Podcasts about uruguayans

To end Black Futures Month on a high note, we're sharing with you today a presentation by Dr. Thomas Wayne Edison from the University of Louisville's Spanish Department about his research as a Fulbright Scholar into the rich history and culture of black Uruguayans. Titled "BLatinX: Uruguay" this Fast Class took a deep dive into Uruguay, a South American nation with a rich cultural heritage that is largely unknown outside the region. During this innovative and experiential presentation Dr. Thomas Wayne Edison, a 2024 Fulbright Scholar, discussed the Black community of Uruguay and how it is represented in the nation's history, poetry, and country's national symbol: Candombe music. This program was presented by the Louisville Free Public Library's MyLibraryU and was free and open to the public. The Access Hour airs on Forward Radio, 106.5fm, WFMP-LP Louisville, every Wednesday at 2pm and repeats Thursdays at 11am and Fridays at 1pm. Find us at http://forwardradio.org If you've got something you'd like to share on community radio through the Access Hour, whether it's a recording you made or a show you'd like to do on a particular topic, community, artistic creation, or program that is under-represented in Louisville's media landscape, just go to https://forwardradio.org, click on Participate and pitch us your idea. The Access Hour is your opportunity to take over the air waves to share your passion.

On today's Keepin It Real, Cam reports back about his most memorable event on his recent trip to Brazil. He traveled a long way to come back with this... ------ Cachaca is a Brazilian alcohol that was first made by the slaves the Portuguese brought to Brazil. It's sugar cane based. Very sweet. And like gumbo, red beans and rice, jazz music, and the Mississippi delta blues among other things, it was what the poor people created due to a lack of resources and that the wealthy people eventually wanted. Crazy how that works so predictably. It's like clockwork.  Anyway, my wife and I were enjoying our first cocktail made of cachaca by the pool last week in a small coastal community north of Sao Paulo called Paraty. However, we struggled to enjoy the drink. And I'm certain you can relate to what happened. It's become a meme - There was someone in an environment too small for their voice, talking too loudly. It was loud people having private conversations on the phone in small spaces. Loud Zoom calls in coffee shops. You've witnessed this. In our case it was a British couple lying in lounge chairs by the pool on speakerphone with their daughter talking about finding her an apartment in London. The father, to be heard, raised his voice to nearly a yell so the phone would hear him from three feet away. Well, my wife and I heard him, neighbors living next to the hotel heard him, the birds in the trees on the coast heard him, the shop owner across town, people in the next city over and the Uruguayans 1000 miles to the south also heard him. We didn't want to, but we learned a lot about this family and their dysfunctional and helpless daughter. Our relaxing drink tasted like cachaca, lime, and disgust. Around the pool were two other couples. We met and stood talking in the pool. They were really nice. One couple had been traveling since January 1st. They were recently retired and described retirement as having three distinct phases – Go Time, Slow Time, and then, No Time. Go Time is travel. Slow Time too old to travel and now you sit around the house. No Time is travel back and forth to your final doctor appointments. They retired early to have a longer Go Time and were doing it up right. They were telling us about how they planned their extensive trips then, and I promise I'm not making this up, the British man got into the pool and began swimming laps right through middle of us three couples and another guy who had joined us. We stood there in water up to our waists in disbelief. He kicked right through us, splashing us, no more than a foot or two away as he came by. I'd never seen anything like it. Was it aggressive? Or was it just plain clueless? Anyway, the three different couples plus the one guy decided not to move. And he kept swimming. We'd pause our chat as he swam through. It's sad that after traveling about 18 hours to get to a place way off my radar and another 18 hours to get back home, the only story I have from my trip is about a British man in our pool. Which makes me want to drink lots of cachaca. I'm Cam Marston and I'm just trying to Keep It Real.        

Dos toneladas de bronce que pesan mucho más.  Desde 1939, los uruguayos supieron que en el fondo del Río de la Plata estaban los restos del Graf Spee, el buque nazi hundido en las costas de Montevideo durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Lo que nadie sabía es que allí abajo se conservaba una pieza única que todo el mundo pensaba perdida. Ese hallazgo inesperado pondría a Uruguay en medio de un conflicto diplomático y se convertiría en un tema de Estado hasta el día de hoy.  En nuestro sitio web puedes encontrar una transcripción del episodio. Or you can also check this English translation.♥ Radio Ambulante es posible gracias a nuestra comunidad. Únete a Deambulantes, nuestro programa de membresías, y ayúdanos a garantizar la existencia y la sostenibilidad de nuestro periodismo independiente. ★ Si no quieres perderte ningún episodio, suscríbete a nuestro boletín y recibe todos los martes un correo. Además, los viernes te enviaremos cinco recomendaciones inspiradoras del equipo para el fin de semana. ✓ ¿Nos escuchas para mejorar tu español? Tenemos algo extra para ti: prueba nuestra app Jiveworld, diseñada para estudiantes intermedios de la lengua que quieren aprender con nuestros episodios. Two tons of bronze that bear much more weight. Since 1939, Uruguayans have known about the Graf Spee, a Nazi ship sunk off the coast of Montevideo during World War II, the remains of which lay at the bottom of the Plata River. What no one knew was that a long-lost and controversial treasure lay there too. The unexpected finding would put Uruguay in the center of an international diplomatic conflict and become a point of debate in the nation's politics until this day.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Full recap of the loss to Uruguay -- a decent performance in a vacuum, but again we see the naivete of the USMNT in contrast to the focus and pragmatism of the Uruguayans. Plus discussion of potential replacements for Berhalter. Subscribe to Scuffed on Patreon! Patrons get a private ad-free feed for all episodes that go out on the public feed, plus the Monday Review every week with Watke and Vince. Patrons also get access to our private Discord server, live call-in shows, and the full catalog of historic recaps we've made: https://www.patreon.com/scuffed

[originally published on Patreon February 1, 2024] I continue the extended story of the Tupamaros by examining the life of Manuel Hevia Coscullela, the Cuban double (or triple) agent embedded in the CIA in Uruguay. I obtained his memoir, Pasaporte 11333 : ocho años con la CIA (1978) and translated various passages into English. As far as I know, this is the first time this has ever been done. Hevia's story begins before the Cuban revolution, and I explain his education and upbringing as well as his activities before, during, and after the Cuban Revolution. Hevia was involved with the Cuban AAA during the revolution and with Che's JUCEPLAN after the revolution. Hevia got in bed with some unsavory Uruguayans at their embassy and then defected, snitched and flipped for the CIA (wink), and was sent to Uruguay to work for the agency. From there, we get into Uruguayan deep state politics which is not uninteresting but which sets the stage for all the Mitrione stuff to come later. This is the story of deep espionage. [episode artwork based off the book cover] Songs: Todo por la Reforma Agraria by Carlos Puebla  Yo También Soy Miliciano by Carlos Puebla

Episode One Hundred and Ninety-Three: The Last Matinee (2020)Al morir la matinée (2020)The Apostate (2015)El apóstata (2015)"The decisions and problems of Uruguay will be resolved by Uruguayans."-- Tabare VazquezLogo design by: https://www.fiverr.com/ideahitsIntro voiceover by: https://www.youtube.com/kevincrockerheyjameswatchthis@gmail.com

Lots of great rugby over the last two weekends.Uruguay scare France by playing running rugby. Really entertaining stuff. One poor clearance kick undid the Uruguayans. The kicking game.Tonga show Ireland up at the breakdown. Another problem for Paul O'ConnellEngland, so boring - but so what?A tight point spread for Ireland S. Africa? Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/the-other-hand-with-jim.power-and-chris.johns. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Debbie Sharnak's new book, Of Light and Struggle: Social Justice, Human Rights, and Accountability in Uruguay (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023) is an important and vibrant history of international and local activism in response to dictatorship from 1973 to 1985. Uruguayans suffered numerous human rights abuses under the repressive military government during this period. Activists, transnational social movements, and international policymakers both worked together and clashed as they pushed against the dictatorship and navigated the country back to a democratic government. Sharnak writes about these convergences and conflicts to provide a complex history of Uruguay and of human rights. Her book shows how the history of this small country can shed new light on the larger history of Latin America and international human rights. In this episode of the podcast, Sharnak, a professor at Rowen University, discusses her book and the research that went into it. She discusses the language of human rights and how it could unite disparate groups in common cause. Yet, narrow, unifying understandings of the term often left some experiences, such those of some Afro-Uruguaians, out of larger narrative. She discusses how such unity was difficult to maintain as the dictatorship ended and democracy returned to the country.  Christine Lamberson, PhD, is a historian. Her research focuses on 20th century U.S. legal, political, and cultural history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Debbie Sharnak's new book, Of Light and Struggle: Social Justice, Human Rights, and Accountability in Uruguay (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023) is an important and vibrant history of international and local activism in response to dictatorship from 1973 to 1985. Uruguayans suffered numerous human rights abuses under the repressive military government during this period. Activists, transnational social movements, and international policymakers both worked together and clashed as they pushed against the dictatorship and navigated the country back to a democratic government. Sharnak writes about these convergences and conflicts to provide a complex history of Uruguay and of human rights. Her book shows how the history of this small country can shed new light on the larger history of Latin America and international human rights. In this episode of the podcast, Sharnak, a professor at Rowen University, discusses her book and the research that went into it. She discusses the language of human rights and how it could unite disparate groups in common cause. Yet, narrow, unifying understandings of the term often left some experiences, such those of some Afro-Uruguaians, out of larger narrative. She discusses how such unity was difficult to maintain as the dictatorship ended and democracy returned to the country.  Christine Lamberson, PhD, is a historian. Her research focuses on 20th century U.S. legal, political, and cultural history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Debbie Sharnak's new book, Of Light and Struggle: Social Justice, Human Rights, and Accountability in Uruguay (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023) is an important and vibrant history of international and local activism in response to dictatorship from 1973 to 1985. Uruguayans suffered numerous human rights abuses under the repressive military government during this period. Activists, transnational social movements, and international policymakers both worked together and clashed as they pushed against the dictatorship and navigated the country back to a democratic government. Sharnak writes about these convergences and conflicts to provide a complex history of Uruguay and of human rights. Her book shows how the history of this small country can shed new light on the larger history of Latin America and international human rights. In this episode of the podcast, Sharnak, a professor at Rowen University, discusses her book and the research that went into it. She discusses the language of human rights and how it could unite disparate groups in common cause. Yet, narrow, unifying understandings of the term often left some experiences, such those of some Afro-Uruguaians, out of larger narrative. She discusses how such unity was difficult to maintain as the dictatorship ended and democracy returned to the country.  Christine Lamberson, PhD, is a historian. Her research focuses on 20th century U.S. legal, political, and cultural history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies

Debbie Sharnak's new book, Of Light and Struggle: Social Justice, Human Rights, and Accountability in Uruguay (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023) is an important and vibrant history of international and local activism in response to dictatorship from 1973 to 1985. Uruguayans suffered numerous human rights abuses under the repressive military government during this period. Activists, transnational social movements, and international policymakers both worked together and clashed as they pushed against the dictatorship and navigated the country back to a democratic government. Sharnak writes about these convergences and conflicts to provide a complex history of Uruguay and of human rights. Her book shows how the history of this small country can shed new light on the larger history of Latin America and international human rights. In this episode of the podcast, Sharnak, a professor at Rowen University, discusses her book and the research that went into it. She discusses the language of human rights and how it could unite disparate groups in common cause. Yet, narrow, unifying understandings of the term often left some experiences, such those of some Afro-Uruguaians, out of larger narrative. She discusses how such unity was difficult to maintain as the dictatorship ended and democracy returned to the country.  Christine Lamberson, PhD, is a historian. Her research focuses on 20th century U.S. legal, political, and cultural history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ralph and our resident constitutional scholar, Bruce Fein, discuss how they compiled letters they sent to various government officials and representatives that have gone unanswered into a book titled “The Incommunicados” and how this unresponsiveness violates our First Amendment right to petition our government for redress of grievances. Then Washington Post opinion columnist, Helaine Olen, highlights the corporate equivalent, how hard it is to reach a human being for customer service and how all of this plays into the free-floating anger and general unrest of an American population that feels unheard.Bruce Fein is a Constitutional scholar and an expert on international law.  Mr. Fein was Associate Deputy Attorney General under Ronald Reagan and he is the author of Constitutional Peril: The Life and Death Struggle for Our Constitution and Democracy, and American Empire: Before the Fall.Today, I couldn't have gotten through to members of the Senate or House on the auto safety issue. We couldn't have gotten through for them to even consider (much less pass) the auto safety legislation that they did in 1966. Because I could get on the line and even if I couldn't get a member, I could call and get the chief of staff or get the legislative director in order to have access. I could go down to Capitol Hill and get the hearings, get the media attention, and get the law to save millions of lives. So, this is serious. It isn't just a matter of literary courtesy here.Ralph NaderWhat we have in the right to petition for the redress of grievances is an effort to prevent a repeat of the deaf ear that King George was turning to the grievances of the colonists. And the right to petition implies a corollary obligation to respond… That's the heart of what democratic discourse is about. Part of what holding government officials accountable is about— requiring them to explain their decisions. They don't have to agree with us, but they can't just ignore us and treat us as though we're not human beings.Bruce FeinHelaine Olen is an expert on money and society, and an award-winning columnist for the Washington Post. Her work has appeared in Slate, the Nation, the New York Times, the Atlantic, and many other publications, and she serves on the advisory board of the Economic Hardship Reporting Project. She is co-author of The Index Card: Why Personal Finance Doesn't Have to Be Complicated and the author of Pound Foolish: Exposing the Dark Side of the Personal Finance Industry.This is part of why Americans are so angry. Is our lives as consumers. In the United States we often confuse our consumer lives with being a citizen. We think if the phone line isn't working if the airline isn't working, if we can't get through to the doctor's office, there's something wrong with the state of the country. And every time one of these interactions deteriorates, there's this sense of ‘things don't work,' which I think is pervasive in the United States… and I think it translates into this free-floating anger that then gets turned around and leveled at random people at the government, fill in the blank.”Helaine OlenThere's this dominant narrative out there right now that American consumers are becoming greedy and grasping and they're abusing the help— which happens, I don't want to say every consumer is a perfect citizen by a long shot— but I think it is partly a response to the fact that people are often treated very very badly. And there's really no one to complain to that will actually do anything about this.Helaine OlenIn Case You Haven't Heard with Francesco DeSantis1. The Screen Actors Guild, SAG-AFTRA, has joined the Writers Guild in going on strike following the collapse of negotiations with the studios. This new strike covers 160,000 actors and coming as it does amid the writers strike, will effectively shut down Hollywood production for the foreseeable future. In a widely shared video, SAG-AFTRA president Fran Drescher decried the studios for "plead[ing] poverty…[while] giving hundreds of millions of dollars to their CEOs."2. The Intercept reports that AOC has authored an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act requiring “the CIA, Pentagon, and State Department to declassify information related to the U.S. government's role in the Chilean coup that brought dictator Augusto Pinochet to power.” Much of what the public knows about the Chilean coup came out through the legendary Church Committee hearings, and it is encouraging that someone in Congress is interested in taking up that mantle.3. In Florida, a joint investigation by the Tampa Bay Times and Miami Herald uncovered the disturbing reality underlying Governor DeSantis' revamped Florida State Guard. While recruits were initially told they would be trained for a nonmilitary mission – to “help Floridians in times of need or disaster” – they were instead taught how to “rappel with ropes, navigate through the woods and respond to incidents under military command.” Major General John D. Haas, charged with overseeing the program, is quoted saying the State Guard is a “military organization” that will be used not just for emergencies but for “aiding law enforcement with riots and illegal immigration.”4. Longtime civil rights leader and two-time presidential candidate Reverend Jesse Jackson has announced that he is retiring from his role as president of the Rainbow-PUSH Coalition, per The Hill. He had led the group for over 50 years, even after he was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease in 2017. President Biden said of Jackson, “I've seen him as history will remember him: a man of God and of the people; determined, strategic, and unafraid of the work to redeem the soul of our nation.”5. Uruguay, the small South American nation sandwiched between Argentina and Brazil, is experiencing its worst drought in 74 years. The situation has become so dire that authorities are mixing salt water into the public drinking water. Now, the Guardian reports that Uruguayans are protesting a planned Google data center that would consume two million gallons of water per day. In response to this crisis, a new group has cropped up – the Commission to Defend Water and Life, backed by the country's trade unions – and their slogan has become ubiquitous: “This is not drought, it's pillage.”6. Rep. Pramila Jayapal, chair of the Progressive Caucus, got herself into trouble this week by calling Israel a “racist state,” in a speech to the progressive summit Netroots Nation, per CNN. While clumsily worded, Jayapal's statement actually vastly understates the issue. According to mainstream groups like Amnesty International, Israel is in fact an “apartheid” state.7. More on Israel, the New York Times reports that “At least 180 senior fighter pilots, elite commandos and cyber-intelligence specialists in the Israeli military reserve have informed their commanders that they will no longer report for volunteer duty if the government proceeds with a plan to limit judicial influence by the end of the month.” While media coverage of the protests against this judicial overhaul has slowed, the protests themselves are very much ongoing and these resignations prove there is significant discontent among secular Israelis. It remains to be seen whether the opposition by mainstream Israeli society to authoritarian creep will substantively address any of the underlying issues, such as the occupation of Palestine.8. In an update to the Guatemala story from last week, Al Jazeera reports that in a statement, “the public prosecutor's office denied accusations that its actions were aimed at derailing the [anti-corruption] Seed Movement's prospects as it competes in the final round of voting.” This prosecutor, Rafael Curruchiche, has “previously targeted anti-corruption campaigners and has been placed on the US Department of State's Engel List for ‘corrupt and undemocratic actors'.” The decision to ban the party has already been reversed by Guatemala's Constitutional Court, the highest court in that country. The party's leader, Bernardo Arevalo, has stated “We are in the electoral race, we are moving forward and we will not be stopped by this corrupt group.”9. The Houston Chronicle reports that “Officers working for [Texas Governor Greg] Abbott's border security initiative have been ordered to push children into the Rio Grande, and have been told not to give water to migrants” These abuses were revealed in an email from a Texas Department of Public Safety trooper who described the actions as “inhumane.”10. Finally, Universal Studios appears to have unlawfully trimmed trees on the public sidewalk outside of their building in Los Angeles, a transparent attempt to discourage picketers by denying them shade during the ongoing heatwave. City Controller Kenneth Mejia has announced that his office is launching an investigation. Ironically, this shows Hollywood executives are perfectly capable of cuts at the top. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

Uruguay may be one of the smallest countries in South America, but it's also where one of the darkest moments in the continent's history took place. On 27 June 1973, a coup d'etat ushered in a dictatorship that would rule the country with an iron fist for 12 years. During this time, more than 6,000 political prisoners were taken, out of a population of 3 million. Still today, around 200 Uruguayans have never been found, called the “desaparecidos” or disappeared. Their families continue to fight for the truth, to find the bodies of their loved ones and demand justice against war criminals.

Uruguayans crossing the border by the thousands, a new export agreement with Brazil, the de-dollarization of trade with China, the Central Bank's biggest rate hike, the sports betting phenomenon, updates on the PASO primaries, and much more!Thanks for tuning in!Let us know what you think and what we can improve on by emailing us at argentina@rorshok.com or follow us @rorshokargentina Twitter @rorshok_ARG or Mastodon @argentina@rorshok.socialLike what you hear? Subscribe, share, and tell your buds.https://rorshok.substack.com/p/attention-platforms-and-mastodonREUTERS. Factbox: Who are the early contenders in Argentina's presidential race?https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/who-are-early-contenders-argentinas-presidential-race-2023-04-27/

SHOW NOTES:  In this episode, I am having a conversation with Natalia Quián from Uruguay. This conversation is divided into two parts, in the first part we talk about how and when Uruguayans use the pronoun vos in their daily interactions and on the second part, we have a conversation using the pronoun vos so that you can hear it in a communicative context. Support our podcasts If you like my podcasts, please consider donating to my GoFundMe page. https://www.jezsc.com You can also support our work by buying my short novel, “Los diamantes de Esmeralda”. Find it on Amazon Kindle here: https://www.jezsc.com/mystore/ Try LingoPie This episode is sponsored by LingoPie. Click on the link down below to try out LingoPie, explore their platform, and play with all the features they offer to help you learn and improve your Spanish. https://learn.lingopie.com/JoelZarate Supplemental Content On this webpage, you can find the questions, vocabulary, activities and other extras that we cover in this conversation. https://www.jezsc.com/csolp/spanish/s101-150/s0142_nata_vos/csp_ep141_nata_vos.html Transcripts https://www.jezsc.com/transcripts/ Natalia's Teacher profile on italki https://www.italki.com/en/teacher/13645246 My Other Podcasts Listen to my podcast Help Me Learn Spanish, Joel https://www.jezsc.com/pages/help_me_learn_spanish.html Listen to my podcast Mini Stories to Learn Spanish https://www.jezsc.com/pages/mini_stories_spanish_podcasts.html. Follow me on Instagram Instagram https://www.instagram.com/joelspanishcafe/ My YouTube Channel https://www.youtube.com/@joelzaratespanishcafe Follow Alba on Instagram https://www.instagram.com/elespanoldealba/ Watch Alba's YouTube Channel https://www.youtube.com/@elespanoldealba Thank you for listening!

Enrick and Peter heap praise on the u20 Brazilian Seleção as they defeated the Uruguayans to capture the 2023 U20 Copa America. First the guys cover Flamengo's lackluster showing against Al Ahly in the Club World Cup. Despite winning the bronze medal, the guys think Nação Rubo-Negra will feel deflated by the showing in Morocco. The conversation then turns to the latest on the state tournaments including a number of exciting derbies. São Paulo v Santos, Corinthians v Palmerias, Vasco v Botafogo, Vasco v Fluminense, and Cruziero v Atl. Minero are all covered. Follow us on Twitter! @TheSmokingSnk @enrick_1011 @santosfc_ingles

Rev. James and Angela Sharp, who serve the Lord as missionaries in Uruguay, join Andy and Sarah to talk about their respective work as church planter and educator, what makes Uruguay a unique country to share the Gospel of Jesus, how Uruguayans celebrate Christmas and other holidays in a very secular culture, and their own favorite Christmas traditions. Learn more about Rev. James and Angela Sharp, their family, and their work at lcms.org/sharp.

Qatar 2022 is beginning to roll along nicely and it's time for Malcolm Bamford and Barry Penaluna to take a look at the fixtures involving the final eight teams that have yet to make their tournament bow. Switzerland open the day with a tough game against the Indomitable Lions of Cameroon. Next up are the quietly fancied Uruguayans against South Korea. Under pressure Portugal will attempt to allay off-field issues when they take on Ghana, before the tournament favorites Brazil face Serbia. SGPN Merch Store - https://sg.pn/store Download The Free SGPN App - https://sgpn.app Check out SGPN.TV   Support us by supporting our partners WynnBET - Bet $100 and get a $100 FREE bet! - https://sg.pn/WynnBET Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Qatar 2022 is beginning to roll along nicely and it's time for Malcolm Bamford and Barry Penaluna to take a look at the fixtures involving the final eight teams that have yet to make their tournament bow. Switzerland open the day with a tough game against the Indomitable Lions of Cameroon. Next up are the quietly fancied Uruguayans against South Korea. Under pressure Portugal will attempt to allay off-field issues when they take on Ghana, before the tournament favorites Brazil face Serbia.SGPN Merch Store - https://sg.pn/storeDownload The Free SGPN App - https://sgpn.appCheck out SGPN.TV Support us by supporting our partnersWynnBET - Bet $100 and get a $100 FREE bet! - https://sg.pn/WynnBET Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Qatar 2022 is beginning to roll along nicely and it's time for Malcolm Bamford and Barry Penaluna to take a look at the fixtures involving the final eight teams that have yet to make their tournament bow. Switzerland open the day with a tough game against the Indomitable Lions of Cameroon. Next up are the quietly fancied Uruguayans against South Korea. Under pressure Portugal will attempt to allay off-field issues when they take on Ghana, before the tournament favorites Brazil face Serbia. SGPN Merch Store - https://sg.pn/store Download The Free SGPN App - https://sgpn.app Check out SGPN.TV   Support us by supporting our partners WynnBET - Bet $100 and get a $100 FREE bet! - https://sg.pn/WynnBET Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this weeks cannabis news we cover the following cannabis news stories: Monkey: Legal marijuana, but Uruguayans still prefer black market | Macky: Cannabis is just as harmful as cocaine should be classified as a Class A drug, police chiefs say | Bubble: Recreational cannabis use in Australia could be legalised by federal parliament | Marge: Cannabis dispensary glut claims Kensington pioneer HotBox | TG: Vermont launches recreational marijuana sales Saturday | Chad: Amsterdam council to vote against banning tourists from coffeeshops. If you have any new stories you would like us to cover on next week's show then please feel to contact us via email, message us on Percys Grow Room, or find us on social media. Thank you as always for downloading and listening to the show. It would be great if you could share this episode with a friend, or on social media to help the show grow. Have a great week, I hope you enjoy this episode! 

In this episode we're going to visit a small country in South America. I'm on my way from Buenos Aires in Argentina with a small group of nomad friends that I've gotten to know from the Nomad Cruise. We're going to be spending a few days in Montevideo and then the others are going back to Buenos Aires, but I'm staying a few days longer because I have an interesting appointment in the countryside. Something I'm also going to share with you here on the podcast.   FACTS ABOUT URUGUAY HOW BIG AND HOW MANY PEOPLE? Around 3.5 million people live in Uruguay. With 181,000 km2 (69,000 square miles) Uruguay is the second-smallest country, and the smallest Spanish speaking country in South America. Montevideo is the capital andwith 1.7 million people, the country's largest city.  WHERE IS IT? It shares borders with Argentina to the west and southwest and Brazil to the north and northeast. And then it's bordering the Atlantic Ocean to the southeast and the river we're crossing, Río de la Plata to the south. A MAINLY FLAT COUNTRY Much of the country consists of gently rolling land only a few hundred feet above sea level. Uruguay's highest point is Mount Cathedral at 514 meters (1,685 feet). RELIGION The majority of the population 58% of Uruguayans define themselves as Christian (47% Roman Catholic, 11% Protestant), and approximately 40% of the population says they have no religion. In the capital of Montevideo there's also a small community of Jews. Church and state are officially separated more than a hundred years, since 1916. Religious discrimination is punishable by law, and the government generally respects people's religious freedom. DEMOCRATIC AND TOLERANT Uruguay is a democracy and ranks high on global measures of personal rights, tolerance, and inclusion issues, including its acceptance of the LGBTQ community. Actually, being gay was legalized all the way backin 1934. The country has legalized cannabis, same-sex marriage, and abortion. EAT MORE BEEF THAN ANYONE We know that Argentineans love their beef, but Uruguay consume the most beef per person in the whole world. URUGUAY HAS THE LONGEST NATIONAL ANTHEM IN THE WORLD When Uruguay achieved their independence in 1828, they needed a national anthem. The poet Francisco Esteban Acuña de Figueroa offered to write one. The anthem originally had 11 verses but since many of them were rather rude about their previous colonizers Spain, Portugal and Brazil, only the chorus and first verse are now sung. But even so, it's almost five minutes long, making it the longest national anthem music in the world.  URUGUAY HOSTED THE 1ST WORLD CUP EVER Like many South American countries, football (what you call soccer in the USA) is the most popular sport in Uruguay. The first-ever World Cup tournament was hosted in Uruguay in 1930. This actually came about after football was dropped from the Olympics program – after Uruguay had won gold medals back-to-back in Paris in 1924 and Amsterdam in 1928. And they also won the first World Cup and won again in 1950 – which was especially a big deal as that time they beat the favorites Brazil in Brazil. URUGUAY'S ELECTRICITY COMES FROM RENEWABLE SOURCES One of the most amazing things about Uruguay is how eco-friendly it is, particularly when it comes to energy production. In 2020 it was estimated that between 98-100% of Uruguay's electricity was generated through renewable sources – wind and water (hydropower) and a bit of solar and biomass energy. What's even more impressive is that it took less than 10 years for Uruguay to get to this point, and costs are lower. I hope more countries in the world can take pointers from Uruguay. THE FLAG Their national flag consisting of five white and four blue horizontal stripes and in the upper left corner on white background there is a sun with a face – “The Sun of May.” The Sun is a national emblem for Uruguay – andalso the national emblem of Argentina, and they also have it in their flag. This sun symbolizes a god that was worshipped by the Inca Empire – the Incan sun god Inti.     FREE WALKING TOUR OF THE OLD MONTEVIDEO We joined a ”Free Walking Tour” through “Ciudad Vieja”. On our 2.30 hours walk through the Old City of the capital Montevideo, our tour guide Rodrigo shared a lot about Montevideo´s culture, society, and history. The original fortifications are gone here in Ciudad Vieja, but there are churches and mansions dating back to the 18th century surrounded by narrow cobbled streets. After having been neglected for decades, dozens of buildings have been restored and now they house smart cafes, hotels, hostels, restaurants, and boutiques. Other buildings are still crying out for some tender loving care. We start the tour at Plaza Independencia, where there's also a big palace: Palacio Salvo. Rising 105 metres, it's the most eye-catching sight on Montevideo's largest square, and when it was unveiled in 1928, this “skyscraper” was the tallest building in South America. And you can actually rent an apartment. Wouldn't that be cool? At the plaza's core, there is a statue of Uruguayan independence hero, Jose Artigas. He is considered a national hero in Uruguay, sometimes referred to as "the father of Uruguayan nationhood". His mausoleum below street level. A LOOK IN THE HISTORY BOOK As Rodrigo is talking about history here at the Independence Square, let's have a look in the history book… Uruguay had long been inhabited by indigenous people who would hunt, gather, and fish. Europeans discovered the country in 1516, and it was settled by the Portuguese in 1680. But in 1726, the Spanish took control and founded Montevideo and only a few indigenous people remained. The Uruguayans fought to resist complete takeover from Argentina and Brazil – and in 1828, a treaty proclaimed Uruguay as a separate state and buffer between the two countries. Two years later in 1830 they got their first constitution. They had a civil war from the mid-1800s to until stability was finally achieved in 1905 when one of the sides (the Colorado's) were elected to power. Uruguay suffered the effects of the Great Depression but had an economic boom during World War II and the Korean War. They were able to sell wool, meat, and other animal products to European countries and the U.S. But the end of the wars brought a slump for the Uruguayan economy and political instability that lasted into the late 1900s. New leadership would eventually bring about economic growth and more job opportunities that continue through present day. URUGUAY: THE NEXT BIG THING? East of Plaza Independencia, you'll find the busy Avenida 18 de Julio shopping strip. And that's where we're going for lunch and a cool beer after the tour with Rodrigo. Montevideo is not something that is high on many people's bucket list. But things are changing – and I can see why. The city is emerging as one of the continent's coolest capitals, famous for its architecture, old quarters and thriving cultural scene. It's only a short 45-minute flight from Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina. But you should consider doing like we did – riding the ferry across the Rio de la Plata. Most of Montevideo's residents are descendants of Spanish and Italian immigrants, giving the city a strong European feel.  If you get there and have time for it, you should also take a walk on La Rambla, Montevideo's 22-kilometre waterfront esplanade. We were only there for a few minutes because we went to prison. THE WEATHER In Uruguay, the climate is subtropical, with mild winters (from June to August) and hot summers (from December to March). It's also quite rainy throughout the year. In most of the country, the average temperatures are similar to those of the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea in Europe. But here, even the summer is rainy, but don't worry, this doesn't reduce the sunshine hours much as it mostly happens because of thunderstorms. The best time of year to visit Montevideo (if you like warm weather) is from early November to early April. MODERN ART IN AN OLD PRISON The Museum is called “Espacio De Arte Contemporaneo” – in English “Contemporary Art Space”. It's in a part of what was the Miguelete prison building from 1889 to 1986. There's a ton of history in this building. It was modeled after an English prison in Pentonville, England built in 1840. The building itself is absolutely also worth the visit. It's an easy walk from the old town of Montevideo – Ciudad Vieja. You find exhibition of all expressions of modern art – some of it so modern, I had a hard time to understand. I enjoy abstract art – I don't have to see what it is. But some it was on another level and in my opinion just plain weird. And it might seem like I'm contradicting myself but the weird one of the reasons why I like going to see exhibitions like this. To push myself to see something new even though I don't really understand what I see. It makes me think. I HEARD IT THROUGH THE GRAPE WINE Argentina has Malbec. Uruguay has Tannat. It's dry, bold red wine, made from grapes brought to Uruguay by a Basque in the late 19th century and the Tannat wine accounts for a third of the country's wine exports. You find it in many wineries in Uruguay and also here at Pizzorno where I'm meeting Lucio – a young winemaker in his mid-20's. Three years before my visit to the winery Lucio got a call from Francisco – the fourth generation in the family-owned winery. My name is Palle Bo, and I gotta keep moving. See you.     CORRECTION Before we wrap up this episode, I'd like to say something about the episode I did from the Maasai Village in Kenya. Because I might have said something wrong in that episode. I received an email from, Esther Ngunjiri: “Hi, I've read your story on the maasai and I can say you got most of it right but not all maasai are as primitive as you put it. Most maasai bury their dead in graves and have permanent residences, though the young men move their cattle from place to place for pasture. Another thing you got all wrong is the 40-something lifespan. That's a pure lie. I live in Kenya and I can assure you they live up to old age, rarely do you find maasai's in hospitals cos they make their own medicine from herbs, honey and sometimes raw animal blood. They live up to old age of 80 or even more. So, what the young guy told you was very true, the kind of concoctions they make boosts their immunity so much that they rarely fall sick. There were times, not sure if they still do, they used to pierce a bull neck drain a bit of blood mix it with milk and drink it raw. Esther.” Thank you, Esther to set me straight. I always try to do my research as good as I can, but sometimes I'm wrong. In my research, I googled “Life expectancy Maasai” and found several different blogs and websites saying more or less the same. That the average male lives to the age of 42, whilst the women live until the age of just 44. After I got your email, I looked more into it, and I still haven't been able to find anywhere where it says, “80 or even more”. I'd like to know where you have those numbers, but you seem like you know something I don't know. Anyway, I apologize if I said something wrong. And for all of you listening… please remember that I'm not a journalist or a “truth witness” on anything. I do my best but I'm not always right.

In this episode we're going to visit a small country in South America. I'm on my way from Buenos Aires in Argentina with a small group of nomad friends that I've gotten to know from the Nomad Cruise. We're going to be spending a few days in Montevideo and then the others are going back to Buenos Aires, but I'm staying a few days longer because I have an interesting appointment in the countryside. Something I'm also going to share with you here on the podcast.   FACTS ABOUT URUGUAY HOW BIG AND HOW MANY PEOPLE? Around 3.5 million people live in Uruguay. With 181,000 km2 (69,000 square miles) Uruguay is the second-smallest country, and the smallest Spanish speaking country in South America. Montevideo is the capital andwith 1.7 million people, the country's largest city.  WHERE IS IT? It shares borders with Argentina to the west and southwest and Brazil to the north and northeast. And then it's bordering the Atlantic Ocean to the southeast and the river we're crossing, Río de la Plata to the south. A MAINLY FLAT COUNTRY Much of the country consists of gently rolling land only a few hundred feet above sea level. Uruguay's highest point is Mount Cathedral at 514 meters (1,685 feet). RELIGION The majority of the population 58% of Uruguayans define themselves as Christian (47% Roman Catholic, 11% Protestant), and approximately 40% of the population says they have no religion. In the capital of Montevideo there's also a small community of Jews. Church and state are officially separated more than a hundred years, since 1916. Religious discrimination is punishable by law, and the government generally respects people's religious freedom. DEMOCRATIC AND TOLERANT Uruguay is a democracy and ranks high on global measures of personal rights, tolerance, and inclusion issues, including its acceptance of the LGBTQ community. Actually, being gay was legalized all the way backin 1934. The country has legalized cannabis, same-sex marriage, and abortion. EAT MORE BEEF THAN ANYONE We know that Argentineans love their beef, but Uruguay consume the most beef per person in the whole world. URUGUAY HAS THE LONGEST NATIONAL ANTHEM IN THE WORLD When Uruguay achieved their independence in 1828, they needed a national anthem. The poet Francisco Esteban Acuña de Figueroa offered to write one. The anthem originally had 11 verses but since many of them were rather rude about their previous colonizers Spain, Portugal and Brazil, only the chorus and first verse are now sung. But even so, it's almost five minutes long, making it the longest national anthem music in the world.  URUGUAY HOSTED THE 1ST WORLD CUP EVER Like many South American countries, football (what you call soccer in the USA) is the most popular sport in Uruguay. The first-ever World Cup tournament was hosted in Uruguay in 1930. This actually came about after football was dropped from the Olympics program – after Uruguay had won gold medals back-to-back in Paris in 1924 and Amsterdam in 1928. And they also won the first World Cup and won again in 1950 – which was especially a big deal as that time they beat the favorites Brazil in Brazil. URUGUAY'S ELECTRICITY COMES FROM RENEWABLE SOURCES One of the most amazing things about Uruguay is how eco-friendly it is, particularly when it comes to energy production. In 2020 it was estimated that between 98-100% of Uruguay's electricity was generated through renewable sources – wind and water (hydropower) and a bit of solar and biomass energy. What's even more impressive is that it took less than 10 years for Uruguay to get to this point, and costs are lower. I hope more countries in the world can take pointers from Uruguay. THE FLAG Their national flag consisting of five white and four blue horizontal stripes and in the upper left corner on white background there is a sun with a face – “The Sun of May.” The Sun is a national emblem for Uruguay – andalso the national emblem of Argentina, and they also have it in their flag. This sun symbolizes a god that was worshipped by the Inca Empire – the Incan sun god Inti.     FREE WALKING TOUR OF THE OLD MONTEVIDEO We joined a ”Free Walking Tour” through “Ciudad Vieja”. On our 2.30 hours walk through the Old City of the capital Montevideo, our tour guide Rodrigo shared a lot about Montevideo´s culture, society, and history. The original fortifications are gone here in Ciudad Vieja, but there are churches and mansions dating back to the 18th century surrounded by narrow cobbled streets. After having been neglected for decades, dozens of buildings have been restored and now they house smart cafes, hotels, hostels, restaurants, and boutiques. Other buildings are still crying out for some tender loving care. We start the tour at Plaza Independencia, where there's also a big palace: Palacio Salvo. Rising 105 metres, it's the most eye-catching sight on Montevideo's largest square, and when it was unveiled in 1928, this “skyscraper” was the tallest building in South America. And you can actually rent an apartment. Wouldn't that be cool? At the plaza's core, there is a statue of Uruguayan independence hero, Jose Artigas. He is considered a national hero in Uruguay, sometimes referred to as "the father of Uruguayan nationhood". His mausoleum below street level. A LOOK IN THE HISTORY BOOK As Rodrigo is talking about history here at the Independence Square, let's have a look in the history book… Uruguay had long been inhabited by indigenous people who would hunt, gather, and fish. Europeans discovered the country in 1516, and it was settled by the Portuguese in 1680. But in 1726, the Spanish took control and founded Montevideo and only a few indigenous people remained. The Uruguayans fought to resist complete takeover from Argentina and Brazil – and in 1828, a treaty proclaimed Uruguay as a separate state and buffer between the two countries. Two years later in 1830 they got their first constitution. They had a civil war from the mid-1800s to until stability was finally achieved in 1905 when one of the sides (the Colorado's) were elected to power. Uruguay suffered the effects of the Great Depression but had an economic boom during World War II and the Korean War. They were able to sell wool, meat, and other animal products to European countries and the U.S. But the end of the wars brought a slump for the Uruguayan economy and political instability that lasted into the late 1900s. New leadership would eventually bring about economic growth and more job opportunities that continue through present day. URUGUAY: THE NEXT BIG THING? East of Plaza Independencia, you'll find the busy Avenida 18 de Julio shopping strip. And that's where we're going for lunch and a cool beer after the tour with Rodrigo. Montevideo is not something that is high on many people's bucket list. But things are changing – and I can see why. The city is emerging as one of the continent's coolest capitals, famous for its architecture, old quarters and thriving cultural scene. It's only a short 45-minute flight from Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina. But you should consider doing like we did – riding the ferry across the Rio de la Plata. Most of Montevideo's residents are descendants of Spanish and Italian immigrants, giving the city a strong European feel.  If you get there and have time for it, you should also take a walk on La Rambla, Montevideo's 22-kilometre waterfront esplanade. We were only there for a few minutes because we went to prison. THE WEATHER In Uruguay, the climate is subtropical, with mild winters (from June to August) and hot summers (from December to March). It's also quite rainy throughout the year. In most of the country, the average temperatures are similar to those of the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea in Europe. But here, even the summer is rainy, but don't worry, this doesn't reduce the sunshine hours much as it mostly happens because of thunderstorms. The best time of year to visit Montevideo (if you like warm weather) is from early November to early April. MODERN ART IN AN OLD PRISON The Museum is called “Espacio De Arte Contemporaneo” – in English “Contemporary Art Space”. It's in a part of what was the Miguelete prison building from 1889 to 1986. There's a ton of history in this building. It was modeled after an English prison in Pentonville, England built in 1840. The building itself is absolutely also worth the visit. It's an easy walk from the old town of Montevideo – Ciudad Vieja. You find exhibition of all expressions of modern art – some of it so modern, I had a hard time to understand. I enjoy abstract art – I don't have to see what it is. But some it was on another level and in my opinion just plain weird. And it might seem like I'm contradicting myself but the weird one of the reasons why I like going to see exhibitions like this. To push myself to see something new even though I don't really understand what I see. It makes me think. I HEARD IT THROUGH THE GRAPE WINE Argentina has Malbec. Uruguay has Tannat. It's dry, bold red wine, made from grapes brought to Uruguay by a Basque in the late 19th century and the Tannat wine accounts for a third of the country's wine exports. You find it in many wineries in Uruguay and also here at Pizzorno where I'm meeting Lucio – a young winemaker in his mid-20's. Three years before my visit to the winery Lucio got a call from Francisco – the fourth generation in the family-owned winery. My name is Palle Bo, and I gotta keep moving. See you.     CORRECTION Before we wrap up this episode, I'd like to say something about the episode I did from the Maasai Village in Kenya. Because I might have said something wrong in that episode. I received an email from, Esther Ngunjiri: “Hi, I've read your story on the maasai and I can say you got most of it right but not all maasai are as primitive as you put it. Most maasai bury their dead in graves and have permanent residences, though the young men move their cattle from place to place for pasture. Another thing you got all wrong is the 40-something lifespan. That's a pure lie. I live in Kenya and I can assure you they live up to old age, rarely do you find maasai's in hospitals cos they make their own medicine from herbs, honey and sometimes raw animal blood. They live up to old age of 80 or even more. So, what the young guy told you was very true, the kind of concoctions they make boosts their immunity so much that they rarely fall sick. There were times, not sure if they still do, they used to pierce a bull neck drain a bit of blood mix it with milk and drink it raw. Esther.” Thank you, Esther to set me straight. I always try to do my research as good as I can, but sometimes I'm wrong. In my research, I googled “Life expectancy Maasai” and found several different blogs and websites saying more or less the same. That the average male lives to the age of 42, whilst the women live until the age of just 44. After I got your email, I looked more into it, and I still haven't been able to find anywhere where it says, “80 or even more”. I'd like to know where you have those numbers, but you seem like you know something I don't know. Anyway, I apologize if I said something wrong. And for all of you listening… please remember that I'm not a journalist or a “truth witness” on anything. I do my best but I'm not always right.

Support the show and receive bonus episodes by becoming a Patreon producer over at: www.themidnighttrainpodcast.com  Archives of terror Archivos del Terror were found on december 22, 1992 by a lawyer and human rights activist, strange how those two titles are in the same sentence, Dr. Martín Almada, and Judge José Agustín Fernández. Found in a police station in the suburbs of Paraguay known as Asunción.   Fernandez was looking for files on a former prisoner. Instead, stumbled across an archive describing the fates of thousands of Latin Americans who had been secretly kidnapped, tortured, and killed by the security services of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay with the help of our friendly neighborhood CIA. Known as Operation Condor.   “Operation Condor was a U.S. backed campaign of political repression and state terror involving intelligence operations and assassination of opponents.”   Let's go back a ways toward the beginning. One day, a young guy, wanted to fuck up the world and created the CIA. JK… but not really.   So we go back to 1968 where General Robert W. Porter said that "in order to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among Latin American countries, we are ... endeavoring to foster inter-service and regional cooperation by assisting in the organization of integrated command and control centers; the establishment of common operating procedures; and the conduct of joint and combined training exercises."   According to former secret CIA documents from 1976, plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies in the 1960s and early 1970s to deal with perceived threats in South America from political dissidents, according to American historian J. Patrice McSherry. "In early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia convened in Buenos Aires to prepare synchronized attacks against subversive targets," according to a declassified CIA memo dated June 23, 1976.   Following a series of military-led coups d'états, particularly in the 1970s, the program was established: General Alfredo Stroessner took control of Paraguay in 1954 General Francisco Morales-Bermúdez takes control of Peru after a successful coup in 1975 The Brazilian military overthrew the president João Goulart in 1964 General Hugo Banzer took power in Bolivia in 1971 through a series of coups A military dictatorship seized power in Uruguay on 27 June 1973 Chilean armed forces commanded by General Augusto Pinochet bombed the presidential palace in Chile on 11 September 1973, overthrowing democratically elected president Salvador Allende A military dictatorship headed by General Jorge Rafael Videla seized power in Argentina on 24 March 1976   According to American journalist A. J. Langguth, the CIA organized the first meetings between Argentinian and Uruguayan security officials regarding the surveillance (and subsequent disappearance or assassination) of political refugees in these countries, as well as its role as an intermediary in the meetings between Argentinian, Uruguayan, and Brazilian death squads.   According to the National Security Archive's documentary evidence from US, Paraguayan, Argentine, and Chilean files, "Founded by the Pinochet regime in November 1975, Operation Condor was the codename for a formal Southern Cone collaboration that included transnational secret intelligence activities, kidnapping, torture, disappearance, and assassination." Several persons were slain as part of this codename mission. "Notable Condor victims include two former Uruguayan legislators and a former Bolivian president, Juan José Torres, murdered in Buenos Aires, a former Chilean Minister of the Interior, Bernardo Leighton, and former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his 26-year-old American colleague, Ronni Moffitt, assassinated by a car bomb in downtown Washington D.C.," according to the report.   Prior to the formation of Operation Condor, there had been cooperation among various security services with the goal of "eliminating Marxist subversion." On September 3, 1973, at the Conference of American Armies in Caracas, Brazilian General Breno Borges Fortes, the chief of the Brazilian army, urged that various services "expand the interchange of information" in order to "fight against subversion."   Representatives from Chile, Uruguay, and Bolivia's police forces met with Alberto Villar, deputy chief of the Argentine Federal Police and co-founder of the Triple A killing squad, in March 1974 to discuss collaboration standards. Their purpose was to eliminate the "subversive" threat posed by Argentina's tens of thousands of political exiles. Bolivian immigrants' bodies were discovered at rubbish dumps in Buenos Aires in August 1974. Based on recently revealed CIA records dated June 1976, McSherry corroborated the kidnapping and torture of Chilean and Uruguayan exiles living in Buenos Aires during this time.   On General Augusto Pinochet's 60th birthday, November 25, 1975, in Santiago de Chile, heads of the military intelligence services of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay met with Manuel Contreras, commander of the Chilean secret police, to officially establish the Plan Condor. General Rivero, an intelligence officer in the Argentine Armed Forces and a former student of the French, devised the concept of Operation Condor, according to French writer Marie-Monique Robin, author of Escadrons de la death, l'école française (2004, Death Squads, The French School).   Officially, the targets were armed groups (such as the MIR, the Montoneros or the ERP, the Tupamaros, etc.) based on the governments' perceptions of threats, but the governments expanded their attacks to include all types of political opponents, including their families and others, as reported by the Valech Commission, which is known as The National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture Report. The Argentine "Dirty War," for example, kidnapped, tortured, and assassinated many trade unionists, relatives of activists, social activists such as the founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, nuns, university professors, and others, according to most estimates.   The Chilean DINA and its Argentine counterpart, SIDE, were the operation's front-line troops from 1976 forward. The infamous "death flights," which were postulated in Argentina by Luis Mara Menda and deployed by French forces during the Algerian War (1954–62), were widely used. Government forces flew or helicoptered victims out to sea, where they were dumped to die in premeditated disappearances. According to reports, the OPR-33 facility in Argentina was destroyed as a result of the military bombardment. Members of Plan Condor met in Santiago, Chile, in May 1976, to discuss "long-range collaboration... [that] went well beyond intelligence exchange" and to assign code names to the participating countries. The CIA acquired information in July that Plan Condor participants planned to strike "against leaders of indigenous terrorist groups residing overseas."   Several corpses washed up on beaches south of Buenos Aires in late 1977 as a result of extraordinary storms, providing evidence of some of the government's victims. Hundreds of newborns and children were removed from women in prison who had been kidnapped and later disappeared; the children were then given to families and associates of the dictatorship in clandestine adoptions. According to the CIA, Operation Condor countries reacted positively to the concept of cooperating and built their own communications network as well as joint training programs in areas like psychological warfare.    The military governments in South America were coming together to join forces for security concerns, according to a memo prepared by Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America Harry W. Shlaudeman to Kissinger on August 3, 1976. They were anxious about the growth of Marxism and the consequences it would have on their dominance. This new force worked in secret in the countries of other members. Their mission: to track out and murder "Revolutionary Coordinating Committee" terrorists in their own nations and throughout Europe.Shlaudeman voiced fear that the members of Operation Condor's "siege mindset" could lead to a wider divide between military and civilian institutions in the region. He was also concerned that this would further isolate these countries from developed Western countries. He argued that some of these anxieties were justified, but that by reacting too harshly, these countries risked inciting a violent counter-reaction comparable to the PLO's in Israel.   Chile and Argentina were both active in using communications medium for the purpose of transmitting propaganda, according to papers from the United States dated April 17, 1977. The propaganda's goal was to accomplish two things. The first goal was to defuse/counter international media criticism of the governments involved, and the second goal was to instill national pride in the local population. "Chile after Allende," a propaganda piece developed by Chile, was sent to the states functioning under Condor. The paper, however, solely mentions Uruguay and Argentina as the only two countries that have signed the deal. The government of Paraguay was solely identified as using the local press, "Patria," as its primary source of propaganda. Due to the reorganisation of both Argentina's and Paraguay's intelligence organizations, a meeting scheduled for March 1977 to discuss "psychological warfare measures against terrorists and leftist extremists" was canceled.   One "component of the campaign including Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina envisages unlawful operations beyond Latin America against expatriate terrorists, primarily in Europe," according to a 2016 declassified CIA study titled "Counterterrorism in the Southern Cone." "All military-controlled regimes in the Southern Cone consider themselves targets of international Marxism," the memo stated. Condor's fundamental characteristic was highlighted in the document, which came to fruition in early 1974 when "security officials from all of the member countries, except Brazil, agreed to establish liaison channels and to facilitate the movement of security officers on government business from one country to the other," as part of a long-tested "regional approach" to pacifying "subversion." Condor's "initial aims" included the "exchange of information on the Revolutionary Coordinating Junta (RCJ), an organization...of terrorist groups from Bolivia, Uruguay, Chile, Argentina, and Paraguay" with "representatives" in Europe "believed to have been involved in the assassinations in Paris of the Bolivian ambassador to France last May and a Uruguayan military attache in 1974." Condor's primary purpose, according to the CIA assessment, was to eliminate "top-level terrorist leaders" as well as non-terrorist targets such as "Uruguayan opposition figure Wilson Ferreira, if he should travel to Europe, and some leaders of Amnesty International." Condor was also suspected by the CIA of being "involved in nonviolent actions, including as psychological warfare and a propaganda campaign" that used the media's power to "publicize terrorist crimes and atrocities." Condor also urged citizens in its member countries to "report anything out of the norm in their surroundings" in an appeal to "national pride and national conscience." Another meeting took place in 1980, and Montensero was apprehended. The RSO allegedly promised not to kill them if they agreed to collaborate and provide information on upcoming meetings in Rio.   So, after all of this mumbo jumbo, let's recap.    50,000 people were killed, 30,000 disappeared, and 400,000 were imprisoned, according to the "terror archives."  A letter signed by Manuel Contreras, the chief of Chile's National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) at the time, inviting Paraguayan intelligence personnel to Santiago for a clandestine "First Working Meeting on National Intelligence" on November 25, 1975, was also uncovered. The presence of intelligence chiefs from Argentina, Bolivia, and Uruguay at the meetings was also confirmed by this letter, indicating that those countries were also involved in the formulation of Operation Condor. Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela are among the countries named in the archives as having collaborated to varying degrees by giving intelligence information that had been sought by the security agencies of the Southern Cone countries. Parts of the archives, which are presently housed in Asunción's Palace of Justice, have been used to prosecute former military officers in some of these countries. Those records were used extensively in Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón's prosecution against Chilean General Augusto Pinochet. Baltasar Garzón interviewed Almada twice after he was a Condor victim.   "[The records] represent a mound of shame and lies that Stroessner [Paraguay's ruler until 1989] used to blackmail the Paraguayan people for 40 years," Almada said. He wants the "terror archives" to be listed as an international cultural site by UNESCO, as this would make it much easier to get funds to maintain and protect the records.   In May 2000, a UNESCO mission visited Asunción in response to a request from the Paraguayan government for assistance in registering these files on the Memory of the World Register, which is part of a program aimed at preserving and promoting humanity's documentary heritage by ensuring that records are preserved and accessible.   Now that we are all caught up, let's talk about a few noteworthy events. First we go to Argentina.   Argentina was ruled by military juntas from 1976 until 1983 under Operation Condor, which was a civic-military dictatorship. In countless incidents of desaparecidos, the Argentine SIDE collaborated with the Chilean DINA. In Buenos Aires, they assassinated Chilean General Carlos Prats, former Uruguayan MPs Zelmar Michelini and Héctor Gutiérrez Ruiz, and former Bolivian President Juan José Torres. With the support of Italian Gladio operator Stefano Delle Chiaie and Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie, the SIDE aided Bolivian commander Luis Garca Meza Tejada's Cocaine Coup (see also Operation Charly). Since the release of secret records, it has been revealed that at ESMA, there were operational units made up of Italians who were utilized to suppress organizations of Italian Montoneros. Gaetano Saya, the Officer of the Italian stay behind next - Operation Gladio, led this outfit known as "Shadow Group." The Madres de la Square de Mayo, a group of mothers whose children had vanished, began protesting every Thursday in front of the Casa Rosada on the plaza in April 1977. They wanted to know where their children were and what happened to them. The abduction of two French nuns and other founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in December 1977 drew worldwide notice. Their corpses were later recognized among the deceased washed up on beaches south of Buenos Aires in December 1977, victims of death planes.   In 1983, when Argentina's democracy was restored, the government established the National Commission for Forced Disappearances (CONADEP), which was chaired by writer Ernesto Sabato. It gathered testimony from hundreds of witnesses about regime victims and known atrocities, as well as documenting hundreds of secret jails and detention sites and identifying torture and execution squad leaders. The Juicio a las Juntas (Juntas Trial) two years later was mostly successful in proving the crimes of the top commanders of the numerous juntas that had composed the self-styled National Reorganization Process. Most of the top officers on trial, including Jorge Rafael Videla, Emilio Eduardo Massera, Roberto Eduardo Viola, Armando Lambruschini, Ral Agosti, Rubén Graffigna, Leopoldo Galtieri, Jorge Anaya, and Basilio Lami Dozo, were convicted and sentenced to life in prison.   Following these trials, Ral Alfonsn's administration implemented two amnesty laws, the 1986 Ley de Punto Final (law of closure) and the 1987 Ley de Obediencia Debida (law of due obedience), which ended prosecution of crimes committed during the Dirty War. In an attempt at healing and reconciliation, President Carlos Menem pardoned the junta's leaders who were serving prison sentences in 1989–1990.   Due to attacks on American citizens in Argentina and revelations about CIA funding of the Argentine military in the late 1990s, and despite an explicit 1990 Congressional prohibition, US President Bill Clinton ordered the declassification of thousands of State Department documents relating to US-Argentine relations dating back to 1954. These documents exposed American involvement in the Dirty War and Operation Condor.   Following years of protests by the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and other human rights organizations, the Argentine Congress overturned the amnesty legislation in 2003, with the full support of President Nestor Kirchner and the ruling majority in both chambers. In June 2005, the Argentine Supreme Court deemed them unlawful after a separate assessment. The government was able to resume prosecution of crimes committed during the Dirty War as a result of the court's decision.    Enrique Arancibia Clavel, a DINA civil agent who was charged with crimes against humanity in Argentina in 2004, was sentenced to life in prison for his role in the death of General Prats. Stefano Delle Chiaie, a suspected Italian terrorist, is also said to have been involved in the murder. In Rome in December 1995, he and fellow extreme Vincenzo Vinciguerra testified before federal judge Mara Servini de Cubra that DINA operatives Clavel and Michael Townley were intimately involved in the assassination. Judge Servini de Cubra demanded that Mariana Callejas (Michael Townley's wife) and Cristoph Willikie, a retired Chilean army colonel, be extradited in 2003 because they were also accused of being complicit in the murder. Nibaldo Segura, a Chilean appeals court judge, declined extradition in July 2005, claiming that they had already been prosecuted in Chile.   Twenty-five former high-ranking military commanders from Argentina and Uruguay were charged on March 5, 2013, in Buenos Aires with conspiring to "kidnap, disappear, torture, and kill" 171 political opponents throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Former Argentine "presidents" Jorge Videla and Reynaldo Bignone, both from the El Proceso era, are among the defendants. Prosecutors are relying on declassified US records collected by the National Security Archive, a non-governmental entity established at George Washington University in Washington, DC, in the 1990s and later.   On May 27, 2016, fifteen former military personnel were found guilty. Reynaldo Bignone was sentenced to 20 years in prison. Fourteen of the remaining 16 defendants were sentenced to eight to twenty-five years in prison. Two of the defendants were found not guilty.  A lawyer for the victims' relatives, Luz Palmás Zalda, claims that "This decision is significant since it is the first time Operation Condor's existence has been proven in court. It's also the first time former Condor members have been imprisoned for their roles in the criminal organization."    Anyone wanna go to Brazil?   In the year 2000, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso ordered the publication of some military documents related to Operation Condor. There are documents proving that in that year, attorney general Giancarlo Capaldo, an Italian magistrate, investigated the "disappearances" of Italian citizens in Latin America, which were most likely caused by the actions of Argentine, Paraguayan, Chilean, and Brazilian military personnel who tortured and murdered Italian citizens during Latin American military dictatorships. There was a list containing the names of eleven Brazilians accused of murder, kidnapping, and torture, as well as several high-ranking military personnel from other countries involved in the operation.   "(...) I can neither affirm nor deny because Argentine, Brazilian, Paraguayan, and Chilean soldiers [military men] will be subject to criminal trial until December," the Magistrate said on October 26, 2000.   According to the Italian government's official statement, it was unclear whether the government would prosecute the accused military officers or not. As of November 2021, no one in Brazil had been convicted of human rights violations for actions committed during the 21-year military dictatorship because the Amnesty Law had protected both government officials and leftist guerrillas.   In November 1978, the Condor Operation expanded its covert persecution from Uruguay to Brazil, in an incident dubbed "o Sequestro dos Uruguaios," or "the Kidnapping of the Uruguayans." Senior officials of the Uruguayan army crossed the border into Porto Alegre, the capital of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, with the permission of the Brazilian military administration. They kidnapped Universindo Rodriguez and Lilian Celiberti, a political activist couple from Uruguay, as well as her two children, Camilo and Francesca, who are five and three years old.   The unlawful operation failed because an anonymous phone call notified two Brazilian journalists, Veja magazine reporter Luiz Cláudio Cunha and photographer Joo Baptista Scalco, that the Uruguayan couple had been "disappeared." The two journalists traveled to the specified address, a Porto Alegre apartment, to double-check the facts. The armed men who had arrested Celiberti mistook the journalists for other political opposition members when they came, and they were arrested as well. Universindo Rodriguez and the children had already been brought to Uruguay under the table.   The journalists' presence had exposed the secret operation when their identities were revealed. It was put on hold. As news of the political kidnapping of Uruguayan nationals in Brazil made headlines in the Brazilian press, it is thought that the operation's disclosure avoided the death of the couple and their two young children. It became a worldwide embarrassment. Both Brazil's and Uruguay's military governments were humiliated. Officials arranged for the Celibertis' children to be transported to their maternal grandparents in Montevideo a few days later. After being imprisoned and tortured in Brazil, Rodriguez and Celiberti were transferred to Uruguayan military cells and held there for the next five years. The couple were released after Uruguay's democracy was restored in 1984. They confirmed every element of their kidnapping that had previously been reported.   In 1980, two DOPS (Department of Political and Social Order, an official police unit in charge of political repression during the military administration) inspectors were found guilty of arresting the journalists in Lilian's apartment in Porto Alegre by Brazilian courts. Joo Augusto da Rosa and Orandir Portassi Lucas were their names. They had been identified as participants in the kidnapping by the media and Uruguayans. This occurrence confirmed the Brazilian government's active involvement in the Condor Operation. Governor Pedro Simon arranged for the state of Rio Grande do Sul to legally recognize the Uruguayans' kidnapping and compensate them financially in 1991. A year later, President Luis Alberto Lacalle's democratic government in Uruguay was encouraged to do the same.   The Uruguayan couple identified Pedro Seelig, the head of the DOPS at the time of the kidnapping, as the guy in charge of the operation in Porto Alegre. Universindo and Llian remained in prison in Uruguay and were unable to testify when Seelig was on trial in Brazil. Due to a lack of proof, the Brazilian cop was acquitted. Later testimony from Lilian and Universindo revealed that four officers from Uruguay's secret Counter-Information Division – two majors and two captains – took part in the operation with the permission of Brazilian authorities. In the DOPS headquarters in Porto Alegre, Captain Glauco Yanonne was personally responsible for torturing Universindo Rodriquez. Universindo and Lilian were able to identify the Uruguayan military men who had arrested and tortured them, but none of them were prosecuted in Montevideo. Uruguayan individuals who committed acts of political repression and human rights violations under the dictatorship were granted pardon under the Law of Immunity, which was approved in 1986. Cunha and Scalco were given the 1979 Esso Prize, considered the most significant prize in Brazilian journalism, for their investigative journalism on the case.  Hugo Cores, a former political prisoner from Uruguay, was the one who had warned Cunha. He told the Brazilian press in 1993: All the Uruguayans kidnapped abroad, around 180 people, are missing to this day. The only ones who managed to survive are Lilian, her children, and Universindo.   Joo "Jango" Goulart was the first Brazilian president to die in exile after being deposed. On December 6, 1976, he died in his sleep in Mercedes, Argentina, of a suspected heart attack. The true cause of his death was never determined because an autopsy was never performed. On April 26, 2000, Leonel Brizola, Jango's brother-in-law and former governor of Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul, claimed that ex-presidents Joo Goulart and Juscelino Kubitschek (who died in a vehicle accident) were assassinated as part of Operation Condor. He demanded that an investigation into their deaths be launched. On January 27, 2008, the newspaper Folha de S.Paulo published a report featuring a declaration from Mario Neira Barreiro, a former member of Uruguay's dictatorship's intelligence service. Barreiro confirmed Brizola's claims that Goulart had been poisoned. Sérgio Paranhos Fleury, the head of the Departamento de Ordem Poltica e Social (Department of Political and Social Order), gave the order to assassinate Goulart, according to Barreiro, and president Ernesto Geisel gave the permission to execute him. A special panel of the Rio Grande do Sul Legislative Assembly concluded in July 2008 that "the evidence that Jango was wilfully slain, with knowledge of the Geisel regime, is strong."   The magazine CartaCapital published previously unreleased National Information Service records generated by an undercover agent who was present at Jango's Uruguayan homes in March 2009. This new information backs up the idea that the former president was poisoned. The Goulart family has yet to figure out who the "B Agent," as he's referred to in the documents, might be. The agent was a close friend of Jango's, and he detailed a disagreement between the former president and his son during the former president's 56th birthday party, which was sparked by a brawl between two employees. As a result of the story, the Chamber of Deputies' Human Rights Commission agreed to look into Jango's death.   Later, Maria Teresa Fontela Goulart, Jango's widow, was interviewed by CartaCapital, who revealed records from the Uruguayan government confirming her accusations that her family had been tracked. Jango's travel, business, and political activities were all being watched by the Uruguayan government. These data date from 1965, a year after Brazil's coup, and they indicate that he may have been targeted. The President Joo Goulart Institute and the Movement for Justice and Human Rights have requested a document from the Uruguayan Interior Ministry stating that "serious and credible Brazilian sources'' discussed an "alleged plan against the former Brazilian president."   If you thought it wasn't enough, let's talk about Chile. No not the warm stew lie concoction you make to scorn your buddy's stomach, but the country.   Additional information about Condor was released when Augusto Pinochet was detained in London in 1998 in response to Spanish magistrate Baltasar Garzón's request for his extradition to Spain. According to one of the lawyers requesting his extradition, Carlos Altamirano, the leader of the Chilean Socialist Party, was the target of an assassination attempt. He said that after Franco's funeral in Madrid in 1975, Pinochet contacted Italian neofascist terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie and arranged for Altamirano's murder. The strategy didn't work out. Since the bodies of victims kidnapped and presumably murdered could not be found, Chilean judge Juan Guzmán Tapia established a precedent concerning the crime of "permanent kidnapping": he determined that the kidnapping was thought to be ongoing, rather than having occurred so long ago that the perpetrators were protected by an amnesty decreed in 1978 or the Chilean statute of limitations. The Chilean government admitted in November 2015 that Pablo Neruda may have been murdered by members of Pinochet's administration.   Assassinations   On September 30, 1974, a car bomb killed General Carlos Prats and his wife, Sofa Cuthbert, in Buenos Aires, where they were living in exile. The Chilean DINA has been charged with the crime. In January 2005, Chilean Judge Alejandro Sols ended Pinochet's case when the Chilean Supreme Court denied his request to strip Pinochet's immunity from prosecution (as chief of state). In Chile, the assassination of DINA commanders Manuel Contreras, ex-chief of operations and retired general Ral Itturiaga Neuman, his brother Roger Itturiaga, and ex-brigadiers Pedro Espinoza Bravo and José Zara was accused. In Argentina, DINA agent Enrique Arancibia Clavel was found guilty of the murder.   After moving in exile in Italy, Bernardo Leighton and his wife were severely injured in a botched assassination attempt on October 6, 1975. Bernardo Leighton was critically injured in the gun attack, and his wife, Anita Fresno, was permanently crippled. Stefano Delle Chiaie met with Michael Townley and Virgilio Paz Romero in Madrid in 1975 to plan the murder of Bernardo Leighton with the help of Franco's secret police, according to declassified documents in the National Security Archive and Italian attorney general Giovanni Salvi, who led the prosecution of former DINA head Manuel Contreras. Glyn T. Davies, the secretary of the National Security Council (NSC), said in 1999 that declassified records indicated Pinochet's government's responsibility for the failed assassination attempt on Bernardo Leighton, Orlando Letelier, and General Carlos Prats on October 6, 1975.   In a December 2004 OpEd piece in the Los Angeles Times, Francisco Letelier, Orlando Letelier's son, claimed that his father's killing was part of Operation Condor, which he described as "an intelligence-sharing network employed by six South American tyrants of the time to eliminate dissidents."   Letelier's death, according to Michael Townley, was caused by Pinochet. Townley admitted to hiring five anti-Castro Cuban exiles to set up a booby-trap in Letelier's automobile. Following consultations with the terrorist organization CORU's leadership, including Luis Posada Carriles and Orlando Bosch, Cuban-Americans José Dionisio Suárez, Virgilio Paz Romero, Alvin Ross Daz, and brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo Sampoll were chosen to carry out the murder, according to Jean-Guy Allard. The Miami Herald reports that Luis Posada Carriles was there at the conference that decided on Letelier's death as well as the bombing of Cubana Flight 455.   During a public protest against Pinochet in July 1986, photographer Rodrigo Rojas DeNegri was burned alive and Carmen Gloria Quintana received significant burns. The case of the two became known as Caso Quemados ("The Burned Case"), and it drew attention in the United States because Rojas had fled to the United States following the 1973 coup. [96] According to a document from the US State Department, the Chilean army set fire to both Rojas and Quintana on purpose. Rojas and Quintana, on the other hand, were accused by Pinochet of being terrorists who lit themselves on fire with their own Molotov cocktails. Pinochet's reaction to the attack and killing of Rojas, according to National Security Archive analyst Peter Kornbluh, was "contributed to Reagan's decision to withdraw support for the regime and press for a return to civilian rule."   Operación Silencio   Operación Silencio (Operation Silence) was a Chilean operation that removed witnesses from the country in order to obstruct investigations by Chilean judges. It began about a year before the "terror archives" in Paraguay were discovered. Arturo Sanhueza Ross, the man accused of assassinating MIR leader Jecar Neghme in 1989, departed the country in April 1991.    According to the Rettig Report, Chilean intelligence officers were responsible for Jecar Neghme's killing. Carlos Herrera Jiménez, the man who assassinated trade unionist Tucapel Jiménez, flew out in September 1991. Eugenio Berros, a chemist who had cooperated with DINA agent Michael Townley, was led by Operation Condor agents from Chile to Uruguay in October 1991 in order to avoid testifying in the Letelier case. He used passports from Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Brazil, prompting suspicions that Operation Condor was still active. In 1995, Berros was discovered dead in El Pinar, Uruguay, near Montevideo. His corpse had been mangled to the point where it was hard to identify him by sight.   Michael Townley, who is now under witness protection in the United States, recognized linkages between Chile, DINA, and the incarceration and torture camp Colonia Dignidad in January 2005. The facility was founded in 1961 by Paul Schäfer, who was arrested and convicted of child rape in Buenos Aires in March 2005. Interpol was notified about Colonia Dignidad and the Army's Bacteriological Warfare Laboratory by Townley. This lab would have taken the place of the previous DINA lab on Via Naranja de lo Curro, where Townley collaborated with chemical assassin Eugenio Berros. According to the court reviewing the case, the toxin that allegedly murdered Christian-Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva could have been created at this new lab in Colonia Dignidad. Dossiê Jango, a Brazilian-Uruguayan-Argentine collaboration film released in 2013, accused the same lab in the alleged poisoning of Brazil's deposed president, Joo Goulart.   Congressman Koch   The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents was released in February 2004 by reporter John Dinges. He reported that in mid-1976, Uruguayan military officers threatened to assassinate United States Congressman Edward Koch (later Mayor of New York City). The CIA station commander in Montevideo had received information about it in late July 1976. He advised the Agency to take no action after finding that the men were inebriated at the time. Colonel José Fons, who was present at the November 1975 covert meeting in Santiago, Chile, and Major José Nino Gavazzo, who led a team of intelligence agents working in Argentina in 1976 and was responsible for the deaths of over 100 Uruguayans, were among the Uruguayan officers.   Koch told Dinges in the early twenty-first century that CIA Director George H. W. Bush informed him in October 1976 that "his sponsorship of legislation to cut off US military assistance to Uruguay on human rights concerns had prompted secret police officers to 'put a contract out for you'." Koch wrote to the Justice Department in mid-October 1976, requesting FBI protection, but he received none. It had been more than two months after the meeting and the assassination of Orlando Letelier in Washington. Colonel Fons and Major Gavazzo were sent to important diplomatic postings in Washington, D.C. in late 1976. The State Department ordered the Uruguayan government to rescind their appointments, citing the possibility of "unpleasant publicity" for "Fons and Gavazzo."  Only in 2001 did Koch learn of the links between the threats and the position appointments.   Paraguay The US supported Alfredo Stroessner's anti-communist military dictatorship and played a "vital supporting role" in Stroessner's Paraguay's domestic affairs. As part of Operation Condor, for example, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Thierry of the United States Army was deployed to assist local workers in the construction of "La Technica," a detention and interrogation center. La Technica was also renowned as a torture facility. Pastor Coronel, Stroessner's secret police, washed their victims in human vomit and excrement tubs and shocked them in the rectum with electric cattle prods. They decapitated Miguel Angel Soler [es], the Communist party secretary, with a chainsaw while Stroessner listened on the phone. Stroessner asked that tapes of inmates wailing in agony be presented to their relatives.   Harry Shlaudeman defined Paraguay's militarized state as a "nineteenth-century military administration that looks nice on the cartoon page" in a report to Kissinger. Shlaudeman's assessments were paternalistic, but he was correct in observing that Paraguay's "backwardness" was causing it to follow in the footsteps of its neighbors. Many decolonized countries regarded national security concerns in terms of neighboring countries and long-standing ethnic or regional feuds, but the United States viewed conflict from a global and ideological viewpoint. During the Chaco War, Shlaudeman mentions Paraguay's amazing fortitude in the face of greater military force from its neighbors. The government of Paraguay believes that the country's victory over its neighbors over several decades justifies the country's lack of progress. The paper goes on to say that Paraguay's political traditions were far from democratic. Because of this reality, as well as a fear of leftist protest in neighboring countries, the government has prioritized the containment of political opposition over the growth of its economic and political institutions. They were driven to defend their sovereignty due to an ideological fear of their neighbors. As a result, many officials were inspired to act in the interest of security by the fight against radical, communist movements both within and beyond the country. The book Opération Condor, written by French writer Pablo Daniel Magee and prefaced by Costa Gavras, was published in 2020. The story chronicles the life of Martin Almada, a Paraguayan who was a victim of the Condor Operation.   The Peruvian Case   After being kidnapped in 1978, Peruvian legislator Javier Diez Canseco announced that he and twelve other compatriots (Justiniano Apaza Ordóñez, Hugo Blanco, Genaro Ledesma Izquieta, Valentín Pacho, Ricardo Letts, César Lévano, Ricardo Napurí, José Luis Alvarado Bravo, Alfonso Baella Tuesta, Guillermo Faura Gaig, José Arce Larco and Humberto Damonte). All opponents of Francisco Morales Bermudez's dictatorship were exiled and handed over to the Argentine armed forces in Jujuy in 1978 after being kidnapped in Peru. He also claimed that declassified CIA documents and WikiLeaks cable information account for the Morales Bermudez government's ties to Operation Condor.   Uruguay   Juan Mara Bordaberry declared himself dictator and banned the rest of the political parties, as was customary in the Southern Cone dictatorships of the 1970s. In the alleged defense against subversion, a large number of people were murdered, tortured, unjustly detained and imprisoned, kidnapped, and forced into disappearance during the de facto administration, which lasted from 1973 until 1985. Prior to the coup d'état in 1973, the CIA served as a consultant to the country's law enforcement institutions. Dan Mitrione, perhaps the most well-known example of such cooperation, had taught civilian police in counterinsurgency at the School of the Americas in Panama, afterwards renamed the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation.   Maybe now we can talk about the U.S involvement? The U.S never gets involved in anything so this might be new to some of you.   According to US paperwork, the US supplied critical organizational, financial, and technological help to the operation far into the 1980s. The long-term hazards of a right-wing bloc, as well as its early policy recommendations, were discussed in a US Department of State briefing for Henry Kissinger, then Secretary of State, dated 3 August 1976, prepared by Harry Shlaudeman and titled "Third World War and South America." The briefing was an overview of security forces in the Southern Cone. The operation was described as a joint effort by six Latin American countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay) to win the "Third World War" by eliminating "subversion" through transnational secret intelligence operations, kidnapping, torture, disappearance, and assassination. The research begins by examining the sense of unity shared by the six countries of the Southern Cone. Kissinger is warned by Shlaudeman that the "Third World War" will trap those six countries in an ambiguous position in the long run, because they are trapped on one side by "international Marxism and its terrorist exponents," and on the other by "the hostility of uncomprehending industrial democracies misled by Marxist propaganda." According to the report, US policy toward Operation Condor should “emphasize the differences between the five countries at all times, depoliticize human rights, oppose rhetorical exaggerations of the ‘Third-World-War' type, and bring potential bloc members back into our cognitive universe through systematic exchanges.” According to CIA papers from 1976, strategies to deal with political dissidents in South America were planned among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies from 1960 to the early 1970s. "In early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia convened in Buenos Aires to arrange synchronized attacks against subversive targets," according to a declassified CIA memo dated June 23, 1976. Officials in the United States were aware of the situation.   Furthermore, the Defense Intelligence Agency revealed in September 1976 that US intelligence services were well aware of Operation Condor's architecture and intentions. They discovered that "Operation Condor" was the covert name for gathering intelligence on "leftists," Communists, Peronists, or Marxists in the Southern Cone Area. The intelligence services were aware that the operation was being coordinated by the intelligence agencies of numerous South American nations (including Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia), with Chile serving as the hub. Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, according to the DIA, were already aggressively pursuing operations against communist targets, primarily in Argentina.   The report's third point reveals the US comprehension of Operation Condor's most malevolent actions. "The development of special teams from member countries to execute out operations, including killings against terrorists or sympathizers of terrorist groups," according to the paper. Although these special teams were intelligence agency operatives rather than military troops, they did work in structures similar to those used by US special forces teams, according to the study. Operation Condor's preparations to undertake probable operations in France and Portugal were revealed in Kissinger's State Department briefing - an issue that would later prove to be immensely contentious in Condor's history.   Condor's core was formed by the US government's sponsorship and collaboration with DINA (Directorate of National Intelligence) and other intelligence agencies. According to CIA papers, the agency maintained intimate ties with officers of Chile's secret police, DINA, and its leader Manuel Contreras.  Even after his role in the Letelier-Moffit killing was discovered, Contreras was kept as a paid CIA contact until 1977. Official requests to trace suspects to and from the US Embassy, the CIA, and the FBI may be found in the Paraguayan Archives. The military states received suspect lists and other intelligence material from the CIA. In 1975, the FBI conducted a nationwide hunt in the United States for persons sought by DINA.   In a February 1976 telegram from the Buenos Aires embassy to the State Department, intelligence said that the US was aware of the impending Argentinian coup. According to the ambassador, the Chief of the Foreign Ministry's North American desk revealed that the "Military Planning Group" had asked him to prepare a report and recommendations on how the "future military government can avoid or minimize the sort of problems the Chilean and Uruguayan governments are having with the US over human rights issues." The Chief also indicated that "they" (whether he is talking to the CIA or Argentina's future military dictatorship, or both) will confront opposition if they start assassinating and killing people. Assuming this is so, the envoy notes that the military coup will "intend to carry forward an all-out war on the terrorists and that some executions would therefore probably be necessary." Despite already being engaged in the region's politics, this indicates that the US was aware of the planning of human rights breaches before they occurred and did not intervene to prevent them. "It is encouraging to note that the Argentine military are aware of the problem and are already focusing on ways to avoid letting human rights issues become an irritant in US-Argentine Relations." This is confirmation.   Professor Ruth Blakeley says that Kissinger "explicitly expressed his support for the repression of political opponents" in regards to the Argentine junta's continuous human rights violations.  When Henry Kissinger met with Argentina's Foreign Minister on October 5, 1976, he said, ” Look, our basic attitude is that we would like you to succeed. I have an old-fashioned view that friends ought to be supported. What is not understood in the United States is that you have a civil war. We read about human rights problems but not the context. The quicker you succeed the better ... The human rights problem is a growing one. Your Ambassador can apprise you. We want a stable situation. We won't cause you unnecessary difficulties. If you can finish before Congress gets back, the better. Whatever freedoms you could restore would help.”   The démarche was never provided in the end. According to Kornbluh and Dinges, the decision not to deliver Kissinger's directive was based on Assistant Secretary Harry Shlaudeman's letter to his deputy in Washington, D.C., which stated: "you can simply instruct the Ambassadors to take no further action, noting that there have been no reports in some weeks indicating an intention to activate the Condor scheme."   President Bill Clinton ordered the State Department to release hundreds of declassified papers in June 1999, indicating for the first time that the CIA, State, and Defense Departments were all aware of Condor. According to a 1 October 1976 DOD intelligence assessment, Latin American military commanders gloat about it to their American colleagues. Condor's "joint counterinsurgency operations" sought to "eliminate Marxist terrorist activities," according to the same study; Argentina developed a special Condor force "structured much like a US Special Forces Team," it said. According to a summary of documents disclosed in 2004, The declassified record shows that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was briefed on Condor and its "murder operations" on August 5, 1976, in a 14-page report from [Harry] Shlaudeman [Assistant Secretary of State]. "Internationally, the Latin generals look like our guys," Shlaudeman cautioned. "We are especially identified with Chile. It cannot do us any good." Shlaudeman and his two deputies, William Luers and Hewson Ryan, recommended action. Over the course of three weeks, they drafted a cautiously worded demarche, approved by Kissinger, in which he instructed the U.S. ambassadors in the Southern Cone countries to meet with the respective heads of state about Condor. He instructed them to express "our deep concern" about "rumors" of "plans for the assassination of subversives, politicians and prominent figures both within the national borders of certain Southern Cone countries and abroad."   Kornbluh and Dinges come to the conclusion that "The paper trail is clear: the State Department and the CIA had enough intelligence to take concrete steps to thwart the Condor assassination planning. Those steps were initiated but never implemented." Hewson Ryan, Shlaudeman's deputy, subsequently admitted in an oral history interview that the State Department's treatment of the issue was "remiss." "We knew fairly early on that the governments of the Southern Cone countries were planning, or at least talking about, some assassinations abroad in the summer of 1976. ... Whether if we had gone in, we might have prevented this, I don't know", In relation to the Letelier-Moffitt bombing, he remarked, "But we didn't."   Condor was defined as a "counter-terrorism organization" in a CIA document, which also mentioned that the Condor countries had a specific telecommunications system known as "CONDORTEL."  The New York Times released a communication from US Ambassador to Paraguay Robert White to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance on March 6, 2001. The paper was declassified and disseminated by the Clinton administration in November 2000 as part of the Chile Declassification Project. General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, the chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, told White that the South American intelligence chiefs engaged in Condor "kept in touch with one another through a United States communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone that covered all of Latin America."   According to reports, Davalos stated that the station was "employed to coordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries". The US was concerned that the Condor link would be made public at a time when the killing of Chilean former minister Orlando Letelier and his American aide Ronni Moffitt in the United States was being probed."it would seem advisable to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in US interest." White wrote to Vance. "Another piece of increasingly weighty evidence suggesting that U.S. military and intelligence officials supported and collaborated with Condor as a secret partner or sponsor." McSherry rebutted the cables. Furthermore, an Argentine military source told a U.S. Embassy contact that the CIA was aware of Condor and had played a vital role in establishing computerized linkages among the six Condor governments' intelligence and operations sections.   After all this it doesn't stop here. We even see France having a connection. The original document confirming that a 1959 agreement between Paris and Buenos Aires set up a "permanent French military mission" of officers to Argentina who had participated in the Algerian War was discovered in the archives of the Quai d'Orsay, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was kept at the offices of the Argentine Army's chief of staff. It lasted until 1981, when François Mitterrand was elected President of France. She revealed how the administration of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing secretly coordinated with Videla's junta in Argentina and Augusto Pinochet's tyranny in Chile.   Even Britain and West Germany looked into using the tactics in their own countries. Going so far as to send their open personnel to Buenos Aires to discuss how to establish a similar network.  MOVIES   https://www.imdb.com/search/keyword/?keywords=military-coup&sort=num_votes,desc&mode=detail&page=1&title_type=movie&ref_=kw_ref_typ https://islandora.wrlc.org/islandora/object/terror%3Aroot https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archives_of_Terror https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Condor https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-20774985 https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB239d/index.htm

Episode 80 Series: On the Mission Field - 6 Uruguay is a vibrant country in South America of nearly 3.5 million souls. Though different ethnicities exist, the people there are mostly homogenous in culture, language, and in a general disposition of agnosticism (though 57% report to be Christian). It is ripe for the propagation of the gospel of Jesus Christ, and in this episode of the Removing Barriers Podcast we talk with Marco, a missionary to Uruguay who is doing just that. After acknowledging God's call on his life, Marco pulled up stakes and settled down there, engaging with the people about the gospel and taking down barriers to salvation through the power of Christ. Join us on this latest installment of the On the Mission Field series to hear about God's work in Uruguay, and how he is using men like Marco to tear down barriers to salvation in the lives of Uruguayans all around him. Listen to the Removing Barriers Podcast here: Spotify: https://cutt.ly/Ega8YeI Apple Podcast: https://cutt.ly/Vga2SVd Google Podcast: https://cutt.ly/Rga25WD Stitcher: https://cutt.ly/GgP1L46 YouTube: https://cutt.ly/mga8A77 Podnews: https://podnews.net/podcast/i4jxo See all our platforms: https://removingbarriers.net Contact us: Leave us a voice message: https://anchor.fm/removingbarriers/message Email us: https://removingbarriers.net/contact Financially support the show: https://removingbarriers.net/donate Affiliates: Answers in Genesis Bookstore: https://shrsl.com/2tu8i Design It Yourself Gift Baskets: https://shrsl.com/2m64o Ivacy: https://shrsl.com/2jz3c Use Coupon Code "RemovingBarriers" for 20% off Book Shop: https://bookshop.org/shop/removingbarriers Share a Sale: https://shrsl.com/2jz4f See all our affiliates: https://removingbarriers.net/affiliates --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/removingbarriers/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/removingbarriers/support

It's a new year but LGW is still on the same bullshit. While everyone was out getting shitfaced, the world game continued to marched on. This ep, the lads breakdown the Uruguyan Players Unions crusades against the FA, follow up Neymar's party & Gremio coaches date night. Follow LGW on twitter at @lastgoalwinspod & like our Facebook page Last Goal Wins Podcast.(2:00) - Chelsea vs city(3:05) - Fat frank is in a bit of strife(9:45) - Southampton vs liverpool(15:25) - Spurs vs leeds(21:50) - Picks(22:30) - Match previews, starting with wolves everton(29:20) - Spurs vs villa(35:35) - Around europe, suarez & atleti(39:40) - Ibra and his sons(44:50) - Neymars covid festivities(49:10) - Renato Gaucho talks on ball possession(51:45) - The of Uruguayans unites to clap back at the FA

Host Benjamin Gedan is joined by Ernesto Talvi, foreign minister of Uruguay and former presidential candidate, to discuss Uruguay's success containing COVID-19, and Uruguay's "Todos en Casa" operation to repatriate Uruguayans stranded abroad by the virus's outbreak.

We took the holiday weekend off, but our friends at the Latino Media Collective got us covered with one of their shows from earlier this year. In this episode, the LMC proves that you can find Latinos in the most unlikeliest of places. Catherine Travis, Professor of Modern European Languages in the School of Literature, Languages and Linguistics at the Australian National University in Canberra, speaks with the LMC about Australia's small Latin American diaspora—a community of between 90,000 to 180,000 people that is mostly comprised of Chileans, Uruguayans, Argentinians, Colombians and Salvadorans. Featured image by fir0002 (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User:Fir0002) (CREDIT (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Australian_flag_fullmast.jpg) )

In Episode 15, Wogan worries (again) that Liverpool's fine form is setting them up for a horrible fall, Bernardo Silva scores on the pitch and misses off it, the wheels are falling off Ole's bus and Allen is excited about a Leeds supporting Terminator and the timely demise of Tottenham Hotspur. After the break, we head to Japan where the Rugby World Cup has been in full swing. No tier-1 shocks yet, but the Uruguayans have taken the scalp of Fiji. A quick NFL review leads us, via Antonio Brown's return to college, to our Top 4 of Nerd Sportspeople. Enjoy!

Hola!Gus Poyet is a prime example of how Uruguayans provide the never-say-die ingredient for many European clubs.In the first half of our fascinating conversation, Gus speaks about the influence of basketball on his development, and about his annus mirabilis of 1995, when he won the Copa America and was an integral part of the Real Zaragoza side who defeated the mighty Arsenal in the European Cup Winners' Cup final.I am certain you will enjoy this, one of the greatest Big Interviews we have done so far. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Turns out Russia aren’t very good, but just how bad are Egypt? We now have 4 games a day, with 2 kicking off simultaneously at 3pm and at 7pm and how on earth are we meant to keep up with all the drama?? Group A: Uruguay bat away the hosts with relative ease, winning 3-0 and the result never really in doubt once Luis Suarez put the South Americans in front. Just how far can the Uruguayans go? And will Russia be satisfied to just get out of the group? Group B: Before the tournament, most would have predicted Spain and Portugal to go through first and second and that is exactly what happened, but not many would have predicted it to go down like this. VAR played a helping hand in what was a defining 2 minutes in this group and potentially the entire World Cup. All of a sudden Portugal are in the tough side of the draw and Spain could be in the ‘easier’ path. But what about VAR? Does it add to or take away from the drama? Has it been used properly or is it being abused? Should it stay or should it go? Contact us: @thetfpod on Twitter and @totalfootballpod on Instagram or theTFpod@gmail.com for your answers to these questions, and more! Tomorrow’s matches: France - Denmark & Peru - Australia Argentina - Nigeria & Iceland - Croatia Remember to rate/review the show on your podcast provider of choice and do tell friends and family about the show. The more the merrier!

1994 World Cup? America nailed it. Regional rival Mexico? Crushed ’em in D.C.! Now it was time for the United States national team to prove it could be successful outside the U.S. In July 1995, the team traveled to Uruguay for the Copa America, a battle royal among South American nations. The U.S. was an invited guest that would face some of the toughest teams in the world. Little did the players know they would also have to scrap with their bosses at the U.S. Soccer Federation. It all started on the flight to the tournament. There hadn’t been time to finish negotiating players’ contracts before the flight took off. Six hours into the flight, a piece of paper with the Federation’s terms began circulating among the players. They gathered in the back of the plane to discuss a major sticking point in the proposal: Players would not be compensated equally. Instead, a sliding scale based on experience with the national team would dictate compensation. “It was divide and conquer,” explains star forward Eric Wynalda, noting that younger players with few games under their belts were being asked to play for glory – and nothing else. “It was, let’s get the veteran players to comply and screw everybody else.” Even those who would benefit knew it would go against the very thing that had made them successful: being a team. That team, as a whole, made the decision that they would not play, much less practice, until the issue was resolved. Upon their arrival in Paysandu, Uruguay, the players’ bus was met with a crowd of soccer-obsessed locals bearing signs and warm regards. This unexpected celebrity treatment was due, in part, to the high visibility of American stars like Alexi Lalas during the previous summer’s World Cup.   But also, the Americans were slated to play Uruguay’s archrival, Argentina, in the Copa. The enemy of my enemy is my friend, as the old saying goes. The people of Paysandu began to follow the team around town. The hotel where the U.S. was staying had windows across the front and adoring locals would press their noses to the glass to watch the players hang out as long-distance negotiations took place via fax. “We played a lot of backgammon and we drank a lot of cappuccinos in that lobby,” says Wynalda. Adds Lalas: “It was almost like a museum exhibition. ‘Come see the Americans!’” Back home, Federation secretary general Hank Steinbrecher saw the negotiations differently. From his perspective, U.S. Soccer had invested a lot in these players and now thought they were an “ungrateful lot.” Many faxes later, Steinbrecher had had enough:  “You’re going to put a noose over our neck and a bullet to our head? Screw you. You’re finding your own way home and I’m bringing down the Olympic team.” Faced with the threat of scabs, the players reacted with, “Great. Go for it.” They felt confident that if crowds of Uruguayans came to the hotel just to watch Marcelo Balboa, Alexi Lalas and Eric Wynalda sip coffee, Steinbrecher wouldn’t actually replace them in the biggest tournament in South America. Some believe Steinbrecher blinked first. Steinbrecher says they “came to a compromised position.” In either case, the players got their money. There was time for just one practice before the first game of the Copa and Coach Steve Sampson warned his players, “You better go out and prove that you deserve that money.” And prove it they did. They won their first game 2-1, against Chile. It was the first time the U.S. had beaten a South American team on South American soil since the inaugural World Cup in 1930. After a brief 1-0 setback against Bolivia, all thoughts were on their next opponent, Argentina. The Argentine playing style is singular – as brutal as it is beautiful. No player personified both sides of this style more than the legendary Diego Maradona. His playing days were over and he was watching from the stands. But the team on the field was no less fearsome. One of their most talented and ruthless players was another Diego: Diego Simeone. Warming up in the tight confines of the hallway outside the locker room, Simeone started talking trash to Wynalda. A few stretches later, Wynalda warned Simeone, “I’m going to rip your face off.” Then Wynalda grabbed Simeone by the throat. All of this was before the game even started. The truth is, the U.S. team would have been happy with a tie. The players had grown up watching the Diego Maradona era of Argentine soccer. When Alexi Lalas was 16, he watched Argentina play in the World Cup in person. Nine years later, he would score a goal against them. The U.S. struck twice in the first half, then Wynalda tacked one on, making the final score 3-0. The Americans had never dominated an opponent this powerful in quite this way. What happened on the field was impressive, but what came next is soccer lore. The guys were boisterously celebrating with cold beers, when the room suddenly went quiet. The crowd parted to make way for none other than Diego Maradona, who emotionally shook each player’s hand. “I’m not crying because Argentina has lost,” he explained. “I’m crying because the Americans played such beautiful football.” The U.S. ended up placing fourth at the Copa, which was an astonishing feat. They beat a team no one had thought was touchable. And they coaxed tears from a legitimate soccer god. They were starting to believe in themselves and work as a team, on and off the field.  

Vocalist, composer, educator, Latin music and Jazz specialist. Professor at Berklee College of Music since 1984, where she teaches Jazz improvisation, Latin music, performance, and voice technique. Mili performs with her husband and bassist, Dan Greenspan. Together they are the perfect duo, combining voice, and strings, and expressing the aesthetic of Jazz with the colors, textures, rhythms and poetic content of the music from Latin America. Daughter of the Mexican composer Guillermo Bermejo and his wife Luz, an Argentinean tango singer, Ms. Bermejo's blood already contained the wealth of two musical cultures at birth. She was born in Buenos Aires, but raised in the socially and artistically diverse environment of Mexico City where she grew up internalizing the music and political statements of the 60's and 70's made by the Argentineans, Chileans, Brazilians and Uruguayans in exile in Mexico City. This cultural diversity, and interaction between artists of different countries and disciplines laid the groundwork for her diverse style and dedication to the social responsibility of the artist Dan Greenspan plays the double-bassist with a passion that makes the textures and moods of the music almost palpable. His capacity to provide both the root and the melody of the music is at the core of his creative playing.

Vocalist, composer, educator, Latin music and Jazz specialist. Professor at Berklee College of Music since 1984, where she teaches Jazz improvisation, Latin music, performance, and voice technique. Mili performs with her husband and bassist, Dan Greenspan. Together they are the perfect duo, combining voice, and strings, and expressing the aesthetic of Jazz with the colors, textures, rhythms and poetic content of the music from Latin America. Daughter of the Mexican composer Guillermo Bermejo and his wife Luz, an Argentinean tango singer, Ms. Bermejo's blood already contained the wealth of two musical cultures at birth. She was born in Buenos Aires, but raised in the socially and artistically diverse environment of Mexico City where she grew up internalizing the music and political statements of the 60's and 70's made by the Argentineans, Chileans, Brazilians and Uruguayans in exile in Mexico City. This cultural diversity, and interaction between artists of different countries and disciplines laid the groundwork for her diverse style and dedication to the social responsibility of the artist Dan Greenspan plays the double-bassist with a passion that makes the textures and moods of the music almost palpable. His capacity to provide both the root and the melody of the music is at the core of his creative playing.

Vocalist, composer, educator, Latin music and Jazz specialist. Professor at Berklee College of Music since 1984, where she teaches Jazz improvisation, Latin music, performance, and voice technique. Mili performs with her husband and bassist, Dan Greenspan. Together they are the perfect duo, combining voice, and strings, and expressing the aesthetic of Jazz with the colors, textures, rhythms and poetic content of the music from Latin America. Daughter of the Mexican composer Guillermo Bermejo and his wife Luz, an Argentinean tango singer, Ms. Bermejo's blood already contained the wealth of two musical cultures at birth. She was born in Buenos Aires, but raised in the socially and artistically diverse environment of Mexico City where she grew up internalizing the music and political statements of the 60's and 70's made by the Argentineans, Chileans, Brazilians and Uruguayans in exile in Mexico City. This cultural diversity, and interaction between artists of different countries and disciplines laid the groundwork for her diverse style and dedication to the social responsibility of the artist Dan Greenspan plays the double-bassist with a passion that makes the textures and moods of the music almost palpable. His capacity to provide both the root and the melody of the music is at the core of his creative playing.