Podcast appearances and mentions of Benito Mussolini

3. Headline: The Tragic Search for the Italia Guest Author: Mark PiesingSummary: Following the Italia crash, a massive rescue effort unfolds, including Roald Amundsen's fatal flight into a cloud bank. Piesing details Nobile's controversial decision to be rescued first, his crew's eventual survival via a Soviet icebreaker, and the reputation-destroying confrontation with Mussolini. (19)

2. Headline: Triumph and Tension of the Norge Guest Author: Mark PiesingSummary: This segment covers the 1926 Norge expedition, detailing airship modifications for Arctic conditions. While successful in reaching the North Pole and Alaska, the journey sparked bitter rivalry between Amundsen and Nobile as Mussolini utilized the achievement for fascist propaganda across the global stage. (18)

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

In Part 1 Ben Emlyn-Jones, British UFO Investigator, joins us at the Cosmic Switchboard to discuss the Pentyrch Wales UFO Incident(s) which occurred on February 26th, 2016 Ben Emlyn-Jones discusses the mysterious Penturk incident in Wales which occurred in February 2016. Ben just attended the 10 Year Anniversary Conference about Pentyrch and has brought back important information. Ben was the first investigator in the world who took the Pentyrch Case seriously.  He details the sighting of a large tetrahedron craft that decloaked in the sky, fired lightning bolts at the ground, and caused electronic interference. Ben explains the intense military presence that followed including AWACS aircraft and a massive explosion near a hospital that shook the building. He also covers the subsequent sealing off of Smilog Woods by police and the official cover stories involving ash dieback disease and backfilled military exercise notices. In Part 2 Ben Emlyn-Jones does a Deep Dive about a number of UFO related issues including UFO Cases in Britain, the Harassment he received as a result of investigating Pentyrch and UFO Hotspots/Skinwalker Ranch type places in the UK. Ben and James explore the broader implications of UFO activity and historical cases. They discuss the 1933 Magenta crash in Italy and the involvement of Mussolini and the Vatican. They talk about to the work of David Paulides and Missing 411 cases involving strange injuries and potential alien abduction. They also examine the high volume of UFO activity in the UK including the Yorkshire coastline and objects emerging from the sea, as well as the modern media rebranding of UFO phenomena as drones. Ben’s Book: Roswell Rising: a Novel of Disclosure Part 1: https://www.thecosmicswitchboard.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Ben-Emlyn-Jones-Interview-with-James-Bartley-on-thecosmicswitchboard.com-Part-1.mp3&Download: mp3 Audio Part 2 – Members Only: https://www.thecosmicswitchboard.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Ben-Emlyn-Jones-Interview-with-James-Bartley-on-thecosmicswitchboard.com-Part-2.mp3To Play or Download: Login or Join To Download Use the link under the player for the part you want to download. ` The post The Pentyrch UFO Incident & UK Disclosure – Ben Emlyn-Jones Interview with James Bartley appeared first on The Cosmic Switchboard.

The 24/7 lies of the MAGA cult are not an American novelty, nor a partisan curiosity. It is a structural feature of any fascist brain drain. Projection is not a bug of the system; it is the system.If you examine the anatomy of fascism, whether in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, you will find the same ritual choreography:Accuse the enemy of precisely what you intend to do.Declare yourself the sole guardian of the nation.Frame any resistance as treason.Insist that extraordinary powers are required to combat the very threat you have invented.These insight sub-episodes are mirrored on our primary YouTube channel which can be found at https://www.youtube.com/@NilesHeckman/videos

Maurizio Serra"In visita"Neri Pozza Editorewww.neripozza.itOgni anno a primavera, in un angolo poco conosciuto della costiera amalfitana, la vita quieta e lievemente inutile di un giovane uomo con molto tempo e denaro a disposizione si intreccia con quella di un esule dal passato fosco e pieno di dolori, narratore ineguagliabile dal portamento altero e lo sguardo malinconico. Fino al giorno in cui verità e racconto saranno difficili da conciliare. In una Milano che d'estate sa essere ancora più crudele, un architetto di successo insidiato dal declino si fa schiacciare da quell'afa molle e odorosa pur di non pensare all'invito di un amico a raggiungerlo in Cambogia. A Phnom Penh, città che gli ha stregato il cuore, dove c'è anche la donna per la quale avrebbe rinunciato a ogni cosa costruita. C'è un'ora, nelle notti di Roma, in cui mormorano solo le fontane. Sono anni che il governatore in esilio le ascolta, lui che a quella città straniera ed estranea si è quasi abituato, lui che nel corso degli ultimi mesi ha rinunciato a molto, tranne ai libri che si accumulano in ogni angolo della casa, pronti a sconfiggere la solitudine. Un incontro all'apparenza irrilevante scompaginerà i suoi giorni spogli. Dalla penna di Maurizio Serra, intellettuale, diplomatico del nostro tempo, saggista vincitore del Premio Arbasino, unico Immortel italiano nella storia dell'Académie française, tre racconti che esplorano erratici i temi della memoria, dell'amore irrisolto e dell'identità mettendo in scena personaggi ai margini della vita, che osservano il mondo con il disincanto, l'ironia e il distacco dell'ospite in visita e riescono, forse, a comprenderlo davvero.Maurizio Serra, ambasciatore italiano e Accademico di Francia, è autore di numerosi saggi di successo premiati e tradotti in molte lingue. Per Neri Pozza ha pubblicato L'Imaginifico. Vita di Gabriele D'Annunzio (2019), Il caso Mussolini (2021, BEAT 2025) e Scacco alla pace. Monaco 1938 (2024). Nel 2025 è stato insignito del Premio L'Officina del Vittoriale e del Premio Alberto Arbasino.Diventa un supporter di questo podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/il-posto-delle-parole--1487855/support.IL POSTO DELLE PAROLEascoltare fa pensarehttps://ilpostodelleparole.it/

On this day, 3 March 1921, a workers' uprising began in Labin, Croatia, by a multinational group of around 2,000 miners. The miners were a mixture of Croatians, Hungarians, Slovaks, Poles, Czechs, Italians, Germans and Slovenians. On March 1, Italian fascists attacked and badly beat Giovanni Pipano, a miners' union leader. When his colleagues found out they were furious, and called a meeting for March 3. They decided to occupy their mine, declaring: “Kova je naša” ("the mine is ours"). Peasants came to support them, and the rebels organised armed detachments of Red Guards to maintain order. On March 7, the workers declared a Republic, raised a red hammer and sickle flag, and made decisions through mass assemblies, with every nationality represented. They drew up a list of demands to present to their employer, Societa Arsia, including a demand of a pay increase. When bosses refused, on March 21 the workers restarted production under their own control. On April 8, around 1000 troops and police officers attacked the mine, and while the miners put up a spirited defence, with their lack of arms and training they were eventually forced to surrender. Two miners, Massimiliano Ortar and Adalbert Sykora, were killed and dozens arrested. 52 workers were later put on trial for charges including establishment of a soviet regime, possession of explosives and more. But because the miners refused to testify against one another, and because of their support from the local population, none were convicted.This uprising is commemorated by our March T-Shirt of the Month, made under workers' control by a cooperative, supporting grassroots unions in South Asia. Available here with global shipping: https://shop.workingclasshistory.com/products/t-shirt-of-the-month-the-mine-is-oursOur work is only possible because of support from you, our listeners on patreon. If you appreciate our work, please join us and access exclusive content and benefits at patreon.com/workingclasshistory.See all of our anniversaries each day, alongside sources and maps on the On This Day section of our Stories app: stories.workingclasshistory.com/date/todayBrowse all Stories by Date here on the Date index: https://stories.workingclasshistory.com/dateCheck out our Map of historical Stories: https://map.workingclasshistory.comCheck out books, posters, clothing and more in our online store, here: https://shop.workingclasshistory.comIf you enjoy this podcast, make sure to check out our flagship longform podcast, Working Class History

Annemieke Bosman praat met vertaler Jan van der Haar over M. Het einde en het begin van Antonio Scurati. Dit boek is het laatste deel in een reeks van vijf literaire romans over het leven van de fascistische dictator Benito Mussolini. Jan van der Haar vertaalde alle delen van M. Het einde en het begin: Op 28 juli 1943, nadat de vergadering van de Grote Raad hem had afgezet, werd Benito Mussolini gedeporteerd naar Ponza. Maar op dit eiland, waar het regime tientallen dissidenten gevangen had gezet, bleef de Duce net lang genoeg om in zijn eentje zijn zestigste verjaardag te vieren. Hij wordt bevrijd door de parachutisten van de Führer en door Hitler aan het hoofd geplaatst van een schijnstaat die de opmars van de geallieerden moet tegenhouden: de Italiaanse Sociale Republiek. Maar het gewonde beest probeert nog een keer uit te halen. Dit zijn zeshonderd dagen, van september 1943 tot april 1945, waarin Italië zijn donkerste uur beleeft. In deze apocalyptische maanden toont het fascistische regime zijn ware, wrede gezicht. Van de grandeur van het imperium resteert alleen nog de waanzin van een man die de geschiedenis zal ingaan als architect van zijn eigen ondergang, en daarin zoveel mogelijk verwoesting wil zaaien.

It was a simple honeymoon photo from 1941. A stranger posted it online and the commentary was vicious. The woman in that picture was Albanian author Lea Ypi's grandmother. In the midst of the Second World War and the violent end times of Mussolini's government, Ypi's grandmother must have been a fascist, a collaborator, a traitor to Albania. In her book, Indignity: A Life Reimagined, Ypi attempts to find the truth of her grandmother's life, in a journey that mixes philosophy, fantasy, history, and family narrative.

In October 1940, Mussolini launched an invasion of Greece from Albania, determined to secure Italian expansion in the Balkans before any peace could be negotiated. This episode examines the lead-up to the Italo-Greek War, beginning with Greece under the Metaxas dictatorship and its efforts to build up military strength despite limited industrial capacity. We explore Italy's decision to target Greece after delays in North Africa, the flawed assumptions Italian leaders held about Greek willingness to fight, and the fabricated provocations used to justify the invasion. When the Italian ultimatum was delivered at 3AM on October 28th, Metaxas famously rejected it, and Greece mobilized with unexpected unity as political divisions evaporated overnight. The episode follows the opening days of the invasion, hampered by torrential rains and mountainous terrain, culminating in the Battle of Kalpaki on November 2nd where Greek artillery devastated Italian tank attacks. By November 8th, the Italian offensive had completely stalled, forcing a major reorganization and change of command that set the stage for further failures to come. Contact advertising@airwavemedia.com to advertise on History of the Second World War. History of the Second World War is part of the Airwave Media podcast network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit ⁠⁠⁠megaphone.f⁠m Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A participação da Itália na Segunda Guerra Mundial abriu um dos teatros mais complexos do conflito, marcado por campanhas no Norte da África, nos Bálcãs e, sobretudo, pela transformação do próprio território italiano em campo de batalha a partir de 1943. Após anos de alinhamento com a Alemanha nazista, o regime de Mussolini entrou em colapso diante de derrotas militares e da invasão aliada, levando à deposição do ditador, ao armistício com os Aliados e à ocupação alemã do norte da Itália. O país mergulhou então em uma guerra civil que opôs forças fascistas remanescentes, partisans antifascistas e exércitos estrangeiros, enquanto combates intensos como os de Monte Cassino e a lenta subida pela Península revelavam a dificuldade estratégica daquele front. O caso italiano expõe as ambiguidades de um regime que começou como potência do Eixo e terminou dividido, ocupado e devastado. É nesse teatro que os brasileiros atuaram. Convidamos Wilson de Oliveira Neto para examinar as diferentes fases do front italiano na Segunda Guerra Mundial, os interesses estratégicos em disputa, a participação do Brasil, o colapso do fascismo e as consequências políticas e sociais desse conflito para a Itália do pós-guerra.Instagram: ⁠⁠⁠⁠@iclesrodrigues⁠⁠⁠⁠Adquira o curso História: da pesquisa à escrita por apenas R$ 49,90 ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CLICANDO AQUI⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Adquira o curso A Operação Historiográfica para Michel de Certeau por apenas R$ 24,90 ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CLICANDO AQUI⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Adquira o curso O ofício do historiador para Marc Bloch por apenas R$ 29,90 ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CLICANDO AQUI⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Colabore com nosso trabalho em ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠apoia.se/obrigahistoria⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Essa é a hora de ser novo cliente INSIDER. Usando o cupom HISTORIAFM na sua primeira compra na Insider, você ganha 20% de desconto! Acesse o site pelo link ⁠⁠https://creators.insiderstore.com.br/HISTORIAFM⁠⁠ e aproveite! #insiderstore

İtalya'nın en önemli yazarlarından Alberto Moravia'nın başyapıtı kabul edilen Düzen Adamı ile “normal nedir?” sorusunun peşinden koşmaya ve uyum sağlamanın insanları getirebileceği noktaların yüzümüze vurulmasına hazır mıyız? Deniz Yüce Başarır, psikiyatr konuğu Alper Hasanoğlu ile bu çarpıcı romandan yola çıkarak edebi ve felsefe bir sohbete imza atıyor. Ne de olsa Moravia, varoluşculuk felsefesini edebiyata taşımış ilk isimlerden biri. Romandan bölümleri de hem yazarın bu özelliğini, hem de 1907 yılında doğduğunu, Mussolini İtalya'sını ve İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nı tüm şiddetiyle yaşadığını unutmadan dinlemenizi öneririz. 

I år er det 100 år siden Roald Amundsen satte seg i et luftskip med retning Nordpolen. Kjennere av denne podcasten vet at det er den eneste unnskyldningen jeg trenger for å invitere tilbake publikumsfavoritt og stamgjest Anders Bache! Arkeologen, forfatteren og fagkonsulenten ved Roald Amundsens hjem setter seg nok en gang i gjestestolen. I tillegg til det åpenbare skal det svinses innom både Mussolini, fotomanipulering og en dum liten hund. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ils sont partis sans savoir pour combien de temps... sans être forcément militants de l'opposition à Vladimir Poutine, ils ne voulaient pas vivre dans un pays en guerre sous une chape de plomb. Des centaines de milliers de Russes ont quitté leur pays depuis 2022. Dans les Balkans, la Serbie a accueilli entre 200 000 et 300 000 d'entre eux. Le pays attire grâce à une politique de visa souple, des liaisons aériennes quotidiennes et des liens culturels -mais aussi politiques - entre les deux pays. À Belgrade, les exilés russes apprécient une certaine liberté mais leur avenir reste suspendu à la position géopolitique de la Serbie. Reportage de Louis Seiller.     Documentaire : « Giorgia Meloni et le clan des goélands » ou la fulgurante ascension du rôle modèle de l'extrême droite européenne De son engagement à l'adolescence auprès des jeunes héritiers de Mussolini, à l'élection de 2022 qui la porte au pouvoir, Giorgia Meloni est restée fidèle à ceux qui l'ont toujours accompagnée et qui occupent aujourd'hui de très hautes fonctions dans l'appareil d'État. Le documentaire de Barbara Conforti raconte cette incroyable ascension. Entretien avec Eric Joszef, coréalisateur de ce documentaire à voir sur la chaine Arte le 24 février 2026 et sur arte.tv.   Agriculture La crise du monde agricole n'épargne pas l'Italie. En Sardaigne, les agriculteurs doivent aussi faire face à la concurrence, à l'exode rural, et aux calamités climatiques. Ces dernières semaines, des pluies torrentielles et des tempêtes ont infligé de gros dégâts aux futures récoltes de l'île. Et la profession tire la sonnette d'alarme. Reportage à Cagliari, Cécile Debarge. 

Albanian Lea Ypi has a talent for combining the personal and the political in history, exploring how we are all shaped by the societies and ideologies surrounding us. In her memoir Free. A Child and a Country at the End of History, she skillfully portrays her own childhood during the socialist regime of Enver Hoxha in the latter half of the 20th century, followed by the state's collapse and civil war.Ordinary humans in the midst of history is also the focus in her new book, Indignity: A Life Reimagined. An unknown photopgrah of her grandmother honeymooning in Mussolini's Italy pops up on social media, making Ypi question everything she thought she knew about her family. Was her grandmother a Nazi collaborator? Or perhaps a Communist spy?This is the beginning of a thorough examination of her grandmothers life, one that takes Ypi back to the Ottoman empire, to Greece and then Albania through alternating regimes and occupants.Lea Ypi is a professor of political theory and philosophy at the London School of Economics. Her book Free was warmly received by both critics and readers, and is so far translated into 30 languages.Writer and journalist Simen Ekern has published several books about European and Italian politics and history. He joins Ypi for a conversation about ordinary humans in the midst of history. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ils sont partis sans savoir pour combien de temps... sans être forcément militants de l'opposition à Vladimir Poutine, ils ne voulaient pas vivre dans un pays en guerre sous une chape de plomb. Des centaines de milliers de Russes ont quitté leur pays depuis 2022. Dans les Balkans, la Serbie a accueilli entre 200 000 et 300 000 d'entre eux. Le pays attire grâce à une politique de visa souple, des liaisons aériennes quotidiennes et des liens culturels -mais aussi politiques - entre les deux pays. À Belgrade, les exilés russes apprécient une certaine liberté mais leur avenir reste suspendu à la position géopolitique de la Serbie. Reportage de Louis Seiller.     Documentaire : « Giorgia Meloni et le clan des goélands » ou la fulgurante ascension du rôle modèle de l'extrême droite européenne De son engagement à l'adolescence auprès des jeunes héritiers de Mussolini, à l'élection de 2022 qui la porte au pouvoir, Giorgia Meloni est restée fidèle à ceux qui l'ont toujours accompagnée et qui occupent aujourd'hui de très hautes fonctions dans l'appareil d'État. Le documentaire de Barbara Conforti raconte cette incroyable ascension. Entretien avec Eric Joszef, coréalisateur de ce documentaire à voir sur la chaine Arte le 24 février 2026 et sur arte.tv.   Agriculture La crise du monde agricole n'épargne pas l'Italie. En Sardaigne, les agriculteurs doivent aussi faire face à la concurrence, à l'exode rural, et aux calamités climatiques. Ces dernières semaines, des pluies torrentielles et des tempêtes ont infligé de gros dégâts aux futures récoltes de l'île. Et la profession tire la sonnette d'alarme. Reportage à Cagliari, Cécile Debarge. 

I år er det 100 år siden Roald Amundsen satte seg i et luftskip med retning Nordpolen. Kjennere av denne podcasten vet at det er den eneste unnskyldningen jeg trenger for å invitere tilbake publikumsfavoritt og stamgjest Anders Bache! Arkeologen, forfatteren og fagkonsulenten ved Roald Amundsens hjem setter seg nok en gang i gjestestolen. I tillegg til det åpenbare skal det svinses innom både Mussolini, fotomanipulering og en dum liten hund. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This week's Dressed Classic episode revisits a 2021 episode with Dr. Eugenia Paulicelli, who joined us to discuss her book Fashion Under Fascism: Beyond the Black Shirt which examines how fashion functioned under Mussolini's fascist regime in Italy during the period between WWI and WWII. Want more Dressed: The History of Fashion?  Our ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠website⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ and ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠classes⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Our ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Instagram⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Our ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠bookshelf⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ with over 150 of our favorite fashion history titles Dressed is a part of the ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠AirWave Media⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ network Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Dio, Patria, Famiglia". Il trinomio tanto caro al fascismo è divenuto nel tempo un vero mantra. Ma di quale Dio si parla? Di quello cristiano, meglio se cattolico, ripensando ai Patti Lateranensi del 1929? Non solo: il 17 marzo 1937, durante una visita istituzionale in Libia, Benito Mussolini riceve dalle mani di un capo berbero la cosiddetta spada dell'Islam con la qualifica di "protettore dell'Islam". Quel gesto, ampiamente ripreso dalla propaganda di regime, fa parte di una strategia adottata dal regime per ingraziarsi le popolazioni musulmane delle colonie nell'ambito di una strategia comunicativa a lungo dimenticata ma sfruttata per anni dalla dittatura.

Send a textWhen discussing the Axis powers of World War II, history tends to focus on Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan and Mussolini's Italy however this is only part of the story. Fascism and antisemitism were by no means limited to Hitler and his closest allies in Tokyo and Rome. Indeed, far-right extremist ideologies had taken hold in several European countries that made them potential allies for Berlin particularly with the natural hostility such policies attracted from the communist superpower of the Soviet Union.One such nation that found itself seduced by the same Fascist ideals as Germany was Romania. Surrounded by potential enemies who viewed its lands with jealousy including the Soviet Union, historic antisemitism combined with a fear of a communism led Romania down a dark path as it found itself working alongside Hitler's Germany on what the leaders of both countries saw as nothing short of a holy crusade against those who they believed conspired against them, stifling them and holding them back from achieving their true destiny of greatness in the world.But working with the devil comes at a terrible price. In this episode we are going to examine the involvement of Romanian soldiers in one of the most brutal chapters of the Holocaust where hatred manifested itself in its purest forms against those who had no way of fighting back. This is the story of the 1941 Odessa Massacre.Support the show

Fascismen är en av 1900-talets mest destruktiva och inflytelserika ideologier. Ursprungligen formulerad av Benito Mussolini i Italien efter första världskriget, kom fascismen att inspirera en rad totalitära rörelser världen över. Trots att begreppet i dag främst används som skällsord – fascistsvin, språkfascist, miljöfascist – finns det en verklig ideologisk kärna att analysera.Vad finner vi om vi skalar bort retoriken och undersöker den fascism som tog makten i Italien på 1920-talet – och som i viss mån överlevde även efter Mussolinis fall?Framför allt handlar det om en extremt nationalistisk ideologi, djupt rotad i socialdarwinismens idéer om kamp och överlevnad. Fascismen hyllade staten på individens bekostnad, och såg nationen som en levande organism i ständig kamp mot andra. Medborgarna skulle fullständigt underordna sig statens intressen och enas i syfte att uppnå en nationell pånyttfödelse. Interna konflikter, som klasskampen, skulle biläggas. Demokratin betraktades som ett uttryck för svaghet – i stället krävdes ett starkt ledarskap i form av en diktator som kunde föra nationen mot storhet, även om vägen dit gick via krig.Just detta blev fascismens fall. Hade Mussolini avstått från militära äventyr är det mycket möjligt att hans diktatur kunnat bestå långt efter andra världskriget.I detta avsnitt av podden Harrisons dramatiska historia samtalar Dick Harrison, professor i historia vid Lunds universitet, med fackboksförfattaren Katarina Harrison Lindbergh om fascismen – dess idéhistoria, begreppets utveckling och den ideologiska struktur som döljer sig bakom ett av vår tids mest laddade ord.Bildtext: Benito Mussolini med tre av de fyra fascistiska quadrumvirerna under mötet i Neapel den 24 oktober 1922. Från vänster: okänd person, Emilio De Bono, Benito Mussolini, Italo Balbo och Cesare Maria De Vecchi. Fotot togs vid det fascistiska kongressmötet i Neapel, som fungerade som en generalrepetition inför marschen mot Rom några dagar senare. Marschen mot Rom var ett avgörande steg i Mussolinis maktövertagande i Italien och inledde den fascistiska diktaturen. Okänd fotograf, Wikipedia, Public Domain. Källa: WikipediaKlippare: Emanuel Lehtonen Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

"You either need to call it fascism or you need to invent a new word with more or less the same meaning." — Jonathan RauchJonathan Rauch's viral Atlantic essay has reignited the debate over what to call the Trump administration. Having previously settled on "semi-fascist," Rauch now argues that Trump ticks all 18 boxes on his checklist of fascist characteristics — from the glorification of violence and territorial ambitions to Carl Schmitt's philosophy of "enemies, not adversaries." We spar over whether the term obscures more than it reveals: Is this really fascism, or just authoritarianism with American characteristics? The conversation sharpens around Minneapolis, where citizens were shot face down, and the government initially denied it happened. You don't do that to win votes, Rauch argues — you do it because you believe that's how the social contract should work. He predicts Trump will fail to turn America into a fascist country but warns that institutions like the newly expanded ICE will outlast this administration. About the GuestJonathan Rauch is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and a contributing writer for The Atlantic. He is the author of nine books, including The Constitution of Knowledge: A Defense of Truth (2021), Cross Purposes: Christianity's Broken Bargain with Democracy (2025), and Kindly Inquisitors: The New Attacks on Free Thought (1993). He received the 2005 National Magazine Award.ReferencesThinkers discussed:·      Carl Schmitt was a Nazi political theorist whose "friend-enemy distinction" argued that politics is fundamentally about identifying and crushing enemies, not managing disagreements with adversaries.·      George Orwell wrote in his 1946 essay "Politics and the English Language" that "the word 'fascism' has now no meaning except insofar as it signifies something not desirable."·      Hannah Arendt was a German-American political theorist and refugee from Nazi Germany whose book The Origins of Totalitarianism examined both Nazism and Stalinism, preferring "totalitarianism" to "fascism" as the more encompassing term.Historical figures:·      Benito Mussolini invented the term "fascism" (from the Latin fasces, a bundle of rods symbolizing collective strength) and ruled Italy as dictator from 1922 to 1943.·      Francisco Franco ruled Spain from 1939 to 1975. Whether he was truly a fascist or merely an authoritarian remains debated; he never got along well with Hitler and outlasted the fascist era by three decades.·      Viktor Orbán is the prime minister of Hungary whose systematic capture of media, courts, and civil society has become known as the "Orbán playbook" — a template Rauch argues the Trump administration is following.Contemporary figures mentioned:·      Stephen Miller is a senior advisor to Trump who declared that "force is the iron law of the world" and told progressives "you are nothing" at a memorial service where the widow of the deceased had just offered Christian forgiveness to an assassin.·      Russell Vought is the director of the Office of Management and Budget, identified by Rauch as one of the younger ideologues building Trumpism into something more like a coherent ideology.·      Chris Rufo is a conservative activist and culture war strategist who has employed what Rauch calls "revolutionary language" in his campaigns against universities and public institutions.Essays and books mentioned:·      "Politics and the English Language" (1946) is Orwell's essay arguing that the corruption of language enables the corruption of politics, and that vague or meaningless words like "fascism" make clear thinking impossible.·      The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) is Hannah Arendt's study of Nazism and Stalinism as parallel forms of total domination, examining how mass movements, propaganda, and terror enable regimes to control entire societies.About Keen On AmericaNobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States—hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,800 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting.WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple PodcastsSpotify Chapters:(00:00) - (00:13) - The viral essay (02:10) - Why Rauch changed his mind (03:41) - Fascism vs. authoritarianism (05:54) - Carl Schmitt and "enemies not adversaries" (06:14) - Orwell on the word "fascism" (09:12) - Can old people be fascists? (11:51) - Blood and soil nationalism (14:14) - Minneapolis (17:51) - Kristallnacht comparisons (20:07) - The postmodern right (26:34) - Following the money (32:05) - ICE as paramilitary force

As the world prepares for the 2026 World Cup, Jonathan Wilson's new book, The Power and the Glory: The History of the World Cup (Bold Type Books, 2025), presents a new history of what has become the greatest celebration of humanity on earth, and reveals how the World Cup has grown hand in hand with the political, economic, and social forces of our time. Since 1930, the World Cup has become a truly global obsession. It is the most watched sporting event on the planet, and 211 teams competed to make it into the 2022 tournament. From its inception, it has also been a vehicle for far more than soccer. A tool for self-mythologizing and influence-peddling, The World Cup has played a crucial role in nation-building, and continues to, as countries negotiate their positions in a globalized world.The Power and the Glory is a comprehensive history of the matches and goals, the tales of scandal and triumph, the haggling and skullduggery of the bidding process, and the political and cultural tides behind every tournament. Jonathan Wilson details not merely what happened but why, based on fresh interviews and meticulous research. The book is as much about the legends of the sport, from Pelé to Messi, as it is about the nations that made them, from Mussolini's Italy to partitioned Germany to controversy-ridden Qatar.Brimming with politics, heart, and drama, on and off the pitch, The Power and the Glory is the definitive story of the greatest cultural event of our time. Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on his first book which examines why the United States pursued victory at practically all costs during World War II. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via his website here. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

As the world prepares for the 2026 World Cup, Jonathan Wilson's new book, The Power and the Glory: The History of the World Cup (Bold Type Books, 2025), presents a new history of what has become the greatest celebration of humanity on earth, and reveals how the World Cup has grown hand in hand with the political, economic, and social forces of our time. Since 1930, the World Cup has become a truly global obsession. It is the most watched sporting event on the planet, and 211 teams competed to make it into the 2022 tournament. From its inception, it has also been a vehicle for far more than soccer. A tool for self-mythologizing and influence-peddling, The World Cup has played a crucial role in nation-building, and continues to, as countries negotiate their positions in a globalized world.The Power and the Glory is a comprehensive history of the matches and goals, the tales of scandal and triumph, the haggling and skullduggery of the bidding process, and the political and cultural tides behind every tournament. Jonathan Wilson details not merely what happened but why, based on fresh interviews and meticulous research. The book is as much about the legends of the sport, from Pelé to Messi, as it is about the nations that made them, from Mussolini's Italy to partitioned Germany to controversy-ridden Qatar.Brimming with politics, heart, and drama, on and off the pitch, The Power and the Glory is the definitive story of the greatest cultural event of our time. Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on his first book which examines why the United States pursued victory at practically all costs during World War II. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via his website here. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sports

28 kwietnia 1945 roku Benito Mussolini i jego kochanka, Clara Petacci, zostali rozstrzelani przez włoskich partyzantów. Ich ciała zostały przewiezione do Mediolanu, gdzie zostały zbezczeszczone przez tłum i wystawione na widok publiczny. Jak wyglądały ostatnie dni włoskiego dyktatora? Dlaczego Mussolini został rozstrzelany bez procesu? Jak los Duce wpłynął na ostatnie decyzje Hitlera? W tym odcinku Misji specjalnej RMF FM przedstawiamy kulisy śmierci Benito Mussoliniego.

As the world prepares for the 2026 World Cup, Jonathan Wilson's new book, The Power and the Glory: The History of the World Cup (Bold Type Books, 2025), presents a new history of what has become the greatest celebration of humanity on earth, and reveals how the World Cup has grown hand in hand with the political, economic, and social forces of our time. Since 1930, the World Cup has become a truly global obsession. It is the most watched sporting event on the planet, and 211 teams competed to make it into the 2022 tournament. From its inception, it has also been a vehicle for far more than soccer. A tool for self-mythologizing and influence-peddling, The World Cup has played a crucial role in nation-building, and continues to, as countries negotiate their positions in a globalized world.The Power and the Glory is a comprehensive history of the matches and goals, the tales of scandal and triumph, the haggling and skullduggery of the bidding process, and the political and cultural tides behind every tournament. Jonathan Wilson details not merely what happened but why, based on fresh interviews and meticulous research. The book is as much about the legends of the sport, from Pelé to Messi, as it is about the nations that made them, from Mussolini's Italy to partitioned Germany to controversy-ridden Qatar.Brimming with politics, heart, and drama, on and off the pitch, The Power and the Glory is the definitive story of the greatest cultural event of our time. Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on his first book which examines why the United States pursued victory at practically all costs during World War II. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via his website here. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

As the world prepares for the 2026 World Cup, Jonathan Wilson's new book, The Power and the Glory: The History of the World Cup (Bold Type Books, 2025), presents a new history of what has become the greatest celebration of humanity on earth, and reveals how the World Cup has grown hand in hand with the political, economic, and social forces of our time. Since 1930, the World Cup has become a truly global obsession. It is the most watched sporting event on the planet, and 211 teams competed to make it into the 2022 tournament. From its inception, it has also been a vehicle for far more than soccer. A tool for self-mythologizing and influence-peddling, The World Cup has played a crucial role in nation-building, and continues to, as countries negotiate their positions in a globalized world.The Power and the Glory is a comprehensive history of the matches and goals, the tales of scandal and triumph, the haggling and skullduggery of the bidding process, and the political and cultural tides behind every tournament. Jonathan Wilson details not merely what happened but why, based on fresh interviews and meticulous research. The book is as much about the legends of the sport, from Pelé to Messi, as it is about the nations that made them, from Mussolini's Italy to partitioned Germany to controversy-ridden Qatar.Brimming with politics, heart, and drama, on and off the pitch, The Power and the Glory is the definitive story of the greatest cultural event of our time. Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on his first book which examines why the United States pursued victory at practically all costs during World War II. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via his website here. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/popular-culture

SPONSORS: 1) BLUECHEW: Get 10% off your first month of BlueChew Gold with code JULIAN at BlueChew.com. Visit https://BlueChew.com for more details and important safety information. 2) MOOD: MOOD: Get 20% off your first order of federally legal, hemp-derived cannabis gummies, flower, and more at https://mood.com with promo code JULIAN. JOIN PATREON FOR EARLY UNCENSORED EPISODE RELEASES: https://www.patreon.com/JulianDorey WATCH PREVIOUS EPISODES w/ TOLDINSTONE: Episode 251: https://open.spotify.com/episode/3wjoqdFMl75spLxkO8x4vr?si=849fdfd7cf0a4c15 Episode 252: https://open.spotify.com/episode/1ZkNpepvo3jBVEnRK16cNk?si=88cb295a88cd465a (***TIMESTAMPS in description below) ~ Garrett Ryan ("Toldinstone") is an Ancient Rome and Ancient Greece Historian, PhD, Author & YouTuber. You can find him here:  @toldinstone  GARRETT's LINKS: YOUTUBE: https://www.youtube.com/@toldinstone WEBSITE: https://toldinstone.com/ FOLLOW JULIAN DOREY INSTAGRAM (Podcast): https://www.instagram.com/juliandoreypodcast/ INSTAGRAM (Personal): https://www.instagram.com/julianddorey/ X: https://twitter.com/julianddorey JULIAN YT CHANNELS - SUBSCRIBE to Julian Dorey Clips YT: https://www.youtube.com/@juliandoreyclips - SUBSCRIBE to Julian Dorey Daily YT: https://www.youtube.com/@JulianDoreyDaily - SUBSCRIBE to Best of JDP: https://www.youtube.com/@bestofJDP ****TIMESTAMPS**** 0:00 – Intro 01:26 – PhD life, Gladiator vs Gladiator II, Roman espionage, Sertorius, Arminius, Salamis 11:40 – Late Empire armies, Germans, Hadrian's Wall, Persian power, standing army costs 23:58 – Alexander the Great, Macedonian cavalry, speed of conquest, Persian collapse 34:01 – Roman taxes, cities as culture, multicultural empire, governing at scale 47:52 – Byzantine beacons, Pantheon engineering, pirates, Roman shipping 01:03:08 – Rome, WWII damage, Mussolini, churches, St. Peter's legacy 01:15:20 – The Vatican, Egypt Links Rome in Britain, founding London 01:29:06 – Caesar in Britain & Cleopatra 01:37:37 – Eastern vs Western Empire, Pompey, conquest strategy 01:49:05 – Greek influence on Rome, Homer, The Odyssey & The Iliad 01:58:22 – Origins of Greek myth, Rosetta Stone, canon of the gods 02:10:58 – Greek gods, afterlife, mystery cults, Christianity parallels 02:21:52 – Greek philosophy, Plato, Archimedes, science 02:33:26 – Daily life in Greece, slavery, Sparta 02:43:54 – Spartan warfare, fitness, Olympic roots 02:50:43 – Rome's fall, Germanic tribes, decay from within, America vs Rome 03:01:17 – Toldinstone's Work CREDITS: - Host, Editor & Producer: Julian Dorey - COO, Producer & Editor: Alessi Allaman - https://www.youtube.com/@UCyLKzv5fKxGmVQg3cMJJzyQ - In-Studio Producer: Joey Deef - https://www.instagram.com/joeydeef/ Julian Dorey Podcast Episode 380 - Garrett Ryan Music by Artlist.io Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Should Inter Milan Sack Cristian Chivu IF They Bottle The Scudetto? Did Benito Mussolini Fix The 1934 FIFA World Cup In Favor Of The Azzurri? & Much More? This is an extended clip from this week's Q & A episode of The Italian Football Podcast only available to members on YouTube or Patreon. If you want to support The Italian Football Podcast and get every episode, simply become a member on ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Patreon.com/TIFP⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ OR ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Spotify⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ OR ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠YouTube Memberships⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Your support makes The Italian Football Podcast possible.⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Follow us: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠, ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Facebook⁠, ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Instagram⁠,⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠YouTube⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠, ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠TikTok Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The stories of World War 2 can be epic - full of courage and compassion. One of the lesser-known stories is that of Gino Bartali, an Italian cyclist and Tour de France champion who used his position as one of Italy's most famous athletes to help refugees escape Mussolini's Fascist Italy.Now, that story is coming to the stage in Wilmington, when the Delaware Theatre Company presents the US premiere of Glory Ride, a new musical by Victoria Buchholz and Todd Buchholz.To learn more about the show, Delaware Public Media's Martin Matheny talked to Delaware Theatre Company's Producing Artistic Director, Mimi Warnick for this week's Arts Playlist.

A version of this essay was published by firstpost.com at https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/shadow-warrior-the-epstein-files-expose-elite-depravity-13975791.htmlI am not going to get into the political aspects of the infamous Epstein Files, nor so much into the morality thereof, but what amazes me is the fact that everyone seems shocked at the kinds of things that apparently went on in Epstein Island and elsewhere in his empire.I have long thought of the Epstein Files (and earlier Watergate, Wikileaks, Cablegate, even the silly Steele Dossier) as a mere sideshow, entertaining but hardly earth-shattering. To be candid, what they reveal is what we already knew: politicians and the rich are different from you and me, as Jay Gatsby might say. Yes, they can be vile monsters and get away with it.F. Scott Fitzgerald describes how extreme wealth fosters a sense of superiority, cynicism, carelessness with consequences, and emotional insulation: all qualities that make the rich operate by different rules, often viewing themselves as exempt from ordinary accountability. Extreme wealth provides insurance, or insulation, against consequences.We were warned with graphic images in cinema: “Eyes Wide Shut” by Stanley Kubrick was a revelation. It fits strikingly into the context of Fitzgerald's “the rich are different” and the Epstein files, a cinematic bridge between literary critique and real-world revelations of predatory privilege.In Kubrick's world of orgies where masked super-elites play, the victims are from lower strata (they are treated as disposable), while the elite retreat into impunity. The film was prescient about how money, secrecy, and impunity create inevitable nexuses of abuse. There was a dramatic and possibly relevant video of a young Mexican model, distraught, screaming, “They are eating babies!”, after attending one of the Epstein parties. She was, it is said, arrested, and ‘disappeared', and was never seen again.Yet, it is “Salo: The 120 Days of Sodom” that I am most reminded of. This is quite possibly the most disturbing film ever made, at least among those that I have seen. Only “In the Realm of the Senses”, by Nagisa Oshima, a staggering tale of sexual obsession, comes close in shock value. A couple are caught up in a vortex or vicious cycle of increasingly dangerous sexual behavior. The unsimulated, explicit sex scenes in fact produce not prurience, but horror in the viewer.The film's intensity peaks with its violent conclusion, where the female protagonist strangles her lover to death during erotic asphyxiation and then castrates his corpse, carrying the severed penis with her, blending extreme eroticism with graphic mutilation and murder in a way that challenged societal taboos on sex, obsession, and violence. Tellingly, it is based on a real-life story, but then it is a private tale, not one that involved powerful, public, men.“Salo”, by Pier Paolo Pasolini, is a loose adaptation of the Marquis de Sade's 1785 novel “The 120 Days of Sodom”, relocated to the final days of Mussolini's fascist Republic of Salo (1943–1945) in northern Italy. Four powerful libertines: a Duke (nobility), Bishop (church), Magistrate (law/state), and President (finance/capital) are the protagonists.They kidnap 18 young victims (mostly teenagers) and subject them to escalating cycles of sexual torture, degradation, humiliation, and murder in a remote villa. I remember the horrifying close-up of a young man's eye being plucked out.This isn't mere shock exploitation; Pasolini uses de Sade's framework as a scorching allegory for:* Absolute power corrupting absolutely, where the elite treat bodies (especially vulnerable young ones) as disposable objects for consumption and control.* Fascism as the ultimate expression of capitalist/consumerist nihilism. The libertines embody the “anarchy of power” in a permissive, totalitarian system where rules exist only to protect the perpetrators.* Moral detachment and cynicism: the rich aren't just wealthier; they're philosophically and emotionally severed from humanity, viewing others as means to gratification without consequence.Is this how powerful men are? Is this how those with absolute power, especially men, have always acted? Or is it culture-specific? That's a good question. But are elites generally debauched, depraved, and dissolute?There are several unconfirmed rumors that many of the rich and famous were associated with Epstein. But a certain royal was drummed out of the family and lost all his privileges for his (confirmed) participation in Epstein orgies. Others include captains of industry and political bigwigs, including US Presidents, a major leftist ideologue, and a film director.So it was apparently the in-thing in the US, sort of like the most sought-after restaurant in New York City, where the hoi-polloi were strictly excluded. This, in a country that allegedly finds its moral compass in the Puritans, people who were so religious that even Britain couldn't stand them. And has been accused of being into moralization, not into morals.As of now, if you ignore the extreme claims (cannibalism) it is clear that the following happened:* Recruitment and grooming of underage girls* Sexual assault on minors* Distribution of Child Sexual Abuse Material* Trafficking across State and International BordersFrankly, this is probably just business as usual in many elite circles. If you have immunity, you tend to be very naughty. I expect this, too, will blow over, and public attention will move on. The apparent fact that many in political power in the US are part of the Epstein network is neither here nor there. This may be the way all powerful men work. Sad, but true.895 words, Feb 2, 2026 This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com/subscribe

Monty's plan to swing left has failed. Now he wants Patton's help who still does not trust the British. During this a slight British officer pulls off a miracle. Meanwhile the fighting on Sicily is felt in Rome as Mussolini is voted out of power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

El contraataque griego de finales de 1940 y comienzos de 1941 no solo detuvo la invasión italiana lanzada desde Albania, sino que invirtió por completo el curso de la campaña. En este episodio analizamos cómo el Ejército griego, superando graves limitaciones materiales, pasó a la ofensiva y penetró en territorio albanés, infligiendo una humillante derrota a las fuerzas de Mussolini. Más allá del campo de batalla, el éxito griego tuvo un profundo impacto en el alto mando italiano: destituciones, crisis de liderazgo y una pérdida de credibilidad militar que obligó a Roma a pedir ayuda a Berlín. Un episodio clave para entender el colapso de las ambiciones italianas en los Balcanes. Te lo cuentan Antonio Gómez y Dani CarAn. "Figli della Lupa Romana", "Hijos de la Hélade - Παιδιά της Ελλάδας" y la "Suite Griega CBP" son temas musicales compuestos por Dani CarAn. Esta obra está protegida bajo la licencia Creative Commons Atribución – No Comercial 4.0 Internacional (CC BY-NC 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.es Casus Belli Podcast pertenece a 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Casus Belli Podcast forma parte de 📀 Ivoox Originals. 📚 Zeppelin Books (Digital) y 📚 DCA Editor (Físico) http://zeppelinbooks.com son sellos editoriales de la 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Estamos en: 👉 X/Twitter https://twitter.com/CasusBelliPod 👉 Facebook https://www.facebook.com/CasusBelliPodcast 👉 Instagram estamos https://www.instagram.com/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Canal https://t.me/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Grupo de Chat https://t.me/casusbellipod 📺 YouTube https://bit.ly/casusbelliyoutube 👉 http://casusbelli.top ⚛️ El logotipo de Casus Belli Podcasdt y el resto de la Factoría Casus Belli están diseñados por Publicidad Fabián publicidadfabian@yahoo.es 🎵 La música incluida en el programa es Ready for the war de Marc Corominas Pujadó bajo licencia CC. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/ El resto de música es propia, o bajo licencia privada de Epidemic Music, Jamendo Music o SGAE SGAE RRDD/4/1074/1012 de Ivoox. 🎭Las opiniones expresadas en este programa de pódcast, son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las trasmiten. Que cada palo aguante su vela. 📧¿Queréis contarnos algo? También puedes escribirnos a casus.belli.pod@gmail.com ¿Quieres anunciarte en este podcast, patrocinar un episodio o una serie? Hazlo a través de 👉 https://www.advoices.com/casus-belli-podcast-historia Si te ha gustado, y crees que nos lo merecemos, nos sirve mucho que nos des un like, ya que nos da mucha visibilidad. Muchas gracias por escucharnos, y hasta la próxima. Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

O Igrzyskach we Włoszech zrobiło się głośniej, kiedy Amerykanie potwierdzili, że do Włoch wybierają się agenci ICE Urzędu ds. Imigracji i Egzekwowania Ceł, by wziąć udział w zabezpieczeniu igrzysk. Ostatnio nasilają się protesty wobec ICE i Straży Granicznej, które są krytykowane za brutalne metody działania. Deklaracja udziału ICE spotkała się z gwałtowną krytyką Włochów. Mamma mija, to jest milicja, która zabija, drą kopary Italiańce. Ciekawe czy zjawi się tam sławny już z działań w Minessocie szef patrolu granicznego Greg Bovio. Powinien, pasuje do Włoch, bo w tym swoim mundurze wygląda jak siostrzeniec Mussoliniego. Dzieci włoskie będą krzyczeć; mamma, mamma Benito arriva, Mussolini przybył.

Gerald Horne, Johnathan M. Katz join Paul Jay: Trump's ICE killings in Minneapolis have exposed deep splits inside the Trump camp and among business and political elites, many who now see him as dangerously unstable for capitalism itself. These fractures create a rare opening: massive street protests and sustained organizing can push harder than ever, while progressives use the crisis to run bold anti‑ICE, pro‑worker campaigns and turn elite disunity into real electoral gains.

Au milieu des années 1930, Benito Mussolini offre au peuple italien un dérivatif en forme de projet : la conquête – à contretemps – du royaume d'Ethiopie.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

National pride often comes from shared heritage—like a common language or ethnic background. Religious Nationalism can be seen in historical Russia, where being part of the Orthodox Church was considered key to being Russian, even if you spoke a different language, whereas Ethnic Nationalism is like modern Mongolia, where having the same Mongol background is what counts as national identity, even if people follow different faiths.—but for the small nation of Uruguay, that feeling of unity was forged not in a parliament, but on a soccer pitch. When the Uruguayan national team, La Celeste, stunned the world by winning the 1924 Paris Olympics, it was more than just a sports victory. That triumph created a profound, shared, and globally recognized national identity, transforming the soccer team into a powerful symbol that helped bond the country together in a way politics had struggled to achieve. Soccer’s ability to literally bring nations into existence has only grown with the growth and spread of the World Cup. Since 1930, the World Cup has become a truly global obsession. It is the most watched sporting event on the planet, and 211 teams competed to make it into the 2022 tournament. From its inception, it has also been a vehicle for far more than soccer. A tool for self-mythologizing and influence-peddling, The World Cup has played a crucial role in nation-building, and continues to, as countries negotiate their positions in a globalized world. Today’s guest is Jonathan Wilson, author of “The Power and the Glory: A History of the World Cup.” We look at history of the matches and goals, the tales of scandal and triumph, the haggling and skulduggery of the bidding process, and the political and cultural tides behind every tournament. Jonathan Wilson details not merely what happened but why, based on fresh interviews and meticulous research. The book is as much about the legends of the sport, from Pelé to Messi, as it is about the nations that made them, from Mussolini’s Italy to partitioned Germany to controversy-ridden Qatar.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

'The Future Was Then: The Changing Face of Fascist Italy' at Poster House explores how Mussolini's government shaped art and culture through Futurist-inspired propaganda. Photographer and curator B.A. Van Sise discusses the exhibition, on view through Feb. 22.

Jonah Goldberg starts this Ruminant off with a bang by defending his take on the ICE shooting, then jumping headfirst into his thoughts on Labor Department posts and Woodrow Wilson's fascistic America. He also muses on his father's defense of the Shah, takes on right- and left-wing antisemitism, and tries out a new metaphor for Donald Trump.Plus, listeners will be treated to ... a confession. Shownotes:—Jonah's take on the Minneapolis ICE shooting on The Dispatch Podcast—Advisory Opinions on the ICE shooting—Goldberg slams ‘grotesque and idiotic' response by some in GOP to deadly ICE shooting—Most recent Dispatch Podcast—Mike Allen at Axios on new White House concern over immigration—“There Will Be More Renee Goods” - Jeremiah Johnson at The Dispatch—Jonah's G-File on the Department of Labor—Jonah's book, Liberal Fascism—Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933-1939—The Remnant: John Adams Was Not an Originalist | Interview: Lindsay Chervinsky—The Remnant: Patriots and Loyalists | Interview: Ken Burns—Foer in The Atlantic: ‘MAGA's Jewish Intellectuals Helped Create Their Own Predicament'—Yoni Appelbaum on The Remnant—Foer: ‘The Golden Age of American Jews Is Ending'—Eli Lake on The Commentary Podcast—Mike Nelson in The Dispatch on America's red lines The Remnant is a production of ⁠The Dispatch⁠, a digital media company covering politics, policy, and culture from a non-partisan, conservative perspective. To access all of The Dispatch's offerings—including access to all of Jonah's G-File newsletters—⁠click here⁠. If you'd like to remove all ads from your podcast experience, consider becoming a premium Dispatch member ⁠by clicking here⁠. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

From a scrawny, overlooked military graduate to the youngest general in Europe, Francisco Franco was known for his ambition, talent and calculated risk-taking. Yet his reputation remains a topic of fierce debate. Did he destroy Spain and stifle its democracy or rescue the nation from left-wing tumult? In this compelling biography, Giles Tremlett unravels the complex life and legacy of the enigmatic dictator who shaped twentieth-century Spanish history. El Generalísimo: A Biography of Francisco Franco (Oxford UP, 2025) delves into the complexities of Franco's character, exploring his volatile relationship with a domineering father, his traumatic experiences fighting in Morocco and the formation of his authoritarian ideology. The narrative follows Franco's ruthless leadership during the Civil War, his alignment with Hitler and Mussolini and the subsequent Cold War era that brought him international rehabilitation. Tremlett interrogates Franco's transformation of Spain through a lens that challenges the conventional view of him as a bumbling leader. Instead, he argues that Franco was a deliberate and pragmatic dictator who wielded terror to maintain an iron grip on power, and whose lasting (and most surprising) contribution was the period of peace that allowed Spain to challenge the absolutist spirit he embodied.Nuanced and comprehensive, El Generalísimo offers a fresh perspective that reveals the intricate interplay of ambition and fearlessness of Francisco Franco; and examines his enduring legacy that continues to shape Spain's political and cultural landscape. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

From a scrawny, overlooked military graduate to the youngest general in Europe, Francisco Franco was known for his ambition, talent and calculated risk-taking. Yet his reputation remains a topic of fierce debate. Did he destroy Spain and stifle its democracy or rescue the nation from left-wing tumult? In this compelling biography, Giles Tremlett unravels the complex life and legacy of the enigmatic dictator who shaped twentieth-century Spanish history. El Generalísimo: A Biography of Francisco Franco (Oxford UP, 2025) delves into the complexities of Franco's character, exploring his volatile relationship with a domineering father, his traumatic experiences fighting in Morocco and the formation of his authoritarian ideology. The narrative follows Franco's ruthless leadership during the Civil War, his alignment with Hitler and Mussolini and the subsequent Cold War era that brought him international rehabilitation. Tremlett interrogates Franco's transformation of Spain through a lens that challenges the conventional view of him as a bumbling leader. Instead, he argues that Franco was a deliberate and pragmatic dictator who wielded terror to maintain an iron grip on power, and whose lasting (and most surprising) contribution was the period of peace that allowed Spain to challenge the absolutist spirit he embodied.Nuanced and comprehensive, El Generalísimo offers a fresh perspective that reveals the intricate interplay of ambition and fearlessness of Francisco Franco; and examines his enduring legacy that continues to shape Spain's political and cultural landscape. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

From a scrawny, overlooked military graduate to the youngest general in Europe, Francisco Franco was known for his ambition, talent and calculated risk-taking. Yet his reputation remains a topic of fierce debate. Did he destroy Spain and stifle its democracy or rescue the nation from left-wing tumult? In this compelling biography, Giles Tremlett unravels the complex life and legacy of the enigmatic dictator who shaped twentieth-century Spanish history. El Generalísimo: A Biography of Francisco Franco (Oxford UP, 2025) delves into the complexities of Franco's character, exploring his volatile relationship with a domineering father, his traumatic experiences fighting in Morocco and the formation of his authoritarian ideology. The narrative follows Franco's ruthless leadership during the Civil War, his alignment with Hitler and Mussolini and the subsequent Cold War era that brought him international rehabilitation. Tremlett interrogates Franco's transformation of Spain through a lens that challenges the conventional view of him as a bumbling leader. Instead, he argues that Franco was a deliberate and pragmatic dictator who wielded terror to maintain an iron grip on power, and whose lasting (and most surprising) contribution was the period of peace that allowed Spain to challenge the absolutist spirit he embodied.Nuanced and comprehensive, El Generalísimo offers a fresh perspective that reveals the intricate interplay of ambition and fearlessness of Francisco Franco; and examines his enduring legacy that continues to shape Spain's political and cultural landscape. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

From a scrawny, overlooked military graduate to the youngest general in Europe, Francisco Franco was known for his ambition, talent and calculated risk-taking. Yet his reputation remains a topic of fierce debate. Did he destroy Spain and stifle its democracy or rescue the nation from left-wing tumult? In this compelling biography, Giles Tremlett unravels the complex life and legacy of the enigmatic dictator who shaped twentieth-century Spanish history. El Generalísimo: A Biography of Francisco Franco (Oxford UP, 2025) delves into the complexities of Franco's character, exploring his volatile relationship with a domineering father, his traumatic experiences fighting in Morocco and the formation of his authoritarian ideology. The narrative follows Franco's ruthless leadership during the Civil War, his alignment with Hitler and Mussolini and the subsequent Cold War era that brought him international rehabilitation. Tremlett interrogates Franco's transformation of Spain through a lens that challenges the conventional view of him as a bumbling leader. Instead, he argues that Franco was a deliberate and pragmatic dictator who wielded terror to maintain an iron grip on power, and whose lasting (and most surprising) contribution was the period of peace that allowed Spain to challenge the absolutist spirit he embodied.Nuanced and comprehensive, El Generalísimo offers a fresh perspective that reveals the intricate interplay of ambition and fearlessness of Francisco Franco; and examines his enduring legacy that continues to shape Spain's political and cultural landscape. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

Trascrizione con glossario (gratis)Questo mega-episodio riunisce tutti gli episodi dedicati alla storia del fascismo italiano, dalle sue origini nel 1919 alla caduta finale il 25 aprile 1945. Scopriremo come Mussolini prese il potere, costruì una dittatura totalitaria, trascinò l'Italia nella Seconda Guerra Mondiale e come la Resistenza liberò il paese dall'occupazione nazifascista.Scopri Dentro l'Italia, in italiano, il mio corso di livello C1 prodotto in collaborazione con Marco Cappelli.Scopri Volti d'Italia, il mio corso di livello B2 prodotto in collaborazione con Marco Cappelli.Scopri il podcast di Marco "Storia d'Italia" Altri link e risorse utili:Ebook gratuito: come raggiungere il livello avanzato in italiano"Ebook gratuito, "50 modi di dire per parlare come un italiano"YouTubeInstagramFacebook

This week Beau chats all about the Gran Sasso raid, aka ‘Operation Oak', the daring German commando operation in September 1943 to rescue Benito Mussolini from imprisonment in the Apennine Mountains.

C'est un étonnant programme que souhaite mettre en œuvre Hitler en 1940 : dépeupler la Franche-Comté pour y placer une population germanique, issue de la région frontalière avec l'Italie, le Sud-Tyrol. Hitler espère en faire une enclave SS pour mettre fin à cette pomme de discorde avec son allié Mussolini.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

The fastest-rising force in Italian politics is Giorgia Meloni's Fratelli d'Italia - a party with a direct genealogy from Mussolini's regime. Surging to prominence in recent years, it has waged a fierce culture war against the Left, polarised political debate around World War II, and even secured the largest vote share in Italy's 2022 general election. Eighty years after the fall of Mussolini, his heirs, and admirers are again on the brink of taking power. So how exactly has this situation come about? Mussolini's Grandchildren: Fascism in Contemporary Italy (Pluto Press, 2023) delves into Italy's self-styled 'post-fascist' movements - rooted in historical fascism yet claiming to have 'transcended' it. David Broder highlights the reinventions of far-right politics since the Second World War and examines the interplay between a parliamentary face aimed at integrating fascists into the mainstream and militant fringe groups which, despite their extremism, play an important role in nurturing the broader far right. Fratelli d'Italia has retained its hegemony over fascist subcultures whilst embracing a raft of more pragmatic policy positions, fusing harsh Islamophobia and anti-communism with support for the European Union and NATO. As countervailing anti-fascist forces in Italian society wane, the far-right party's mission to redeem historical fascism, legitimize its political heirs, and shift the terrain of mainstream politics is proving alarmingly successful. David Broder is a historian of the Italian far-right. He is a regular contributor to the New Statesman and Internazionale, writing about Italian politics, as well as Europe editor for Jacobin. His writing has also appeared in the New York Times, the Guardian, the Independent, New Left Review and Tribune. He is the author of The Rebirth of Italian Communism: Dissident Communists in Rome, 1943-44 and First They Took Rome: How the Populist Right Conquered Italy. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

SEASON 4 EPISODE 46: COUNTDOWN WITH KEITH OLBERMANN A-Block (2:30) SPECIAL COMMENT: Well, that's it in sum, isn't it? He's "El Presidente" now, isn't he? Military Dictator. Succeeding Maduro. Until he finds somebody else to “run” it. Not the elected Vice President. Not the actual winner of the last election. Not the U-N. Maybe somebody he, in his dysfunctional haze, somebody he can trust. Maybe an oil executive. Or Elon Musk. Or Catturd. The invasion was illegal there, and illegal here. The kidnapping was illegal. Declaring we would run it is illegal. Naming a proxy dictator is illegal. As was his threat yesterday to the acting president that quote “if she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price, probably bigger than Maduro” and calling for her belief that her country shouldn’t be invaded by another country breaking its own laws is quote “defiant rejection.” THAT’S illegal. It’s all illegal. That’s a lot of illegal – even for Trump. And I say this, hating Maduro completely. So he needs to be impeached, if not now then a year from now. Rubio can be impeached now for deceiving Congress about its approval. And both of them turned over to the World Court. And the ramifications are almost uncountable, including emboldening them to consider this in Cuba, Greenland, Iran. The poll numbers are terrible, and the risk to Americans of terrorism and violence are just as terrible. And maybe worst of all the evidence of linkage between Putin's strange silence about his ally Maduro, and Trump's dithering about Ukraine, is terrible too. But at least it produced a pretty good Olivia Nuzzi joke. ALSO: WHY DID THEY CHANGE THE TRUMP HEALTH COVER-UP STORY AGAIN? Five significant changes, about his MRI/CT, his cardiovascular health, and now the total of Cognitive tests he's gotten in just the last nine months. Three? Not two? He's really needed three tests in nine months? To repeat the insightful question from his niece Mary Trump: Why do they have to keep giving him cognitive tests? B-Block (40:00) THE WORST PERSONS IN THE WORLD: There's begging the new boss to let you keep your current job, then there's what CBS Legal Analyst Jan Crawford is doing for Bari Weiss to try to keep hers. Chuck Schumer comes out firing on Venezuela: with one-millionth of one barrel blazing. And just when you think Cheryl Hines can't get any dumber, Tucker Carlson tries to talk to her about vaccines. C-Block (50:00) THINGS I PROMISED NOT TO TELL: Will Ferrell did a great comedy bit at the L.A. Kings hockey game on New Year's Day and he did it for the pure joy of it. Which reminded me of the difference between amateurs and pros, and of the days when "Anchorman" was new and Will and I ad libbed a pretty good comedy bit that he said he really loved doing. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

As we near the end of 2025, Trump has implemented Opus Dei's Heritage Foundation's Project 2025 to fundamentally gut America's core values and checks and balances. The depth of harm is incalculable and Americans are 70% against Trump's handling of the economy. Threats to free speech, ignoring Constitutional guarantees, unprecedented corruption and violence undermine people's feelings of safety and security. So we are resharing this vital interview in the hopes of educating and motivating millions of Americans and people worldwide to stand up for democracy and rule of law. In this discussion with historian Ruth Ben-Ghiat, we discuss the subtle and often sinister ways authoritarianism intertwines with the psychological mechanisms of control. We connect the dots from my experiences with cults and coercive persuasion. Ruth Ben-Ghiat is a historian, as an NYU professor and expert on fascism and authoritarianism. She is also a celebrated author,  Her book Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present explores the tactics of illiberal rulers and the history of resistance against them. With a focus on unraveling the complex tapestry of undue influence in modern politics, my discussion with historian Ruth Ben-Ghiat sheds light on the intricate relationship between authoritarianism and its psychological underpinnings. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

47 MinutesPG-13Kurt works for Antelope Hill Publishing.Kurt joins Pete to talk about the speeches of Mussolini in the late war years, detailed in "Rise and Fight: Speeches from the 1943–1945 Italian Social Republic," which Antelope Hill recently published in English.Antelope Hill - Promo code "peteq" for 5% offRise and Fight: Speeches from the 1943-1945 Italian Social RepublicThe Battle for BerlinPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.