to Nujkend, and then traveling westward to the country of Chach, aka Tashkent.  Both Nujkend and Chach were large cities in nations of smaller, mostly autonomous city-states, which made up a lot of the political geography of Transoxania. I would note that Xuanzang's notes here are much more sparse than previously.  This may be because these were outside of the Tarim basin and therefore of less interest to individuals in the Tang empire.  Or perhaps he was just making his way more quickly and not stopping at every kingdom along the way. From Tashkent, he continued southeast to the Ferghana valley—the country of Feihan.  Oddly, this country doesn't appear in Xuanzang's biography, even though the Ferghana Valley seems to have been fairly well known back in the Tang Empire—it was known as the home of some of the best horses, which were one of its first major exports.  In fact, the Han dynasty even mounted a military expedition to travel to Ferghana just to obtain horses.  Xuanzang is oddly silent on this; however, he does talk about the fertile nature of the land.  He mentions that their language here is different from the lands he had been traveling through up to this point, and also points out that the people of the Ferghana valley were also visibly different from others in the area. From the Ferghana valley, Xuanzang headed west for about 300 miles or more to the land of Sutrushana—perhaps referring to the area of Ushrusana, with its capital of Bunjikat.  This country was also largely Sogdian, and described as similar to Tashkent.  From there, he traveled west through a great desert, passing skeletons, which were the only marker of the trail other than a view of the far off mountains.  Finally, they reached Samarkand, known as the country of “Kang” in Chinese, which was also the term used to mark Sogdians who claimed descent from the people of Samarkand. Samarkand is another of the ancient cities of Central Asia, and even today is the third largest city in modern Uzbekistan.  Human activity in the region goes back to the paleolithic era, and the city was probably founded between the 8th and 7th centuries BCE.  Samarkand was conquered by Alexander the Great, and during the Achaemenid Empire it was the capital of Sogdiana.  During Xuanzang's visit, Samarkand was described as an impenetrable fortress with a large population. For all of his travel, Samarkand was the first place Xuanzang notes as specifically not a Buddhist land.  In fact, there were two monasteries, suggesting that there had been Buddhists, but if any monks tried to stay there then the locals would chase them out with fire.  Instead, they worshipped fire—likely meaning Ahura Mazda and Zoroastrianism.  This leads to a story that I have to wonder about, given the reliability of our narrators. It is said that Xuanzang was met by the King with arrogance, but after staying the night Xuanzang was able to tell the King about Buddhism and its merits.  The king was intrigued, and asked to observe the Precepts, and treated Xuanzang with hospitality and respect.  So when two of Xuanzang's attendants went to the monasteries to worship, they were chased out with fire.  When the king heard about this, he had the people arrested and ordered their hands to be cut off.  Xuanzang could not bear to witness such suffering, however, and he intervened to have them spared.  So instead the king had them flogged and banished from the city.  Ever since then, all the people believed in Buddhism. Some parts of this strike true.  It was likely that the king would entertain this strange wanderer who had arrived with letters from the great Qaghan—that may have even explained why Xuanzang had been encouraged to make the dangerous journey to Suyab in the first place, so that he could obtain such permission.  And it would not be strange for the king to listen to his teachings.  If Xuanzang's attendants were attacked, that would have been a huge breach of hospitality, and however the King felt about it, he no doubt had to do something about it.  And so all of that sounds somewhat believable.  Does that mean everyone suddenly converted to Buddhism?  I don't know that I'm quite willing to go that far.  It is also likely that there were Buddhists there already, even if the majority religion was Zoroastrianism. From Samarkand, Xuanzang traveled farther southwest, to the country of Kasanna, which seems to have been the edge of what we might call Sogdiana.   According to his biographers, however, there was a little more to all of this.  Rather, he headed west to Kusanika.  Then he traveled to  Khargan, and further on to the country of Bukhara, and then to Vadi.  All of these were “An” in Chinese, which was the name element used for Sogdians from this region.  He then continued west to the country of Horismika, on the other side of the Amu Darya, aka the Oxus River of Transoxanian fame. From there he traveled further southwest, entering into the mountains.  The path here was often such that they had to travel single-file, and there was no food or water other than what you brought with you.  Eventually they came to a set of doors, known as the Iron Gate.  This was a Turkic fortress.  It was no doubt fortuitous that he had come from his meeting with the Qaghan, and likely had permission to pass through.  From there, they entered the country of Tukhara. As we noted in Episode 119, Tukhara was in the region of Bactria.  It was bordered by the Pamir range in the east, and the Persian empire in the west.  There were also the Great Snow Mountains in the south, likely referencing the Hindu Kush. Tukhara had been conquered by the Gokturks just within the past couple of decades, and Xuanzang notes that the country had been split into largely autonomous city-states as the local royalty had died without an heir many years before.  With the Gokturk conquest, it was now administered by Tardu Shad, the son of Tong Yabghu Qaghan.  “Shad” in this case was a local title. Here, Xuanzang's narrative gets a little dicey, especially between his biography and his records.  The records of the Western Regions denotes various countries in this area.  It is unclear if he traveled to all of them or is just recounting them from records he obtained.  He does give us at least an overview of the people and the region.  I would also note that this is one of the regions he visited, again, on his return trip, and so may have been more familiar with the region than those areas he had passed through from Suyab on down. For one thing, he notes that the language of the region was different from that of the “Suli”, which appears to refer to the Sogdians.  This was the old territory of the Kushan empire, and they largely spoke Bactrian.  Like Sogdian, it was another Eastern Iranian language, and they used an alphabet based largely on Greek, and written horizontally rather than vertically.  They also had their own coins. This region had plenty of Buddhist communities, and Xuanzang describes the cities and how many monasteries they had, though, again, it isn't clear if he actually visited all of them or not.  These are countries that Li Rongji translates as “Tirmidh”, “Sahaaniyan”, “Kharuun”, “Shuumaan”, etc. It does seem that Xuanzang made it to the capital city, the modern city Kunduz, Afghanistan. Xuanzang actually had something specific for the local Gokturk ruler, Tardu Shad.  Tardu Shad's wife was the younger sister of King Qu Wentai of Gaochang, whom we met last episode.  Qu Wentai had provided Xuanzang a letter for his younger sister and her husband.  Unfortunately, Xuanzang arrived to learn that the princess of Gaochang had passed away, and Tardu Shad's health was failing.  It does seem that Tardu Shad was aware of Xuanzang, however—a letter had already come from Qu Wentai to let them know that Xuanzang was on his way.  As I mentioned last episode, letters were an important part of how communities stayed tied together.  Of course, given the perils of the road, one assumes that multiple letters likely had to be sent just in case they didn't make it.  The US Postal Service this was not. Tardu Shad, though not feeling well, granted an interview with Xuanzang.  He suggested that Xuanzang should stick around.  Then, once the Shad had recovered from his illness, he would accompany Xuanzang personally on his trip to India.  Unfortunately, that was not to be.  While Xuanzang was staying there, he was witness to deadly drama.  Tardu Shad was recovering, which was attributed to the recitations by an Indian monk who was also there.  This outcome was not exactly what some in the court had wanted.  One of the Shad's own sons, known as the Tagin prince, plotted with the Shad's current wife, the young Khatun, and she poisoned her husband.  With the Shad dead, the throne might have gone to the son of the Gaochang princess, but he was still too young.  As such, the Tagin Prince was able to usurp the throne himself, and he married his stepmother, the young Khatun.  The funeral services for the late Tardu Shad meant that Xuanzang was obliged to stay at Ghor for over a month. During that time, Xuanzang had a seemingly pleasant interaction with an Indian monk.  And when he finally got ready to go, he asked the new Shad for a guide and horses.  He agreed, but also made the suggestion that Xuanzang should then head to Balkh.  This may have meant a bit of backtracking, but the Shad suggested that it would be worth it, as Balkh had a flourishing Buddhist community. Fortunately, there was a group of Buddhist monks from Balkh who happened to be in Kunduz to express their condolences at the passing of Tardu Shad, and they agreed to accompany Xuanzang back to their hometown, lest he end up getting lost and taking the long way there. The city of Balkh is also known as “Baktra”, as in “Bactria”, another name of this region.  A settlement has been there since at least 500 BCE , and it was already an important city when it was captured by Alexander the Great.  It sits at the confluence of several major trade routes, which no doubt were a big part of its success.  Xuanzang's biography notes that it was a massive city, though it was relatively sparsely populated—probably due to the relatively recent conquest by the Gokturks, which had occurred in the last couple of decades.  That said, there were still thousands of monks residing at a hundred monasteries in and around the city.  They are all characterized as monks of Theravada schools.  Southwest of the city was a monastery known as Navasamgharama, aka Nava Vihara, or “New Monastery”.  Despite its name, the monastery may have actually been much older, going back to the Kushan emperor Kaniska, in the 2nd century CE.  Ruins identified as this “New Monastery” are still visible south of Balkh, today. The monastery is described as being beautifully decorated, and it seems that it had a relic—one of the Buddha's teeth.  There are also various utensils that the Buddha is said to have used, as well.  The objects would be displayed on festival days.  North of the monastery there was a stupa more than 200 feet in height.  South of the monastery was a hermitage.  Each monk who studied there and passed away would have a stupa erected for them, as well.  Xuanzang notes that there were at around 700 memorial stupas, such that they had to be crammed together, base to base. It was here that Xuanzang met a young monk named Prajnaakara, who was already somewhat famous in India, and well-studied.  When questioned about certain aspects of Buddhism, Xuanzang was impressed by the monk's answers, and so stayed there a month studying with the young monk. Eventually, Xuanzang was ready to continue on his journey.  He departed Balkh towards the south, accompanying the teacher Prajnakara, and together they entered the Great Snow Mountains, aka the Hindu Kush.  This path was even more dangerous than the trip through the Tian Shan mountains to Suyab.   They eventually left the territory of Tukhara and arrived at Bamiyan.  Bamiyan was a kingdom in the Hindu Kush, themselves an extension of the Himalayan Mountain range.  It Is largely based around valley, home to the modern city of Bamyan, Afghanistan, which sits along the divide between Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent.  Today it is a major center for individuals of the Hazara ethnic group, one of the main ethnic groups in Afghanistan, which is a multi-ethnic state that includes, today, the Pashtun, Hazara, Tajik, and Uzbek people, along with a number of smaller ethnic groups.  Today they largely reside in the mountainous areas of the Hindu Kush. Bamiyan made an impact on our protagonist.   Their language was slightly different from that in Tukhara, but using the same—or similar enough—writing system.  Buddhism was thriving in the capital, and we are told of a rock statue of the standing Buddha, over a hundred feet in height, along with a copper statue of the standing Buddha nearby.    There was also another reclining Buddha a mile or two down the road.  There were multiple monasteries with thousands of monks, and the ruler of that kingdom received Xuanzang well. Xuanzang wasn't the first monk to travel to Bamiyan from the Middle Kingdom—in this he was, perhaps unwittingly, on the trail of the monk Faxian.  Faxian likely did not see these statues, though, as we believe they were built in the 6th and early 7th century—at least the stone Buddha statues.  They were a famous worship site until February 2001, when the Taliban gave an order to destroy all of the statues in Afghanistan.  Despite this, they were inscribed as UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2003. Fortunately, we have images from before their destruction.  These statues were a blend of Greco-Buddhist and Gandharan art styles—appropriate as it stands between the Hellenistic area of Tukhara and the ancient region of Gandhara—including the modern city of Kandahar and into the Indus Valley region of Pakistan. Continuing east through the mountains, Xuanzang eventually came out at the kingdom of Kapisa.  This may have had its capital around modern-day Bagram, north of modern Kabul, but the country seems to have been quite large.  Kapisa over saw some tens of other countries, and it is thought that at one time its influence extended from Bamyan and Kandahar to the area of modern Jalalabad.  Their language was even more different than that of Tukhara, but they were still using the same writing system.  The king of Kapisa is said to have been of Suli ethnicity—which would seem to indicate that he was Sogdian, or at least descended from people of the Transoxanian region.    Xuanzang notes that the ruler, as rough and fiery as he is described—as a true warlord or similar—he nonetheless made a silver image of the Buddha, eighteen feet in height, every year.  He also gave charity to the poor and needy in an assembly that was called every five years.  There were over one hundred monasteries and some 6000 monks, per Xuanzang's recollection, and notably, they were largely following Mahayana teachings. For the most part the monks that Xuanzang had encountered on this journey were Theravada—Xuanzang refers to them as “Hinayana”, referring to the “Lesser Vehicle” in contrast to Xuanzang's own “Mahayana”, or “Greater Vehicle”.  “Theravada” refers to the “way of the elders” and while Mahayana Buddhism largely accepts the sutras of Theravada Buddhism, there are many Mahayana texts that Theravada Buddhists do not believe are canonical.  We discussed this back in Episode 84. There was apparently a story of another individual from the Yellow River being sent as a hostage to Kapisa when it was part of the Kushan Empire, under Kanishka or similar.  Xuanzang recounts various places that the hostage, described as a prince, lived or visited while in the region.  Xuanzang's arrival likely stirred the imagination of people who likely knew that the Tang were out there, but it was such a seemingly impossible distance for most people.  And yet here was someone who had traveled across all of that distance.  One of the monasteries that claimed to have been founded because of that ancient Han prince invited Xuanzang to stay with them.  Although it was a Theravada monastery, Xuanzang took them up on the offer, both because of the connection to someone who may have been his countryman, but also because of his traveling companion, Prajnakara, who was also a Theravada monk, and may not be comfortable staying at a Mahayana monastery. Xuanzang spends a good deal of ink on the stories of how various monasteries and other sites were founded in Kapisa and the surrounding areas.  He must have spent some time there to accumulate all of this information.  It is also one of the places where he seems to have hit at least twice—once on the way to India, and once during his return journey. The King of Kapisa is said to have been a devotee of Mahayana Buddhism.  He invited Xuanzang and Prajnakara to come to a Mahayana monastery to hold a Dharma gathering.  There they met with several leading figures in the monastery, and they discussed different theories.  This gathering lasted five days, and at the end, the king offered Xuanzang and the other monks five bolts of pure brocade and various other gifts.  Soon thereafter, the monk Prajnakara was invited back to Tukhara, and so he and Xuanzang parted ways. And it was about time for Xuanzang to continue onwards as well.  From Kapisa, he would travel across the “Black Range” and into Lampaka.  This may refer to the area of Laghman or Jalalabad.  Today, this is in modern Afghanistan, but for Xuanzang, this would have been the northwestern edge of India.  He was almost there. And so are we, but we'll save his trip into India for next episode. Until then thank you for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

The relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan is complex and multifaceted, characterized by historical, strategic, and ideological dimensions. The Taliban emerged in the early 1990s in the midst of Afghanistan's civil war following the withdrawal of Soviet forces. While the Taliban is an Afghan Islamist movement, its origins and rise to power are closely intertwined with Pakistan's intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).Here's a breakdown of the relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan, including how the ISI played a role in its creation:Strategic Interests: Pakistan views Afghanistan through the lens of strategic depth, seeking to ensure a friendly government in Kabul that would provide a buffer against its arch-rival, India. The ISI saw the Taliban as a potential instrument to achieve this goal due to its Pashtun ethnicity (Pashtuns straddle both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border) and its adherence to a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam, which resonated with certain segments of the Afghan population.Support during the Soviet-Afghan War: During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989), Pakistan, along with the United States and Saudi Arabia, supported Afghan mujahideen groups, including some factions that would later coalesce into the Taliban. The ISI played a key role in channeling funds, weapons, and training to these groups, including individuals who would become influential figures in the Taliban leadership.Formation of the Taliban: In the early 1990s, following the Soviet withdrawal, Afghanistan descended into civil war among various mujahideen factions vying for power. Amid the chaos and instability, the Taliban emerged as a force aiming to restore order and implement their interpretation of Islamic law. Many of the early Taliban leaders had received support, training, and ideological indoctrination in Pakistani madrassas (religious schools) funded by Saudi Arabia and facilitated by the ISI.Direct Support from Pakistan: As the Taliban gained momentum in Afghanistan, Pakistan provided direct support, including military assistance, logistical support, and diplomatic backing. Pakistani military advisors reportedly played a role in training Taliban fighters and providing strategic guidance. Pakistan's support for the Taliban was driven by its desire for a stable and compliant neighbor, as well as its strategic interests in maintaining influence in Afghanistan.Ongoing Relationship: Despite international pressure to sever ties with the Taliban, Pakistan has maintained a complex relationship with the group, balancing its support with efforts to avoid international isolation. The Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan following the U.S.-led invasion in 2001 further solidified Pakistan's interest in maintaining ties with the group as a potential ally in shaping Afghanistan's future.Accusations of ISI Support: Over the years, there have been persistent allegations of direct ISI support for the Taliban, including providing sanctuary to Taliban leaders on Pakistani soil, facilitating financial and logistical support, and even directing Taliban military operations. While Pakistan denies these allegations, evidence suggests ongoing links and support between elements within the ISI and the Taliban.(commercial at 10:11)to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Tensions high after Pakistan launches cross-border attacks into Afghanistan | Conflict News | Al Jazeera

Episode Description Episode Description Sign up to receive this Unreached of the Day podcast sent to you:  https://unreachedoftheday.org/resources/podcast/ People Group Summary: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14327 #PrayforZERO is a podcast Sponsor.         https://prayforzero.com/ Take your place in history! We could be the generation to translate God's Word into every language. YOUR prayers can make this happen.  Take your first step and sign the Prayer Wall to receive the weekly Pray For Zero Journal:  https://prayforzero.com/prayer-wall/#join Pray for the largest Frontier People Groups (FPG): Visit JoshuaProject.net/frontier#podcast provides links to podcast recordings of the prayer guide for the 31 largest FPGs.  Go31.org/FREE provides the printed prayer guide for the largest 31 FPGs along with resources to support those wanting to enlist others in prayer for FPGs

Ep 173 One World in a New World with Aslam Kakar How do personal experiences and academic exploration shape one's understanding of identity, ethnopolitical conflict, and global connectedness? Step into an insightful conversation between Zen Benefiel and Dr. Aslam Kakar, a renowned scholar in Global Affairs, political science, sociology, and anthropology. In this episode, they delve into the complexities of ethnopolitical conflicts, social movements, and the deeply connected human experience. Dr. Kakar, with his expertise in the histories of the Pashtun people of Pakistan and the Kurds of Turkey, offers a culturally rich perspective on how these communities navigate conflict, identity, and the global stage. Zen and Aslam engage in a dialogue that encourages you to reflect on the deeper connections that bind humanity. How do personal experiences influence our understanding of unity? What can we learn from communities facing struggle, displacement, and efforts at cultural preservation? Together, they explore not only the geopolitical dynamics but also the spiritual and emotional dimensions driving movements toward collective harmony. Whether you're interested in the sociology of conflict, passionate about social justice, or curious about how diverse cultural stories intertwine with the global human journey, this conversation is filled with meaningful insights. Zen and Aslam unpack how personal and collective histories intersect, inspiring hope for a future grounded in unity, understanding, and peace. This episode offers a compelling blend of academic insight, spiritual reflection, and shared human experience. Don't miss this opportunity to explore what it truly means to bridge the gaps—internally and externally—that separate us, and move toward a world built on shared understanding and global harmony. Connect with Aslam: https://www.linkedin.com/in/aslamkakar/ Institute for Peace: https://wagingnonviolence.org/ #GlobalTransformation #UnityInDiversity #EthnopoliticalInsights #PashtunAndKurds #ZenAndAslam #Peacebuilding #GlobalAffairs #HumanityConnected #CulturalDialogues #SpiritualLeadership #GlobalConversations Join this channel to get access to perks: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCuZl_29zHxehqeL89KSCWFA/join _______ Connect with Zen: https://linkedin.com/zenbenefiel Zen's books: https://amazon.com/author/zendor Zen's Coaching: https://BeTheDream.com Zen's CV et al: https://zenbenefiel.com The Octopus Movement (non-linear thinkers): https://theoctopusmovement.org Live and Let Live Global Peace Movement: https://liveandletlive.org Activation Products: https://bit.ly/btdactivation Assisting in harmony among people and planet: https://planetarycitizens.net

چیرته چې لوی ذهنونه سره ملاقات کوي: د زده کړې لارې: د پښتنو ماشومانو لپاره تعلیم -- په پاکستان کې، په هرو دریو ماشومانو کې یو له ښوونځي څخه بهر دی، چې پښتانه ماشومان په ځانګړې توګه د پام وړ خنډونو سره مخ دي. ننګونې لکه بې وزلي، فساد، شخړې او د پوهنې په اړه دودیز نظرونه د لاسرسي پر وړاندې خنډونه جوړوي. د دې ستونزو سره سره، ځینې ټولنې دوام لري. د پښتو ژباړل شوي عضوي کیمیا درسي کتاب او د ډاکټر لینګر، ډاکټر ایمري براون او چانسلر می سره درې پوډکاسټ مرکې، له انګلیسي څخه پښتو ته ژباړل شوي. موږ موخه دا ده چې د دې ځوانانو ملاتړ وکړو چې د دوی د زده کړې لپاره مبارزه وکړي. --- Where Great Minds Meet: Paths to Learning: Education for Pashtun Children -- In Pakistan, one in three children is out of school, with Pashtun children facing particularly significant barriers. Challenges such as poverty, corruption, conflict, and traditional views on education create obstacles to access. Despite these difficulties, some communities persevere. Featuring a Pashto translated organic chemistry textbook and three podcast interviews with Dr. Langer, Dr. Emery Brown and Chancellor May, translated from English to Pashto. We aim to support these young adults in their fight for their education.

Kingdom Stories: Wheat and Weeds Matthew 13:24-30 For the bulletin in PDF form, click here. The Parable How Did We Get Here? What is Wrong? Why Are We Here? Where Are We Going?This Week's Growth GuideGod's Word is both central and critical to your spiritual growth. We invite you to utilize the Growth Guide during the week to further your application of the Truth from the message.•. Monday - Genesis 1-2•. Tuesday - Genesis 3-4•. Wednesday - Genesis 5-6•. Thursday - Genesis 7-8•. Friday - Genesis 9-11Home Church Questions 1. Have someone read the parable in Matt. 13:24-30. According to Matt. 13:36-43, what is this parable about?2. The lessons we learn from this parable help explain the Christian worldview. What is a worldview? Why is it important we understand what a worldview is?3. The first question that informs our worldview is: “how did we get here?” How does the Christian worldview explain how we got here and what are some examples of other worldviews that would answer this question differently? What difference should this make in our lives?4. The second question that informs our worldview is: “what is wrong?” In the parable, the enemy sows weeds in the good field. According to the Christian worldview, what is wrong? What is an example of a way you are experiencing the "weeds" of this broken world?5. The third question that informs our worldview is: “why are we here?” The Christian worldview says there is still meaning and purpose even though we live in a fallen world. What is the meaning/purpose of life according to the Christian worldview? What difference should this make in our lives?6. What are some reasons God allows us to remain in a fallen world with pain and suffering and weeds? How might your answer help you respond to the “weeds” you are experiencing right now?7. The fourth question that informs our worldview is: “where are we going?” According to this parable and the Christian worldview, what happens in the end? How is this different from other worldviews? What difference should this make in our lives?8. Who can you talk with about these big questions in hopes of talking about the Gospel? Which of the four questions do you think you would be most likely to “lean into” as you are talking with someone? Why? Mission Highlight - Pray for the Unreached: The Pashtun in Pakistan The Pashtun population stands at 32.7 million, with Islam as the predominant religion and Northern Pashto as the primary language. Christians constitute less than 0.1% of the population. Both written and oral versions of the complete Bible are available, but no movements of the gospel have been reported. Approximately 654 workers are needed, at a ratio of 1 worker per 50,000 people. Focus prayer on sending families to share Jesus' love and forgiveness, scripture translations in Pashto dialects, and inspiring household leaders to embrace Jesus and disciple others, so that Pashtun families turn to Christ and foster faith-based movements within their clans.FinancesWeekly Budget 35,297Giving For 10/13 20,813Giving For 10/20 35,240 YTD Budget 564,754 Giving 497,823 OVER/(UNDER) (66,931) Fellowship 101We invite you to join us on Sunday, November 10, at 9:00 a.m. to learn more about Fellowship. This is a great opportunity to hear about our mission, values, and our ministries. If you're new to Fellowship, join us in the conference room (first floor) to hear what God is doing and where He is taking us. During this time, you will meet some of our ministry leaders and get to ask questions. Register at fellowshipconway.org/register. New to Fellowship?We are so glad that you chose to worship with our Fellowship Family this morning. If you are joining us for the first time or have been checking us out for a few weeks, we are excited you are here and would love to meet you. Please fill out the “Connect Card” and bring it to the Connection Center in the Atrium, we would love to say “hi” and give you a gift. Operation Christmas Child• Operation Christmas Child season is in full swing. Your involvement in Operation Christmas Child is one of the easiest ways to place your finger prints, or the finger prints of your children, on the great things God is doing across the world. These shoe boxes are Gospel opportunities, and used by God in church planting, multi-generation discipleship, and changing lives of entire villages across the world. Would you consider how many boxes you and your family might be called to pack? Go to fellowshipconway.org/occ for more information and how to get involved.• If you are interested in volunteering at the Dallas Processing Center, email Paul Bradley at paul@fellowshipconway.org. The last day to sign up is November 10. Fellowship Kids Family HikeFellowship families plan to join us on Saturday, November 9, at 10:00 a.m. Please bring a picnic lunch and meet us on the playground at Woolly Hollow. We will head out for a fun hike and come back to enjoy a picnic lunch together. Men's Fellowship BreakfastMen, join us for a great breakfast and fellowship on Wednesday, November 14, at 6:00 a.m. here in the Fellowship atrium. No sign-up is needed. Come with your Bible ready to eat, fellowship with other men, and start your day off right through prayer and Biblical insight. Questions? Contact Michael at mharrison@fellowshipconway.org. Feed the Need - Sunday, November 3, 10-2:00 p.m.Multiple ways to serve! First, we need 24 volunteers to serve the day of the event at the Walmart Neighborhood Market. Volunteers will sort, box, load, and help spread the word! Register at fellowshipconway.org/register. Second, you can go to one of the participating grocery stores, shop for items on the list, and drop them with the volunteers in the parking lot! Let's help this year's event be a great success! Prayer During ServiceWe love to pray for one another. Our prayer team will have people at the front of the Auditorium under the signs Hope and Love to pray for you after the message. Please feel free to walk up to them for prayer or encouragement during the first worship song after the message.

In this episode, Divya interviews Usman Ashraf, a PhD student at the Helsinki Institute of Sustainability Sciences at the University of Helsinki. His research focuses on forest governance and the complexities of the implementation of development policies in Pakistan. This discussion centers around Usman's report on Pakistan's ambitious "10 Billion Tree Tsunami" project, titled "Participation and Exclusion in a Mega-Tree Planting Project in Pakistan." The conversation explores how this massive reforestation initiative, aimed at combating climate change, has inadvertently disrupted the lives and livelihoods of the nomadic herder communities in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. Usman explains how the long-standing relationship between Pashtun landowners and the nomadic goat-herding communities has been disturbed by government incentives to plant trees, fundamentally altering these traditional dynamics. This episode goes beyond academic discussion to provide a deep dive into the real-world implications of climate mitigation projects on marginalized communities. Usman's ethnographic insights reveal how large-scale plantation projects, often driven by political motives, can have significant ecological, social, and economic consequences. Overall, the conversation highlights the complexities of such initiatives in the Global South, emphasizing the need to consider both ecological and socio-economic factors to ensure that development projects are genuinely sustainable and equitable.

Sheikh Uthman Ibn Farouq (one message foundation) come back on the Ansari podcast! For another insightful conversation about all things Quran, bible, politics & Islamic history! Sheikh Uthman ends all debate about Quranic preservation and dives into the history of it's Divine preservation. He tells beautiful stories of Imam Ahmed. And gives an insightful look into Afghani and Pashtun history. Also, UK vs. US Muslims? What's up with that?! The 2 western Muslim communities should be uniting and working together. So what are we missing and what's actually happening? And it wouldn't be Sheikh Uthman Farouq episode without mentioning the errors in the Bible. #muslim #podcast #history #dawah 00:00 The Pope, Korean Jesus, Buddha 07:00 Time Travel: Imam Ahmed 13:36 Sanaa Manuscripts 20:06 Did Uthman change the Quran? 34:10 Pashto & Afghanistan History 43:59 UK vs. US Muslims 54:27 Palestine & Epstein 1:03:45 the Bible 1:11:52 Will the west end up Muslim? 1:23:24 The Pashtun Mandelorian Way 1:29:30 How to get Wife to wear Niqab? 1:35:00 From Gang to Daee: Sheikh Uthman Reflections 1:37:27 Sheikh's dream of Prophet PBUH

Iranian Languages and Dialects, Part VII: Pashto ‎ Summary In this episode, we delve into Pashto, an Iranic language spoken across Afghanistan, Pakistan, and ‎parts of Iran. We explore its significance, dialectal variations, and its deep connection with ‎Pashtun identity. By examining the historical roots and the spread of the language, we uncover ‎how Pashto has shaped and been shaped by the cultural and social dynamics of the region. If you ‎haven't already, I highly recommend listening to my previous episodes on the classification of ‎Iranian languages, as they provide essential background for understanding the context of this ‎discussion. Keywords ‎#PashtoLanguage; #IranicLanguages; #Afghanistan; #Pakistan; #NorthWestFrontier; ‎‎#Baluchistan; #Linguistics; #PashtoDialects; #IranianLanguages; #LanguageHistory; ‎‎#PashtunIdentity; #Podcast; #LanguageAndCulture‎

The relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan is complex and multifaceted, characterized by historical, strategic, and ideological dimensions. The Taliban emerged in the early 1990s in the midst of Afghanistan's civil war following the withdrawal of Soviet forces. While the Taliban is an Afghan Islamist movement, its origins and rise to power are closely intertwined with Pakistan's intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).Here's a breakdown of the relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan, including how the ISI played a role in its creation:Strategic Interests: Pakistan views Afghanistan through the lens of strategic depth, seeking to ensure a friendly government in Kabul that would provide a buffer against its arch-rival, India. The ISI saw the Taliban as a potential instrument to achieve this goal due to its Pashtun ethnicity (Pashtuns straddle both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border) and its adherence to a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam, which resonated with certain segments of the Afghan population.Support during the Soviet-Afghan War: During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989), Pakistan, along with the United States and Saudi Arabia, supported Afghan mujahideen groups, including some factions that would later coalesce into the Taliban. The ISI played a key role in channeling funds, weapons, and training to these groups, including individuals who would become influential figures in the Taliban leadership.Formation of the Taliban: In the early 1990s, following the Soviet withdrawal, Afghanistan descended into civil war among various mujahideen factions vying for power. Amid the chaos and instability, the Taliban emerged as a force aiming to restore order and implement their interpretation of Islamic law. Many of the early Taliban leaders had received support, training, and ideological indoctrination in Pakistani madrassas (religious schools) funded by Saudi Arabia and facilitated by the ISI.Direct Support from Pakistan: As the Taliban gained momentum in Afghanistan, Pakistan provided direct support, including military assistance, logistical support, and diplomatic backing. Pakistani military advisors reportedly played a role in training Taliban fighters and providing strategic guidance. Pakistan's support for the Taliban was driven by its desire for a stable and compliant neighbor, as well as its strategic interests in maintaining influence in Afghanistan.Ongoing Relationship: Despite international pressure to sever ties with the Taliban, Pakistan has maintained a complex relationship with the group, balancing its support with efforts to avoid international isolation. The Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan following the U.S.-led invasion in 2001 further solidified Pakistan's interest in maintaining ties with the group as a potential ally in shaping Afghanistan's future.Accusations of ISI Support: Over the years, there have been persistent allegations of direct ISI support for the Taliban, including providing sanctuary to Taliban leaders on Pakistani soil, facilitating financial and logistical support, and even directing Taliban military operations. While Pakistan denies these allegations, evidence suggests ongoing links and support between elements within the ISI and the Taliban.(commercial at 10:11)to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Tensions high after Pakistan launches cross-border attacks into Afghanistan | Conflict News | Al Jazeera

Episode Description Sign up to receive this Unreached of the Day podcast sent to you:  https://unreachedoftheday.org/resources/podcast/ People Group Summary: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups//14256 #PrayforZERO is a podcast Sponsor.         https://prayforzero.com/ Take your place in history! We could be the generation to translate God's Word into every language. YOUR prayers can make this happen.  Take your first step and sign the Prayer Wall to receive the weekly Pray For Zero Journal:  https://prayforzero.com/prayer-wall/#join Pray for the largest Frontier People Groups (FPG): Visit JoshuaProject.net/frontier#podcast provides links to podcast recordings of the prayer guide for the 31 largest FPGs.  Go31.org/FREE provides the printed prayer guide for the largest 31 FPGs along with resources to support those wanting to enlist others in prayer for FPGs.

Ayesha Jehangir left her rural village to get a better education; she left Pakistan to explore Afghanistan; and she left an abusive marriage to find her place in Australia. But she remains deeply proud of her Pashtun roots

GUEST 1 OVERVIEW: Dmitry Orlov is a Russian-American engineer, linguist and writer. He is a truly independent mind and a more and more popular guest of print and internet publications. He has written extensively about collapse in general and specifically, comparing the demise of the USSR to the US crisis. He has analyzed topics as diverse as the Ugandan Ik people, the Russian mafia and the Pashtun ethical code which enabled them to become the graveyard of empires. His book "The five stages of collapse" is an astonishing firework of ideas, many of them suggesting the readers should get collapseproof, because catastrophic demise is the inevitable destiny of empires and states; the bigger and more structured, the more catastrophic their collapse. Get ready for an interview with an original thinker and a constant flow of surprising arguments. GUEST 2 OVERVIEW: Graduated from the Russian National Research Nuclear University and got his Ph.D. in theoretical nuclear physics at Kurchatov Institute of Atomic Energy which is an equivalent of Los Alamos Lab. Forced into exile in 1976 for criticizing Soviet foreign and domestic policies. After emigrating to the United States, worked as researcher at the Laser Fusion Lab at the University of Rochester, NY, and Professor at the American University in Washington, DC. After the collapse of the USSR founded the American University in Moscow to promote US-Russia science and educational exchanges. Currently also a Professor at National Research Nuclear University and Moscow State University. He is the author of 14 books and several hundred science and political science articles in the American and Russian media.

GUEST OVERVIEW: Dmitry Orlov is a Russian-American engineer, linguist and writer. He is a truly independent mind and a more and more popular guest of print and internet publications. He has written extensively about collapse in general and specifically, comparing the demise of the USSR to the US crisis. He has analyzed topics as diverse as the Ugandan Ik people, the Russian mafia and the Pashtun ethical code which enabled them to become the graveyard of empires. His book "The five stages of collapse" is an astonishing firework of ideas, many of them suggesting the readers should get collapseproof, because catastrophic demise is the inevitable destiny of empires and states; the bigger and more structured, the more catastrophic their collapse. Get ready for an interview with an original thinker and a constant flow of surprising arguments.

The relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan is complex and multifaceted, characterized by historical, strategic, and ideological dimensions. The Taliban emerged in the early 1990s in the midst of Afghanistan's civil war following the withdrawal of Soviet forces. While the Taliban is an Afghan Islamist movement, its origins and rise to power are closely intertwined with Pakistan's intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).Here's a breakdown of the relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan, including how the ISI played a role in its creation:Strategic Interests: Pakistan views Afghanistan through the lens of strategic depth, seeking to ensure a friendly government in Kabul that would provide a buffer against its arch-rival, India. The ISI saw the Taliban as a potential instrument to achieve this goal due to its Pashtun ethnicity (Pashtuns straddle both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border) and its adherence to a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam, which resonated with certain segments of the Afghan population.Support during the Soviet-Afghan War: During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989), Pakistan, along with the United States and Saudi Arabia, supported Afghan mujahideen groups, including some factions that would later coalesce into the Taliban. The ISI played a key role in channeling funds, weapons, and training to these groups, including individuals who would become influential figures in the Taliban leadership.Formation of the Taliban: In the early 1990s, following the Soviet withdrawal, Afghanistan descended into civil war among various mujahideen factions vying for power. Amid the chaos and instability, the Taliban emerged as a force aiming to restore order and implement their interpretation of Islamic law. Many of the early Taliban leaders had received support, training, and ideological indoctrination in Pakistani madrassas (religious schools) funded by Saudi Arabia and facilitated by the ISI.Direct Support from Pakistan: As the Taliban gained momentum in Afghanistan, Pakistan provided direct support, including military assistance, logistical support, and diplomatic backing. Pakistani military advisors reportedly played a role in training Taliban fighters and providing strategic guidance. Pakistan's support for the Taliban was driven by its desire for a stable and compliant neighbor, as well as its strategic interests in maintaining influence in Afghanistan.Ongoing Relationship: Despite international pressure to sever ties with the Taliban, Pakistan has maintained a complex relationship with the group, balancing its support with efforts to avoid international isolation. The Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan following the U.S.-led invasion in 2001 further solidified Pakistan's interest in maintaining ties with the group as a potential ally in shaping Afghanistan's future.Accusations of ISI Support: Over the years, there have been persistent allegations of direct ISI support for the Taliban, including providing sanctuary to Taliban leaders on Pakistani soil, facilitating financial and logistical support, and even directing Taliban military operations. While Pakistan denies these allegations, evidence suggests ongoing links and support between elements within the ISI and the Taliban.(commercial at 10:11)to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Tensions high after Pakistan launches cross-border attacks into Afghanistan | Conflict News | Al Jazeera

The relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan is complex and multifaceted, characterized by historical, strategic, and ideological dimensions. The Taliban emerged in the early 1990s in the midst of Afghanistan's civil war following the withdrawal of Soviet forces. While the Taliban is an Afghan Islamist movement, its origins and rise to power are closely intertwined with Pakistan's intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).Here's a breakdown of the relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan, including how the ISI played a role in its creation:Strategic Interests: Pakistan views Afghanistan through the lens of strategic depth, seeking to ensure a friendly government in Kabul that would provide a buffer against its arch-rival, India. The ISI saw the Taliban as a potential instrument to achieve this goal due to its Pashtun ethnicity (Pashtuns straddle both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border) and its adherence to a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam, which resonated with certain segments of the Afghan population.Support during the Soviet-Afghan War: During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989), Pakistan, along with the United States and Saudi Arabia, supported Afghan mujahideen groups, including some factions that would later coalesce into the Taliban. The ISI played a key role in channeling funds, weapons, and training to these groups, including individuals who would become influential figures in the Taliban leadership.Formation of the Taliban: In the early 1990s, following the Soviet withdrawal, Afghanistan descended into civil war among various mujahideen factions vying for power. Amid the chaos and instability, the Taliban emerged as a force aiming to restore order and implement their interpretation of Islamic law. Many of the early Taliban leaders had received support, training, and ideological indoctrination in Pakistani madrassas (religious schools) funded by Saudi Arabia and facilitated by the ISI.Direct Support from Pakistan: As the Taliban gained momentum in Afghanistan, Pakistan provided direct support, including military assistance, logistical support, and diplomatic backing. Pakistani military advisors reportedly played a role in training Taliban fighters and providing strategic guidance. Pakistan's support for the Taliban was driven by its desire for a stable and compliant neighbor, as well as its strategic interests in maintaining influence in Afghanistan.Ongoing Relationship: Despite international pressure to sever ties with the Taliban, Pakistan has maintained a complex relationship with the group, balancing its support with efforts to avoid international isolation. The Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan following the U.S.-led invasion in 2001 further solidified Pakistan's interest in maintaining ties with the group as a potential ally in shaping Afghanistan's future.Accusations of ISI Support: Over the years, there have been persistent allegations of direct ISI support for the Taliban, including providing sanctuary to Taliban leaders on Pakistani soil, facilitating financial and logistical support, and even directing Taliban military operations. While Pakistan denies these allegations, evidence suggests ongoing links and support between elements within the ISI and the Taliban.(commercial at 10:11)to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Tensions high after Pakistan launches cross-border attacks into Afghanistan | Conflict News | Al JazeeraBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

In this episode, host Martin Kessler welcomes John Arminio of the Popcorn Eschaton! podcast to discuss Kevin Reynolds' underappreciated 1988 war film The Beast. Set during the second year of the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, it follows a Soviet T-55 tank unit who lose their way in the mountains following a savage attack on a Pashtun village and the vengeful mujahideen soldiers tracking them, committed to destroying "the Beast."  Kessler and Arminio dig into this "holy grail of tank movies" and how it smartly deals with themes of revenge and mercy, the Islam faith, Pashtunwali, overcoming language barriers and humanizing both sides of a "rotten war." Popcorn Eschaton!: https://soundcloud.com/zebras-in-america/popcorn-eschaton-1 Support our Patreon: www.patreon.com/thepinksmoke The Pink Smoke site: www.thepinksmoke.com Movie Kessler on X: twitter.com/MovieKessler The Pink Smoke on X: twitter.com/thepinksmoke Intro music: Unleash the Bastards / “Tea for Two” Outro music: Marcus Pinn / “Vegas"

Concerned with the fate of the minority in the age of the nation-state, Muslim political thought in modern South Asia has often been associated with religious nationalism and the creation of Pakistan. Amar Sohal's book The Muslim Secular: Parity and the Politics of India's Partition (Oxford UP, 2023) complicates that story by reconstructing the ideas of three prominent thinker-actors of the Indian freedom struggle: the Indian National Congress leader Abul Kalam Azad, the popular Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, and the nonviolent Pashtun activist Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Revising the common view that they were mere acolytes of their celebrated Hindu colleagues M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, this book argues that these three men collectively produced a distinct Muslim secularity from within the grander family of secular Indian nationalism; an intellectual tradition that has retained religion within the public space while nevertheless preventing it from defining either national membership or the state. At a time when many across the decolonising world believed that identity-based majorities and minorities were incompatible and had to be separated out into sovereign equals, Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan thought differently about the problem of religious pluralism in a postcolonial democracy. The minority, they contended, could conceive of the majority not just as an antagonistic entity that is set against it, but to which it can belong and uniquely complete. Premising its claim to a single, united India upon the universalism of Islam, champions of the Muslim secular mobilised notions of federation and popular sovereignty to replace older monarchical and communitarian forms of power. But to finally jettison the demographic inequality between Hindus and Muslims, these thinkers redefined equality itself.  Rejecting its liberal definition for being too abstract and thus prone to majoritarian assimilation, they replaced it with their own rendition of Indian parity to simultaneously evoke commonality and distinction between Hindu and Muslim peers. Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan achieved this by deploying a range of concepts from profane inheritance and theological autonomy to linguistic diversity and ethical pledges. Retaining their Muslimness and Indian nationality in full, this crowning notion of equality-as-parity challenged both Gandhi and Nehru's abstractions and Mohammad Ali Jinnah's supposedly dangerous demand for Pakistan. Arighna Gupta is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. His dissertation attempts to trace early-colonial genealogies of popular sovereignty located at the interstices of monarchical, religious, and colonial sovereignties in India and present-day Bangladesh. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Concerned with the fate of the minority in the age of the nation-state, Muslim political thought in modern South Asia has often been associated with religious nationalism and the creation of Pakistan. Amar Sohal's book The Muslim Secular: Parity and the Politics of India's Partition (Oxford UP, 2023) complicates that story by reconstructing the ideas of three prominent thinker-actors of the Indian freedom struggle: the Indian National Congress leader Abul Kalam Azad, the popular Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, and the nonviolent Pashtun activist Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Revising the common view that they were mere acolytes of their celebrated Hindu colleagues M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, this book argues that these three men collectively produced a distinct Muslim secularity from within the grander family of secular Indian nationalism; an intellectual tradition that has retained religion within the public space while nevertheless preventing it from defining either national membership or the state. At a time when many across the decolonising world believed that identity-based majorities and minorities were incompatible and had to be separated out into sovereign equals, Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan thought differently about the problem of religious pluralism in a postcolonial democracy. The minority, they contended, could conceive of the majority not just as an antagonistic entity that is set against it, but to which it can belong and uniquely complete. Premising its claim to a single, united India upon the universalism of Islam, champions of the Muslim secular mobilised notions of federation and popular sovereignty to replace older monarchical and communitarian forms of power. But to finally jettison the demographic inequality between Hindus and Muslims, these thinkers redefined equality itself.  Rejecting its liberal definition for being too abstract and thus prone to majoritarian assimilation, they replaced it with their own rendition of Indian parity to simultaneously evoke commonality and distinction between Hindu and Muslim peers. Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan achieved this by deploying a range of concepts from profane inheritance and theological autonomy to linguistic diversity and ethical pledges. Retaining their Muslimness and Indian nationality in full, this crowning notion of equality-as-parity challenged both Gandhi and Nehru's abstractions and Mohammad Ali Jinnah's supposedly dangerous demand for Pakistan. Arighna Gupta is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. His dissertation attempts to trace early-colonial genealogies of popular sovereignty located at the interstices of monarchical, religious, and colonial sovereignties in India and present-day Bangladesh. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Concerned with the fate of the minority in the age of the nation-state, Muslim political thought in modern South Asia has often been associated with religious nationalism and the creation of Pakistan. Amar Sohal's book The Muslim Secular: Parity and the Politics of India's Partition (Oxford UP, 2023) complicates that story by reconstructing the ideas of three prominent thinker-actors of the Indian freedom struggle: the Indian National Congress leader Abul Kalam Azad, the popular Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, and the nonviolent Pashtun activist Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Revising the common view that they were mere acolytes of their celebrated Hindu colleagues M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, this book argues that these three men collectively produced a distinct Muslim secularity from within the grander family of secular Indian nationalism; an intellectual tradition that has retained religion within the public space while nevertheless preventing it from defining either national membership or the state. At a time when many across the decolonising world believed that identity-based majorities and minorities were incompatible and had to be separated out into sovereign equals, Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan thought differently about the problem of religious pluralism in a postcolonial democracy. The minority, they contended, could conceive of the majority not just as an antagonistic entity that is set against it, but to which it can belong and uniquely complete. Premising its claim to a single, united India upon the universalism of Islam, champions of the Muslim secular mobilised notions of federation and popular sovereignty to replace older monarchical and communitarian forms of power. But to finally jettison the demographic inequality between Hindus and Muslims, these thinkers redefined equality itself.  Rejecting its liberal definition for being too abstract and thus prone to majoritarian assimilation, they replaced it with their own rendition of Indian parity to simultaneously evoke commonality and distinction between Hindu and Muslim peers. Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan achieved this by deploying a range of concepts from profane inheritance and theological autonomy to linguistic diversity and ethical pledges. Retaining their Muslimness and Indian nationality in full, this crowning notion of equality-as-parity challenged both Gandhi and Nehru's abstractions and Mohammad Ali Jinnah's supposedly dangerous demand for Pakistan. Arighna Gupta is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. His dissertation attempts to trace early-colonial genealogies of popular sovereignty located at the interstices of monarchical, religious, and colonial sovereignties in India and present-day Bangladesh. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/islamic-studies

Concerned with the fate of the minority in the age of the nation-state, Muslim political thought in modern South Asia has often been associated with religious nationalism and the creation of Pakistan. Amar Sohal's book The Muslim Secular: Parity and the Politics of India's Partition (Oxford UP, 2023) complicates that story by reconstructing the ideas of three prominent thinker-actors of the Indian freedom struggle: the Indian National Congress leader Abul Kalam Azad, the popular Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, and the nonviolent Pashtun activist Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Revising the common view that they were mere acolytes of their celebrated Hindu colleagues M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, this book argues that these three men collectively produced a distinct Muslim secularity from within the grander family of secular Indian nationalism; an intellectual tradition that has retained religion within the public space while nevertheless preventing it from defining either national membership or the state. At a time when many across the decolonising world believed that identity-based majorities and minorities were incompatible and had to be separated out into sovereign equals, Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan thought differently about the problem of religious pluralism in a postcolonial democracy. The minority, they contended, could conceive of the majority not just as an antagonistic entity that is set against it, but to which it can belong and uniquely complete. Premising its claim to a single, united India upon the universalism of Islam, champions of the Muslim secular mobilised notions of federation and popular sovereignty to replace older monarchical and communitarian forms of power. But to finally jettison the demographic inequality between Hindus and Muslims, these thinkers redefined equality itself.  Rejecting its liberal definition for being too abstract and thus prone to majoritarian assimilation, they replaced it with their own rendition of Indian parity to simultaneously evoke commonality and distinction between Hindu and Muslim peers. Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan achieved this by deploying a range of concepts from profane inheritance and theological autonomy to linguistic diversity and ethical pledges. Retaining their Muslimness and Indian nationality in full, this crowning notion of equality-as-parity challenged both Gandhi and Nehru's abstractions and Mohammad Ali Jinnah's supposedly dangerous demand for Pakistan. Arighna Gupta is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. His dissertation attempts to trace early-colonial genealogies of popular sovereignty located at the interstices of monarchical, religious, and colonial sovereignties in India and present-day Bangladesh. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

Concerned with the fate of the minority in the age of the nation-state, Muslim political thought in modern South Asia has often been associated with religious nationalism and the creation of Pakistan. Amar Sohal's book The Muslim Secular: Parity and the Politics of India's Partition (Oxford UP, 2023) complicates that story by reconstructing the ideas of three prominent thinker-actors of the Indian freedom struggle: the Indian National Congress leader Abul Kalam Azad, the popular Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, and the nonviolent Pashtun activist Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Revising the common view that they were mere acolytes of their celebrated Hindu colleagues M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, this book argues that these three men collectively produced a distinct Muslim secularity from within the grander family of secular Indian nationalism; an intellectual tradition that has retained religion within the public space while nevertheless preventing it from defining either national membership or the state. At a time when many across the decolonising world believed that identity-based majorities and minorities were incompatible and had to be separated out into sovereign equals, Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan thought differently about the problem of religious pluralism in a postcolonial democracy. The minority, they contended, could conceive of the majority not just as an antagonistic entity that is set against it, but to which it can belong and uniquely complete. Premising its claim to a single, united India upon the universalism of Islam, champions of the Muslim secular mobilised notions of federation and popular sovereignty to replace older monarchical and communitarian forms of power. But to finally jettison the demographic inequality between Hindus and Muslims, these thinkers redefined equality itself.  Rejecting its liberal definition for being too abstract and thus prone to majoritarian assimilation, they replaced it with their own rendition of Indian parity to simultaneously evoke commonality and distinction between Hindu and Muslim peers. Azad, Abdullah, and Ghaffar Khan achieved this by deploying a range of concepts from profane inheritance and theological autonomy to linguistic diversity and ethical pledges. Retaining their Muslimness and Indian nationality in full, this crowning notion of equality-as-parity challenged both Gandhi and Nehru's abstractions and Mohammad Ali Jinnah's supposedly dangerous demand for Pakistan. Arighna Gupta is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. His dissertation attempts to trace early-colonial genealogies of popular sovereignty located at the interstices of monarchical, religious, and colonial sovereignties in India and present-day Bangladesh. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

Good morning everyone! Thank you for listening to the Motivated Entrepreneurs podcast. Today we have a book review called "Lone Survivor: The Eyewitness Account of Operation Redwing and the Lost Heroes of SEAL Team 10" This is the story of fire team leader Marcus Luttrell, the sole survivor of Operation Redwing, and the desperate battle in the mountains that led, ultimately, to the largest loss of life in Navy SEAL history. But it is also, more than anything, the story of his teammates, who fought ferociously beside him until he was the last one left-blasted unconscious by a rocket grenade, blown over a cliff, but still armed and still breathing. Over the next four days, badly injured and presumed dead, Luttrell fought off six al Qaeda assassins who were sent to finish him, then crawled for seven miles through the mountains before he was taken in by a Pashtun tribe, who risked everything to protect him from the encircling Taliban killers. I hope you like and enjoy this episode. Give it a listen. Listen on Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2VkXGHq Listen on Apple Podcast: https://apple.co/39TYebQ Motivated Entrepreneurs Website: https://motivatedentrepreneurs.co.uk/ Please Like, Share, and Subscribe to Motivated Entrepreneurs Youtube Channel: https://bit.ly/3eA64u5   Cheers, Dean

Sign up to receive podcast:  People Group Summary: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/22180/PK #AThirdofUs                    https://athirdofus.com/ Listen to "A Third of Us" podcast with Greg Kelley, produced by the Alliance for the Unreached: https://alliancefortheunreached.org/podcast/ ·        JoshuaProject.net/frontier#podcast provides links to podcast recordings of the prayer guide for the 31 largest FPGs. ·        Go31.org/FREE provides the printed prayer guide for the largest 31 FPGs along with resources to support those wanting to enlist others in prayer for FPGs. ·        Indigitous.us/home/frontier-peoples has published a beautiful print/PDF introducti ·        on to FPGs for children, supported by a dramatized podcast edition.

If you're a cricketer who shares the same last name as one of the country's biggest ever stars, how do you stand out of his shadow? How about a stunning opening spell that led Pakistan's men's team to its first ever victory over India in a World Cup match? Shaheen Shah Afridi was already a star when the 2021 T20 World Cup rolled around, but this spell took him to another level, the second episode in Batta Fast's discussion on favourite Pakistani pace spells.We take a look at the historic status of Shaheen's spell, the changing nature of Pashtuns in Pakistani society and cricket, and potentially eclipsing the fame of his very famous father-in-law.2:50 – 3:38 – Aao Shaheen Afridi ki nazar utaaro 6:43 – 9:00 – NostraOsmanus for Shaheen prediction9:30 – 11:44 – And now it's time for Ahmer's WTF analogy, featuring the GoW opening15:58 – 16:20 – Where we slander Bazid Khan19:30 – 21:49 – And now it's time for Ahmer's WTF analogy II, featuring M Night Shyamalan23:22 – 25:20 Hasan Cheema ki nazar bhi and Kylian Mbappe33:20 – 36:24- Getting heavy on the Pashtun identity56:40 – 58:40   If Shaheen went to Karachi Kings or Islamabad United1:05:40 – 1:07:30 Shaheen and his Alpha transformation1:09:29 – 1:10:20 Shaheen wins shaadi season1:11:05 – 1:11:50 – I have Trump hair

Twenty months into the second Taliban rule of Afghanistan, all Afghans—but especially Afghan Christians—face great challenges. What pressures do our persecuted brothers and sisters face living in Afghanistan today, and how has their life changed under the strict Islamic rule of the Taliban? Listen as John Weaver, author of Inside Afghanistan, A Flame on the Frontline, and Najiba: A Love Story from Afghanistan (affiliate links), explains what life is like for Muslims and Christians in Afghanistan as they experience economic crisis and lack of assistance from the outside world. Many of the Taliban fighters come from the Pashtun people group, one of the largest unreached people groups in the world with 50 million people primarily in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Persecution against Afghan Christians has always come from local mosques, communities, and families. With the Taliban takeover, the nation's government is now also openly opposed to the gospel. Amid isolation and economic hardship, many Afghans are desperate and dissatisfied with Islam. That dissatisfaction means they are more open to the gospel. Christian brothers and sisters in Afghanistan continue boldly witness in conversations with Muslims. Listen as John tells how Christians are carefully sharing the gospel and finding “people of peace” in their communities. Pray for Afghan Christians outside the country who are reaching their people through digital tools and pray for wider distribution of the Pashtun Bible. Pray the Holy Spirit will draw more Afghan people to become followers of Jesus Christ.

Twenty months into the second Taliban rule of Afghanistan, all Afghans—but especially Afghan Christians—face great challenges. What pressures do our persecuted brothers and sisters face living in Afghanistan today, and how has their life changed under the strict Islamic rule of the Taliban? Listen as John Weaver, author of Inside Afghanistan, A Flame on the Frontline, and Najiba: A Love Story from Afghanistan (affiliate links), explains what life is like for Muslims and Christians in Afghanistan as they experience economic crisis and lack of assistance from the outside world. Many of the Taliban fighters come from the Pashtun people group, one of the largest unreached people groups in the world with 50 million people primarily in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Persecution against Afghan Christians has always come from local mosques, communities, and families. With the Taliban takeover, the nation's government is now also openly opposed to the gospel. Amid isolation and economic hardship, many Afghans are desperate and dissatisfied with Islam. That dissatisfaction means they are more open to the gospel. Christian brothers and sisters in Afghanistan continue boldly witness in conversations with Muslims. Listen as John tells how Christians are carefully sharing the gospel and finding “people of peace” in their communities. Pray for Afghan Christians outside the country who are reaching their people through digital tools and pray for wider distribution of the Pashtun Bible. Pray the Holy Spirit will draw more Afghan people to become followers of Jesus Christ. Never miss an episode of VOM Radio! Subscribe to the podcast Or you can listen each week—and get daily prayer reminders—in the VOM App for your smartphone or tablet.

The Pashtuns are perhaps the largest ethnic group in the world without a country of their own. They inhabit a continuous stretch of land from the Hindu Kush to the Indus, across Pakistan and Afghanistan. Pakistan used the Pashtun-dominated areas in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) as a launching pad against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s and later during the US-led War on Terror. In the process FATA was kept in a constitutional and informational black hole. The discontent finally burst in 2018 when the extra-judicial killing of a Pashtun youth led to widespread protests. In this episode of BIC Talks, veteran analyst Tilak Devasher speaks to Ambassador PS Raghavan, chairperson of the National Security Advisory Board of India about his book The Pashtuns in an attempt to fill the gap in the geopolitical understanding of South Asia, given the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the shifting power equations in the region. This conversation was part of the Bangalore Literature Festival 2022. Subscribe to the BIC Talks Podcast on your favourite podcast app! BIC Talks is available everywhere, including iTunes, Spotify, Google Podcasts, Castbox, Overcast and Stitcher.

This insight episode comes from full episode eighty-four with Mark Moritz. Mark is a professor of anthropology at the Ohio State University who has studied pastoralist communities around the world. Mark talks with Michael about his interpretation of open property regimes as an adaptation to resource scarcity and vulnerability in pastoralist systems, specifically discussing the Pashtun system in Afghanistan and his research in Cameroon to illustrate his interpretation, and the different understanding of rights in these communities.  Mark's website: https://anthropology.osu.edu/people/moritz.42 Moritz, M. (2016). Open property regimes. International Journal of the Commons, 10(2), 688. Moritz, M., et al. 2018. Emergent Sustainability in Open Property Regimes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 115 (51): 12859–67.

This insight episode comes from full episode eighty-four with Mark Moritz. Mark is a professor of anthropology at the Ohio State University who has studied pastoralist communities around the world. Mark talks with Michael about his interpretation of open property regimes as an adaptation to resource scarcity and vulnerability in pastoralist systems, specifically discussing the Pashtun system in Afghanistan and his research in Cameroon to illustrate his interpretation, and the different understanding of rights in these communities.  Mark's website: https://anthropology.osu.edu/people/moritz.42 Moritz, M. (2016). Open property regimes. International Journal of the Commons, 10(2), 688. Moritz, M., et al. 2018. Emergent Sustainability in Open Property Regimes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 115 (51): 12859–67.

Most Americans hadn't seen or heard the name of former Pakistani military ruler Pervez Musharraf for many years before news broke of his death earlier this month. Musharraf had been ill, living a quiet existence in self-imposed exile in Dubai, a long way in space and time from his once esteemed position as an important U.S. ally in the war against the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Musharraf's reluctant embrace of the U.S. war helped lead to his downfall, as it riled segments of Pakistan's population of fundamentalist Islamists who opposed helping the U.S. oust the Taliban from Kabul. As the backlash to his policies escalated, Musharraf became increasingly despotic, ultimately suspending the Pakistani constitution and imposing emergency rule in 2007. In this episode, New America national security expert Peter Bergen discusses the legacy of a ruler who, after coming to power in a bloodless coup in 1999, relented to U.S. "with us or against us" ultimatums. In the end, American interests could never align with Pakistan's strategy of backing a Pashtun force in Afghanistan for strategic depth against India.

The Taliban, a Sunni Islamic fundamentalist and predominantly Pashtun movement, controlled most of Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001. In October 2001, U.S. and allied forces invaded the country and quickly ousted the Taliban regime following its refusal to hand over terrorist leader Osama bin Laden in the wake of al-Qaeda's 9/11 attacks. In February 2020, the U.S. government and the Taliban signed a peace deal, the so-called Doha Agreement, that set a timeline for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Under the agreement, the United States pledged to draw down U.S. troops to approximately 8,500 within 135 days and complete a full withdrawal within fourteen months. In return, the Taliban pledged to prevent territory under its control from being used by terrorist groups and to enter into negotiations with the Afghan government. In April 2021, U.S. President Joe Biden announced that U.S. military forces would leave Afghanistan by September 2021. The summer of 2021, the Taliban continued its offensive, threatening government-controlled urban areas and seizing several border crossings. In early August, the Taliban began direct assaults on multiple urban areas, including Kandahar in the south and Herat in the west. The takeover threatens to reverse advances made in securing the rights of women and girls, many of which have already been significantly eroded. • In this podcast, we have Siamoy E. join us, an Afghan scholar majoring in management and international relations. She openly shares her perspective on the matter starting with life in Afghanistan before the influence of Taliban. She also discusses the ongoing initiatives to support the civilians in the country and especially women as it pertains to their education. • resources to learn moor: 1. Kite Runner- by Khaild Hussaini specifically about Hazara 2. Thousands splendid land by Khalid Hussaini

In the seventeenth episode of Inspiring Stewards, Nathan Jones speaks with Esther Zuluaga Gimenez from Colombia. She shares how God has placed in her heart a love for ethnic groups, which led her to serving different indigenous communities and the unreached Pashtun people of Afghanistan. She recounts how GTP's webinars, trainings, and the Palmful of Maize video have strengthened and empowered her service. She concludes by reminding us that God is the one who brings about change in all aspects of our lives and that our role is to commit ourselves to prayer, the most powerful weapon God has given us. We'd love to hear your thoughts, comments, or feedback. To do so, email us at mail@gtp.org. The music is Concerto a' 4 Violini No 2 by Telemann played on classical guitar by Jon Sayles. Published by Exzel Music Publishing. Length: 13:24

Sign up to receive podcast: https://joshuaproject.net/pray/unreachedoftheday/podcast People Group Summary: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14327  #AThirdofUs                    https://athirdofus.com/ Listen to "A Third of Us" podcast with Greg Kelley, produced by the Alliance for the Unreached: https://alliancefortheunreached.org/podcast/ Watch "Stories of Courageous Christians" w/ Mark Kordic https://storiesofcourageouschristians.com/stories-of-courageous-christians God's Best to You!  

Hello and welcome to the podcast! My name is Nicole, and you are listening to Pray the Word. ⁣ ⁣ We are joining with 10days.net  in their Global Upper Prayer Room in prayer and worship with repentance ( https://tinyurl.com/2hjuf6su ) through the next 10 days. You can join me here each day to pray with me, but I strongly encourage you to also register to join the Virtual Prayer Room (https://www.10days.net/virtual-2022 ) and pray with believers around the world (you can simply listen in) or find a local gathering (https://www.10days.net/locations-2022 ) and pray with other believers.  ⁣ ⁣ Here  ( https://tinyurl.com/2f9j9ye8 )you will find the prayer guide if you'd like to follow along as we pray through the podcast. You can also find it in languages other than English here ( https://www.10days.net/10daysdocuments ). Fasting resources ( https://tinyurl.com/9cvv4uw3 )can be found here.  Praying daily for one region of unreached people  ( https://tinyurl.com/4u89pd5d ) groups can be found here.   ⁣ ⁣ Today we are praying for the Pashtun of Afghanistan:⁣ ⁣

Welcome to another episode of the Lessons from the Cockpit podcast and our series on the Battle of Roberts Ridge and Operation Anaconda. Arriving in Saudi Arabia on my wife's birthday in 2002, I jumped right into running a team of air refueling professionals. In mid-February, all of us in the Prince Sultan Combined Aerospace Operations Center were hearing about some snake-like operation. Because my Air Refueling Control Team had just accomplished two big "science projects" we felt good. Nobody was ready for what happened. This episode is my Air Operations Center view of what happened in March 2002 in Afghanistan's Shaia Kot Valley, the Place of Kings in Pashtun. There were a LOT of lessons learned after Anaconda applied to planning the upcoming invasion of Iraq.   Lessons from the Cockpit podcast is supported by Wall Pilot, custom aviation art for the walls of your home, office, or hanger. These extremely detailed profile illustrations are printed on vinyl to peel off and stick to any flat smooth surface. Ready-to-Print graphics are available at wallpilot.com A four, six, or eight-foot long print of the F-15E Anaconda Squeeze Play callsign TWISTER 52 participating in Roberts Ridge is available at Wall Pilot. A similar print of the F-16CG CLASH 71 supporting the Battle of Roberts Ridge can be purchased at Wall Pilot also. A print of a B-1 bomber Mr. Bones can also be found in the Ready-to-Print section of Wall Pilot.  The book Alone at Dawn by Dan Schilling tells USAF Combat Controller and Medal of Honor winner TSgt John Chapman's story which is being made into the movie Combat Controller is available on Amazon. Lt Col Pete Blaber's terrific book The Mission, The Men and Me about his exploits as a Delta Force operator is also available on Amazon. My book Tanker Pilot; Lessons from the Cockpit has several chapters on Operation Anaconda. Thanks for listening and look forward to the fifth Roberts Ridge episode next week as the pilot from the Army's 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment or SOAR flying MH-47 Chinook RAZOR 3 tells his incredible story of inserting MAKO 30 atop Takhur Ghar mountain. Please download and share this and previous episodes of the Lessons from the Cockpit podcast with friends and family found at markhasara.com.

episode 130 A Sacrificial Lamb (Literally) & A Critique of the West with Saima Ateeq Introduction I reached out to Saima for an interview because I have noticed Saima often achieves the difficult balance of being unfailingly kind, gracious, and encouraging to others while unflinchingly frank in her opinions on many topics of great import. It's so difficult to do both at the same time, but when someone does so successfully, that is exactly the type of person I'm most curious to speak with - and most likely to learn from! For this episode, Saima chose to share a lamb dish popular all around Pakistan, and generally eaten by her family for Eid Al Adha. The unique thing about Saima's experience with this particular lamb dish is that they begin making this dish with a sacrificial slaughtering of the lamb to commemorate the way God provided Abraham with a lamb to replace the sacrifice of Abraham's son. This episode covers dozens of topics including the making of this dish, how Saima's faith became deeply personal to her, and why she is so critical of the West. Listen all the way to the end and you'll even hear about her grandfather, the water diviner, and how to make roti from sourdough! I'm so excited to turn this over one to Saima - but first, thank *you* for tuning in. Highlights *The Pashtun tribe that crosses Afghanastan and Pakistan *What mutton means in Saima's language *KPK contains many races *The cuisine of the Pashtun tribe - lots of barbequeing *How Saima's tribe became part of Pakistan *Entering an arranged marriage at 18 and what that meant *Being a "single parent" for 10 years while her husband worked in Dubai *Why Saima is so critical of the US and the West *How Pakistan was affected by 9/11, the invasion of Iraq and the War in Afghanastan *"I don't remember one single day without people in my house?" *Why Saima's food memories revolve around her father *Eid-up-Adha - this celebration in Islam *Why the celebration begins with sacrificing a lamb *How they sourced the sacrificial lambs *Why Saima believes its important for children to see the slaughtering of the lamb *How Saima tries to live her religion *How Saima's Islamic faith became very personal to her *Her father/grandfather being water diviners *Where sheep carry their fat - and adding that to this dish *Sourdough naan/roti Listen Now Also listen on:   APPLE   GOOGLE   SPOTIFY   EMAIL How To Contact Saima This Episode's Storied Recipe Recipe Shared by Saima Ateeq Shinwari Mutton Karahi Recipe Best Shinwari Karahi, a delicious lamb dish with fresh tomatoes, garlic, and ginger from the Shinwari tribe in Northern Pakistan (& Afghanistan). Pin This Episode Related Episodes A Wanderer Through Life and a Lover of Spice with Nadia Bandukda Djiboutian Food at the Crossroads of Religion and Culture I Thought "Authentic" Was A Good Thing with Shayma Saddat More About The Storied Recipe Podcast The concept of The Storied Recipe is unique - every guest gives me a recipe that represents a cherished memory, custom, or person. I actually make, photograph, and share the recipe. During the interview, I discuss the memories and culture around the recipe, and also my experience (especially my mistakes and questions!) as I tried it. My listeners and I are a community that believes food is a love language unto itself. With every episode, we become better cooks and global citizens, more grateful for the gift of food, and we honor those that loved us through their cooking. Subscribe to the podcast in Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or simply search for The Storied Recipe in your favorite player. I am also a storytelling photographer celebrating food in extraordinary light Learn Food Photography here. You can shop The Storied Recipe Print Shop (where every image tells a story) here.

This week, A'ndre speaks with noted Pakistani human rights activist Gulalai Ismail on Pakistan's security forces and military power, her work on women's empowerment, and her exile from Pakistan. Gulalai, who managed to escape to the United States in 2019 after being placed on a "kill list", discusses her story, from founding Aware Girls at the age of 16 (an organization that trained thousands of young women including Malala Yousafzai) to speaking out against the military for crimes committed against the Pashtun people. Gulalai discusses the dominance of the Pakistani military, including how the military is the true holder of political power irregardless of which party or prime minister holds office, and she shares her thoughts on the recent ousting of former Prime Minister Imran Khan. Gulalai does also discuss her work on women's empowerment, discussing how so many young women in Pakistan have inspired her for fighting for peace and against forced marriages, honor killings, and other patriarchal constructs.

Gulalai Ismail is a Pashtun human rights activist from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. She is the chairperson of Aware Girls, a global ambassador for Humanists International, and a supporter of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM). She speaks on the subject of promoting peace and women's empowerment at conferences internationally, and is the recipient of the International Humanist of the Year Award, the Chirac Prize for Conflict Prevention, and the Anna Politkovskaya Award. Gulalai comes on the podcast to discuss PTM, Pashtun Rights, the Philosophy of Non-Violence, Separatism, Fata's inclusion, Identity based resistance, patriarchy and identities. Does Non-Violence work? What are the issues of people on the periphery? Why did people support Drone attacks? Find out this and more on this week's episode of The Pakistan Experience. The Pakistan Experience is an independently produced podcast looking to tell stories about Pakistan through conversations. Please consider supporting us on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/thepakistanexperience And Please stay in touch: https://twitter.com/ThePakistanExp1 https://www.facebook.com/thepakistanexperience https://instagram.com/thepakistanexpeperience The podcast is hosted by comedian and writer, Shehzad Ghias Shaikh. Shehzad is a Fulbright scholar with a Masters in Theatre from Brooklyn College. He is also one of the foremost Stand-up comedians in Pakistan and frequently writes for numerous publications. Instagram.com/shehzadghiasshaikh Facebook.com/Shehzadghias/ Twitter.com/shehzad89 Chapters: 0:00 The Philosophy of Non-Violence 5:00 Dealing with Militancy and Militant Organizations 19:00 FATA's inclusion in KP 24:00 People on the periphery and Identity based resistance 39:30 Sub-Identities and the National Identity 44:45 Separatism and Borders 1:00:50 Imran Khan called for Gulalai's release 1:05:30 Masters in International Human Rights 1:09:30 Pashtun Culture and Patriarchy 1:15:30 Patriarchy in PTM 1:18:30 Dealing with Grief 1:19:30 Afghan Taliban and the Shackles of Slavery 1:20:50 Child Marriages 1:22:50 Trans Issues in KP 1:24:30 Pashtun Politics and Women Empowerment 1:26:00 Ashraf Ghani's Government 1:27:10 Drone Attacks 1:31:40 PTM and Anti-military politics 1:38:00 Closing Remarks

Rubina Qasim, an assistant professor at the Institute of Nursing & Midwifery, Dow University Health Sciences in Pakistan, and Dr. Ariel Frisancho, country director of the Catholic Medical Mission Board in Peru, consider the future and how policymakers can build trust and equitable access to vaccines to promote healthy communities. Rubina shares her research and successful approaches to addressing vaccine myths and misinformation among the Pashtun community in Pakistan. Ariel observes community experiences with COVID-19 and routine immunization in Peru and the implications for global health policy. Rubina and Ariel discuss community-centered policy changes needed, including more inclusive health systems to boost vaccine acceptance and demand. With special guests: Rubina Qasim, Assistant Professor, Institute of Nursing & Midwifery, Dow University of Health Sciences and Dr. Ariel Frisancho, Country Director, Catholic Medical Mission Board Peru

The fashion designer and artist Osman Yousefzada tells Michael Berkeley about his childhood in a strictly religious Pashtun community in Birmingham. Osman Yousefzada shot to fame when Beyoncé wore one of his designs to the 2013 Grammy Awards. Lady Gaga, Thandiwe Newton and Taylor Swift are among his many other celebrity clients. He is also an acclaimed artist, curator and film-maker, and the creator of one of the world's largest ever pieces of public art: the ‘wrapping' of the Selfridges building in Birmingham in geometric patterns inspired by Islamic art. Educated at the School of Oriental and African Studies, Central St Martins and Cambridge University, Osman grew up in a community described by the Daily Mail as ‘the Jihadi capital of Britain'. His newly published memoir, The Go Between, is a fascinating account of his childhood and his first steps into the outside world while navigating both racism and family expectations. He tells Michael Berkeley about his beloved mother, a talented seamstress who inspired him as a designer: she was married at 14, had her first child at 15 and lived most of her life in Birmingham, but remained illiterate and never learned to speak English. She hardly ever left the house. Osman's sisters were taken out of school at the age of 11 and also shut away inside the family home. Osman chooses music inspired by the Sufi tradition of Islamic mysticism by Abida Parveen and Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, and a song by the Grammy-winning Pakistani-American Arooj Aftab, as well as pieces by Philip Glass and by the Canadian composer and cellist Zoe Keating. Producer: Jane Greenwood A Loftus Media production for BBC Radio 3

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Usman Khawaja, in a rare moment when he wasn't at the batting crease in Pakistan, joined Louis Cameron ahead of the third Test to discuss his Saqlain Mushtaq impersonations and the evolution of his bowling action (2:03), whether he gets sledged in English or Urdu (or Pashtun!) (4:45), his dropped catch in Karachi while he was wearing a helmet (9:30), how he has found his best method against spin bowling (12:30), his high-fat, low-carb diet and how tennis has helped him stay fit (19:39) and the type of coach Australia needs (28:00).

This week I'm joined by Smokey of the State of Appalachia initiative to discuss his recent writing for 'The Anarch' as well as the concept of state secession, being former Law Enforcement, armed protesting, weed legalization, his article 'Learning to be Rogue' and some additional info on the Rogue Food conference he attended, Appalachian culture and history and his argument for why Appalachia should become a nation over a new state as well as much more! Follow our guest here: https://www.instagram.com/thestateofappalachia/?hl=en Check out Smokey's article on Appalachian and Pashtun values here: https://www.enblocpress.com/op-ed/appalachistan-pastun-tribalism/ Check out my new substack website, ‘The Anarch' here, and be sure to subscribe to the newsletter: https://theanarch.substack.com You can support what I do by grabbing some LPI. merch: https://spiritofresistance.com/collections/libertypunk Social Media: https://www.instagram.com/br.the.anarch/ https://twitter.com/BRhatesFeds 3D Printing Gats: https://ctrlpew.com/the-complete-getting-started-guide/ https://www.enblocpress.com/guide/

The Taliban is settling back into power in Afghanistan, a month after their victory. Since then, the militant group has named an interim cabinet and ministry that's entirely male and mostly Pashtun, and in the latest gruesome display of their approach to justice, they hung a dead body from a crane at a busy roundabout in the city of Herat over the weekend. But despite the brutality and the lack of female representation, talk that the Taliban is different from the 90s persists. So what is the evidence for that so far? Today on The Signal we speak with the Chief of the Associated Press bureau in Afghanistan, Kathy Gannon. We ask her what daily life has been like under the Taliban already, 20 years after they last ruled one of the world's poorest countries, and what may lie ahead. Featured: Kathy Gannon, Afghanistan and Pakistan Bureau Chief, Associated Press, Kabul

In this episode we discuss the ethnic, tribal, and cultural dynamics of Afghanistan.  We go into detail about Pashtunwali, the way of the Pashtuns, and how it guides everyday life in southern Afghanistan, as well as the Pashtun interpretation of Islam. We also talk about distrust throughout southern Afghanistan and how we tried to work through glaring, and sometimes horrendous, differences in cultural norms and practices. _________________________________________ Where to Listen:Apple: https://bit.ly/theboardwalkapple Spotify: https://bit.ly/theboardwalkspotify Pandora: https://bit.ly/3xZ8bk9 Google Podcasts: https://bit.ly/3gbZ6ya Amazon Music: https://amzn.to/37UuZXQ Stitcher: https://bit.ly/3AQNadj  iHeart Radio: https://bit.ly/3y0Vfdw TuneIn: https://bit.ly/2W1VEPN Buzzsprout: https://bit.ly/37PIdoy  Be sure to like, follow, subscribe, rate, review, and share wherever you listen to our podcast. New episodes of The Boardwalk are published every Saturday morning.  Our Social Media Sites:Instagram: @theboardwalkpodcast Facebook: @TheBoardwalkPodcastTwitter: @theboardwalkpod You can also reach us by email at: theboardwalkpodcast@gmail.com  The views expressed by the hosts and guests of this podcast do not represent the views of the United States Government or the United States Department of Defense.