Podcasts about general augusto pinochet

During the 1970s and '80s, thousands of Chilean babies were illegally kidnapped, trafficked and adopted. The practice was widespread during the rule of General Augusto Pinochet, who encouraged overseas adoptions to reduce poverty. A network of adoption brokers, hospital staff, social workers, judges, priests and nuns facilitated this trafficking. Today many of Chile's ‘stolen children' are trying to trace their birth families and their mothers are also looking for them. A small Santiago-based NGO called Nos Buscamos has helped hundreds of them reunite with their families using DNA testing kits, and a range of other techniques and technologies. We meet Constanza del Rio, the founder of the project and hear from the families they have helped to bring back together.

During the 1970s and 80s, thousands of Chilean babies were illegally kidnapped, trafficked and adopted. The practice was widespread during the rule of General Augusto Pinochet, who encouraged overseas adoptions to reduce poverty. A network of adoption brokers, hospital staff, social workers, judges, priests and nuns facilitated this trafficking.Today many of Chile's ‘stolen children' are trying to trace their birth families - and their mothers are also looking for them. Hundreds of them have been successfully reunited with the help of a small Santiago-based NGO called Nos Buscamos. Using DNA testing kits, and a range of other techniques and technologies, they help track down families separated for decades. We meet Constanza del Rio - the founder of the project - and hear from the families they've helped to bring back together.People Fixing The World from the BBC is about brilliant solutions to the world's problems. We'd love you to let us know what you think and to hear about your own solutions. You can contact us on WhatsApp by messaging +44 8000 321721 or email peoplefixingtheworld@bbc.co.uk. And please leave us a review on your chosen podcast provider.Presenter: Myra Anubi Reporter: Jane Chambers Producer: Viv Jones Editor: Jon Bithrey Sound mix: Hal Haines(Image: Jimmy Thyden-Lippert González embraces his mother Maria Angelica González, credit: Nos Buscamos)

September 11, 1973. Chile's democratically elected president is deposed in a coup, ushering in the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet.Support the show! Join Into History for ad-free listening and more.History Daily is a co-production of Airship and Noiser.Go to HistoryDaily.com for more history, daily.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This episode explores the 1973 Chilean coup d'état that overthrew President Salvador Allende's socialist government, leading to General Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship. It examines the historical and geopolitical context, the internal opposition to Allende, and the lasting impacts on Chile's political and economic landscape. The coup remains a pivotal moment in Latin American history, reflecting the broader ideological battles of the Cold War.

Gustavo Guzmán's Attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jews: From Acceptable Undesirables to Respected Businessmen (Brill, 2022) is the first book in English to discuss the changing attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jewish immigrants and the State of Israel from the 1930s onwards. Jewish Chileans have ascended rapidly from the status of undesirable immigrants to middle and upper-middle class, facing less obstacles than their Argentine coreligionists. Particular emphasis is given to the failed struggle to extradite war criminal Walther Rauff and to the years of the military dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet. By the 1970s, Israel seemed a strong pro-Western barrier to the expansion of communism and Islamic fundamentalism. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Gustavo Guzmán's Attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jews: From Acceptable Undesirables to Respected Businessmen (Brill, 2022) is the first book in English to discuss the changing attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jewish immigrants and the State of Israel from the 1930s onwards. Jewish Chileans have ascended rapidly from the status of undesirable immigrants to middle and upper-middle class, facing less obstacles than their Argentine coreligionists. Particular emphasis is given to the failed struggle to extradite war criminal Walther Rauff and to the years of the military dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet. By the 1970s, Israel seemed a strong pro-Western barrier to the expansion of communism and Islamic fundamentalism. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Gustavo Guzmán's Attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jews: From Acceptable Undesirables to Respected Businessmen (Brill, 2022) is the first book in English to discuss the changing attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jewish immigrants and the State of Israel from the 1930s onwards. Jewish Chileans have ascended rapidly from the status of undesirable immigrants to middle and upper-middle class, facing less obstacles than their Argentine coreligionists. Particular emphasis is given to the failed struggle to extradite war criminal Walther Rauff and to the years of the military dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet. By the 1970s, Israel seemed a strong pro-Western barrier to the expansion of communism and Islamic fundamentalism. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies

Gustavo Guzmán's Attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jews: From Acceptable Undesirables to Respected Businessmen (Brill, 2022) is the first book in English to discuss the changing attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jewish immigrants and the State of Israel from the 1930s onwards. Jewish Chileans have ascended rapidly from the status of undesirable immigrants to middle and upper-middle class, facing less obstacles than their Argentine coreligionists. Particular emphasis is given to the failed struggle to extradite war criminal Walther Rauff and to the years of the military dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet. By the 1970s, Israel seemed a strong pro-Western barrier to the expansion of communism and Islamic fundamentalism. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/jewish-studies

Gustavo Guzmán's Attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jews: From Acceptable Undesirables to Respected Businessmen (Brill, 2022) is the first book in English to discuss the changing attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jewish immigrants and the State of Israel from the 1930s onwards. Jewish Chileans have ascended rapidly from the status of undesirable immigrants to middle and upper-middle class, facing less obstacles than their Argentine coreligionists. Particular emphasis is given to the failed struggle to extradite war criminal Walther Rauff and to the years of the military dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet. By the 1970s, Israel seemed a strong pro-Western barrier to the expansion of communism and Islamic fundamentalism. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Gustavo Guzmán's Attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jews: From Acceptable Undesirables to Respected Businessmen (Brill, 2022) is the first book in English to discuss the changing attitudes of the Chilean Right toward Jewish immigrants and the State of Israel from the 1930s onwards. Jewish Chileans have ascended rapidly from the status of undesirable immigrants to middle and upper-middle class, facing less obstacles than their Argentine coreligionists. Particular emphasis is given to the failed struggle to extradite war criminal Walther Rauff and to the years of the military dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet. By the 1970s, Israel seemed a strong pro-Western barrier to the expansion of communism and Islamic fundamentalism.

This week Justin chats with Dr. Alan McPherson. Alan is a historian of U.S. foreign relations at Temple University and the director of the Center for the Study of Force and Diplomacy. He received his Ph.D. in History from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and his M.A. in history from San Francisco State University.  He has also published 11 books and dozens of articles on U. S. foreign relations, particularly regarding Latin America. Today Alan discusses a story which culminates in a bombing in Washington, D.C. in September 1976, which took the lives of two people and wounded a third. The perpetrators were linked to the government of General Augusto Pinochet and to the Central Intelligence Agency.Connect with Alan:X/Twitter: @AlanMcPherson1Check out his book, Ghosts of the Sheridan Circle, here.https://www.amazon.com/Ghosts-Sheridan-Circle-Washington-Assassination-ebook/dp/B07NMVXD24Connect with Spycraft 101:Check out Justin's latest release, Covert Arms, here.spycraft101.comIG: @spycraft101Shop: spycraft-101.myshopify.comPatreon: Spycraft 101Find Justin's first book, Spyshots: Volume One, here.Download the free eBook, The Clandestine Operative's Sidearm of Choice, here.Support the show

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit public.substack.comIf you watch the mainstream media, you might think that what happened on January 6th, 2021 was a coup attempt. But what if that's not at all what happened?The dictionary definition of a coup is a “violent overthrow or alteration of an existing government by a small group.”There's no doubt that the chaos on January 6 was a bad day for the United States. But it was a bad day that would have been prevented had Congressional leaders granted the request by the Capitol police for National Guard backupAnd, more importantly, the people who walked through the Capitol were protesting what they thought was a stolen election. They weren't planning to take over the government and run it from the Rotunda. Let's be real: an unarmed group of rioters in the most armed country in the history of the world could never take over the government. Coups require physically overpowering the existing government. That's why they almost always involve the military. Contrast what happened on Jan. 6 to what happened on September 11th. No, not September 11th here in the United States in 2001, but September 11, 1973, in the Latin American nation of Chile.On that day, a faction in the military launched a coup against the elected leader Salvador Allende, resulting in the installation of General Augusto Pinochet as president. Allende took his own life as his presidential palace was being bombed from the air. The toppling of his government ushered in nearly two decades of brutal military dictatorship.Or take what happened in Iran in 1953.

In this special Christmas Day episode, the boys travel to Chile to investigate a post WW2 German cult. Colonia Dignidad was a commune and safe haven built after World War 2 for emigrant Germans. The cult was run by Paul Schafer, with the help of Chilean dictator General Augusto Pinochet. With numerous reports of physical and mental torture, along with child abuses and even the executions of political dissidents, did the Chilean government allow this cult to run unchecked? Find out in this debriefing.  Warning: This episode contains stories of sexual assault and abuse. If you have any questions or topics you'd like to see the society cover, please reach out at Contact@hushhushsociety.com   You can find all our audio, blogs and drop sweet ratings at www.hushhushsociety.com Find our Video Content on our Rokfin Leave us a review on Apple, our website, Podchaser or GoodPods You can grab Hush Hush merch and help support the show on Patreon Link up with the society on social media:   Facebook   Instagram   Twitter   

In late 1973, Chile was in turmoil. General Augusto Pinochet had led a military coup deposing the socialist president Salvador Allende who was now dead.The army was rounding up leftists; torturing, imprisoning and killing them.In the capital Santiago, the country's best-known poet Pablo Neruda was lying in a hospital bed. He was 69 and had cancer.As a prominent member of the Communist Party his life was in danger. He had to get out.With him was his driver and personal assistant Manuel Araya who spoke to Gideon Long.(Photo : The poet in 1963. Credit: Angelo Cozzi/Mondadori/Getty Images)

Gegen 06:20 Uhr am 11. September 1973 klingelt das Telefon von Salvador Allende. Der Präsident Chiles erfährt, dass die Streitkräfte seines Landes gegen ihn putschen. Eine Militärjunta unter General Augusto Pinochet übernimmt die Macht. Die Obristen internieren und töten Tausende.

“Açgözlülük, Kont'un en karanlık, en büyük miraslarından biridir... Çok güçlü ve vahşi bir kapitalizm getirdi... Onun, insan hakları ihlallerinin ve katliamların ötesinde, bizi açgözlülük kahramanlarına dönüştüren gerçek mirası buydu... Toplumumuzun kan dolaşımına karışan bu açgözlülük, sadece parayla değil, bencillikle de ilgilidir.”  Bu sözler, son filmi El Conde (Kont) hakkında Hürriyet'ten Barbaros Tapan'a konuşan Şilili yönetmen Pablo Larrain'e ait... 11 Eylül 1973'te, Şili'de askeri darbe yapan zalim diktatör Pinochet, filmde 250 yıldır yaşayan bir “Vampir” olarak tasavvur ediliyor. Larrain, Şili'nin yaşadığı o toplumsal sarsıntıyı “alaycı” bir biçimde anlatıyor. DEMOKRASİ'YE BOMBA “Kont” diye andığı General Augusto Pinochet... Şili'nin ve dahi Latin Amerika'nın seçimle gelen ilk sosyalist devlet başkanı Salvador Allende'yi devirdi!  ABD güdümlü Pinochet'nin CIA'in yoğun desteğiyle gerçekleştirdiği darbe sırasında Başkanlık Sarayı bombalandı. Darbecilere silahıyla direnen Allende için “İntihar etti” denildi; öldürüldüğüne dair kuşkular ise yıllardır kesilmedi. KANLI FATURALAR “Demokrasi” çikletini çiğnemeyi çok seven Haydut ABD'nin serbest seçimle gelen ancak kendi kontrolünde olmayan siyasi liderlere... Faşist yöntemlerle çıkardığı kanlı ve dramatik faturalar pek çoktur. -Sayısız örneğini ezbere biliyoruz! DARBE'DEN DARBE'YE Pinochet, kendisinden yedi yıl sonra darbe yapan Amerikancı Kenan Evren'i hatırlatıyor.  12 Eylül 1980 döneminde Orgeneral Evren'in “Başyaveri” Çevik Bir'di!  28 Şubat darbesinin bu “Çevik” ismi, İsrail ile ABD'nin mutemet elemanıydı. Cuntacı Bir, 30 Ağustos 1999'da emekli edildikten sonra “Çankaya Köşkü'ne çıkma” hayali kurmuştu!  O günlerde, Bir'i Cumhurbaşkanlığı makamına yakıştıranlardan biri de... Galatasaray Teknik Direktörü Sinyor Fatih Terim'di! -Bunu, ekranda söylemişti. CEPLERİ DERİN PALTO Şimdiye kadar Türkiye'de yaşanan en büyük dolandırıcılık skandalı olan (1982) Banker Kastelli Vurgunu... 12 Eylül 1980 askeri rejim döneminin ürünüydü.  Yazımızın girişindeki “açgözlülük” bahsi, gündemdeki Fatih Terim Fonu'nu çağrıştırıyor! Diktatör Pinochet de, Diktatör Evren de Sam Amca'sının kanlı paltosundan çıkmıştı! Vampir denildiğinde ise akla -Şili'nin sabık diktatörü Pinochet'yi bile sollayan- Siyonist Soykırımcı Netanyahu geliyor!

This week, Ali tells Ash about the "German torture cult" that you may have recently heard about on TikTok or other socials, but this baby was born, lived a long and fucked life and died years ago.Started in 1961 by Nazi pedophile Paul Shäfer, this isolated colony was located in the rural town of Parral and was known as a little German paradise in Chile. Villagers thought that if their child got picked to live there (or even kidnapped) that they'd have a better life, without poverty. Behind the scenes, there was the kidnapping and sexual abuse of children, manual labor, the underground internment, torture, and murder of Chilean dissidents during the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet, and more atrocities committed under Shäfer and his cronies. The colony still stands in Chile and is now presented as a holiday destination, luring tourists with their cute little gingerbread buildings and Oktoberfest. Adorable.TW: child abuse, child sexual abuse and torture. -We have super fun merch, go take a look!-We'd love to see you in our Discord, come hang out!-Research by Kesha Epperson.-Audio editing by River Innes.-Sources:https://www.amazon.com/Survivors-Colonia-Dignidad-Season/dp/B0B8P959TVhttps://www.amazon.com/gp/video/detail/B0B8PCGPGL/ref=atv_dp_share_cu_rhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colonia_Dignidadhttps://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Schäferhttps://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/25/world/25schaefer.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringsource=articleSharehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_M._Branhamhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_Weisfeiler#:~:text=Declassified%20US%20documents%20suggest%20a,dictatorship%20Boris%20Weisfeiler%20allegedly%20drowned.This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/4523794/advertisement

In this episode, we speak with Paul O'Connor the senior national officer at the Public and Commerical Services (PCS) union - one of the largest unions in the UK, representing workers across all government departments and in the private sector.    Paul tells us about the safe passage for refugees policy the union's members wrote with Care4Calais, and why it is a genuinely humanitarian way to stop the small boat crossings of the Channel.    We also touch on working class solidarity, anti-fascism and, the Bibby Stockholm, the hostile environment, and how a string of governments have created the asylum-seeker backlog.  --Get in touch---   Twitter: @FleetCivil   Mastodon: @civilfleet@kolektiva.social   Instagram: thecivilfleet   info@civilfleet.com   civilfleet.com   Support:  ko-fi.com/civilfleet   ---Show Notes---   For more on the PCS union, see: pcs.org.uk   For more on PCS and Care4Calais' Safe Passage Policy, read about it here: https://care4calais.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Safe-Passage-Policy-Paper.pdf   If you'd like to email your MP about PCS's safe passage policy, see here: action.pcs.org.uk/page/134188/action/1    Ben and Paul speak about the Tories throughout this episode. The Tories is the nickname of the ruling Conservative Party.   For more on The World Transformed, the festival Ben mentions in the episode, see here: theworldtransformed.org   See here for more on the UK Border Force training to push refugees back across the Channel already, here: https://thecivilfleet.wordpress.com/2022/01/14/uk-border-force-may-have-begun-attempts-to-push-refugees-back-across-the-channel-already-evidence-suggests/   For more on Channel Rescue and Care4Calais, see episodes 11 and 17 of The Civil Fleet Podcast   Ben and Paul speak about Priti Patel a few times in this episode. She was the UK's Home Secretary from 2019 to 2022. She was replaced by Suella Braverman. The Home Secretary is a similar governmental role to interior minister in many European countries.    For more on the UK's treatment of refugees, the Rwanda Scheme, the Hostile Environment, the Illegal Immigration Act and the Bibby Stockholm see episodes 21, 25, 32, 38, 39, 40, 42 and 44.   Paul mention Detention Action. For more on them, see: detentionaction.org.uk   Ben and Paul speak about the FBU, which is the Fire Brigades Union. For more on the union's solidarity work with refugees, see here: https://www.fbu.org.uk/news/2023/03/05/trade-unions-unite-solidarity-refugees   Paul mentions the Scottish Rolls-Royce workers who refused to work on fighter jets bound for Chile in the 1970s, when the country was ruled by the western-back dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. For more on that, check out the documentary film Nae Pasaran, here: https://vimeo.com/ondemand/naepasaran    For more on the vast amounts of money the UK government has spent in France trying to stop people from crossing the Channel, see this Al Jazeera report from March 2023: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/10/uk-to-fund-france-detention-centre-as-leaders-agree-migration-deal

Fifty years after Salvador Allende was ousted, might his greatest legacy be his battle with the emerging tech giants?On 1 August 1973, a seemingly mundane diplomatic summit took place in Lima, Peru. But there was nothing mundane about its revolutionary agenda. The attendees – diplomats from Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru – aspired to create a more just technological world order, one that might have prevented the future dominance of Silicon Valley. As the Chilean foreign minister lamented even then: “500 multinational corporations control 90 per cent of the world's productive technology”. Could a new international institution - a tech equivalent of the IMF - ensure that developing countries had access to all the benefits of technological progress? Six weeks later, Salvador Allende's government was toppled, paving the way for General Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship of Chile. In this week's audio long read, the author and podcaster Evgeny Morozov considers Allende's legacy. Often viewed as a tragic but hapless figure, his government in fact oversaw a number of radical and utopian initiatives - many of them to do with technology. Might Chile under Allende have evolved into the South Korea or Taiwan of South America?Read by Catharine Hughes and written by Evgeny Morozov, who hosts The Santiago Boys: the Tech World that Might Have Been podcast series. This article was originally published on newstateman.com on 9 September 2023; you can read the text version here. If you enjoyed listening to this episode, you might also enjoy Would climate change have been worse without capitalism?Download the New Statesman app:iOS: https://apps.apple.com/gb/app/new-statesman-magazine/id610498525Android: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.progressivemediagroup.newstatesman&hl=en_GB&gl=USSubscribe to the New Statesman from £1 per week:https://newstatesman.com/podcastofferSign up to our weekly Saturday Read emailhttps://saturdayread.substack.com/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Fifty years after Salvador Allende was ousted, might his greatest legacy be his battle with the emerging tech giants?On 1 August 1973, a seemingly mundane diplomatic summit took place in Lima, Peru. But there was nothing mundane about its revolutionary agenda. The attendees – diplomats from Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru – aspired to create a more just technological world order, one that might have prevented the future dominance of Silicon Valley. As the Chilean foreign minister lamented even then: “500 multinational corporations control 90 per cent of the world's productive technology”. Could a new international institution - a tech equivalent of the IMF - ensure that developing countries had access to all the benefits of technological progress? Six weeks later, Salvador Allende's government was toppled, paving the way for General Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship of Chile. In this week's audio long read, the author and podcaster Evgeny Morozov considers Allende's legacy. Often viewed as a tragic but hapless figure, his government in fact oversaw a number of radical and utopian initiatives - many of them to do with technology. Might Chile under Allende have evolved into the South Korea or Taiwan of South America?Read by Catharine Hughes and written by Evgeny Morozov, who hosts The Santiago Boys: the Tech World that Might Have Been podcast series. This article was originally published on newstateman.com on 9 September 2023; you can read the text version here. If you enjoyed listening to this episode, you might also enjoy Would climate change have been worse without capitalism?Download the New Statesman app:iOS: https://apps.apple.com/gb/app/new-statesman-magazine/id610498525Android: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.progressivemediagroup.newstatesman&hl=en_GB&gl=USSubscribe to the New Statesman from £1 per week:https://newstatesman.com/podcastofferSign up to our weekly Saturday Read emailhttps://saturdayread.substack.com/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Am 11. September 1973 übernahm der General Augusto Pinochet mit einem Putsch die Macht in Chile und etablierte ein brutales Regime. Zehntausende Menschen wurden in den 17 Jahren seiner Herrschaft inhaftiert, gefoltert, verschleppt oder ermordet. In dieser Woche hat sich der Putsch zum 50. Mal gejährt. Obwohl das Land 1990 zur Demokratie zurückkehrte, sind viele Spuren der Diktaturjahre noch immer spürbar, unter anderem weil die chilensische Republik bei der Rückkehr zur Demokratie die Verfassung und das radikal-neoliberale Wirtschaftsmodell Pinochets übernahm. In den letzten Jahren hat Chiles Gesellschaft intensiv darum gerungen, wie sie mit diesem Erbe umgehen möchte. Nach einem Hoch progressiver Kräften sind zuletzt ultrarechte Gruppen erstarkt, die die Verbrechen der Diktatur verharmlosen und relativieren. Die Chile-Korrespondentin Sophia Boddenberg beobachtet seit Jahren, wie unterschiedlich die Menschen in Chile auf die Jahre unter Pinochet zurückblicken. In einem Spezial von "Was jetzt?", 50 Jahre nach dem Putsch, spricht sie mit Jannis Carmesin über ihre Recherchen. Moderation und Produktion: Jannis Carmesin Autorin: Sophia Boddenberg Fragen, Kritik, Anregungen? Sie erreichen uns unter wasjetzt@zeit.de. [ANZEIGE] Mehr über die Angebote unserer Werbepartnerinnen und -partner finden Sie HIER

On September 11th 1973, president Salvador Allende shot himself in the head after being overthrown in a coup, giving rise to the violent rule of General Augusto Pinochet. But citizens are divided on how the leaders ought to be remembered. How a landmark case in Montana could pioneer new climate protection laws (13:09). And, what makes a bestselling book (22:03)?For full access to print, digital and audio editions of The Economist, try a free 30-day digital subscription by going to www.economist.com/intelligenceoffer Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

On September 11th 1973, president Salvador Allende shot himself in the head after being overthrown in a coup, giving rise to the violent rule of General Augusto Pinochet. But citizens are divided on how the leaders ought to be remembered. How a landmark case in Montana could pioneer new climate protection laws (13:09). And, what makes a bestselling book (22:03)?For full access to print, digital and audio editions of The Economist, try a free 30-day digital subscription by going to www.economist.com/intelligenceoffer Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

É hora de o Brasil reconhecer seu papel na destruição da democracia do Chile https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/mundo/2023/09/e-hora-de-o-brasil-reconhecer-seu-papel-na-destruicao-da-democracia-do-chile.shtml 50 anos do golpe no Chile: por que derrubada de Allende foi tão impactante https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/geral-66782241 Seven healthy lifestyle activities may massively cut depression risk https://www.newscientist.com/article/2391417-seven-healthy-lifestyle-activities-may-massively-cut-depression-risk/ The Extradition of General Augusto Pinochet https://www.hrw.org/news/1999/10/14/extradition-general-augusto-pinochet Indictment and arrest of Augusto Pinochet https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indictment_and_arrest_of_Augusto_Pinochet Koko ... Read more

General Pinochet soon emerged as the permanent head of the ruling junta and set about imposing a new era of authoritarianism and political repression. He ruled Chile until ...

On September 11, 1973, the CIA sponsored a coup that overthrew copper-rich Chile's democratically elected socialist President Salvador Allende and imposed a fascist military dictatorship led by General Augusto Pinochet. Journalist Ben Norton reviews the historical evidence. VIDEO: https://youtube.com/watch?v=mkB08AKNjQ0 Peru resource battle - CIA-linked US ambassador talks 'investments' with mining/energy ministers: https://geopoliticaleconomy.com/2023/01/19/peru-resources-mining-gas-investment

9/11 is a date that will live in infamy. But for much of the world, September 11 conjures up images of another deadly assault against freedom and liberty. Exactly 50 years ago today, the democratically-elected socialist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, was overthrown in a far-right military coup led by General Augusto Pinochet.Today, “Watchdog” host Lowkey talks to two guests who know the story of “the First 9/11” better than almost anyone. Roberto Navarette was a 17-year-old medical student at the time of the coup, and was imprisoned – like tens of thousands of his countrymen – in open air stadiums. He survived being tortured and shot by the regime, and eventually escaped, settling in the United Kingdom.Ironically, the U.K. government had actually been working very hard to ensure Allende's downfall, and later to keep Pinochet in power, as John McEvoy's work has revealed. Based on documents obtained under Freedom of Information laws, McEvoy has shown how the U.K.'s MI6 had been training Latin American police and militaries in torture tactics and other ways in which to suppress domestic dissent. Britain had long had strong economic interests in the region, considering it an unofficial part of its empire. McEvoy is an academic, historian and journalist specializing in uncovering Britain's relationship with Latin America. He is currently producing a documentary film – “Britain and the Other 9/11” about the U.K. government's covert campaign against Allende and its subsequent support for Pinochet.Today, Lowkey speaks to Navarette and McEvoy about the coup and its legacy on the world.Allende was a particular threat to the establishment in Washington and London. Not simply because he was a Marxist head of state, but because he was democratically elected and believed in coming to power through entirely legal means. This, for Navarette, terrified many in the West, as it undermined completely their claims about socialism being an anti-democratic ideology. The 1973 coup reverberated around the world. Not only did it become the blueprint for further U.S.-backed operations in Latin America, but Chile became a laboratory for neoliberal economics. The country was flooded with economists from the University of Chicago, who promised to transform it into a modern utopia.Instead, the nation was ruined, with economic crashes and total devastation for ordinary Chilean citizens. The rich, along with foreign corporations made out like bandits, and neoliberalism began to be adopted wholesale across the world, leading to the rampant inequality that plagues the planet today.Support the showThe MintPress podcast, “The Watchdog,” hosted by British-Iraqi hip hop artist Lowkey, closely examines organizations about which it is in the public interest to know – including intelligence, lobby and special interest groups influencing policies that infringe on free speech and target dissent. The Watchdog goes against the grain by casting a light on stories largely ignored by the mainstream, corporate media.Lowkey is a British-Iraqi hip-hop artist, academic and political campaigner. As a musician, he has collaborated with the Arctic Monkeys, Wretch 32, Immortal Technique and Akala. He is a patron of Stop The War Coalition, Palestine Solidarity Campaign, the Racial Justice Network and The Peace and Justice Project, founded by Jeremy Corbyn. He has spoken and performed on platforms from the Oxford Union to the Royal Albert Hall and Glastonbury. His latest album, Soundtrack To The Struggle 2, featured Noam Chomsky and Frankie Boyle and has been streamed millions of times.

Gegen 6:20 Uhr am 11. September 1973 klingelt das Telefon von Salvador Allende. Der Präsident Chiles erfährt, dass die Streitkräfte seines Landes gegen ihn putschen. Kurz darauf begeht der linke Politiker Suizid. Eine Militärjunta unter General Augusto Pinochet übernimmt die Macht. Die Obristen internieren und töten Tausende. Ihr politisches System, gepaart mit einer streng neoliberalen Wirtschaft, prägt Chile bis heute. Eine neue Verfassung sollte das Land 2022 von seinem Pinochet-Erbe lösen. Der Entwurf galt international als sehr fortschrittlich. Doch eine Mehrheit der Chilenen stimmte dagegen.

Oscar Mendoza, a former political prisoner and Chilean refugee who has lived in Scotland since 1975, joins the Common Good Podcast to reflect on the 50th anniversary of the Chilean coup d'état where the democratically elected President Salvador Allende was overthrown and replaced by a military junta led by General Augusto Pinochet. Speaking with host Craig G Telfer and University Archivist Carole McCallum, Oscar talks about his early life in Chile and the events that led up to 11 September 1973, the day itself, and the immediate aftermath. He then goes on to discuss his 20-month detention under the regime, his exile to Scotland and his time at the Glasgow College of Technology, one of the founding institutions of Glasgow Caledonian University.

On 11 September 1973, General Augusto Pinochet deposed Chile's President Salvador Allende in a military coup. Thousands of people were tortured and killed in the months after the coup, including the folk singer Victor Jara. His widow, Joan Jara, spoke to Gideon Long in 2013. (Photo: Victor Jara. Credit: Gems/Redferns via Getty Images)

El próximo lunes Chile conmemorará los 50 años del golpe de Estado de 1973, que derrocó al gobierno del presidente Salvador Allende y dio inicio a una dictadura que se extendería durante 17 años. El 11 de setiembre de 1973 las Fuerzas Armadas al mando del General Augusto Pinochet bombardearon el Palacio de La Moneda, en Santiago, donde Allende se encontraba resistiendo. Para evitar que lo capturaran, el presidente se suicidó. Minutos antes de morir, Allende se dirigió a la ciudadanía a través de Radio Magallanes. «Colocado en un tránsito histórico, pagaré con mi vida la lealtad del pueblo. Y les digo que tengo la certeza de que la semilla que entregáramos a la conciencia digna de miles y miles de chilenos, no podrá ser segada definitivamente. Tienen la fuerza, podrán avasallarnos, pero no se detienen los procesos sociales ni con el crimen… ni con la fuerza». El golpe, que fue respaldado por Estados Unidos, puso fin a un gobierno de orientación marxista que estaba acorralado por la crisis económica. Tras el quiebre democrático, se estableció una junta militar liderada por Pinochet . «Las Fuerzas Armadas y de orden han actuado en el día de hoy sólo bajo la inspiración patriótica de sacar al país del caos que en forma aguda lo estaba precipitando el Gobierno marxista de Salvador Allende. La Junta Militar mantendrá el Poder Judicial y la asesoría de la Contraloría General de la República. Asimismo. las Cámaras quedarán en receso hasta nueva orden». La dictadura de Pinochet duró hasta 1990. En ese período fueron cometidas sistemáticas violaciones a los derechos humanos, se limitó la libertad de expresión, se suprimieron los partidos políticos y el Congreso Nacional fue disuelto. ¿Qué dicen ustedes? ¿Qué importancia tiene la conmemoración de aquellos hechos desde el punto de vista histórico? La Mesa de los Viernes con Alejandro Abal, Marcia Collazo, Juan Grompone y Gonzalo Pérez del Castillo.

It has been 50 years since Chile's military junta came to power. On September 11, 1973, the army headed by General Augusto Pinochet launched a coup with the US' covert backing. Soldiers took over the presidential palace, ousting leftist President Salvador Allende, who committed suicide. Pinochet then stayed in power for 17 years, a period of dictatorship that saw more than 3,000 people killed or missing and around 200,000 fleeing into exile. Even today, the constitution that was tailor-made for him in 1980 is still in force, although there are lively debates about amending it. FRANCE 24's Juliette Chaignon and Guillaume Gosalbes report.

On 11 September 1973, General Augusto Pinochet deposed Chile's democratically elected president, Salvador Allende, in a violent military coup. Hermógenes Pérez de Arce was a politician and helped organise the coup. He speaks to Jane Chambers. (Photo: Hermógenes Pérez de Arce. Credit: sourced)

Chile is about to mark the 50th anniversary of the military coup that started the dictatorial rule of General Augusto Pinochet. Chileans are now asking for the government to completely open up about the human rights violation of his regime and in particular the fate of those who were forcibly disappeared.

Is there a fundamental tension between democratic freedom, economic growth, and social equality?Chilean economist and UCLA Professor Sebastian Edwards joins Bethany and Luigi to discuss his recent book, "The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism." The Chicago Boys were a group of free-market economists trained at the University of Chicago who shaped economic policy and reforms in Chile during General Augusto Pinochet's rule. In the book, Edwards (who also received his Ph.D. in economics from the University of Chicago in 1981) outlines the complexities of implementing market-oriented policies in a society undergoing rapid change. With him, Bethany and Luigi discuss: Could the Chilean experience offer lessons for other nations grappling with similar policy choices?Show Notes:Read an excerpt from Edwards' book on ProMarket.In conversation with Sebastian Edwards, Arnold C. Harberger reflects on his time at the Department of Economics at the University of Chicago.Also read "The Complicated Legacy of the "Chicago Boys" in Chile," by Chilean journalist and former Stigler Center Journalist in Residence, Daniel Matamala.

On 2 May 1973, the Chilean national football team took on Peru in a crucial world cup qualifier at the Estadio Nacional in Santiago. The victory coupled with success in a subsequent playoff meant that only the Soviet Union stood between Chile and a place at the world cup finals. That game, against a nation whose government had friendly ties with Chilean President Allende would take place in November at the same venue. But Chileans would come to remember 1973 for more important reasons than football. Powerful figures had been plotting against the democratically elected Allende for two years, both at home and in Washington DC at the White House. The Chilean football team did qualify for the world cup but only because their opponents from the USSR forfeited the match in protest at the CIA-backed military coup that saw President Allende killed, and thousands imprisoned, tortured, or killed in the very stadium that was due to hold the match. In this episode, I speak with Professor Kristin Sorensen an expert on global studies whose specialties include Chile about the notorious regime of General Augusto Pinochet and the devastating and lasting impact it has had on the lives of ordinary Chileans.  Audio: Nixon tapes public domain Chile v Peru 1972 world cup qualifying Music: Pixabay

After the 1973 military coup in Chile, Miguel Enriquez led resistance against the dictatorship. The secret police were ordered to track him down and assassinate him. His wife Carmen Castillo remembers the day in October 1974 when she was six months pregnant and the military finally caught up with one of Chile's most wanted men. Carmen tells her story to Jane Chambers. (Picture: Admiral Toribio Merino, General Augusto Pinochet and Air Force General Leigh in 1973. Credit: Getty Images)

Ho, Ho, Holy shit.It takes a special kind of dick hole to be jealous of a kid's affection for Santa Claus. But when you take into consideration that Paul Schäfer was a Nazi, pedophile, and notorious cult leader, his disdain for jolly old St. Nick starts to make a bit more sense. After all, how could he afford to make space for the children of his commune to love and celebrate anyone more than him? To secure their affection, it was all too appropriate for Paul to shit in the eggnog and bless these kiddos with a Christmas gift that would keep on giving: devastating emotional trauma.This month, as a special holiday stick of dynamite, Team HF takes you deep into the heart of Chile, to a heavily guarded hellscape known as "Colonia Dignidad." It's there we'll turn the lens to an isolated colony of Germans established in post-World War II which, under the leadership of German preacher Paul Schäfer, became notorious for the internment, torture, and murder of dissidents during the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet in the 1970s. Support the show

Chiles Bevölkerung lehnte mit überwältigender Mehrheit eine neue Verfassung ab. Eine deutliche Niederlage für ein Dokument, welches Chile seit drei Jahren beschäftigt, um die Verfassung aus der Zeit der Militärdiktatur zu ersetzen. Lateinamerika-Experte Wolf Grabendorff ordnet diese Abstimmung ein. Mehr soziale Rechte, Mehr Rechte für Ureinwohner, mehr Umweltschutz: 15 Millionen Chileninnen und Chilenen waren aufgerufen, über eine Verfassungsreform abzustimmen. Eine deutliche Mehrheit lehnte den Entwurf ab. Vielen in der konservativen chilenischen Gesellschaft ging der Entwurf für eine progressive, soziale und ökologische Verfassung zu weit. Die aktuelle Verfassung stammt noch aus der Zeit der Militärdiktatur unter General Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990). Sie bleibt nun in Kraft. Die Ablehnung der neuen Verfassung ist eine Niederlage für die Regierung von Präsident Gabriel Boric. Der 36-jährige stammt selbst aus der Protestbewegung für eine neue Verfassung. So entwickelte sich die Abstimmung über den Entwurf auch zu einer Abstimmung über die Regierung. Boric hat bereits alle politischen Parteien eingeladen, um ab heute die Weiterführung des verfassungsgebenden Prozesses zu analysieren. Mit dem Lateinamerika-Experten Wolf Grabendorff wollen wir die Ablehnung der neuen Verfassung in Chile genauer unter die Lupe nehmen. Der deutsche Politikwissenschaftler hat in den letzten 40 Jahren in mehreren Ländern Lateinamerikas gelebt. Grabendorff war zudem Programmdirektor der SPD-nahen Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Chile. Im «Tagesgespräch» ist er zu Gast bei David Karasek.

El 11 de septiembre de 1973 Chile sufría un golpe de Estado, dirigido por el General Augusto Pinochet. Éste derrocó al gobierno, elegido democráticamente, de Salvador Allende. Este documental analiza en profundidad lo que ocurrió aquel día y nos ofrece en exclusiva valiosas declaraciones de las personas que vivieron junto a Allende el golpe de Estado

This episode is PART 2 of a dual episode focusing on the covert element of American public policy, aimed at destabilizing foreign governments, toppling foreign leaders, and launching military regime change. I will focus on two unique cases of covert action, Iran (1953) and Chile (1973) which explore in greater detail the use of covert action as a US foreign-policy instrument. Both examples provide a wealth of information on the structure, perceived uses and geo-political implications of covert action. In both Iran and Chile, one can witness the inception of US covert activity at a small scale using propaganda and political operations, and then review their impact as covert action escalated into larger scale operations employing economic or military options, ultimately ending in violent coup d'etat. A brief background to the Iranian case is provided which helps to explain, why US covert action in Iran created ripple effects that when far beyond its immediate use as a policy tool, creating much larger repercussions for future US administrations. Operation AJAX was the code name for the CIA-organized military coup launched against the democratically elected government of Iran, led by Dr. Mohammed Mossadegh. The covert operation was considered a success at the time by foreign policy experts in Washington, and later served as a blueprint and guide for future covert interventions. In Chile, the 1973 coup differed significantly from Iran, because the scenario developed over a longer time period and was precipitated by an aggressive policy of destabilization by the top echelon of US policy makers. Following the victory of left-leaning candidate Salvador Allende in the 1970 presidential election, the US began working against Allende, using diplomatic and economic sanctions and offering financial support to opposition candidates. Such pressures, combined with the inherent instability of Allende's radical economic reforms, led to a collapse of the democratic state. On September 11 1973, General Augusto Pinochet overthrew the Allende government and began a 17-year dictatorship in the country that still haunts Chileans to this day. In both case scenarios I provide an analysis of the consequences of CIA covert action, the various policy considerations to be gleaned from each event, before arriving at concluding remarks. Overall, covert action is a high-risk proposition which carries an enormous level of uncertainly. It rarely produces positive results for the targeted country, when evaluated from a military or economic standpoint. And even when it leads to a small degree of success, there is always an element of failure involved, which leads to lasting repercussions. The current approach to regime change has evolved considerably from its origins in the Cold War due to modern information warfare. However, what remains clear is, the rationale remains unchanged, which is to ultimately, serve national interest and pursue foreign policy objectives at all cost.

The renowned climate scientist and IPCC author Maisa Rojas has been making headlines after being appointed as Chile's new Minister for the Environment. She has pledged to deliver a green, sustainable and resilient future – and a ‘just transition' to renewables from an economy that has to date been reliant on mining, forestry and agriculture. The legacy of General Augusto Pinochet has cast a long shadow over Chile, so one of the first hurdles is a vote on a new constitution in July which would ease the passage of new climate legislation. The new government of leftist leader Gabriel Boric also faces a divided Congress, and will need to galvanise support for a radical new agenda. Chile has vast potential for solar energy and hydropower, providing the infrastructure is in place to transmit it to different parts of the country. Can the government play a leading role globally in shifting to great dependency on renewables – and closing down coal-fired power stations in the coming decade? Presenters Kate Lamble and Mora Morrison are joined by: Maisa Rojas, Minister for Environment for the Chilean government and climatologist Claudia Heiss, head of political science at the Institute of Public Affairs at Universidad de Chile. Dr Álvaro López-Peña, consultant on energy transition, CEO ALP Sustainable Energy Producer: Serena Tarling and Darin Graham Researchers: Natasha Fernandes and Frances Read Reporter: John Bartlett Series Producer: Alex Lewis Sound engineer: Tom Brignell Editor: Nicola Addyman

Support the show and receive bonus episodes by becoming a Patreon producer over at: www.themidnighttrainpodcast.com  Archives of terror Archivos del Terror were found on december 22, 1992 by a lawyer and human rights activist, strange how those two titles are in the same sentence, Dr. Martín Almada, and Judge José Agustín Fernández. Found in a police station in the suburbs of Paraguay known as Asunción.   Fernandez was looking for files on a former prisoner. Instead, stumbled across an archive describing the fates of thousands of Latin Americans who had been secretly kidnapped, tortured, and killed by the security services of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay with the help of our friendly neighborhood CIA. Known as Operation Condor.   “Operation Condor was a U.S. backed campaign of political repression and state terror involving intelligence operations and assassination of opponents.”   Let's go back a ways toward the beginning. One day, a young guy, wanted to fuck up the world and created the CIA. JK… but not really.   So we go back to 1968 where General Robert W. Porter said that "in order to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among Latin American countries, we are ... endeavoring to foster inter-service and regional cooperation by assisting in the organization of integrated command and control centers; the establishment of common operating procedures; and the conduct of joint and combined training exercises."   According to former secret CIA documents from 1976, plans were developed among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies in the 1960s and early 1970s to deal with perceived threats in South America from political dissidents, according to American historian J. Patrice McSherry. "In early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia convened in Buenos Aires to prepare synchronized attacks against subversive targets," according to a declassified CIA memo dated June 23, 1976.   Following a series of military-led coups d'états, particularly in the 1970s, the program was established: General Alfredo Stroessner took control of Paraguay in 1954 General Francisco Morales-Bermúdez takes control of Peru after a successful coup in 1975 The Brazilian military overthrew the president João Goulart in 1964 General Hugo Banzer took power in Bolivia in 1971 through a series of coups A military dictatorship seized power in Uruguay on 27 June 1973 Chilean armed forces commanded by General Augusto Pinochet bombed the presidential palace in Chile on 11 September 1973, overthrowing democratically elected president Salvador Allende A military dictatorship headed by General Jorge Rafael Videla seized power in Argentina on 24 March 1976   According to American journalist A. J. Langguth, the CIA organized the first meetings between Argentinian and Uruguayan security officials regarding the surveillance (and subsequent disappearance or assassination) of political refugees in these countries, as well as its role as an intermediary in the meetings between Argentinian, Uruguayan, and Brazilian death squads.   According to the National Security Archive's documentary evidence from US, Paraguayan, Argentine, and Chilean files, "Founded by the Pinochet regime in November 1975, Operation Condor was the codename for a formal Southern Cone collaboration that included transnational secret intelligence activities, kidnapping, torture, disappearance, and assassination." Several persons were slain as part of this codename mission. "Notable Condor victims include two former Uruguayan legislators and a former Bolivian president, Juan José Torres, murdered in Buenos Aires, a former Chilean Minister of the Interior, Bernardo Leighton, and former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his 26-year-old American colleague, Ronni Moffitt, assassinated by a car bomb in downtown Washington D.C.," according to the report.   Prior to the formation of Operation Condor, there had been cooperation among various security services with the goal of "eliminating Marxist subversion." On September 3, 1973, at the Conference of American Armies in Caracas, Brazilian General Breno Borges Fortes, the chief of the Brazilian army, urged that various services "expand the interchange of information" in order to "fight against subversion."   Representatives from Chile, Uruguay, and Bolivia's police forces met with Alberto Villar, deputy chief of the Argentine Federal Police and co-founder of the Triple A killing squad, in March 1974 to discuss collaboration standards. Their purpose was to eliminate the "subversive" threat posed by Argentina's tens of thousands of political exiles. Bolivian immigrants' bodies were discovered at rubbish dumps in Buenos Aires in August 1974. Based on recently revealed CIA records dated June 1976, McSherry corroborated the kidnapping and torture of Chilean and Uruguayan exiles living in Buenos Aires during this time.   On General Augusto Pinochet's 60th birthday, November 25, 1975, in Santiago de Chile, heads of the military intelligence services of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay met with Manuel Contreras, commander of the Chilean secret police, to officially establish the Plan Condor. General Rivero, an intelligence officer in the Argentine Armed Forces and a former student of the French, devised the concept of Operation Condor, according to French writer Marie-Monique Robin, author of Escadrons de la death, l'école française (2004, Death Squads, The French School).   Officially, the targets were armed groups (such as the MIR, the Montoneros or the ERP, the Tupamaros, etc.) based on the governments' perceptions of threats, but the governments expanded their attacks to include all types of political opponents, including their families and others, as reported by the Valech Commission, which is known as The National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture Report. The Argentine "Dirty War," for example, kidnapped, tortured, and assassinated many trade unionists, relatives of activists, social activists such as the founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, nuns, university professors, and others, according to most estimates.   The Chilean DINA and its Argentine counterpart, SIDE, were the operation's front-line troops from 1976 forward. The infamous "death flights," which were postulated in Argentina by Luis Mara Menda and deployed by French forces during the Algerian War (1954–62), were widely used. Government forces flew or helicoptered victims out to sea, where they were dumped to die in premeditated disappearances. According to reports, the OPR-33 facility in Argentina was destroyed as a result of the military bombardment. Members of Plan Condor met in Santiago, Chile, in May 1976, to discuss "long-range collaboration... [that] went well beyond intelligence exchange" and to assign code names to the participating countries. The CIA acquired information in July that Plan Condor participants planned to strike "against leaders of indigenous terrorist groups residing overseas."   Several corpses washed up on beaches south of Buenos Aires in late 1977 as a result of extraordinary storms, providing evidence of some of the government's victims. Hundreds of newborns and children were removed from women in prison who had been kidnapped and later disappeared; the children were then given to families and associates of the dictatorship in clandestine adoptions. According to the CIA, Operation Condor countries reacted positively to the concept of cooperating and built their own communications network as well as joint training programs in areas like psychological warfare.    The military governments in South America were coming together to join forces for security concerns, according to a memo prepared by Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America Harry W. Shlaudeman to Kissinger on August 3, 1976. They were anxious about the growth of Marxism and the consequences it would have on their dominance. This new force worked in secret in the countries of other members. Their mission: to track out and murder "Revolutionary Coordinating Committee" terrorists in their own nations and throughout Europe.Shlaudeman voiced fear that the members of Operation Condor's "siege mindset" could lead to a wider divide between military and civilian institutions in the region. He was also concerned that this would further isolate these countries from developed Western countries. He argued that some of these anxieties were justified, but that by reacting too harshly, these countries risked inciting a violent counter-reaction comparable to the PLO's in Israel.   Chile and Argentina were both active in using communications medium for the purpose of transmitting propaganda, according to papers from the United States dated April 17, 1977. The propaganda's goal was to accomplish two things. The first goal was to defuse/counter international media criticism of the governments involved, and the second goal was to instill national pride in the local population. "Chile after Allende," a propaganda piece developed by Chile, was sent to the states functioning under Condor. The paper, however, solely mentions Uruguay and Argentina as the only two countries that have signed the deal. The government of Paraguay was solely identified as using the local press, "Patria," as its primary source of propaganda. Due to the reorganisation of both Argentina's and Paraguay's intelligence organizations, a meeting scheduled for March 1977 to discuss "psychological warfare measures against terrorists and leftist extremists" was canceled.   One "component of the campaign including Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina envisages unlawful operations beyond Latin America against expatriate terrorists, primarily in Europe," according to a 2016 declassified CIA study titled "Counterterrorism in the Southern Cone." "All military-controlled regimes in the Southern Cone consider themselves targets of international Marxism," the memo stated. Condor's fundamental characteristic was highlighted in the document, which came to fruition in early 1974 when "security officials from all of the member countries, except Brazil, agreed to establish liaison channels and to facilitate the movement of security officers on government business from one country to the other," as part of a long-tested "regional approach" to pacifying "subversion." Condor's "initial aims" included the "exchange of information on the Revolutionary Coordinating Junta (RCJ), an organization...of terrorist groups from Bolivia, Uruguay, Chile, Argentina, and Paraguay" with "representatives" in Europe "believed to have been involved in the assassinations in Paris of the Bolivian ambassador to France last May and a Uruguayan military attache in 1974." Condor's primary purpose, according to the CIA assessment, was to eliminate "top-level terrorist leaders" as well as non-terrorist targets such as "Uruguayan opposition figure Wilson Ferreira, if he should travel to Europe, and some leaders of Amnesty International." Condor was also suspected by the CIA of being "involved in nonviolent actions, including as psychological warfare and a propaganda campaign" that used the media's power to "publicize terrorist crimes and atrocities." Condor also urged citizens in its member countries to "report anything out of the norm in their surroundings" in an appeal to "national pride and national conscience." Another meeting took place in 1980, and Montensero was apprehended. The RSO allegedly promised not to kill them if they agreed to collaborate and provide information on upcoming meetings in Rio.   So, after all of this mumbo jumbo, let's recap.    50,000 people were killed, 30,000 disappeared, and 400,000 were imprisoned, according to the "terror archives."  A letter signed by Manuel Contreras, the chief of Chile's National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) at the time, inviting Paraguayan intelligence personnel to Santiago for a clandestine "First Working Meeting on National Intelligence" on November 25, 1975, was also uncovered. The presence of intelligence chiefs from Argentina, Bolivia, and Uruguay at the meetings was also confirmed by this letter, indicating that those countries were also involved in the formulation of Operation Condor. Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela are among the countries named in the archives as having collaborated to varying degrees by giving intelligence information that had been sought by the security agencies of the Southern Cone countries. Parts of the archives, which are presently housed in Asunción's Palace of Justice, have been used to prosecute former military officers in some of these countries. Those records were used extensively in Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón's prosecution against Chilean General Augusto Pinochet. Baltasar Garzón interviewed Almada twice after he was a Condor victim.   "[The records] represent a mound of shame and lies that Stroessner [Paraguay's ruler until 1989] used to blackmail the Paraguayan people for 40 years," Almada said. He wants the "terror archives" to be listed as an international cultural site by UNESCO, as this would make it much easier to get funds to maintain and protect the records.   In May 2000, a UNESCO mission visited Asunción in response to a request from the Paraguayan government for assistance in registering these files on the Memory of the World Register, which is part of a program aimed at preserving and promoting humanity's documentary heritage by ensuring that records are preserved and accessible.   Now that we are all caught up, let's talk about a few noteworthy events. First we go to Argentina.   Argentina was ruled by military juntas from 1976 until 1983 under Operation Condor, which was a civic-military dictatorship. In countless incidents of desaparecidos, the Argentine SIDE collaborated with the Chilean DINA. In Buenos Aires, they assassinated Chilean General Carlos Prats, former Uruguayan MPs Zelmar Michelini and Héctor Gutiérrez Ruiz, and former Bolivian President Juan José Torres. With the support of Italian Gladio operator Stefano Delle Chiaie and Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie, the SIDE aided Bolivian commander Luis Garca Meza Tejada's Cocaine Coup (see also Operation Charly). Since the release of secret records, it has been revealed that at ESMA, there were operational units made up of Italians who were utilized to suppress organizations of Italian Montoneros. Gaetano Saya, the Officer of the Italian stay behind next - Operation Gladio, led this outfit known as "Shadow Group." The Madres de la Square de Mayo, a group of mothers whose children had vanished, began protesting every Thursday in front of the Casa Rosada on the plaza in April 1977. They wanted to know where their children were and what happened to them. The abduction of two French nuns and other founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in December 1977 drew worldwide notice. Their corpses were later recognized among the deceased washed up on beaches south of Buenos Aires in December 1977, victims of death planes.   In 1983, when Argentina's democracy was restored, the government established the National Commission for Forced Disappearances (CONADEP), which was chaired by writer Ernesto Sabato. It gathered testimony from hundreds of witnesses about regime victims and known atrocities, as well as documenting hundreds of secret jails and detention sites and identifying torture and execution squad leaders. The Juicio a las Juntas (Juntas Trial) two years later was mostly successful in proving the crimes of the top commanders of the numerous juntas that had composed the self-styled National Reorganization Process. Most of the top officers on trial, including Jorge Rafael Videla, Emilio Eduardo Massera, Roberto Eduardo Viola, Armando Lambruschini, Ral Agosti, Rubén Graffigna, Leopoldo Galtieri, Jorge Anaya, and Basilio Lami Dozo, were convicted and sentenced to life in prison.   Following these trials, Ral Alfonsn's administration implemented two amnesty laws, the 1986 Ley de Punto Final (law of closure) and the 1987 Ley de Obediencia Debida (law of due obedience), which ended prosecution of crimes committed during the Dirty War. In an attempt at healing and reconciliation, President Carlos Menem pardoned the junta's leaders who were serving prison sentences in 1989–1990.   Due to attacks on American citizens in Argentina and revelations about CIA funding of the Argentine military in the late 1990s, and despite an explicit 1990 Congressional prohibition, US President Bill Clinton ordered the declassification of thousands of State Department documents relating to US-Argentine relations dating back to 1954. These documents exposed American involvement in the Dirty War and Operation Condor.   Following years of protests by the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and other human rights organizations, the Argentine Congress overturned the amnesty legislation in 2003, with the full support of President Nestor Kirchner and the ruling majority in both chambers. In June 2005, the Argentine Supreme Court deemed them unlawful after a separate assessment. The government was able to resume prosecution of crimes committed during the Dirty War as a result of the court's decision.    Enrique Arancibia Clavel, a DINA civil agent who was charged with crimes against humanity in Argentina in 2004, was sentenced to life in prison for his role in the death of General Prats. Stefano Delle Chiaie, a suspected Italian terrorist, is also said to have been involved in the murder. In Rome in December 1995, he and fellow extreme Vincenzo Vinciguerra testified before federal judge Mara Servini de Cubra that DINA operatives Clavel and Michael Townley were intimately involved in the assassination. Judge Servini de Cubra demanded that Mariana Callejas (Michael Townley's wife) and Cristoph Willikie, a retired Chilean army colonel, be extradited in 2003 because they were also accused of being complicit in the murder. Nibaldo Segura, a Chilean appeals court judge, declined extradition in July 2005, claiming that they had already been prosecuted in Chile.   Twenty-five former high-ranking military commanders from Argentina and Uruguay were charged on March 5, 2013, in Buenos Aires with conspiring to "kidnap, disappear, torture, and kill" 171 political opponents throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Former Argentine "presidents" Jorge Videla and Reynaldo Bignone, both from the El Proceso era, are among the defendants. Prosecutors are relying on declassified US records collected by the National Security Archive, a non-governmental entity established at George Washington University in Washington, DC, in the 1990s and later.   On May 27, 2016, fifteen former military personnel were found guilty. Reynaldo Bignone was sentenced to 20 years in prison. Fourteen of the remaining 16 defendants were sentenced to eight to twenty-five years in prison. Two of the defendants were found not guilty.  A lawyer for the victims' relatives, Luz Palmás Zalda, claims that "This decision is significant since it is the first time Operation Condor's existence has been proven in court. It's also the first time former Condor members have been imprisoned for their roles in the criminal organization."    Anyone wanna go to Brazil?   In the year 2000, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso ordered the publication of some military documents related to Operation Condor. There are documents proving that in that year, attorney general Giancarlo Capaldo, an Italian magistrate, investigated the "disappearances" of Italian citizens in Latin America, which were most likely caused by the actions of Argentine, Paraguayan, Chilean, and Brazilian military personnel who tortured and murdered Italian citizens during Latin American military dictatorships. There was a list containing the names of eleven Brazilians accused of murder, kidnapping, and torture, as well as several high-ranking military personnel from other countries involved in the operation.   "(...) I can neither affirm nor deny because Argentine, Brazilian, Paraguayan, and Chilean soldiers [military men] will be subject to criminal trial until December," the Magistrate said on October 26, 2000.   According to the Italian government's official statement, it was unclear whether the government would prosecute the accused military officers or not. As of November 2021, no one in Brazil had been convicted of human rights violations for actions committed during the 21-year military dictatorship because the Amnesty Law had protected both government officials and leftist guerrillas.   In November 1978, the Condor Operation expanded its covert persecution from Uruguay to Brazil, in an incident dubbed "o Sequestro dos Uruguaios," or "the Kidnapping of the Uruguayans." Senior officials of the Uruguayan army crossed the border into Porto Alegre, the capital of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, with the permission of the Brazilian military administration. They kidnapped Universindo Rodriguez and Lilian Celiberti, a political activist couple from Uruguay, as well as her two children, Camilo and Francesca, who are five and three years old.   The unlawful operation failed because an anonymous phone call notified two Brazilian journalists, Veja magazine reporter Luiz Cláudio Cunha and photographer Joo Baptista Scalco, that the Uruguayan couple had been "disappeared." The two journalists traveled to the specified address, a Porto Alegre apartment, to double-check the facts. The armed men who had arrested Celiberti mistook the journalists for other political opposition members when they came, and they were arrested as well. Universindo Rodriguez and the children had already been brought to Uruguay under the table.   The journalists' presence had exposed the secret operation when their identities were revealed. It was put on hold. As news of the political kidnapping of Uruguayan nationals in Brazil made headlines in the Brazilian press, it is thought that the operation's disclosure avoided the death of the couple and their two young children. It became a worldwide embarrassment. Both Brazil's and Uruguay's military governments were humiliated. Officials arranged for the Celibertis' children to be transported to their maternal grandparents in Montevideo a few days later. After being imprisoned and tortured in Brazil, Rodriguez and Celiberti were transferred to Uruguayan military cells and held there for the next five years. The couple were released after Uruguay's democracy was restored in 1984. They confirmed every element of their kidnapping that had previously been reported.   In 1980, two DOPS (Department of Political and Social Order, an official police unit in charge of political repression during the military administration) inspectors were found guilty of arresting the journalists in Lilian's apartment in Porto Alegre by Brazilian courts. Joo Augusto da Rosa and Orandir Portassi Lucas were their names. They had been identified as participants in the kidnapping by the media and Uruguayans. This occurrence confirmed the Brazilian government's active involvement in the Condor Operation. Governor Pedro Simon arranged for the state of Rio Grande do Sul to legally recognize the Uruguayans' kidnapping and compensate them financially in 1991. A year later, President Luis Alberto Lacalle's democratic government in Uruguay was encouraged to do the same.   The Uruguayan couple identified Pedro Seelig, the head of the DOPS at the time of the kidnapping, as the guy in charge of the operation in Porto Alegre. Universindo and Llian remained in prison in Uruguay and were unable to testify when Seelig was on trial in Brazil. Due to a lack of proof, the Brazilian cop was acquitted. Later testimony from Lilian and Universindo revealed that four officers from Uruguay's secret Counter-Information Division – two majors and two captains – took part in the operation with the permission of Brazilian authorities. In the DOPS headquarters in Porto Alegre, Captain Glauco Yanonne was personally responsible for torturing Universindo Rodriquez. Universindo and Lilian were able to identify the Uruguayan military men who had arrested and tortured them, but none of them were prosecuted in Montevideo. Uruguayan individuals who committed acts of political repression and human rights violations under the dictatorship were granted pardon under the Law of Immunity, which was approved in 1986. Cunha and Scalco were given the 1979 Esso Prize, considered the most significant prize in Brazilian journalism, for their investigative journalism on the case.  Hugo Cores, a former political prisoner from Uruguay, was the one who had warned Cunha. He told the Brazilian press in 1993: All the Uruguayans kidnapped abroad, around 180 people, are missing to this day. The only ones who managed to survive are Lilian, her children, and Universindo.   Joo "Jango" Goulart was the first Brazilian president to die in exile after being deposed. On December 6, 1976, he died in his sleep in Mercedes, Argentina, of a suspected heart attack. The true cause of his death was never determined because an autopsy was never performed. On April 26, 2000, Leonel Brizola, Jango's brother-in-law and former governor of Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul, claimed that ex-presidents Joo Goulart and Juscelino Kubitschek (who died in a vehicle accident) were assassinated as part of Operation Condor. He demanded that an investigation into their deaths be launched. On January 27, 2008, the newspaper Folha de S.Paulo published a report featuring a declaration from Mario Neira Barreiro, a former member of Uruguay's dictatorship's intelligence service. Barreiro confirmed Brizola's claims that Goulart had been poisoned. Sérgio Paranhos Fleury, the head of the Departamento de Ordem Poltica e Social (Department of Political and Social Order), gave the order to assassinate Goulart, according to Barreiro, and president Ernesto Geisel gave the permission to execute him. A special panel of the Rio Grande do Sul Legislative Assembly concluded in July 2008 that "the evidence that Jango was wilfully slain, with knowledge of the Geisel regime, is strong."   The magazine CartaCapital published previously unreleased National Information Service records generated by an undercover agent who was present at Jango's Uruguayan homes in March 2009. This new information backs up the idea that the former president was poisoned. The Goulart family has yet to figure out who the "B Agent," as he's referred to in the documents, might be. The agent was a close friend of Jango's, and he detailed a disagreement between the former president and his son during the former president's 56th birthday party, which was sparked by a brawl between two employees. As a result of the story, the Chamber of Deputies' Human Rights Commission agreed to look into Jango's death.   Later, Maria Teresa Fontela Goulart, Jango's widow, was interviewed by CartaCapital, who revealed records from the Uruguayan government confirming her accusations that her family had been tracked. Jango's travel, business, and political activities were all being watched by the Uruguayan government. These data date from 1965, a year after Brazil's coup, and they indicate that he may have been targeted. The President Joo Goulart Institute and the Movement for Justice and Human Rights have requested a document from the Uruguayan Interior Ministry stating that "serious and credible Brazilian sources'' discussed an "alleged plan against the former Brazilian president."   If you thought it wasn't enough, let's talk about Chile. No not the warm stew lie concoction you make to scorn your buddy's stomach, but the country.   Additional information about Condor was released when Augusto Pinochet was detained in London in 1998 in response to Spanish magistrate Baltasar Garzón's request for his extradition to Spain. According to one of the lawyers requesting his extradition, Carlos Altamirano, the leader of the Chilean Socialist Party, was the target of an assassination attempt. He said that after Franco's funeral in Madrid in 1975, Pinochet contacted Italian neofascist terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie and arranged for Altamirano's murder. The strategy didn't work out. Since the bodies of victims kidnapped and presumably murdered could not be found, Chilean judge Juan Guzmán Tapia established a precedent concerning the crime of "permanent kidnapping": he determined that the kidnapping was thought to be ongoing, rather than having occurred so long ago that the perpetrators were protected by an amnesty decreed in 1978 or the Chilean statute of limitations. The Chilean government admitted in November 2015 that Pablo Neruda may have been murdered by members of Pinochet's administration.   Assassinations   On September 30, 1974, a car bomb killed General Carlos Prats and his wife, Sofa Cuthbert, in Buenos Aires, where they were living in exile. The Chilean DINA has been charged with the crime. In January 2005, Chilean Judge Alejandro Sols ended Pinochet's case when the Chilean Supreme Court denied his request to strip Pinochet's immunity from prosecution (as chief of state). In Chile, the assassination of DINA commanders Manuel Contreras, ex-chief of operations and retired general Ral Itturiaga Neuman, his brother Roger Itturiaga, and ex-brigadiers Pedro Espinoza Bravo and José Zara was accused. In Argentina, DINA agent Enrique Arancibia Clavel was found guilty of the murder.   After moving in exile in Italy, Bernardo Leighton and his wife were severely injured in a botched assassination attempt on October 6, 1975. Bernardo Leighton was critically injured in the gun attack, and his wife, Anita Fresno, was permanently crippled. Stefano Delle Chiaie met with Michael Townley and Virgilio Paz Romero in Madrid in 1975 to plan the murder of Bernardo Leighton with the help of Franco's secret police, according to declassified documents in the National Security Archive and Italian attorney general Giovanni Salvi, who led the prosecution of former DINA head Manuel Contreras. Glyn T. Davies, the secretary of the National Security Council (NSC), said in 1999 that declassified records indicated Pinochet's government's responsibility for the failed assassination attempt on Bernardo Leighton, Orlando Letelier, and General Carlos Prats on October 6, 1975.   In a December 2004 OpEd piece in the Los Angeles Times, Francisco Letelier, Orlando Letelier's son, claimed that his father's killing was part of Operation Condor, which he described as "an intelligence-sharing network employed by six South American tyrants of the time to eliminate dissidents."   Letelier's death, according to Michael Townley, was caused by Pinochet. Townley admitted to hiring five anti-Castro Cuban exiles to set up a booby-trap in Letelier's automobile. Following consultations with the terrorist organization CORU's leadership, including Luis Posada Carriles and Orlando Bosch, Cuban-Americans José Dionisio Suárez, Virgilio Paz Romero, Alvin Ross Daz, and brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo Sampoll were chosen to carry out the murder, according to Jean-Guy Allard. The Miami Herald reports that Luis Posada Carriles was there at the conference that decided on Letelier's death as well as the bombing of Cubana Flight 455.   During a public protest against Pinochet in July 1986, photographer Rodrigo Rojas DeNegri was burned alive and Carmen Gloria Quintana received significant burns. The case of the two became known as Caso Quemados ("The Burned Case"), and it drew attention in the United States because Rojas had fled to the United States following the 1973 coup. [96] According to a document from the US State Department, the Chilean army set fire to both Rojas and Quintana on purpose. Rojas and Quintana, on the other hand, were accused by Pinochet of being terrorists who lit themselves on fire with their own Molotov cocktails. Pinochet's reaction to the attack and killing of Rojas, according to National Security Archive analyst Peter Kornbluh, was "contributed to Reagan's decision to withdraw support for the regime and press for a return to civilian rule."   Operación Silencio   Operación Silencio (Operation Silence) was a Chilean operation that removed witnesses from the country in order to obstruct investigations by Chilean judges. It began about a year before the "terror archives" in Paraguay were discovered. Arturo Sanhueza Ross, the man accused of assassinating MIR leader Jecar Neghme in 1989, departed the country in April 1991.    According to the Rettig Report, Chilean intelligence officers were responsible for Jecar Neghme's killing. Carlos Herrera Jiménez, the man who assassinated trade unionist Tucapel Jiménez, flew out in September 1991. Eugenio Berros, a chemist who had cooperated with DINA agent Michael Townley, was led by Operation Condor agents from Chile to Uruguay in October 1991 in order to avoid testifying in the Letelier case. He used passports from Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Brazil, prompting suspicions that Operation Condor was still active. In 1995, Berros was discovered dead in El Pinar, Uruguay, near Montevideo. His corpse had been mangled to the point where it was hard to identify him by sight.   Michael Townley, who is now under witness protection in the United States, recognized linkages between Chile, DINA, and the incarceration and torture camp Colonia Dignidad in January 2005. The facility was founded in 1961 by Paul Schäfer, who was arrested and convicted of child rape in Buenos Aires in March 2005. Interpol was notified about Colonia Dignidad and the Army's Bacteriological Warfare Laboratory by Townley. This lab would have taken the place of the previous DINA lab on Via Naranja de lo Curro, where Townley collaborated with chemical assassin Eugenio Berros. According to the court reviewing the case, the toxin that allegedly murdered Christian-Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva could have been created at this new lab in Colonia Dignidad. Dossiê Jango, a Brazilian-Uruguayan-Argentine collaboration film released in 2013, accused the same lab in the alleged poisoning of Brazil's deposed president, Joo Goulart.   Congressman Koch   The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents was released in February 2004 by reporter John Dinges. He reported that in mid-1976, Uruguayan military officers threatened to assassinate United States Congressman Edward Koch (later Mayor of New York City). The CIA station commander in Montevideo had received information about it in late July 1976. He advised the Agency to take no action after finding that the men were inebriated at the time. Colonel José Fons, who was present at the November 1975 covert meeting in Santiago, Chile, and Major José Nino Gavazzo, who led a team of intelligence agents working in Argentina in 1976 and was responsible for the deaths of over 100 Uruguayans, were among the Uruguayan officers.   Koch told Dinges in the early twenty-first century that CIA Director George H. W. Bush informed him in October 1976 that "his sponsorship of legislation to cut off US military assistance to Uruguay on human rights concerns had prompted secret police officers to 'put a contract out for you'." Koch wrote to the Justice Department in mid-October 1976, requesting FBI protection, but he received none. It had been more than two months after the meeting and the assassination of Orlando Letelier in Washington. Colonel Fons and Major Gavazzo were sent to important diplomatic postings in Washington, D.C. in late 1976. The State Department ordered the Uruguayan government to rescind their appointments, citing the possibility of "unpleasant publicity" for "Fons and Gavazzo."  Only in 2001 did Koch learn of the links between the threats and the position appointments.   Paraguay The US supported Alfredo Stroessner's anti-communist military dictatorship and played a "vital supporting role" in Stroessner's Paraguay's domestic affairs. As part of Operation Condor, for example, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Thierry of the United States Army was deployed to assist local workers in the construction of "La Technica," a detention and interrogation center. La Technica was also renowned as a torture facility. Pastor Coronel, Stroessner's secret police, washed their victims in human vomit and excrement tubs and shocked them in the rectum with electric cattle prods. They decapitated Miguel Angel Soler [es], the Communist party secretary, with a chainsaw while Stroessner listened on the phone. Stroessner asked that tapes of inmates wailing in agony be presented to their relatives.   Harry Shlaudeman defined Paraguay's militarized state as a "nineteenth-century military administration that looks nice on the cartoon page" in a report to Kissinger. Shlaudeman's assessments were paternalistic, but he was correct in observing that Paraguay's "backwardness" was causing it to follow in the footsteps of its neighbors. Many decolonized countries regarded national security concerns in terms of neighboring countries and long-standing ethnic or regional feuds, but the United States viewed conflict from a global and ideological viewpoint. During the Chaco War, Shlaudeman mentions Paraguay's amazing fortitude in the face of greater military force from its neighbors. The government of Paraguay believes that the country's victory over its neighbors over several decades justifies the country's lack of progress. The paper goes on to say that Paraguay's political traditions were far from democratic. Because of this reality, as well as a fear of leftist protest in neighboring countries, the government has prioritized the containment of political opposition over the growth of its economic and political institutions. They were driven to defend their sovereignty due to an ideological fear of their neighbors. As a result, many officials were inspired to act in the interest of security by the fight against radical, communist movements both within and beyond the country. The book Opération Condor, written by French writer Pablo Daniel Magee and prefaced by Costa Gavras, was published in 2020. The story chronicles the life of Martin Almada, a Paraguayan who was a victim of the Condor Operation.   The Peruvian Case   After being kidnapped in 1978, Peruvian legislator Javier Diez Canseco announced that he and twelve other compatriots (Justiniano Apaza Ordóñez, Hugo Blanco, Genaro Ledesma Izquieta, Valentín Pacho, Ricardo Letts, César Lévano, Ricardo Napurí, José Luis Alvarado Bravo, Alfonso Baella Tuesta, Guillermo Faura Gaig, José Arce Larco and Humberto Damonte). All opponents of Francisco Morales Bermudez's dictatorship were exiled and handed over to the Argentine armed forces in Jujuy in 1978 after being kidnapped in Peru. He also claimed that declassified CIA documents and WikiLeaks cable information account for the Morales Bermudez government's ties to Operation Condor.   Uruguay   Juan Mara Bordaberry declared himself dictator and banned the rest of the political parties, as was customary in the Southern Cone dictatorships of the 1970s. In the alleged defense against subversion, a large number of people were murdered, tortured, unjustly detained and imprisoned, kidnapped, and forced into disappearance during the de facto administration, which lasted from 1973 until 1985. Prior to the coup d'état in 1973, the CIA served as a consultant to the country's law enforcement institutions. Dan Mitrione, perhaps the most well-known example of such cooperation, had taught civilian police in counterinsurgency at the School of the Americas in Panama, afterwards renamed the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation.   Maybe now we can talk about the U.S involvement? The U.S never gets involved in anything so this might be new to some of you.   According to US paperwork, the US supplied critical organizational, financial, and technological help to the operation far into the 1980s. The long-term hazards of a right-wing bloc, as well as its early policy recommendations, were discussed in a US Department of State briefing for Henry Kissinger, then Secretary of State, dated 3 August 1976, prepared by Harry Shlaudeman and titled "Third World War and South America." The briefing was an overview of security forces in the Southern Cone. The operation was described as a joint effort by six Latin American countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay) to win the "Third World War" by eliminating "subversion" through transnational secret intelligence operations, kidnapping, torture, disappearance, and assassination. The research begins by examining the sense of unity shared by the six countries of the Southern Cone. Kissinger is warned by Shlaudeman that the "Third World War" will trap those six countries in an ambiguous position in the long run, because they are trapped on one side by "international Marxism and its terrorist exponents," and on the other by "the hostility of uncomprehending industrial democracies misled by Marxist propaganda." According to the report, US policy toward Operation Condor should “emphasize the differences between the five countries at all times, depoliticize human rights, oppose rhetorical exaggerations of the ‘Third-World-War' type, and bring potential bloc members back into our cognitive universe through systematic exchanges.” According to CIA papers from 1976, strategies to deal with political dissidents in South America were planned among international security officials at the US Army School of the Americas and the Conference of American Armies from 1960 to the early 1970s. "In early 1974, security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia convened in Buenos Aires to arrange synchronized attacks against subversive targets," according to a declassified CIA memo dated June 23, 1976. Officials in the United States were aware of the situation.   Furthermore, the Defense Intelligence Agency revealed in September 1976 that US intelligence services were well aware of Operation Condor's architecture and intentions. They discovered that "Operation Condor" was the covert name for gathering intelligence on "leftists," Communists, Peronists, or Marxists in the Southern Cone Area. The intelligence services were aware that the operation was being coordinated by the intelligence agencies of numerous South American nations (including Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia), with Chile serving as the hub. Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, according to the DIA, were already aggressively pursuing operations against communist targets, primarily in Argentina.   The report's third point reveals the US comprehension of Operation Condor's most malevolent actions. "The development of special teams from member countries to execute out operations, including killings against terrorists or sympathizers of terrorist groups," according to the paper. Although these special teams were intelligence agency operatives rather than military troops, they did work in structures similar to those used by US special forces teams, according to the study. Operation Condor's preparations to undertake probable operations in France and Portugal were revealed in Kissinger's State Department briefing - an issue that would later prove to be immensely contentious in Condor's history.   Condor's core was formed by the US government's sponsorship and collaboration with DINA (Directorate of National Intelligence) and other intelligence agencies. According to CIA papers, the agency maintained intimate ties with officers of Chile's secret police, DINA, and its leader Manuel Contreras.  Even after his role in the Letelier-Moffit killing was discovered, Contreras was kept as a paid CIA contact until 1977. Official requests to trace suspects to and from the US Embassy, the CIA, and the FBI may be found in the Paraguayan Archives. The military states received suspect lists and other intelligence material from the CIA. In 1975, the FBI conducted a nationwide hunt in the United States for persons sought by DINA.   In a February 1976 telegram from the Buenos Aires embassy to the State Department, intelligence said that the US was aware of the impending Argentinian coup. According to the ambassador, the Chief of the Foreign Ministry's North American desk revealed that the "Military Planning Group" had asked him to prepare a report and recommendations on how the "future military government can avoid or minimize the sort of problems the Chilean and Uruguayan governments are having with the US over human rights issues." The Chief also indicated that "they" (whether he is talking to the CIA or Argentina's future military dictatorship, or both) will confront opposition if they start assassinating and killing people. Assuming this is so, the envoy notes that the military coup will "intend to carry forward an all-out war on the terrorists and that some executions would therefore probably be necessary." Despite already being engaged in the region's politics, this indicates that the US was aware of the planning of human rights breaches before they occurred and did not intervene to prevent them. "It is encouraging to note that the Argentine military are aware of the problem and are already focusing on ways to avoid letting human rights issues become an irritant in US-Argentine Relations." This is confirmation.   Professor Ruth Blakeley says that Kissinger "explicitly expressed his support for the repression of political opponents" in regards to the Argentine junta's continuous human rights violations.  When Henry Kissinger met with Argentina's Foreign Minister on October 5, 1976, he said, ” Look, our basic attitude is that we would like you to succeed. I have an old-fashioned view that friends ought to be supported. What is not understood in the United States is that you have a civil war. We read about human rights problems but not the context. The quicker you succeed the better ... The human rights problem is a growing one. Your Ambassador can apprise you. We want a stable situation. We won't cause you unnecessary difficulties. If you can finish before Congress gets back, the better. Whatever freedoms you could restore would help.”   The démarche was never provided in the end. According to Kornbluh and Dinges, the decision not to deliver Kissinger's directive was based on Assistant Secretary Harry Shlaudeman's letter to his deputy in Washington, D.C., which stated: "you can simply instruct the Ambassadors to take no further action, noting that there have been no reports in some weeks indicating an intention to activate the Condor scheme."   President Bill Clinton ordered the State Department to release hundreds of declassified papers in June 1999, indicating for the first time that the CIA, State, and Defense Departments were all aware of Condor. According to a 1 October 1976 DOD intelligence assessment, Latin American military commanders gloat about it to their American colleagues. Condor's "joint counterinsurgency operations" sought to "eliminate Marxist terrorist activities," according to the same study; Argentina developed a special Condor force "structured much like a US Special Forces Team," it said. According to a summary of documents disclosed in 2004, The declassified record shows that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was briefed on Condor and its "murder operations" on August 5, 1976, in a 14-page report from [Harry] Shlaudeman [Assistant Secretary of State]. "Internationally, the Latin generals look like our guys," Shlaudeman cautioned. "We are especially identified with Chile. It cannot do us any good." Shlaudeman and his two deputies, William Luers and Hewson Ryan, recommended action. Over the course of three weeks, they drafted a cautiously worded demarche, approved by Kissinger, in which he instructed the U.S. ambassadors in the Southern Cone countries to meet with the respective heads of state about Condor. He instructed them to express "our deep concern" about "rumors" of "plans for the assassination of subversives, politicians and prominent figures both within the national borders of certain Southern Cone countries and abroad."   Kornbluh and Dinges come to the conclusion that "The paper trail is clear: the State Department and the CIA had enough intelligence to take concrete steps to thwart the Condor assassination planning. Those steps were initiated but never implemented." Hewson Ryan, Shlaudeman's deputy, subsequently admitted in an oral history interview that the State Department's treatment of the issue was "remiss." "We knew fairly early on that the governments of the Southern Cone countries were planning, or at least talking about, some assassinations abroad in the summer of 1976. ... Whether if we had gone in, we might have prevented this, I don't know", In relation to the Letelier-Moffitt bombing, he remarked, "But we didn't."   Condor was defined as a "counter-terrorism organization" in a CIA document, which also mentioned that the Condor countries had a specific telecommunications system known as "CONDORTEL."  The New York Times released a communication from US Ambassador to Paraguay Robert White to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance on March 6, 2001. The paper was declassified and disseminated by the Clinton administration in November 2000 as part of the Chile Declassification Project. General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, the chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, told White that the South American intelligence chiefs engaged in Condor "kept in touch with one another through a United States communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone that covered all of Latin America."   According to reports, Davalos stated that the station was "employed to coordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries". The US was concerned that the Condor link would be made public at a time when the killing of Chilean former minister Orlando Letelier and his American aide Ronni Moffitt in the United States was being probed."it would seem advisable to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in US interest." White wrote to Vance. "Another piece of increasingly weighty evidence suggesting that U.S. military and intelligence officials supported and collaborated with Condor as a secret partner or sponsor." McSherry rebutted the cables. Furthermore, an Argentine military source told a U.S. Embassy contact that the CIA was aware of Condor and had played a vital role in establishing computerized linkages among the six Condor governments' intelligence and operations sections.   After all this it doesn't stop here. We even see France having a connection. The original document confirming that a 1959 agreement between Paris and Buenos Aires set up a "permanent French military mission" of officers to Argentina who had participated in the Algerian War was discovered in the archives of the Quai d'Orsay, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was kept at the offices of the Argentine Army's chief of staff. It lasted until 1981, when François Mitterrand was elected President of France. She revealed how the administration of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing secretly coordinated with Videla's junta in Argentina and Augusto Pinochet's tyranny in Chile.   Even Britain and West Germany looked into using the tactics in their own countries. Going so far as to send their open personnel to Buenos Aires to discuss how to establish a similar network.  MOVIES   https://www.imdb.com/search/keyword/?keywords=military-coup&sort=num_votes,desc&mode=detail&page=1&title_type=movie&ref_=kw_ref_typ https://islandora.wrlc.org/islandora/object/terror%3Aroot https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archives_of_Terror https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Condor https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-20774985 https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB239d/index.htm

Selten bekommt ein Land die Chance, seine Ideale als Nation zu formulieren, so, wie Chile gerade: 154 Bürgerinnen und Bürger schreiben derzeit eine neue Verfassung für das südamerikanische Land. Die bisherige stammt noch aus der Zeit der Militärdiktatur von General Augusto Pinochet. Ein demokratisch gewählter Volkskonvent baut noch bis im Sommer ein neues Fundament für Chile: Die neue Verfassung soll Chile grundlegend verändern, die Wirtschaft sozialer denken, ohne den Wohlstand des Landes zu gefährden. In Chile ist beinahe alles privatisiert: Die Renten, das Gesundheits-System, sogar das Wasser. Privatisierung, ausländische Investoren und ein strikt neoliberaler Kurs, bei dem die Markt-Wirtschaft alles bestimmt, haben Chile in den letzten Jahrzehnten zu mehr Wohlstand verholfen. Doch der Wohlstand ist äusserst ungleich verteilt. Eine Mehrheit im Land fordert deshalb soziale Reformen. Wer kein Geld hat, bleibt aussen vor: So fehlt etwa den Bauern auf dem Land das Trinkwasser für ihre Kühe, weil grosse Bergbau-Minen die Wasser-Rechte aufgekauft haben. Die Kleinen, die Armen: Sie haben an Chiles Wohlstand nicht teil. Auch Chiles Indigene setzen grosse Hoffnungen in die neue Verfassung. Unter Pinochet wurden sie enteignet und in Reservate zwangsumgesiedelt. Möglich war das, weil die bisherige Verfassung die Rechte der Indigenen nicht anerkennt. Nun steht die Zukunft der Mapuche auf dem Spiel – und die des ganzen Landes.

Selten bekommt ein Land die Chance, seine Ideale als Nation zu formulieren, so, wie Chile gerade: 154 Bürgerinnen und Bürger schreiben derzeit eine neue Verfassung für das südamerikanische Land. Die bisherige stammt noch aus der Zeit der Militärdiktatur von General Augusto Pinochet. Ein demokratisch gewählter Volkskonvent baut noch bis im Sommer ein neues Fundament für Chile: Die neue Verfassung soll Chile grundlegend verändern, die Wirtschaft sozialer denken, ohne den Wohlstand des Landes zu gefährden. In Chile ist beinahe alles privatisiert: Die Renten, das Gesundheits-System, sogar das Wasser. Privatisierung, ausländische Investoren und ein strikt neoliberaler Kurs, bei dem die Markt-Wirtschaft alles bestimmt, haben Chile in den letzten Jahrzehnten zu mehr Wohlstand verholfen. Doch der Wohlstand ist äusserst ungleich verteilt. Eine Mehrheit im Land fordert deshalb soziale Reformen. Wer kein Geld hat, bleibt aussen vor: So fehlt etwa den Bauern auf dem Land das Trinkwasser für ihre Kühe, weil grosse Bergbau-Minen die Wasser-Rechte aufgekauft haben. Die Kleinen, die Armen: Sie haben an Chiles Wohlstand nicht teil. Auch Chiles Indigene setzen grosse Hoffnungen in die neue Verfassung. Unter Pinochet wurden sie enteignet und in Reservate zwangsumgesiedelt. Möglich war das, weil die bisherige Verfassung die Rechte der Indigenen nicht anerkennt. Nun steht die Zukunft der Mapuche auf dem Spiel – und die des ganzen Landes.

This week on the Heartland Labor Forum, we'll talk about two victories for working people. First, pro-worker leftist Gabriel Boric won Sunday's presidential election in Chile and may finally exorcize the ghost of General Augusto Pinochet in Chile's extremely anti-labor/anti-democratic constitution. Then, United Autoworker Rank and Filers just approved one man one vote in elections […] The post Two Victories for Workers: Chilean Workers Can Now Purge the Pinochet Constitution and Autoworkers Vote for Democracy appeared first on KKFI.

211222PCVenceremos ... Mensch Mahler am 22.12.2021Meine Sturm- und Drangzeit hatte nicht mit dem Klimawandel zu tun sondern mit Atomkraft – natürlich nein Danke! - Vietnam und Mittel- und Südamerika. Kein Revoluzzer, der nicht Che Guevara auf dem T-Shirt trug. Der nicht wenigsten einmal Ho-ho-ho tchi Min skandiert hatte – und besonders taff – nicht in Nicaragua als Aufbauhelfer während der sandinistischen Revolution war. Hab ich alles gemacht. Und ich hatte in meiner Zivi-Bude ein Plakat mit dem toten Salvator Allende hängen, an dessen linkem großen Zeh deutlich zu lesen war, wem die internationale Linke Schuld am Attentat an Chiles Sozialisten gab: den USA und den internationalen Multis, die den Hinterhof der Vereinigten Staaten von den linken Zecken säubern mussten, um weiter hübsch Rohstoffe abgreifen zu können. In Chile ist es vornehmlich Kupfer, aber auch Lithium und Nitrate. In Nicaragua endete die Revolution damit, dass der von uns so hochverehrte Revolutionsführer Daniel Ortega sich in der Folge als einer der schlimmsten Kapitalisten und Unterdrücker der Welt entpuppte. In Chile folgte Schreckensherrschaft von General Augusto Pinochet, die von 1973 bis 1990 währte . Vorgestern waren im demokratischen Chile Präsidentschaftswahlen. Und lange sah es so aus, als ob der ultrarechte Pinochet-Fan Antonio Kast sich würde durchsetzen können. Jetzt ist es der Führer der Studentenbewegung Gabriel Boric geworden. Gerade mal 35 Jahre alt und ein Hoffnungsträger für die Erneuerung Chiles, das seit der Demokratisierung 1990 immer tiefer in den Sumpf von Korruption und Kriminalität hineingerissen wurde. Man muss Boric Glück wünschen. Denn der Widerstand gegen seine liberale, linke Politik ist stark. Bleibt zu hoffen, dass nicht wieder einmal das Militär die alten Zustände wieder herstellt. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Across history and throughout the world, even now, humanity has witnessed the rise and fall of terrible dictators – leaders who may have initially had good intentions but who ended up becoming terrible figures of authority who destroyed their nations and took many lives. The following episode is one of great duality in terms of bad leaders. From Allende, who tore apart the economy of a booming Chile to Pinochet, the man who overthrew him and executed thousands in a desperate fight for power, this episode will open your eyes on how the political landscape has helped ruin nations across Latin America. This is the story of General Augusto Pinochet, the Dictator.Transcript of this episode is available at: https://podcast.lingomastery.com/listen/625

Welcome to the Instant Trivia podcast episode 310, where we ask the best trivia on the Internet. Round 1. Category: Modern History 1: A 1978 secession from India's Congress Party formed the Congress (I), with the I standing for her. Indira Gandhi. 2: This ex-British PM announced in 1963 he wouldn't run again for Parliament, to which he was first elected in 1900. Winston Churchill. 3: In 1945 he declared Indonesia's independence and became its first president. Sukarno. 4: In 1967 a launch pad fire claimed the lives of Edward White, Roger Chaffee and this astronaut. Virgil "Gus" Grissom. 5: From 1931-33 excavations in this country uncovered the palaces of Kings Darius and Xerxes. Iran (Persia). Round 2. Category: Mr. Smith Goes To Washington 1: Fort Dix is in this state's 4th District, repped by Chris Smith, who was elected to Congress at age 27. New Jersey. 2: William French Smith, who held this post, 1981-1985, had a key role in putting the 1st woman on the Supreme Court. Attorney General. 3: In 1996 Gordon Smith lost to Ron Wyden to replace Bob Packwood as a Sen. from this state; now they serve together. Oregon. 4: Washington's 9th District is represented by this man, who has the same name as a certain economist. Adam Smith. 5: Parts of Comal, Hays and Travis Counties make up the 21st District of this state's Rep. Lamar Smith. Texas. Round 3. Category: Smack Dab In The Middle 1: In Park County, 30 miles northwest of Pike's Peak. Colorado. 2: In Kent County, 11 miles south of Dover. Delaware. 3: In Yavapai County, 55 miles east-southeast of Prescott. Arizona. 4: In Story County, 5 miles northeast of Ames. Iowa. 5: In Wexford County, 5 miles north-northwest of Cadillac. Michigan. Round 4. Category: Actor-Directors 1: This actor directed an animal onscreen and off in 1998's "The Horse Whisperer". Robert Redford. 2: Replacing Kubrick as the director of 1961's "One-Eyed Jacks" was an offer this actor could not refuse. Marlon Brando. 3: This daughter of director John made her own directing debut with the TV movie "Bastard Out of Carolina". Anjelica Huston. 4: "The Great Dictator" (1940). Charlie Chaplin. 5: "One-Eyed Jacks" (1961). Marlon Brando. Round 5. Category: "S.a."S 1: Geographically, it's made up of 12 nations and 2 dependencies. South America. 2: In 1891 a crab pot in San Francisco became this organization's first "kettle" for Christmas donations. Salvation Army. 3: A founding member of OPEC. Saudi Arabia. 4: It's not my fault, it's a 600-mile geologic fault zone stretching from southern to northern California. San Andreas Fault. 5: General Augusto Pinochet led a military coup that overthrew this president in 1973. Salvador Allende. Thanks for listening! Come back tomorrow for more exciting trivia!

سال 1973 وقتی حکومت نظامی تو شیلی با یک کودتا به قدرت رسید، بدبین ترین آدم هم نمی تونست حدس بزنه این حکومت نظامی قراره سالیان سال دوام بیاره و شیلی رو با همه ساختارهای دموکراتیکش اسیر نوع عجیبی از دیکتاتوری کنه. این اپیزود در مورد تاریخ شیلیه. اینکه شیلی برای رسیدن به ثروتمندترین و دموکراتیک ترین کشور آمریکای جنوبی، چه مسیری رو طی کرده متن و روایت : مسعود فهیمی از این اپیزود حمایت کنید منابع اصلی : 1.Upheaval: Turning Points for Nations in Crisis 2.Exorcising Terror: The Incredible Unending Trial of General Augusto Pinochet پادکست معجون رو دراینستاگرام، توییتر و یوتیوب دنبال کنید کمپین شنوا در کست باکس لینک موزیک های این اپیزود رو از وبسایت پادکست معجون می تونید پیدا کنید

UN special rapporteur on torture Dr. Nils Melzer debunks the treacherous smear and disinformation campaign against Julian Assange (he often terms “mobbing”) an assault orchestrated by the U.S. and aided by the U.K., Sweden and Ecuador. Defining the state actions as torture and unjust imprisonment under international law, Melzer sets out the immoral and illegal extradition attempts by the U.S. Moreover, Professor Melzer describes the outrageous disparity between the inhumane treatment and conditions imposed on the Wikileaks founder at Covid plagued Belmarsh high security prison and the luxurious conditions afforded General Augusto Pinochet when the former dictator was living under UK house arrest in a private villa while awaiting Spain's (ultimately failed) extradition request for serious crimes committed during his rule in Chile. Melzer's cogent analysis and urgent appeals to the authorities have been all but silenced by major media sources—adding yet another weapon in the kafkaesque case against Mr. Assange.

On October 24, Chile voted in favour of replacing its neoliberal constitution written more than 40 years ago under the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. 78% of people backed a new charter in a plebiscite held Sunday. Estefanía Milla-Moreno is from Santiago, Chile. She is currently a PhD candidate in forestry at the University of British Columbia.

On October 24, Chile voted in favour of replacing its neoliberal constitution written more than 40 years ago under the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. 78% of people backed a new charter in a plebiscite held Sunday. Estefanía Milla-Moreno is from Santiago, Chile. She is currently a PhD candidate in forestry at the University of British Columbia.

Featuring the latest in activist campaigns and struggles against oppression fighting for a better world with anti-capitalist analysis on current affairs and international politics. NewsreportsA discussion with the presenters on the following articles and issues.Victoria coronavirus restrictions: Melbourne residents 'ecstatic' about new freedoms as home visit rules announced https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-10-27/victoria-coronavirus-restrictions-ease-brings-joy-to-melbourne/12815330Djab Wurrung tree destroyed, protest continues https://www.greenleft.org.au/content/djab-wurrung-tree-destroyed-protest-continues.Interviews and DiscussionA interview and discussion with Pedro Alvarez originally from Chile who has been active writing about the recent social processes in Latin America about the recent developments in Chile, where they voted overwhelmingly in favor of rewriting the country's constitution from the old constitution imposed by the millitary dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. You can listen to the individual interview here. A recording of a talk by Peter Boyle from the Ecosocialism 2020: From Rebellion to Revolution that took place on October 25th speaking at the session titled "Their COVID crisis and our ecosocialist response". You can listen to the individual talk here.

Introduction to "Hunting Adolf Hitler"In this episode of the Lifestyle, Travel & Technology podcast, the hosts Alexander and Garry discuss the theory of Adolf Hitler's escape to South America. Alexander tuned in to one of "Joe Rogan Experience" podcast episodes, where Tim Kennedy appeared as a guest and promotes a show, he was a part of - "Hunting Hitler". Tim explains the theory and adds a short backstory for context.Based on this JRE episode and History channel's TV show "Hunting Hitler" the hosts of the LTnT podcast discuss various areas they picked up watching either TV show or podcast episode. They highlight some overwhelming details like the infamous, supposedly Nazi camp "Colonia Dignidad" now named "Villa Baviera", which is a Bavarian inspired village established by emigrant Germans that fled in post-World War II, known for the internment, torture and murder of dissidents during General Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship. Podcast Episode SummaryJoe Rogan Experience Podcast #1117 - Tim KennedyHistory Channel's "Hunting Hitler"Host's stance on the theoryPossible escape routes German settlements in South America Torture and murder of political prisonersExperimenting on twins Proud Nazis in South America Garry's great grandfather fought in the red army in WWIIOperation PaperclipConcentration CampsHitler's "Mein Kampf"QuotablesAlexander - "...german tiger tanks were far superior over anything else..." Garry - "...it is more about experimenting to see what happens to one twin if they do something to the other twin..."Recommended Resourceshttps://www.history.co.uk/shows/hunting-hitlerhttp://podcasts.joerogan.net/https://www.instagram.com/ltnt.vienna/https://ltnt.buzzsprout.com/

Am 11. Spetember 1973 putschte das chilenische Militär unter General Augusto Pinochet mit Hilfe der USA gegen den demokratisch gewählten Präsidenten Salvador Allende. Der Marxist hatte mit der "Unidad Popular" 1970 die Wahlen gewonnen und Reformen eingeleitet, unter anderem verstaatlichte er die Bodenschätze. Im neuen Podcast schildert die chilenische Kommunistin Nancy Larenas, wie sie den Putsch erlebte und ihre Flucht in die DDR. Walter Bauer (DKP) erinnert sich, welche Bedeutung Chile unter Allende für die deutsche Linke hatte.

The 1973 Chilean coup d'état  was a military coup in Chile that deposed the Popular Unity government of President Salvador Allende. On 11 September 1973, after an extended period of social unrest and political tension between the opposition-controlled Congress and the socialist President, as well as economic warfare ordered by U.S President Richard Nixon a group of military officers led by General Augusto Pinochet and Admiral José Toribio Merino seized power in a coup, ending civilian rule --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/art-mcdermott/support

If you've ever wondered how much can one person do to bring about international justice against the world's dictators, the three parts of Episode 26 will provide some amazing answers. Tonight we talk again with a very special guest: international human rights lawyer and 'dictator hunter' Reed Brody of Human Rights Watch. Reed famously once said, and we para-phrase "If you kill one person, you go to jail, if you kill 40 you are put in an insane asylum, and if you kill 40,000 you get a safe haven with your bank account in another country." How sadly true this is. Reed has dedicated his entire working life to the pursuit of human rights, with the past two decades or so focused on bringing former heads of state and political leaders to justice for crimes committed while they were in power. Following the first part of Episode 26 where Reed outlined the efforts to hold former Chilean dictator General Augusto Pinochet to justice when Pinochet was arrested in London in 1998 for crimes committed during his vicious reign that lasted from 1973-1990, tonight's episode switches continents and moves to Africa. Part 2 of Episode 26 tells the remarkable story of a two-decade long quest to bring one of Africa's worst dictators to justice for his crimes. With the backing of the United States, Hissène Habré seized power in the impoverished nation of the Republic of Chad in 1982 and ruled until 1990 when he was forced to flee to Senegal. Reed and a group of Habré''s victims faced countless obstacles in their search for accountability but refused to give up, and as a result Habré was sentenced to life in prison in 2016. He is now behind bars in a Dakar prison. Reed has been involved in many other cases concerning crimes committed by political leaders, and in the final part of this series, we will discuss his ongoing work to end impunity and bring dictators to justice, as well as his thoughts on the future of international criminal justice, where we stand in the fight for human rights, and who might be the next dictator to be brought to court. Jointly Venturing would again like to thank Reed for joining us in Episode 26! *** Reed Brody is Counsel for Human Rights Watch, where he works alongside atrocity victims who are fighting for justice. His advocacy with the victims of the exiled former dictator of Chad, Hissène Habré – who was convicted of crimes against humanity in Senegal – and in the cases of Augusto Pinochet and Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier has been featured in five films, including “The Dictator Hunter.” He currently works with victims of the former dictator of Gambia Yahya Jammeh. He wrote four Human Rights Watch reports on U.S. treatment of prisoners in the “war on terror” and the book “Faut-il Juger George Bush?” Before joining Human Rights Watch, he led United Nations teams investigating massacres in the Democratic Republic of Congo and monitoring human rights in El Salvador, and he helped to prosecute human rights crimes in Haiti. He coordinated the 1997 International Commission of Jurists report “Tibet: Human Rights and the Rule of Law.” In 1996, he was expelled from Indonesian-occupied East Timor. At the 1993 UN World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, he coordinated lobbying for 2,700 NGO representatives and helped negotiate the creation of the post of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. His 1984 investigation uncovered atrocities by the U.S.-backed “contras” against Nicaraguan civilians and led to a halt in U.S. funding. In 2016, he represented US journalist Amy Goodman to dismiss criminal charges for reporting on an attack against Native American-led anti-pipeline protesters at Standing Rock, North Dakota. In January 2017, he was elected to the International Commission of Jurists.

Episode 26 (Part 1) - Bringing Down the Dictators - Starting with Pinochet If you've ever wondered how much can one person do to bring about international justice against the world's dictators, Episode 26 will provide some amazing answers. Tonight we talk with a very special guest international human rights lawyer and 'dictator hunter' Reed Brody of Human Rights Watch. Reed has dedicated his entire working life to the pursuit of human rights, with the past two decades or so focused on bringing former heads of state and political leaders to justice for crimes committed while they were in power. In tonight's episode 26 Reed outlines the effort to hold former Chilean dictator General Augusto Pinochet to justice when Pinochet was arrested in London in 1998 for crimes committed during his vicious reign that lasted from 1973-1990. With strong backing by the United States, Pinochet led a violent coup d’état against the democratically-elected government of Salvador Allende on 11 September 1973. Reed played an instrumental role in holding Pinochet accountable for the thousands of murders and disappearances that occurred during his regime, and in this episode he discusses the details of what it took to bring the dictator to justice. Reed has been involved in many other cases concerning crimes committed by political leaders, and in Parts 2 and 3 we will discuss his work in bringing former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré to justice, as well as his ongoing efforts to hold dictators to account wherever they may be. Jointly Venturing would again like to thank Reed for joining us in Episode 26 and look forward to Parts 2 and 3 in the coming weeks.

Following the violent military coup that overthrew Chile's socialist government in 1973, the new regime led by General Augusto Pinochet began a radical overhaul of the economy. It was based on a free-market economic plan created by a group of economists known as the Chicago Boys. Mike Lanchin has been speaking to one of them, Rolf Lüders. Photo: General Augusto Pinochet (L) poses with socialist Chilean president Salvador Allende (R) in Santiago, just after Allende appointed him the head of the army, and only three weeks before Pinochet's military coup in September 1973. Credit: AFP/Getty Images

Recordareis que hemos empezado un recorrido por la música tradicional sudamericana y que la semana pasada nos centramos en Argentina. Hoy lo haremos sobre Chile. Todos, o casi todos, los artistas de la época sufrieron en sus carnes los rigores de unas dictaduras militares que masacraron a toda oposición y que, de manera especial, se cebaron con a las voces más críticas con sus desmanes. Una de estas víctimas fue Victor Jara. Víctor Jara nació el 28 de septiembre de 1932. Su lugar de nacimiento es controvertido por lo que nos limitaremos a decir, según sus propias palabras, que nació al sur de Chile, en la provincia de Ñuble. Nació en el seno de una familia de padres campesinos y amantes del folclore. Por causa de las necesidades familiares, Víctor se vio obligado desde niño a ayudar a la familia en los trabajos del campo pero, Influenciado por su madre, tomó también contacto a temprana edad con la música, además de asistir al colegio. Por consejo de un sacerdote, ingresó en el seminario de la Congregación del Santísimo Redentor, en San Bernardo, pero lo abandonó dos años después de su ingreso, al comprobar su falta de vocación. Después de cumplir el servicio militar, ingresó en el coro de la Universidad de Chile, participando en el montaje de Carmina burana, comenzando en este momento su trabajo de investigación y recopilación folclórica. Con 24 años se unió a una compañía teatral, la Compañía de Mimos de Noisvander, e inició los estudios de actuación y dirección en la Escuela de Teatro de la Universidad de Chile. En 1957, ingresó en el conjunto folclórico Cuncumén y conoció a la cantautora Violeta Parra. Y aquí empezó todo. Aunque la canción “A desalambrar” es de Daniel Viglietti, en la voz de Víctor Jara adquiera una dimensión especial. Entre 1966 y 1969, ejerció como director artístico del grupo Quilapayún y sin abandonar el teatro, en 1966 grabó su primer LP como solista, Víctor Jara, editado por la empresa discográfica Arena. En 1969, con la canción «Plegaria a un labrador», ganó el primer premio en el que fue primer festival de la Nueva Canción Chilena, y viajó a Helsinki para participar en un acto mundial en protesta por la guerra de Vietnam. , En el año 1969 grabó un nuevo álbum titulado “Pongo en tus manos abiertas”. A este trabajo pertenece el tema «Preguntas por Puerto Montt», inspirado en la masacre de Pampa Irigoin (Puerto Montt), en la que murieron once personas (incluido un niño) durante la represión policial del gobierno de Eduardo Frei Montalva. En esa canción criticó duramente al ministro de Interior Edmundo Pérez Zújovic, el que, por cierto, el 8 de junio de 1971 sería asesinado por el grupo extremista Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo (VOP): “Usted debe responder, señor Pérez Zújovic, por qué al pueblo indefenso, contestaron con fusil. Señor Pérez, su conciencia la enterró en un ataúd y no limpiará sus manos toda la lluvia del sur”. Al asumir Salvador Allende la presidencia de Chile, Jara fue nombrado embajador cultural. En cumplimiento de este nombramiento, viajó a la Unión Soviética y a Cuba, y dirigió el homenaje a Pablo Neruda por la obtención del Premio Nobel. Dentro de su compromiso social, participó en los trabajos de voluntarios para impedir la paralización del país causada por una huelga de camioneros. Ese mismo compromiso lo llevará en 1973 a realizar diferentes actos a favor de los candidatos de la Unidad Popular durante la campaña electoral para las elecciones al parlamento y, respondiendo a un llamamiento de Neruda, colaboró como director y cantante en un ciclo de programas de televisión contra la guerra y el fascismo. Su último concierto lo dio en el canal de televisión peruano Panamericana Televisión el 17 de julio de 1973. El golpe de Estado del 11 de septiembre de 1973, encabezado por el general Augusto Pinochet contra el presidente Salvador Allende, le sorprendió en la Universidad Técnica del Estado, donde fue detenido junto a otros profesores y alumnos. Lo llevaron al Estadio Chile, convertido en centro de internamiento por los militares (actualmente estadio Víctor Jara, lugar en el que hay una placa en su honor con su último poema), donde permaneció durante cuatro días. Lo torturaron durante horas (le realizaron quemaduras con cigarrillo, le rompieron los dedos, le cortaron la lengua y lo sometieron a simulacros de fusilamiento) y, finalmente, el 16 de septiembre lo acribillaron junto al director de la Empresa de Ferrocarriles del Estado. El cuerpo fue encontrado el día 19 del mismo mes por vecinos de la Población Santa Olga con 44 impactos de bala. Durante su internamiento en el Estadio Chile escribió su último poema y testimonio «Somos cinco mil», también conocido como «Estadio Chile». Somos cinco mil en esta pequeña parte de la ciudad. Somos cinco mil ¿Cuántos seremos en total en las ciudades y en todo el país? Solo aquí diez mil manos siembran y hacen andar las fábricas. ¡Cuánta humanidad con hambre, frío, pánico, dolor, presión moral, terror y locura! Quilapayun se formó en Santiago en el mes de julio de 1965 y tras realizar esporádicas presentaciones en peñas universitarias, integran como director artístico a Víctor Jara, con quien adoptarán el modo interpretativo y escénico que los volvería célebres junto a sus barbas y ponchos negros. Después de dos discos en los que esbozaron su línea temática y musical, graban en 1968 el LP X Vietnam en el que adoptan el estilo que los volverá un paradigma de la canción popular revolucionaria. De este álbum es la canción “Qué dira el Santo Padre” Su apoyo al gobierno de Allende tiene su punto máximo en la presentación en el Festival de Viña del Mar en febrero de 1973, en donde se genera un escándalo de tales proporciones entre sus partidarios y detractores que provocaron la suspensión de la primera etapa del certamen. Eduardo Carrasco, integrante de Quilapayún, señaló que antes de la presentación de la banda los opositores al gobierno de Allende "repartieron panfletos... que llamaban a cortarnos la cabeza". La presentación de Quilapayún en la Quinta Vergara no fue transmitida por Televisión Nacional por orden directa de Gonzalo Bertrán, Director de la retransmisión, pero el país pudo escucharlo por las ondas de Radio Minería. Aunque el sonido es terrorífico, creo que merece la pena escuchar el escándalo que se formó antes y durante la actuación del grupo. Durante la década de los 90 y debido a varios factores, la actividad del grupo se reduce considerablemente y editan solo dos discos nuevos y dos antologías en 15 años. Es también precisamente, durante esta década, cuando comienza a gestarse una crisis interna, producto de diferencias de los integrantes del grupo respecto de la gestión de su líder Rodolfo Parada. Esto motiva la partida paulatina de los integrantes históricos del conjunto, llegando hasta el punto en que solo quedan dos, Gómez y Lagos, quienes deciden alejarse también del grupo dirigido por Parada e inician un proceso contra este, por apropiación indebida de la marca "Quilapayún" en Chile y en Francia. Es el principio del fin. No obstante, y tras numerosas vicisitudes, el grupo que ha tenido 25 músicos, siguen en activo en la actualidad. A lo largo de su carrera, Quilapayun versionó algunas canciones de las que se cantaban popularmente durante la guerra civil española. Este es un ejemplo, “Que la tortilla se vuelva” Violeta del Carmen Parra Sandoval nació en San Fabián de Alico (Chile) el 4 de octubre de 1917. Hija del profesor de música Nicanor Parra Alarcón7 y de la campesina Rosa Clarisa Sandoval Navarrete, Violeta tuvo siete hermanos. Violeta tuvo una infancia difícil a causa de padecer numerosas enfermedades. Y así, en su recuperaciones y junto a sus hermanos, aprendió a tocar la guitarra y a los 12 años compuso sus primeras canciones. Violeta abandonó a escuela para trabajar en el campo y ayudar a su familia debido a que su padre enfermó gravemente. Los hijos de la familia lucharon por sobrevivir saliendo a cantar en restaurantes, posadas, circos, trenes, campos, pueblos, calles e incluso burdeles. Los problemas económicos se agravaron cuando el padre falleció en 1931 y, al año siguiente, Violeta se fue a vivir a Santiago invitada por su hermano, el futuro antipoeta Nicanor Parra, que estudiaba allí. Retomó los estudios, para abandonarlos nuevamente para cantar en bares, quintas de recreo y pequeñas salas de barrio junto con su hermana Hilda, en un dúo de música folclórica llamado Las Hermanas Parra, con lo que conseguían unos ingresos extras. En 1937 Violeta conoció a Luis Cereceda, empleado ferroviario de la Estación Yungay, con quien se casó un año después. Debido al carácter inquieto y lleno de distracciones de Violeta (cantaba en los barcos del puerto, se paseaba por las emisoras de radio buscando su oportunidad y , además, se había unido a un grupo de teatro, en fin, que tenía vida propia), el matrimonio se deshizo en 1948, pero antes, Cereceda, que militaba en el Partido Comunista, había iniciado a Violeta en la actividad política y ambos participaron ayudando en la campaña presidencial de Gabriel González Videla (1946). No fue hasta el inicio de la década de 1950, cuando comenzó su extensa labor de recopilación de tradiciones musicales en diversos barrios de Santiago y por todo el país. En estas andanzas, conoció a diversos poetas, entre ellos a Pablo Neruda. Su hermano Nicanor la estimuló a asumir con personalidad propia la defensa de la auténtica música chilena, en contra de los estereotipos que hasta ese momento se manejaban. Es así como su repertorio —hasta entonces basado en boleros, corridos mexicanos y valses peruanos— pasa a las canciones más tradicionales del campo chileno, que le permiten descubrir los valores de la identidad nacional como ningún otro artista lo había hecho antes. Esta labor de recopilación está plasmada en más de tres mil canciones, reunidas en el libro Cantos folclóricos chilenos y sus primeros discos en solitario, editados por EMI Odeon. A partir de 1953 Violeta Parra disfrutó del éxito internacional, realizando numerosas incursiones por toda Europa pero, especialmente en París, en donde actuó en el Barrio Latino y dio recitales en el Teatro de las Naciones de la Unesco, en radio y televisión Violeta Parra fue, además de folclorista, una artista completa, desarrollando una gran creatividad en campos tan dispares como la confección de arpilleras, esculturas de alambre y pinturas al óleo. En 1964 logró una marca histórica al convertirse en la primera latinoamericana en exponer individualmente en el Museo de Artes Decorativas del Palacio del Louvre, en una muestra titulada "Tapices de Violeta Parra". En este periodo, forjó una firme relación con el antropólogo y musicólogo suizo Gilbert Favre, el gran amor de su vida —con el que vivió en Ginebra, compartiendo su tiempo entre Francia y Suiza—, y destinatario de sus más importantes composiciones de amor y desamor: «Corazón maldito», «El gavilán, gavilán», «Qué he sacado con quererte», entre muchas otras. También en esta época, surgieron sus textos más combativos: canciones como «Miren cómo sonríen», «Qué dirá el Santo Padre», «Arauco tiene una pena» y «Según el favor del viento» formaron la base de la corriente musical conocida como la Nueva Canción Chilena. Las canciones fueron recogidas en las numerosas ediciones de Canciones reencontradas en París. En junio de 1965, Violeta regresó a Chile. A fines de ese año, en la comuna de La Reina, instaló una gran carpa con el plan de convertirla en un importante centro de cultura folclórica, junto con sus hijos Ángel e Isabel y los folcloristas Rolando Alarcón, Víctor Jara y Patricio Manns, entre otros. Pese a su sueño de convertir la carpa en un referente para la cultura de Chile, la respuesta no fue muy motivadora y el público no la apoyó. El final de su relación con Gilbert Favre, quien se marchó a Bolivia en 1966 la dejó en un estado de ánimo muy vulnerable. Lo fue a ver a Bolivia y se lo encontró casado con otra mujer. Tras algunos intentos fallidos, Violeta Parra se suicidó de un disparo en la cabeza a los 49 años en su carpa de La Reina a las 17:40 del 5 de febrero de 1967. Resulta paradójico que la autora de «Gracias a la vida», un himno a la existencia, se suicidara un año después de escribirla. Algunos vemos en esta canción una despedida Aunque se nos echa el tiempo encima, no quiero dejarme en el tintero un grupo de gran importancia en la época. Se trata de Inti Illimani. Este grupo se fundó en 1967 por un grupo de estudiantes de la Universidad de Santiago de Chile. En 1973, mientras estaban de gira por Europa, el General Augusto Pinochet lideró un golpe de Estado contra el gobierno socialista del presidente Salvador Allende, dando así comienzo una dictadura militar de triste recuerdo. Estos hechos impidieron al grupo regresar a su país y eligieron como lugar de exilio Italia, desde donde apoyaron las campañas de solidaridad internacional por la recuperación de la democracia en Chile. En septiembre de 1988, al derogarse la prohibición de ingreso al país que pesaba sobre sus integrantes, regresaron a Chile, donde residen de manera permanente hasta el día de hoy.

Recordareis que hemos empezado un recorrido por la música tradicional sudamericana y que la semana pasada nos centramos en Argentina. Hoy lo haremos sobre Chile. Todos, o casi todos, los artistas de la época sufrieron en sus carnes los rigores de unas dictaduras militares que masacraron a toda oposición y que, de manera especial, se cebaron con a las voces más críticas con sus desmanes. Una de estas víctimas fue Victor Jara. Víctor Jara nació el 28 de septiembre de 1932. Su lugar de nacimiento es controvertido por lo que nos limitaremos a decir, según sus propias palabras, que nació al sur de Chile, en la provincia de Ñuble. Nació en el seno de una familia de padres campesinos y amantes del folclore. Por causa de las necesidades familiares, Víctor se vio obligado desde niño a ayudar a la familia en los trabajos del campo pero, Influenciado por su madre, tomó también contacto a temprana edad con la música, además de asistir al colegio. Por consejo de un sacerdote, ingresó en el seminario de la Congregación del Santísimo Redentor, en San Bernardo, pero lo abandonó dos años después de su ingreso, al comprobar su falta de vocación. Después de cumplir el servicio militar, ingresó en el coro de la Universidad de Chile, participando en el montaje de Carmina burana, comenzando en este momento su trabajo de investigación y recopilación folclórica. Con 24 años se unió a una compañía teatral, la Compañía de Mimos de Noisvander, e inició los estudios de actuación y dirección en la Escuela de Teatro de la Universidad de Chile. En 1957, ingresó en el conjunto folclórico Cuncumén y conoció a la cantautora Violeta Parra. Y aquí empezó todo. Aunque la canción “A desalambrar” es de Daniel Viglietti, en la voz de Víctor Jara adquiera una dimensión especial. Entre 1966 y 1969, ejerció como director artístico del grupo Quilapayún y sin abandonar el teatro, en 1966 grabó su primer LP como solista, Víctor Jara, editado por la empresa discográfica Arena. En 1969, con la canción «Plegaria a un labrador», ganó el primer premio en el que fue primer festival de la Nueva Canción Chilena, y viajó a Helsinki para participar en un acto mundial en protesta por la guerra de Vietnam. , En el año 1969 grabó un nuevo álbum titulado “Pongo en tus manos abiertas”. A este trabajo pertenece el tema «Preguntas por Puerto Montt», inspirado en la masacre de Pampa Irigoin (Puerto Montt), en la que murieron once personas (incluido un niño) durante la represión policial del gobierno de Eduardo Frei Montalva. En esa canción criticó duramente al ministro de Interior Edmundo Pérez Zújovic, el que, por cierto, el 8 de junio de 1971 sería asesinado por el grupo extremista Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo (VOP): “Usted debe responder, señor Pérez Zújovic, por qué al pueblo indefenso, contestaron con fusil. Señor Pérez, su conciencia la enterró en un ataúd y no limpiará sus manos toda la lluvia del sur”. Al asumir Salvador Allende la presidencia de Chile, Jara fue nombrado embajador cultural. En cumplimiento de este nombramiento, viajó a la Unión Soviética y a Cuba, y dirigió el homenaje a Pablo Neruda por la obtención del Premio Nobel. Dentro de su compromiso social, participó en los trabajos de voluntarios para impedir la paralización del país causada por una huelga de camioneros. Ese mismo compromiso lo llevará en 1973 a realizar diferentes actos a favor de los candidatos de la Unidad Popular durante la campaña electoral para las elecciones al parlamento y, respondiendo a un llamamiento de Neruda, colaboró como director y cantante en un ciclo de programas de televisión contra la guerra y el fascismo. Su último concierto lo dio en el canal de televisión peruano Panamericana Televisión el 17 de julio de 1973. El golpe de Estado del 11 de septiembre de 1973, encabezado por el general Augusto Pinochet contra el presidente Salvador Allende, le sorprendió en la Universidad Técnica del Estado, donde fue detenido junto a otros profesores y alumnos. Lo llevaron al Estadio Chile, convertido en centro de internamiento por los militares (actualmente estadio Víctor Jara, lugar en el que hay una placa en su honor con su último poema), donde permaneció durante cuatro días. Lo torturaron durante horas (le realizaron quemaduras con cigarrillo, le rompieron los dedos, le cortaron la lengua y lo sometieron a simulacros de fusilamiento) y, finalmente, el 16 de septiembre lo acribillaron junto al director de la Empresa de Ferrocarriles del Estado. El cuerpo fue encontrado el día 19 del mismo mes por vecinos de la Población Santa Olga con 44 impactos de bala. Durante su internamiento en el Estadio Chile escribió su último poema y testimonio «Somos cinco mil», también conocido como «Estadio Chile». Somos cinco mil en esta pequeña parte de la ciudad. Somos cinco mil ¿Cuántos seremos en total en las ciudades y en todo el país? Solo aquí diez mil manos siembran y hacen andar las fábricas. ¡Cuánta humanidad con hambre, frío, pánico, dolor, presión moral, terror y locura! Quilapayun se formó en Santiago en el mes de julio de 1965 y tras realizar esporádicas presentaciones en peñas universitarias, integran como director artístico a Víctor Jara, con quien adoptarán el modo interpretativo y escénico que los volvería célebres junto a sus barbas y ponchos negros. Después de dos discos en los que esbozaron su línea temática y musical, graban en 1968 el LP X Vietnam en el que adoptan el estilo que los volverá un paradigma de la canción popular revolucionaria. De este álbum es la canción “Qué dira el Santo Padre” Su apoyo al gobierno de Allende tiene su punto máximo en la presentación en el Festival de Viña del Mar en febrero de 1973, en donde se genera un escándalo de tales proporciones entre sus partidarios y detractores que provocaron la suspensión de la primera etapa del certamen. Eduardo Carrasco, integrante de Quilapayún, señaló que antes de la presentación de la banda los opositores al gobierno de Allende "repartieron panfletos... que llamaban a cortarnos la cabeza". La presentación de Quilapayún en la Quinta Vergara no fue transmitida por Televisión Nacional por orden directa de Gonzalo Bertrán, Director de la retransmisión, pero el país pudo escucharlo por las ondas de Radio Minería. Aunque el sonido es terrorífico, creo que merece la pena escuchar el escándalo que se formó antes y durante la actuación del grupo. Durante la década de los 90 y debido a varios factores, la actividad del grupo se reduce considerablemente y editan solo dos discos nuevos y dos antologías en 15 años. Es también precisamente, durante esta década, cuando comienza a gestarse una crisis interna, producto de diferencias de los integrantes del grupo respecto de la gestión de su líder Rodolfo Parada. Esto motiva la partida paulatina de los integrantes históricos del conjunto, llegando hasta el punto en que solo quedan dos, Gómez y Lagos, quienes deciden alejarse también del grupo dirigido por Parada e inician un proceso contra este, por apropiación indebida de la marca "Quilapayún" en Chile y en Francia. Es el principio del fin. No obstante, y tras numerosas vicisitudes, el grupo que ha tenido 25 músicos, siguen en activo en la actualidad. A lo largo de su carrera, Quilapayun versionó algunas canciones de las que se cantaban popularmente durante la guerra civil española. Este es un ejemplo, “Que la tortilla se vuelva” Violeta del Carmen Parra Sandoval nació en San Fabián de Alico (Chile) el 4 de octubre de 1917. Hija del profesor de música Nicanor Parra Alarcón7 y de la campesina Rosa Clarisa Sandoval Navarrete, Violeta tuvo siete hermanos. Violeta tuvo una infancia difícil a causa de padecer numerosas enfermedades. Y así, en su recuperaciones y junto a sus hermanos, aprendió a tocar la guitarra y a los 12 años compuso sus primeras canciones. Violeta abandonó a escuela para trabajar en el campo y ayudar a su familia debido a que su padre enfermó gravemente. Los hijos de la familia lucharon por sobrevivir saliendo a cantar en restaurantes, posadas, circos, trenes, campos, pueblos, calles e incluso burdeles. Los problemas económicos se agravaron cuando el padre falleció en 1931 y, al año siguiente, Violeta se fue a vivir a Santiago invitada por su hermano, el futuro antipoeta Nicanor Parra, que estudiaba allí. Retomó los estudios, para abandonarlos nuevamente para cantar en bares, quintas de recreo y pequeñas salas de barrio junto con su hermana Hilda, en un dúo de música folclórica llamado Las Hermanas Parra, con lo que conseguían unos ingresos extras. En 1937 Violeta conoció a Luis Cereceda, empleado ferroviario de la Estación Yungay, con quien se casó un año después. Debido al carácter inquieto y lleno de distracciones de Violeta (cantaba en los barcos del puerto, se paseaba por las emisoras de radio buscando su oportunidad y , además, se había unido a un grupo de teatro, en fin, que tenía vida propia), el matrimonio se deshizo en 1948, pero antes, Cereceda, que militaba en el Partido Comunista, había iniciado a Violeta en la actividad política y ambos participaron ayudando en la campaña presidencial de Gabriel González Videla (1946). No fue hasta el inicio de la década de 1950, cuando comenzó su extensa labor de recopilación de tradiciones musicales en diversos barrios de Santiago y por todo el país. En estas andanzas, conoció a diversos poetas, entre ellos a Pablo Neruda. Su hermano Nicanor la estimuló a asumir con personalidad propia la defensa de la auténtica música chilena, en contra de los estereotipos que hasta ese momento se manejaban. Es así como su repertorio —hasta entonces basado en boleros, corridos mexicanos y valses peruanos— pasa a las canciones más tradicionales del campo chileno, que le permiten descubrir los valores de la identidad nacional como ningún otro artista lo había hecho antes. Esta labor de recopilación está plasmada en más de tres mil canciones, reunidas en el libro Cantos folclóricos chilenos y sus primeros discos en solitario, editados por EMI Odeon. A partir de 1953 Violeta Parra disfrutó del éxito internacional, realizando numerosas incursiones por toda Europa pero, especialmente en París, en donde actuó en el Barrio Latino y dio recitales en el Teatro de las Naciones de la Unesco, en radio y televisión Violeta Parra fue, además de folclorista, una artista completa, desarrollando una gran creatividad en campos tan dispares como la confección de arpilleras, esculturas de alambre y pinturas al óleo. En 1964 logró una marca histórica al convertirse en la primera latinoamericana en exponer individualmente en el Museo de Artes Decorativas del Palacio del Louvre, en una muestra titulada "Tapices de Violeta Parra". En este periodo, forjó una firme relación con el antropólogo y musicólogo suizo Gilbert Favre, el gran amor de su vida —con el que vivió en Ginebra, compartiendo su tiempo entre Francia y Suiza—, y destinatario de sus más importantes composiciones de amor y desamor: «Corazón maldito», «El gavilán, gavilán», «Qué he sacado con quererte», entre muchas otras. También en esta época, surgieron sus textos más combativos: canciones como «Miren cómo sonríen», «Qué dirá el Santo Padre», «Arauco tiene una pena» y «Según el favor del viento» formaron la base de la corriente musical conocida como la Nueva Canción Chilena. Las canciones fueron recogidas en las numerosas ediciones de Canciones reencontradas en París. En junio de 1965, Violeta regresó a Chile. A fines de ese año, en la comuna de La Reina, instaló una gran carpa con el plan de convertirla en un importante centro de cultura folclórica, junto con sus hijos Ángel e Isabel y los folcloristas Rolando Alarcón, Víctor Jara y Patricio Manns, entre otros. Pese a su sueño de convertir la carpa en un referente para la cultura de Chile, la respuesta no fue muy motivadora y el público no la apoyó. El final de su relación con Gilbert Favre, quien se marchó a Bolivia en 1966 la dejó en un estado de ánimo muy vulnerable. Lo fue a ver a Bolivia y se lo encontró casado con otra mujer. Tras algunos intentos fallidos, Violeta Parra se suicidó de un disparo en la cabeza a los 49 años en su carpa de La Reina a las 17:40 del 5 de febrero de 1967. Resulta paradójico que la autora de «Gracias a la vida», un himno a la existencia, se suicidara un año después de escribirla. Algunos vemos en esta canción una despedida Aunque se nos echa el tiempo encima, no quiero dejarme en el tintero un grupo de gran importancia en la época. Se trata de Inti Illimani. Este grupo se fundó en 1967 por un grupo de estudiantes de la Universidad de Santiago de Chile. En 1973, mientras estaban de gira por Europa, el General Augusto Pinochet lideró un golpe de Estado contra el gobierno socialista del presidente Salvador Allende, dando así comienzo una dictadura militar de triste recuerdo. Estos hechos impidieron al grupo regresar a su país y eligieron como lugar de exilio Italia, desde donde apoyaron las campañas de solidaridad internacional por la recuperación de la democracia en Chile. En septiembre de 1988, al derogarse la prohibición de ingreso al país que pesaba sobre sus integrantes, regresaron a Chile, donde residen de manera permanente hasta el día de hoy.

Britain allows former Chilean dictator Pinochet to go home without trial for human rights abuses. In June 1973, Chilean President Salvador Allende appointed General Augusto Pinochet as the country’s commander-in-chief. It was a fateful decision. Just months later, Pinochet seized control of the democratically elected government and Allende was murdered in a military coup. In Pinochet’s subsequent bid to rid the country of left-leaning dissidents, he had thousands of Chileans tortured and murdered until his reign ended in 1990. But for years after, Pinochet carried on as commander-in-chief and created a position for himself of senator-for-life. Although many Chileans, especially those who lost loved ones to his murderous regime, wanted justice, the aging former dictator was granted immunity. His luck changed during a trip to London, England in 1998. After a request by Spanish judge Baltasar Garzon, Britain chose to place Pinochet under house arrest in London. For 16 months, Spain, Belgium, Switzerland and France all clamored to have the former dictator extradited to stand trial for human rights abuses. But on March 2, 2000 – citing medical evidence that the 84-year-old’s failing health would not allow him to stand trial – Britain’s Home Secretary Jack Straw announced that Pinochet was being released. Later that day, the aging senator flew home on a Chilean Air Force jet. Unfortunately for Pinochet, his health recovered sufficiently that on January 4, 2005, Chile’s Supreme Court ruled him able to stand trial for human rights crimes. Pinochet died on December 10, 2006, just days after he was put under house arrest with more than 300 criminal charges pending against him. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

El fútbol y la política no siempre se mezclan. Después del golpe que llevó el General Augusto Pinochet al poder, la selección chilena de 1973 se convirtió en un símbolo de un país dividido. El productor Dennis Maxwell tiene la historia de un equipo, y un partido que nunca debió ocurrir.

In October 1988 Chile held an unprecedented referendum on whether the country's ruler, General Augusto Pinochet, should remain in power. A majority of voters rejected the dictator, ending 15 years of brutal military rule. Mike Lanchin has been speaking to Eugenio Garcia, who was creative director of the campaign to oust the dictator.(Photo: Getty Images)

In October 1988 Chile held an unprecedented referendum on whether the country's ruler, General Augusto Pinochet, should remain in power. A majority of voters rejected the dictator, ending 15 years of brutal military rule. Mike Lanchin has been speaking to Eugenio Garcia, who was creative director of the campaign to oust the dictator. (Photo: Getty Images)

On September 11, 1973, a military junta violently took control of Chile, which was led at the time by President Salvador Allende. Allende had become president in a free and democratic election. After the military coup, General Augusto Pinochet took … Continue reading →

On September 11, 1973, a military junta violently took control of Chile, which was led at the time by President Salvador Allende. Allende had become president in a free and democratic election. After the military coup, General Augusto Pinochet took … Continue reading →

Dr. Eric T. Karlstrom : Tavistock, Mind Control, Cults9/11 – New World OrderWebmaster, Dr. Eric T. Karlstrom: Emeritus Professor of Geography, California State University (bio)The Following Introductory Quotes Explain the Present Plight of the American Republic and the World:1) The 9/11 attacks were an inside job by the USAF (US Air Force) and the IZCS (International Zionist Criminal Syndicate). The staged Gladio-style False-Flag attack was the choice selected for the attack on the Twin Towers in NYC and the Pentagon in Washington, DC, on 9-11-2001. This attack was done by the USAF, under the authority of a zionist-controlled Criminal Cabal inside the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) and the Secret Shadow Government (SSG).The 9/11 attack was planned, set up and run by (Jewish/dual Israeli-American citizen) NeoCon top Policy-Makers, Israeli Intel and their stateside Sayanims, utilizing a small criminal cabal inside the USAF, NORAD and the JCS. These are facts that can no longer be disputed by any reasonable person who has examined all the available evidence.And it is exceedingly clear to any reasonable person who examines the pre-announcement of WTC-7 destruction that the whole attack was pre-scripted in London and Israel, and that WTC-7 was wired in advance with conventional demolition charges.… There is now a New American War. It is inside America. It is called the “War on Terror”. The enemy is YOU! It is a staged, Phony War that has been created by the International Zionist Crime Syndicate (IZCS). This New War on Terror has an enemy. That enemy is the American People, You and Me…. This new War on Terror has been socially engineered to provide a continual stream of degradations and provocations against the average American, provoking many… to resist, and causing them to be labeled dissenters.Once they have been labeled dissenters they are put on a Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Main Core Terror Watch List, which top insiders know is a targeted assassination list for later eradication of all Freedom-loving Americans who want to restore the American Constitutional Republic.At present, the Main Core list has over ten million Americans on it, and it is growing every day with thousands of new additions. Get a ticket for a driving offense or any arrest (even if later proven innocent) and it is highly likely you will be placed on this Main Core Terror Watch and Assassination list…. Any and all Dissenters are now being defined as “Enemies of the State”. And anyone who wants to restore the American Republic will also be defined as a “Domestic Terrorist”.DHS (Department of Homeland Security) is a terrorist group, hand assembled by American/Israeli dual citizen Traitors and is designed to tyrannize, capture and eventually be deployed against Americans to serially mass murder them. This is why they have been called the New American Gestapo of the Neo-Bolshevik Red Cheka Terror Machine.…..The War on Terror is obviously a Phony. But it has been the greatest boon to the American Defense Complex ever, with many times more net American Taxpayer dollars spent on this war than any other war in history, including WW2 or the Vietnam War.Another way to establish a war is to create and fund so-called foreign terrorist groups. This is a costly exercise that take years and can involve as much work as fighting a war…. But enemies for necessary wars can be created if you have the technological help of a nation that has hundreds of years experience in creating its own enemies. This nation is the City of London (Financial District), a separate nation state like the Vatican, located within England.There is a reason England has been referred to as “Perfidious Albion” for centuries. They have been known for their ability to instigate chaos inside nations they want to control by their standard well-developed strategy of “Divide and Conquer”. They are experts at creating long-term provocations between different nations that have competing economic interests. They do this in order to establish a beach-head from which to control the removal of natural resources and accrued wealth.The nation state Israel was created to serve as a long-term provocation for numerous Mideast perpetual wars. This is why the Balfour Declaration was made. This is why the City of London created the New Israel and took land away from the Palestinians to set up a nation of Khazarian Judaic converts (aka “fake Hebrews”), a racially paranoid group mind-kontrolled to believe the delusion that they were of ancient Abrahamic Hebrew Blood.The IZCS believes in preemptive strikes against Goyim (non-Jews) and their institutions. Judaics have also been mind-kontrolled by zionists (many of whom are not Judaics) to believe that they must hijack the American political system to preemptively crush Christianity and American Goyim Culture.….A SERIOUS SPELL, A RACIAL DELUSION OF SUPERIORITY HAS BEEN CAST ON MANY JUDAICS NO MATTER WHERE THEY LIVE, BUT ESPECIALLY SO AMONG THOSE LIVING IN GREATER ISRAEL, WHERE THE LUCIFERIAN HEX FLAG FLIES. WHETHER TRUE OR NOT, TOP ZIONIST LEADERS BELIEVE THIS HEX FLAG SIGNIFIES THE MERGER OF DEMONIC FALLEN ANGEL BEAST-BLOODLINES FROM ABOVE, BRED WITH HUMAN FEMALE BLOODLINES BELOW. THEY BELIEVE THIS MAKES THEM THE “CHOSEN ONES” OF THEIR GOD LUCIFER, AND SUPERHUMAN OR PART GOD ALSO.Conclusion: The IZCS has hijacked America and has deployed numerous weapons against it now culminating in a phony, staged War on Terror, and if you are an American or live in America, one way or another YOU will soon become THEIR NEW ENEMY. Yes, from here on out if you live in America, you are the designated enemy of the USG and its agents of war DHS, the TSA, FEMA, the Alphabets and the US Military in this new War On Terror (which is a war against the American people who are not in the “federal Family”).If you are a member of the (IZCS-created and controlled) “federal family,” it is suggested that you read and study up on the Night of the Longknives (Operation Hummingbird) and the various purges under Lenin, Stalin and Mao. Maybe you should reconsider (following) the oath you took to UPHOLD the US Constitution from ALL ENEMIES, FOREIGN and DOMESTIC.….Preston James, PH.D., 2014, YOU are THE ENEMY (Veterans Today)2) “Israel was behind all four fronts in 9/11, that momentous event in our nation´s history: 1) The actual terror attacks themselves; 2) the subsequent cover-up; and both 3) ¨the U.S.-led military invasions overseas¨ and 4) the ¨domestic security state apparatus.¨(Hugh Akins, “Synagogue Rising,” 2012)3) “We (Jews and Israel) control America, and the Americans know it.” Ariel Sharon, Israeli Prime Minister, October, 2001, in response to question about 9/114) (9/11) was a mighty operation that was prepared by the special forces of the global mafia to involve the USA in the war against the Muslim world… The global mafia carries out global politics. The USSR collapsed and the same fate has been prepared for the USA. People like the Rothschilds and the Oppenheimers and the Morgans have long term plans.…the entire system of international terrorism works for fascism. There are explosions in Spain, France, Germany, United States, South America, Indonesia, Malaysia, Russia and Iraq. This is worldwide. The conclusion is very simple; The people themselves will want someone like (Chilean fascist General) Augusto Pinochet to rule them… The entire system of international terrorism is pushing humanity toward the reception of a hard fascist regime.Russian General Konstantin Petrov5) “Israel has used America as a whore…. They control our government, our media, and the finances of this country…. Through their lobby, Israel has manifested total power over the Congress of the United States… We're conducting the expansionist policy of Israel and everybody's afraid to say it… They are controlling much of our foreign policy, they are influencing much of our domestic policy. They control much of the media, they control much of the commerce of the country, and they control powerfully both bodies of the Congress. They own the Congress… Israel gets billions a year from the American taxpayers, while people in my district are losing their pension benefits…. and if you open your mouth, you get targeted. I was the number one target of the American Israeli Public Affairs Committee… We have investigated and found 2 separate incidents of AIPAC spying on America….My concern is the taxpayers and the citizens of the United States should control their government, not a foreign entity… But if you deal with the real problems in America, YOU GET TARGETED.”James Traficant, Jr., U.S. House of Representatives (Ohio) (1941-1941; who was expelled from the House and served 8 years in prison for representing the interests of the United States rather than those of Israel and the Jews6) Treason doth never prosper, what's the reason?For if it prosper, none dare call it Treason.This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/1198501/advertisement

Roundtable discussion with Alan Angell (St Antony's); Cath Collins (University of Ulster); Scott Mainwaring (University of Notre Dame). Convened by Timothy Power. On 15th October 2013, the LAC held a roundtable discussion on the legacy of the Chilean military coup of 11th September 1973, which deposed the elected Socialist president Dr Salvador Allende and led to 17 years of military dictatorship by General Augusto Pinochet. Alan Angell (emeritus fellow, St Antony's College), who pioneered an important academic solidarity campaign in the 1970s and 1980s, analyzed the international repercussion of the coup. Cath Collins (University of Ulster) examined how the 40th anniversary of the coup was observed in Santiago de Chile, and also documented how the legacy of the Pinochet years is very much present in the presidential campaign of 2013. The presentations were discussed by Scott Mainwaring (University of Notre Dame)

For much of the population, September 11 marks the anniversary of the infamous terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. But for the people of Chile, much of Latin America, and democratic reformers at large, it marks another significant anniversary. On the morning of September 11, 1973, all branches of the Chilean Armed Forces had conspired to wrest control of the country from democratically-elected leader Salvador Allende. Allende, having been tipped about the military's activities, held his ground in his Presidential palace, La Moneda. After Allende refused to negotiate or surrender, General Augusto Pinochet ordered a siege on the compound accompanied by military helicopter gunships and Air Force bombers. Salvador Allende died during the melee, apparently by his own hand, and a military junta took power headed by General Pinochet. It is well documented that the US government, through the CIA, played a key role in the overthrow of the Allende government. The new order in Chile saw massive economic reforms take effect. An alarming number of people were imprisoned and tortured under his rule. Over three thousand people are estimated to have been killed during Pinochet's 17 year reign. PInochet himself was eventually arrested in London in 1998, and faced with the unpleasant prospect of having to answer for his crimes. The 40th anniversary of Chile's 9/11 is an occasion to ask what have been the impacts of the coup, and the dictatorship that followed? These questions are explored in depth by two people knowledgeable about the coup. Michel Chossudovsky was a visiting Professor of Economics in Chile at the time of the coup. In this week's radio show, Chossudovsky reflects on his memories of the coup, and looks at how it served as a dress-rehearsal for the use of macro-economic reform as a weapon for disarming governments worldwide. Peter Kornbluh then recounts the US role in the affair. He is the author of The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability, recently updated to mark the 40th anniversary of the coup. Not only does he elaborate on the proof of the US connection with the coup, he explains his conviction that the arrest of Pinochet marks a major turning point in terms of holding past and present state criminals accountable.

Creado por:   Luigi Albau   Hablar - Estilo de vida - Política - Música y Salud   Luigi Takens sobre los temas difíciles en el mundo de hoy, el análisis y las soluciones de las mentes más brillantes de todo el mundo.   El Otro 11 De Septiembre…El golpe militar en Chile.   El 11 de Septiembre del 1973 las Fuerzas Armadas, Fuerza Area  y Carabineros liderados entre otros por el General Augusto Pinochet bombardearon el Palacio de la Moneda, sede del gobierno chileno y derrocaron al Presidente Salvador Allende, quien fuera democraticamente electo en 1970. A 40 anos del sangriento golpe e inicio de la cruel dictadura militar de Pinochet, nueva informacion sigue saliendo a la luz publica que confirma los  autores intelectuales de este reprochable acto. Porque el gobierno socialista de Allende fue boicoteado? Que papel jugó la CIA y el gobierno norteamericano en el sangriento golpe? Cuales figuras claves intervinieron en el hecho? Que piensa Isabel Allende, la hija del presidente Allende sobre el golpe?   

***Warning: Listeners may find parts of a personal account of this story disturbing*** In July 1986 two students were set on fire by soldiers in Chile. They were taking part in demonstrations against the military government of General Augusto Pinochet. One of the youngsters died of his wounds - the other, Carmen Quintana, survived. Witness hears her disturbing story. Photo: Anti government protests in Chile, April 1987. Credit: JOSE DURAN/AFP/Getty Images)

The Terrace Podcast Episode 194 presents an outstanding DJ set by one of the greatest Techno Icons; Ricardo Villalobos Ricardo Villalobos is a Chilean electronic music producer and DJ. He is well-known for his work in the minimal techno and microhouse genres. Villalobos was born in the capital of Chile, Santiago, in the year 1970. However, at the age of three he moved to Germany with his family after General Augusto Pinochet overthrew the socialist government of Salvador Allende in 1973. When Ricardo was around 10 or 11 he started to play conga and bongos. Though he loved music, he could never see himself as a musician. In the late eighties he began to make electronic music. From a very young age he has been a a big fan of Depeche Mode, even following their tours around Europe to listen to them. Villalobos takes much of his inspiration from Depeche Mode, as well as other artists such as Daniel Miller, Thomas Melchior, Baby Ford, Daniel Bell and Andrew Weatherall. He has also taken inspiration from rhythmic South American music. Villalobos began to play his music at parties while he was studying at university, but this was only for his own enjoyment. He started a label, Placid Flavour, in 1993 but this was unsuccessful. His first record was released on the German Playhouse label in 1994 and he began DJing as a professional in 1998, and is in present times regarded as one of the most important minimal DJs in Europe, alongside other talented chilean djs and producers such as Luciano Nicolet (an occasional collaborator) and Dandy Jack. This was an Exclusive Mix for 2702 Re-aired in "The Terrace Podcast Edition" www.theterracepodcast.com

At the funeral of General Augusto Pinochet in Dec 2006, Francisco Cuadrado Prats, the grandson of the former commander-in-chief of the Chilean army assassinated on Pinochet's orders, walked up to the coffin and spat on the General's slowly decomposing face.