Podcasts about Foreign Policy Institute

38 millones de canadienses deciden hoy si el Partido Liberal de Mark Carney conserva el poder o si el conservador Pierre Poilievre logra su objetivo de formar gobierno. Pero ¿qué está en juego para la segunda democracia más grande del planeta? Juan José Gómez-Camacho, investigador del Foreign Policy Institute en la Universidad Johns Hopkins y ex embajador de México en Canadá, nos habla al respecto.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, six US presidential administrations of both parties pursued policies for Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia that emboldened Russia, playing into its imperialist, centuries-long mythos of regional hegemony. The result: military aggression and full-scale invasion. It was all too foreseeable.In The Folly of Realism, leading national security expert and bestselling author Alexander Vindman argues that America's mistakes in Eastern Europe result from policymakers' fixation on immediate, short-term problem-solving and misplaced hopes and fears. He proposes a new long-term, values-based approach that insists on the fundamentals of liberal democracy and a rules-based world order.Alexander Vindman, lieutenant colonel US Army (retired), was the director for European Affairs on the White House's National Security Council, former Political-Military Affairs Officer for Russia, and diplomat at the American Embassies in Moscow and Kyiv. He is a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute, the author of the New York Times–bestselling memoir Here, Right Matters, and leads the Here Right Matters Foundation organization which focuses on helping Ukraine win the war against Russia.Michael previously spoke with Col. Vindman about his book "Here, Right Matters" in 2022, listen in Episode 162.

After a public dressing down in Washington, Ukraine's leader got a much warmer welcome in London. European leaders have pledged to increase their support and work on a plan to end the war. But can they reach a common ground with Donald Trump -- on agreeing a peace deal? In this episode: Robert Hamilton - Head of Eurasia Research at the Foreign Policy Institute. He's also a retired U.S. Army Colonel. PJ Crowley, Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs and author of the book, 'Red Line: American Foreign Policy in a Time of Fractured Politics and Failing States'. Marina Miron - Post-Doctoral Researcher at the Defence Studies Department at King's College London. Host: Cyril Vanier Connect with us:@AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes!

President Trump has directed Secretary of State Marc Rubio to negotiate a peace deal to end the war in Ukraine without Ukraine at the table. U.S. Army Lt. Col. (retired) Alexander Vindman was the director for European Affairs on the White House's National Security Council, former Political-Military Affairs Officer for Russia and diplomat at the American Embassies in Moscow and Kyiv. He is also a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute and leads the Here Right Matters Foundation organization, which focuses on helping Ukraine win the war against Russia. He joins host Krys Boyd to discuss why he believes U.S. policy towards Russia has only emboldened Vladimir Putin and how tenants of liberal democracy might right the ship moving forward. His book is “The Folly of Realism: How the West Deceived Itself About Russia and Betrayed Ukraine.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

For In his latest book titled "Waste Land," author Robert Kaplan focuses on the importance of technology in determining the world's future. Kaplan, author of 24 books, holds the chair in geopolitics at the Foreign Policy Institute. In Chapter 3 of his 177-page book, he claims: "…civilization is now in flux. The ongoing decay of the West is manifested not only in racial tensions coupled with new barriers to free speech, but in the deterioration of dress codes, the erosion of grammar, the decline in sales of serious books and classical music, and so on…all of which have traditionally been signs of civilization."   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

For In his latest book titled "Waste Land," author Robert Kaplan focuses on the importance of technology in determining the world's future. Kaplan, author of 24 books, holds the chair in geopolitics at the Foreign Policy Institute. In Chapter 3 of his 177-page book, he claims: "…civilization is now in flux. The ongoing decay of the West is manifested not only in racial tensions coupled with new barriers to free speech, but in the deterioration of dress codes, the erosion of grammar, the decline in sales of serious books and classical music, and so on…all of which have traditionally been signs of civilization."   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode of GREAT POWER PODCAST, host Michael Sobolik speaks with Niklas Swanström about America's supply chain dependencies on Beijing, related threats to national security, and what it would take to build out alternative supply chain networks. Guest biography Dr. Niklas Swanström is the Director of the Institute for Security and Development Policy, and one of its co-founders. He is a Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) and a Senior Associate Research Fellow at the Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI). His main areas of expertise are conflict prevention, conflict management and regional cooperation; Supply Chain Security, Cyber Warfare and disinformation; Chinese foreign policy and security in Northeast Asia; the Belt and Road Initiative, traditional and non-traditional security threats and its effect on regional and national security as well as negotiations. His focus is mainly on Northeast Asia, Central Asia and Southeast Asia. Resources from the conversation Read Niklas' new book Read Michael's new book Follow Niklas on X Follow Michael on X

The Roundtable Panel: a daily open discussion of issues in the news and beyond. Today's panelists are public policy and communications expert Theresa Bourgeois and Vice President for Editorial Development at the New York Press Association Judy Patrick. We are also joined by Fariba Pajooh who is originally from Iran, with over 15 years of reporting experience across the globe. Her focus was on Iran, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Currently, Fariba is a qualitative researcher, Ph. D. candidate, and graduate teaching assistant in the Department of Communication at Wayne State University. As well as Ali Vaez who is Crisis Group's Iran Project Director and Senior Adviser to the President. He is an adjunct professor at Georgetown University's Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service and a Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He is a co-author of "How Sanctions Work: Iran and r=the Impact of Economic Warfare."

It is with pleasure that I was able to invite my colleague Gregory T Chin into the Virtual Studio to discuss all matters related to the BRICS+. Greg has been an observer of the BRICS for some time, and its main institutional creation the New Development Bank (NDB). I was keen to explore the BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa now that it has extended membership to Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Where is the BRICS+ headed in this evolving geopolitical environment? And I wanted to explore with Greg the major BRICS institution, the NDB, and what the BRICS+ hopes to accomplish with this Multilateral Development Bank (MDB). Gregory T Chin is an Associate Professor of Political Economy in the Department of Politics, and Faculty of Graduate Studies at York University (Canada), with a focus on China, Asia, the BRICS, global governance, and the political economy of international money and finance. He is a Non-Resident Senior Fellow of the Global China Initiative at Boston University's Global Development Policy Center, and of the Foreign Policy Institute at The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Prior to joining York University in 2007, he was First Secretary (Development) at the Canadian Embassy in Beijing 2003-2006. He handled strategic policy engagement with decision-makers in China, government agencies, key Chinese think tanks, and liaised with diplomatic representatives of other countries, the major multilateral development banks and international organizations, and private international foundations and donors. His recent publications include: an "Introduction - The Evolution of New Development Bank", "Bangladesh and New Development Bank", and "US Financial Statecraft and China" (published in Italian by Istituto Treccani). Also he recently published on the New Development Bank with – “Introduction – The evolution of New Development Bank (NDB): A decade plus in the making”.

American democracy relies on nonpartisan civil servants to detect and combat corruption. Alexander Vindman was one such civil servant when he reported abuses of power by former President Trump, resulting in Vindman being fired from the federal government and retiring from the armed forces. Vindman discusses what a second Trump administration and Project 2025 would mean not only for democracy in the US, but also in Ukraine. Vindman explains the history of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia and its implications for global democracy. Alexander Vindman is a retired US Army lieutenant colonel and an expert in national security. He has previously served as the director for European affairs on the United States National Security Council, the political-military affairs officer for Russia at the Pentagon, and as an attaché at the American embassies in Moscow and Kyiv. In addition to being a Hauser Leader at Harvard University and a senior fellow at Johns Hopkins University's Foreign Policy Institute, he is a Kettering Foundation Senior Fellow.

The Borat movies were a fun but far fetched parody right? Think again. The Central Asian nation of Turkmenistan is currently ruled by the clownish Gurbangulyýewiç Berdimuhamedow and his son Serdar. He has styled himself as an action hero. Unfortunately he isn't very good at racing, handling horses, firing guns, singing, dancing, weight lifting, rapping or any of the other "talents" he likes to demonstrate.  He is also a tyrant, presiding over an oppressive system of government that has seen untold numbers of political opponents thrown into horrific dungeons. How did he get the job? Well because he was the dentist of his predecessor the equally bizarre Saparmurat Niyazov. Makes sense right? Of course it doesn't but it is true and my guest today -- revered journalist Bruce Pannier a fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute was in Central Asia when the USSR ended and this peculiar new system of government arose from its ashes. We discuss Bruce's firsthand insights into the hermit-like nation. He shares amusing anecdotes about the seemingly insane rulers, and shares his thoughts on more serious topics including life for the Turkmen people, terrorism, and international relations.  Guest: Bruce Pannier is a Central Asia Fellow in the Eurasia Program at the Foreign Policy Research Institute and a longtime journalist and correspondent covering Central Asia. He currently writes Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's blog, Qishloq Ovozi, and appears regularly on the Majlis podcast for RFE/RL. Prior to joining RFE/RL in 1997, Bruce worked at the Open Media Research Institute in Prague. In 1992, he led a sociological project in Central Asia sponsored by the University of Manchester and the Soros Cultural Initiative Foundation. During that time he lived in villages in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Bruce studied at Tashkent State University in the summer of 1990 and studied at Columbia University under Professor Edward Allworth. Bruce has also written for The Economist, Janes Intelligence, Oxford Analytica, Freedom House, The Cairo Review, the FSU Oil & Gas Monitor, and Energo Weekly.   Music: Performed by Gurbanghuly and Serdar Berdimuhamedow -- yes the "rap" song is actually written and performed by the President and his son. This episode is sponsored by World History Encyclopedia, one of the top history websites on the internet. I love the fact that they're not a Wiki: Every article they publish is reviewed by their editorial team, not only for being accurate but also for being interesting to read. The website is run as a non-profit organization, so you won't be bombarded by annoying ads and it's completely free. It's a great site, and don't just take my word for it they've been recommended by many academic institutions including Oxford University. Go check them out at WorldHistory.org or follow this link: World History Encyclopedia. Фильмы о Борате были забавной, но надуманной пародией, верно? Подумайте еще раз. Центральноазиатским государством Туркменистаном в настоящее время правят шут Гурбангулыевич Бердымухамедов и его сын Сердар. Он назвал себя героем боевиков. К сожалению, он не очень хорош в скачках, обращении с лошадьми, стрельбе из оружия, пении, танцах, поднятии тяжестей, рэпе и других «талантах», которые он любит демонстрировать.  Он также является тираном, возглавляющим репрессивную систему правления, которая видела бесчисленное количество политических оппонентов, брошенных в ужасающие темницы. Как он получил эту работу? Ну, потому что он был дантистом своего предшественника, столь же эксцентричного Сапармурата Ниязова. Имеет смысл, не так ли? Конечно, это не так, но это правда, и мой сегодняшний гость - уважаемый журналист Брюс Паннье, сотрудник Института внешней политики, был в Центральной Азии, когда СССР распался и из его пепла возникла эта своеобразная новая система правления.  

This week on Sinica, I speak with veteran China analysts Thomas Fingar and David M. Lampton — Mike Lampton — about a paper they published in the Winter 2024 edition of the Washington Quarterly. It's an excellent overview of how and why the bilateral relationship took such a bad turn roughly 15 years ago, citing mistakes both sides made and the reasons why China shifted around that time from one of its two basic behavioral modes — more open, tolerant, and simpatico in its foreign policy — to the other mode, which is both more internally repressive and externally assertive.Thomas Fingar is Shorenstein APARC Fellow in the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. He was Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research. He served as the first deputy director of national intelligence for analysis and as chairman of the National Intelligence Council — and he's the author of many books, including most recently From Mandate to Blueprint: Lessons from Intelligence Reform.Mike Lampton is Professor Emeritus and former Hyman Professor and Director of SAIS-China and China Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, and Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute. Mike was also formerly President of the National Committee on United States-China Relations.05:04 – The problem with the use of the term "autocracy" to describe China's system09:18 – Analysis of the motivation behind China's actions, questioning the assumption that all decisions are solely for perpetuating the Communist Party's power.10:25 – Rethinking Xi Jinping's personal influence over China's policy decisions: the checks on his power within the Chinese political system.15:58 – Critique of deterministic theories in political science regarding state behavior, particularly concerning China's foreign policy and domestic policy actions.19:13 – The importance of avoiding oversimplified and deterministic explanations for Chinese behavior on the global stage.23:43 – Discussion on the perception of China as an unstoppable juggernaut and the consequences of such a view for international relations and domestic policies in the U.S.24:41 – Analysis of the notion that China seeks to recreate an imperial tribute system in its foreign relations and regional strategy.28:09 – Introduction of the concept of two strategic constellations that have historically guided China's policy focus: national/regime security and economic/social development.33:11 – Exploration of factors leading to China's shift from prioritizing economic and social development to focusing more on national and regime security.37:38 – Examination of the internal and external dynamics contributing to China's policy shifts and the impact of globalization on societal and political tensions.48:47 – Reflection on the post-9/11 period as a time of relatively smooth U.S.-China relations and speculation on the role of international crises in shaping bilateral dynamics.52:59 – Discussion on the challenges and opportunities for the U.S. and China to adjust their policies and rhetoric to manage tensions and avoid further exacerbating the bilateral relationship.Recommendations: Tom: The novels of Mick Herron (author of Slow Horses); the novels of Alan Furst, including Night Soldiers and The Polish Officer.Mike: Philip Taubman, In the Nation's Service (a biography of George Schultz); and Liz Cheney, Oath and HonorKaiser: The Magician, by Colm Tóibín — an unconventional novelized biography of Thomas MannSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

As Turkey's rapprochement with the United States gathers pace, the future of Turkish-purchased Russian S-400 missiles is increasingly in question. The missile deal is a potent symbol of Ankara's close ties with Moscow, but Washington is offering to sell Turkey its advanced F35 military jet for the removal of the Russian weapons. Ankara was kicked out of the jet program after it purchased Russian S-400 anti-aircraft missiles, which Washington said compromised the F-35's stealth technology.Now Turkey's purchase of the advanced F-35 military jet could be back on the agenda.Acting deputy of Secretary of State Victoria Nuland, during a visit to Istanbul last month, offered to revive the jet sale if the Russian missiles were removed.Along with the $2.5 billion (€2.3 billion) price tag for the Russian missiles, Ankara paid a heavy price militarily and economically by being expelled from the F-35 program.Founding partnerTurkey was one of the founding partners of the jet program, with Turkish companies building numerous parts for the plane.Diplomatically the missile sale created a deep divide between Turkey and its NATO partners, raising questions over its allegiance to the Western military alliance."After the purchase of the anti-aircraft missiles, which was unprecedented, some people in [President] Erdogan's cabinet also admitted this was a big mistake," says Onur Isci, a Russian affairs expert at Istanbul's Kadir Has University told RFI."Turkey's purchase of the S-400s was a very costly endeavor." The escaping Russians finding a better life in TurkeyThe S-400 missile sale was a powerful symbol of deepening Russian Turkish ties and deteriorating relations with Washington.The sale came in the aftermath of Ankara's accusations of Washington's involvement in the 2016 failed coup attempt against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.Russian President Vladimir Putin was among the first leaders to offer Erdogan support during the attempted putsch.Important symbolWhile the Russian missiles sit in a warehouse undeployed, they remain an important symbol of Erdogan's close ties to Putin, making their removal difficult for the Turkish president."The buying of the S-400 air defence system from Russia was a diplomatic catastrophe of historical magnitude," says former senior Turkish diplomat Aydin Selcen, now a regional analyst."Unfortunately, it is not possible. I am led to believe that Erdogan will walk back from that mistake ... It was an unforced error. It was an own goal, whichever metaphor you like." Turkey's bid to join EU back on the table at upcoming summitHowever, US-Turkish ties are improving with Ankara's ratification of Sweden's NATO membership and Washington's reciprocating by allowing the sale of F16 jets to Turkey.But the F16 is inferior to the F35, which neighbor and rival Greece is set to purchase as part of its military modernisation, causing alarm in Ankara."When you read Turkey's hawks, everybody is afraid that the air force balance over the Aegean is not tilting or is going to be tilting in favor of Greece," warns Soli Ozel, who teaches international relations at Istanbul's Kadir Has University. Waiting gameWhether Ankara takes up Washington's offer of F-35 jets in exchange for removing the Russian-made missiles – possibly to a Turkish ally like Azerbaijan, Qatar, or even Libya – depends on the progress of improving relations with the United States."It's very important if we see any more moves from Washington," says Yoruk Isik, a geopolitical analyst in Istanbul with the Washington-based Middle East Institute. "The F35 was the first signal in years that that was a really positive signal from Washington. Ankara is waiting to hear the continuation of that message."Erdogan's close ties with Putin have benefited Turkey in deferments on energy payments for Russian energy. The Turkish leader is predicted to be looking to Washington to pay a high price to remove the Russian weapons. "Turkey can easily renounce on S-400; it's a political decision, it's not a military necessity," said Huseyin Bagci, head of the Foreign Policy Institute, a research organisation in Ankara.  "So far, the S-400 has helped Turkey to increase the level of negotiations with NATO and the United States of America."Ankara's purchase of Russian missiles was widely seen as a diplomatic triumph for Moscow, dividing Turkey from its NATO allies.Their removal would be a similarly significant victory for Washington.

Dr. Alexander Vindman is a retired U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel who most recently served on the National Security Council. He was thrust into the national spotlight in October 2019 when he testified before Congress during former president Donald Trump's first impeachment hearing. He is currently a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute, and leads the national security think tank, the Institute for Informed American Leadership. He's an executive board member for the Renew Democracy Initiative and a senior advisor for VoteVets. He frequently appears on NPR, MSNBC, and CNN and is the author of the book "Here, Right Matters: An American Story". Rachel Vindman is an opinion columnist at USA TODAY and a member of the USA Today Board of Contributors. She's an activist and political commentator and also co-hosts the Suburban Women Problem podcast. Join me and this dynamic power-couple as we discuss the Israel-Hamas war; the hostage crisis; the failure of the Netanyahu government; the rise in rabid antisemitism; the 'forgotten' Ukraine-Russia war; the continued threat to our democracy from Donald Trump and Trumpism; the 2024 election and Alex's twin brother Eugene's candidacy for Virginia's 7th Congressional district seat; and more. Got somethin' to say?! Email us at BackroomAndy@gmail.com Leave us a message: 845-307-7446 Twitter: @AndyOstroy Produced by Andy Ostroy, Matty Rosenberg, and Jennifer Hammoud @ Radio Free Rhiniecliff Music by Andrew Hollander Design by Cricket Lengyel

0900, Thursday, July 25, 2019: President Trump called Ukraine's President Zelensky, supposedly to congratulate him on his recent victory. In the months that followed, the American public would only learn what happened on that call because Alexander Vindman felt duty-bound to report it up the chain of command: that the President of the United States had extorted a foreign ally to damage a political challenger at home. Vindman's actions and subsequent testimony before congress would lead to Trump's impeachment and affirm Vindman's belief that he had done the right thing in the face of intense pressure to stay silent. But it would come at an enormous cost, straining relationships with colleagues, superiors, and even his own father, and eventually end his decorated career in the US Army, by a Trump administration intent on retribution. ---------- SPEAKER: Alexander Vindman is a retired U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel, was most recently the director for Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Russia on the White House's National Security Council. Previously, he served as the Political-Military Affairs Officer for Russia for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and as an attaché at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, Russia. While on the Joint Staff, he co-authored the National Military Strategy Russia Annex and was the principal author for the Global Campaign for Russia. Alexander is a Doctor of International Affairs, Senior Fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), and author of the bestselling memoir Here, Right Matters. ---------- LINKS: https://twitter.com/AVindman https://www.linkedin.com/in/alexander-vindman-11340280/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Vindman ---------- BOOKS: Here, Right Matters: An American Story Hardcover (2021) https://alexandervindmanbook.com/ https://www.harpercollins.com/blogs/authors/alexander-vindman-20213242836650 ----------

This week's collapse in European Union peace talks between Azerbaijan and Armenia underlines the growing importance of Turkey in the region, as Azerbaijan blames its refusal to attend the "talks" on the exclusion of its close Turkish ally. The EU's attempt to revive peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan ended before they started, with Azeri President Ilham Aliyev refusing to attend.The Azerbaijan state news agency blamed EU leaders for excluding Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan from peace talks.Turkey and Azerbaijan have always been close, often describing themselves as "one nation, two states."But Ankara's military support through hardware sales and training that proved decisive for Azeri forces ousting ethnic Armenians from the dispute Nagorno Karabakh enclave has taken Turkish-Azerbajani relations to a new level. One third of Karabakh population flees Azerbaijan's control"Turkey has supported Azerbaijan very directly from the very beginning," explains Huseyin Bagci, head of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute."Now, Turkey will be a supporter of Azerbaijan, not only in this issue (Nagorno-Karabakh) but in many other issues Azerbaijan would face."All the challenges Azerbaijan will have in military terms, Turkey will side with Azerbaijan, and we will see how the Russians and the Iranians also react to these developments."Turkey will play a crucial role in economic development and the military protection of Azerbaijan in this region."Boon for AnkaraAnkara has already started to reap rewards from Azerbaijan's victory, with Turkish construction companies securing major reconstruction contracts in the region. Erdogan is looking to the area to help kick-start Turkey's crisis-ridden economy.But the deepening alliance between Ankara and Baku is set to challenge Russia's once dominating influence in the Caucasus, a region it considers its backyard.Analysts say Moscow, for decades, used Armenia's dispute with Azerbaijan over the Nagorno Karabakh enclave to help maintain its control of the region."There has been a change of paradigm because we always thought that Russia was interested in keeping this conflict alive and benefiting from this conflict to keep its relations with Armenia and Azerbaijan intact," says Gallia Lindenstrauss, a Caucasus expert at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. Spectre of 1915 Armenian genocide looms over Nagorno-KarabakhBut with Moscow possibly distracted by its war in Ukraine, its grip on the region is being challenged."The fact that it allowed Azerbaijan to win such a big military victory is definitely a change of heart for Russia, and it will influence, at least in the short term, its ability to act," says Lindenstrauss."Having said that, Azerbaijan is perhaps too strong from the perspective of Russia and Iran, and how they will react to the strengthening of Azerbaijan in the long run may also create problems for Turkey."Strategic priorityTurkey's alliance with Azerbaijan is one of its main strategic priorities, underlined by the 2021 Shusha Declaration, which commits Ankara to the defense of Baku in the event of an attack.But Turkey is no stranger to handling and managing differences with Russia."Turkey and Russia have very different positions and very different interests," says Russian expert Zaur Gasimov of Bonn University."If you take northern Africa, if you take Syria, if you take the Caucasus, and also in Ukraine, they have really very different positions."Erdogan, much to his Western allies' unease, has developed a close relationship with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, despite their differences. Azerbaijan halts Karabakh operation as separatists vow to disarm"But both sides are aware in all these subregions that they have to communicate to interact, and that is the content of their cooperation," says Gasimov."It's not a mutual interest. It's the understanding of the importance and essential of cooperation and staying in a dialog with each other."Dealing with a more assertive Ankara and Baku will likely be the uncomfortable reality that Moscow now has to face in its dealings in the Caucasus.This a lesson some observers say the EU may also need to learn as it seeks to play a more significant role in the region with its latest call for new peace talks, perhaps later this month in Brussels between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Historic rivals Greece and Turkey look closer to a rapprochement as their leaders step up efforts to improve ties after receiving strong election mandates this year. Foreign ministers from the two neighbours are set to meet on Monday, but analysts warn substantial obstacles still need to be overcome. Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis's landslide victory in June elections is seen as allowing him to pursue his long-term goal of rapprochement with Turkey. "I wouldn't call it his secret agenda, but he did want that – the amelioration of relations – and that is something that goes back since the beginning of this century when I first met him," claims Alexis Heraclides, a professor of international relations at Panteion University in Athens.Leaders of the two countries met on the sidelines of the Nato summit in Vilnius in July, pledging to work towards improving ties. This Monday the Greek foreign minister, Giorgos Gerapetritis, is scheduled to travel to Turkey to meet his Turkish counterpart Hakan Fidan in the latest effort at rapprochement.Mitsotakis appointed Gerapetritis after his election victory, replacing Nikos Dendias, a hawk in Turkish-Greek relations, notes Heraclides. "The fact that [Mitsotakis] was able to get this victory sort of unties his hands," he said. "Previously he had little leeway, since his foreign minister [Dendias], his head of the army and others are very much hardliners."So this is an almost golden opportunity to do his thing, to take matters into his hands."Change of toneAfter his re-election in May, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan also replaced his foreign minister, Mevlut Cavusoglu. Newly appointed Hakan Fidan is widely regarded as a skilled diplomat.With elections behind him the Turkish president can tone down his nationalist rhetoric, which is popular with his electoral base, and be more receptive to Greek overtures, says Huseyin Bagci, head of the Foreign Policy Institute, an Ankara-based research organisation."The new government, of course, will be much more cooperative," Bagci predicts. "I think the non-solvable issues will continue, but the rhetoric will be much more [toned] down."I do expect that both sides will try to find common ground... Both leaders seem to be trying to work together. And this is time for cooperation, not confrontation," he added.Maritime flashpointsThe Aegean and Mediterranean Seas remain flashpoints for the Greek and Turkish navies as both countries search for what are believed to be significant energy reserves in disputed waters. Tensions rise between Greece and Turkey over island military bases Turkish-Greek dispute over Libyan oil reserves risks sparking regional rowAt the same time, the island of Cyprus, divided between Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities, continues to be a potential source of tension. But analysts say improving bilateral ties could help Turkey achieve one of its military goals: buying American-made jets.Turkey is seeking to acquire F-16 fighter jets from the United States. Last year the Greek prime minister urged the US Congress to block the sale, and the deal has been delayed in part over Washington's concerns about tensions between the two Nato allies. 'Honeymoon period'But given the history of failed attempts, observers question how long the latest efforts to improve ties will last."You see these wonderful pictures coming out, everyone smiling in nice photo ops," observes Mediterranean security analyst Aya Burweila. "I think in three months, six months, we'll see if people are going to go back to their baseline," she said."It's like in a horrible marriage – there's a little honeymoon period, and then everybody goes back to who they really are."  Love conquers all for Greek-Turkish couples in AthensBut there remain hopeful signs. Greek and Turkish leaders refrained from angry rhetoric despite the recent flare-up of tensions in Cyprus over the construction of a road in contested territory, as well as the announcement that Turkey plans to drill for new energy sources in the Mediterranean.Mitsotakis and Erdogan are expected to meet on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in October, with a summit between the two leaders in Greece on the cards later this year.

PREVIEW: Reports of Gulag-like Prison camps to be built in Donbas and Russia for the POWs and detained suspect Ukrainians as Russia prepares for a long war.  Ilan Berman, American Foreign Policy Institute Photo:  1900 Kyiv No known restrictions on publication. @Batchelorshow

Host Jon Olson talks with James Borton, Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) about environmental security in the South China Sea.

Host Jon Olson talks with James Borton, Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) about environmental security in the South China Sea. 

Russia's decision to walk out on a deal brokered by the United Nations and Turkey to allow Ukrainian grain exports through the Black Sea has prompted fears of soaring prices and global famine. Turkey, the gatekeeper to the waterway, has a key role to play in finding a solution. The Turkish-flagged TQ Samsun was the last ship to carry grain from a Ukrainian Black Sea port under the deal that guaranteed safe passage to cargo ships leaving the war zone, after Moscow withdrew from the agreement earlier this week. But Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is calling for grain exports to continue through the Black Sea.Such a move would likely need support from the Turkish navy, which is second only to Russia in the Black Sea.  France slams Russia's suspension of Black Sea grain deal as 'blackmail'"I've been a proponent of this [Turkish naval support] from the very beginning," declares Yoruk Isik, a geopolitical analyst in Istanbul with the Washington-based Middle East Institute."There are some difficulties. The first one will be the insurance question. But we already hear from the Ukrainian government that it set aside a serious amount of money, like half a billion euros, to provide possible insurance."Isik also warned: "I think that Russia could do things that irritate Turkey, possibly in Syria and other places."Russian escalationMoscow warns that cargo ships attempting to carry Ukrainian grain will be considered hostile because they could potentially bear arms for Kyiv.After withdrawing from the grain deal, Russian forces have already started pounding Ukrainian ports. Russia defence ministry says navy carried out live fire 'exercise' in Black SeaBut it is not clear whether Moscow is ready for a confrontation with Turkey if it deploys its naval forces to protect ships carrying Ukrainian grain."They will try to create a hostile environment, possibly maybe dumping some sea mines," warns analyst Isik."But in reality, if Turkey is backing this trade [Ukrainian grain exports], I actually don't expect Russians will have either the ability or the desire to really confront the Turkish navy or the international vessels transiting on the western Black Sea," he added.But Ankara is wary of the risks involved, given the dangers of a possible confrontation with Russian naval forces."The Russian naval fleet is very powerful here, they have a lot of battleships; they have more than ten submarines here," explains Mesut Casin, an international security expert at Istanbul's Yeditepe University and adviser to the Turkish president."This could be a big headache for Nato and for Turkey's security, and this will trigger a kind of blowup in Turkey-Russian relations," he said.Turkey keeps the balanceIf Ankara doesn't offer assistance, other Nato members may want to step in to secure the continuation of Ukrainian grain exports, which experts say is essential to prevent surging food prices and famine in some parts of the world. Grain shortfall from Ukraine war exacerbates food insecurity in AfricaBut Turkey is the gatekeeper to the Black Sea under the international Montreux Convention on maritime traffic, and some analysts say it will be very reluctant to allow warships to enter the war zone."Those ships would make very easy targets," predicts Serhat Guvenc, a professor of international relations at Kadir Has University in Istanbul, "and probably, their presence would not decrease but increase the risk of escalation between Nato and Russia."He adds: "That's the reason why Turkey has suggested to its allies and others that they should reconsider their plans to send in warships into the Black Sea." Erdogan weighs benefits of friendlier ties with Turkey's Western alliesSince the onset of the Ukrainian conflict, Turkey has blocked access to ships from both Russia and Nato countries, other than those that have ports on the Black Sea. The stance is part of what Ankara calls its balanced approach."Turkey is very, very careful here not to touch the security interest of Russia as directly as the United States and other European countries do," explains Huseyin Bagci of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute."Turkey will have a unique position in this respect. As we say, neither West nor East but the Turkish security interest, which is keeping the balance there," Bagci said.Go-betweenTurkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan claims his close ties with his Ukrainian and Russian counterparts helped him broker the UN grain deal. Erdogan says he still believes Turkish diplomacy again can find a solution to avert escalating tensions."The Black Sea, even though a closed and small area, is one of the most dangerous areas in the world," warns presidential advisor Casin. "Someone has to open the gate with the Kremlin; this should be Turkey." Turkey maintains cordial links with Russia on first anniversary of Ukraine warTurkey, as the world's largest flour exporter and among the largest exporters of pasta, stands to lose if Ukrainian grain exports do not resume.With the Turkish waterways no longer full of ships carrying Ukrainian grain, world food prices are predicted to surge – along with pressure to find a solution.

Town Square with Ernie Manouse airs at 3 p.m. CT. Tune in on 88.7FM, listen online or subscribe to the podcast. Join the discussion at 888-486-9677, questions@townsquaretalk.org or @townsquaretalk. First, we speak with University of Houston Hobby School of Public Affairs Associate Professor Dr. Chris Bronk about the technology war between the U.S. and China, with the Biden administration attempting to restrict China's access to semiconductors. Then, we are joined by Rice University Political Science professor Dr. Richard Stoll and Ronan O'Malley, Chief Programs Officer for the World Affairs Council of Greater Houston, to discuss recent and current international affairs. Both guests share insight on Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen's recent trip to China, the latest on Russia-Ukraine amidst the destruction of a bridge linking Crimea to Russia, and Sweden becoming an official member of NATO. Plus, Dr. Stoll and O'Malley share their thoughts on recent world news headlines such as the continuing protests occurring in France, whether the European economy is in trouble, and understanding the Philippines and the new leadership of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Guests: Dr. Chris Bronk Associate Professor, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston Dr. Richard Stoll Albert Thomas Professor of Political Science, Rice University Ronan O'Malley Chief Programs Officer and Director of the Global Affairs & U.S. Foreign Policy Institute, World Affairs Council of Greater Houston Town Square with Ernie Manouse is a gathering space for the community to come together and discuss the day's most important and pressing issues. We also offer a free podcast here, on iTunes, and other apps

On this episode, Anita speaks with Daniel Hamilton, a Non-resident Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution and a Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins University SAIS. He is also the President of the Transatlantic Leadership Network and a former senior State Department official. We discuss the ups and downs of the Transatlantic Alliance and how the war in Ukraine and strategic competition with China affect the US's relationship with Europe.There have been several substantial developments in the Ukraine-Russia war. First, we discuss the Wagner rebellion and their march to Moscow, which was halted by a deal between Wagner leader Yevgeny Proghozin and Belarus's President Alexander Lukashenko. Then, we catch up on the latest in Ukraine's counteroffensive against Russia. China is also in the news, with Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen's trip to the country, and we talk about what the US hopes to achieve with these talks. Finally, we discuss China's announcement on limiting exports of metals critical to the manufacturing of semiconductor chips.Topics Discussed in this Episode06:00 - Russia-Ukraine: Wagner Mutiny, Ukraine's Counteroffensive, and Cluster Munitions34:00 - China Strikes Back: Export limits on semiconductor inputs48:00 - Interview with Daniel Hamilton on US-European relations around Ukraine War and ChinaArticles and Resources Mentioned in EpisodeRussia-Ukraine: Wagner Mutiny, Ukraine's Counteroffensive, and Cluster MunitionsWhat just happened in Russia? The Wagner crisis, explained. (WaPo)Ukraine's top general, Valery Zaluzhny, wants shells, planes and patience (WaPo)Where Will All the Wagner Group Mercenaries Go Now That Russia Has Exiled Their Leader? (RAND)The secret calendar of Russian rebel warlord Yevgeny Prigozhin revealed (The Business Insider)China Strikes Back: Export limits on semiconductor inputsChina Restricts Export of Chipmaking Metals in Clash With US (Bloomberg)China's ‘first warning shot' on export controls causes 27% jump in price of gallium—a metal vital to tech industries (Fortune)Yellen Says U.S. Doesn't Seek ‘Winner Take All' Fight With China (WSJ)Interview with Daniel Hamilton on US-European relations around Ukraine War and ChinaSAISTransatlantic RelationsTwitter: @DanSHamiltonFollow Us Show Website: www.kelloggsglobalpolitics.com Show Twitter: @GlobalKellogg Anita's Twitter: @arkellogg Show YouTube

With Nato leaders due to gather in Vilnius Tuesday for a two day summit, Sweden's membership bid hangs in the balance. Turkish President Recep Erdogan, outraged by the burning of a Koran outside a Stockholm mosque, is resisting international pressure over his opposition to Sweden's bid. The Turkish leader is emboldened by his May election victory, but Washington may hold the key to resolving the impasse. Last month's public burning of a Koran by protesters outside a Stockholm mosque is the latest obstacle to Sweden's NATO bid. Erdogan slammed the Koran burning and warned  that he would resist pressure over his opposition to Sweden's membership aspiration.'Provocation and threats'"I clearly want it to be known that, as Turkey, we will not bow down to the politics of provocation and threats," bellowed Erdogan in a national TV address."We will teach the arrogant Western people that it is not freedom of expression to insult the sacred values of Muslims."Erdogan's May election victory was on a platform of standing up to Turkey's Western allies, likely hardening his negotiating stance with his NATO partners."We are likely to see more of the same. President Erdogan, has been emboldened by the vote, having five years of no elections," Asli Aydintasbas, a visiting fellow of the Brookings Institution in Washington,said. "Then possibly the price going up in terms of Turkey ratifying Sweden's NATO membership."Erdogan is calling on Stockholm to ban public displays of support for the Kurdish separatist group the PKK. The group has waged an insurgency against Turkey for four decades and is designated by both the United States and the European Union as a terrorist organization. Ankara also wants Sweden to extradite its members to Turkey. But Stockholm insists they've now met Ankara's security demands."Sweden is no safe haven for terrorism. We are no safe haven for PKK," said Sweden's chief negotiator, Oscar Stenstrom. French president urges Turkey to support Sweden's bid to join NATO NATO chief calls on Turkey not to veto Sweden's bid to join alliance Sweden, PKK and NATO"We have stepped up our cooperation between our police agencies, the police, and the security service, together with the Turkish counterparts to be much more effective," added Stenstrom.But Erdogan dismissed such claims and demanded a crackdown by Swedish authorities on PKK activities.On Thursday, a Swedish court found a man guilty of extorting money on behalf of the PKK. At the same time, Swedish and Turkish diplomats met Thursday with NATO representatives to resolve the impasse. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said progress had been made but that there was still no breakthrough.US solutionTurkey's aging fleet of American-made F16 fighter jets could be key to resolving the impasse. Turkey wants Washington to approve the sale of new F-16 fighter jets and modernization kits."At the end of the day, probably, there will be a common understanding that America will provide the F-16 modernization process as well as the new F-16s,"  Huseyin Bagci, head of the Foreign Policy Institute, an Ankara-based research organization."And Turkey, I do not think that Turkey will be willing to stop the NATO's enlargement process," added Bagci. "But at the moment, the more the Swedish membership is postponed, the better for Russia."President Biden is now voicing support for the Turkish fighter sale. But there could be other obstacles. Erdogan is looking for an invitation to Washington as the price for lifting his veto on Sweden's NATO membership bid,  claims International Relations professor Serhat Guvenc at Istanbul Kadir Has University."Erdogan has been in power for more than twenty years, and Biden is the only US president who has refused to meet him in an official capacity, either in the US capital or in the Turkish capital. So probably one of the priorities of Erdogan will be to put an end to this isolation or exclusion from Washington, DC," said Guvenc.Biden is a critic of Erdogan's human rights record. But Ankara's backing of Sweden's NATO bid would also likely open the door to Stockholm's other remaining opponent, Hungary."Regarding Turkey, they are also our allies, and therefore we need to hear their voice," said Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orban, a close ally of Erdogan."Perhaps, since we are closer to them than the other NATO members, we are hearing them with a sharper ear," added Orban.Erdogan likes to broker deals face-to-face with fellow world leaders in the blaze of the world's media. So any breakthrough was seen as unlikely until the Nato leaders gave for the Vilnius summit, with negotiations likely to go down to the wire and Sweden facing a nervous wait.

Turkey's newly reelected president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, faces the challenge of balancing ties with Russia and Western allies as he seeks to make the country a major player on the world stage. With Erdogan taking the presidential oath for a third time, analysts predict foreign policy will be central to his goal of making Turkey a 21st-century power."We are also likely to see a continuation of this non-aligned and strategic, autonomous idea of Turkey's place in the world," said Asli Aydintasbas, a visiting fellow with the Brookings Institution in Washington."President Erdogan sees Turkey as a rising power," Aydintasbas explained. "He's built his campaign on this. The 21st century, he says, will be the century of Turkey, and that Turkey is not a loyal card-carrying member of the transatlantic community."Standoff over SwedenAnkara's ongoing veto of Sweden's Nato membership bid is increasingly viewed as a critical test of its loyalties.Nato Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg attended Erdogan's swearing-in last weekend, urging Turkey to lift its veto of Sweden's bid to join the transatlantic alliance. Ankara has accused Stockholm of sheltering members of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party, the PKK, which is listed as a terrorist group by Ankara and its Western allies. NATO chief calls on Turkey not to veto Sweden's bid to join allianceSpeaking to reporters after meeting with Erdogan, Stoltenberg described talks as "productive", acknowledging security threats posed by Kurdish rebel groups like the PKK to Turkey. "No other ally has faced more terrorist attacks," said the Nato chief.But Stoltenberg insists Stockholm has addressed Ankara's calls to crack down on terrorist organisations attacking Turkey."Sweden has taken significant concrete steps to meet Turkey's concerns," he said. "This includes amending the Swedish constitution, ending its arms embargo, and stepping up counter-terrorism cooperation, including against the PKK. Important new terrorism legislation has come into force just a few days ago. So Sweden has fulfilled its obligations."Russian investment, American ambitionsAnkara's ongoing opposition to Sweden's Nato bid comes as Erdogan is pledging to deepen ties with Moscow. Russian President Vladimir Putin was among the first to congratulate Erdogan on his latest electoral success."Turkey is having a lot of investments from Russia," pointed out Huseyin Bagci, head of the Foreign Policy Institute, an Ankara-based research organisation."In his presidential speech, [Erdogan] was talking about this nuclear plant and also an LNG [liquid natural gas] hub for certain European countries. Turkish-Russian continue to be stronger," Bagci said.  Turkey and Russia closer than ever despite Western sanctionsPutin gave Erdogan significant financial support during the presidential election, deferring billions of dollars in energy payments to support the beleaguered Turkish economy. But analysts suggest Erdogan wants to consolidate his electoral success with a reset with Washington. US President Joe Biden has in the past criticised Erdogan, even calling him an autocrat."Erdogan got what he wanted or what he needed before the elections from Russia. He got a deferment of payments for natural gas," stressed international relations professor Serhat Guvenc of Kadir Has University."Now, probably, his expectations are more centred in the West than in Russia. There is this expectation that now that Erdogan was elected, that is proof of his democratic credentials," said Guvenc. "So based on this perceived renewal of democratic credentials, probably Erdogan and his associates will seek a reinvigoration of the relations between the two countries on the basis of a better reception of Erdogan in Washington, probably an official visit – this is what they are expecting."Lack of chemistryImproving Turkish-US relations is widely expected to help ease financial pressures facing the economy. But the poor chemistry between the country's two leaders remains an obstacle."Turkey's a challenge for Washington, and it will continue to be a challenge. The relationship is less than ideal. In fact, it's pretty dysfunctional," warns analyst Aydintasbas.  World leaders congratulate Turkey's Erdogan on reelection"It starts at the top with President Erdogan and President Biden hardly talking or hardly ever meeting. Even though they've met on the sidelines of major international summits, I think that the lines of communication between the two are just very poor," she added.That relationship could ultimately be tested over Ankara's stance on Nato enlargement and growing Western calls to impose sanctions on Russia over its invasion of Ukraine, something Erdogan has so far refused.

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan was sworn in for a fifth term on Saturday after winning re-election last weekend. But he will have little time to rest with the threat of a financial crisis and a tricky balancing act between Russia and Turkey's traditional Western allies. Erdogan's victory, widely considered his toughest, came despite an ailing economy and criticism over the handling of devastating earthquakes.On the streets of Istanbul, his presidential runoff victory over challenger Kemal Kilicdaroglu came as little surprise."It is the normal result, a good result. This was what we hoped for," says Istanbul resident Mehmet, who wanted to be identified only by his first name."The first round had already determined the result. By the second round, we knew the outcome beforehand. It's going to be good for our country."But with Turkey facing soaring inflation and a weakening currency, for others, the result is fueling fear over what comes next."The problems are so big, whether it's the economy or other things," says fruit street trader Askin, who also wanted to be identified by his first name."Let me tell you, this is not something that will be fixed in just two days. It will not be solved easily. Part of the problem is the people themselves. They only think about their own interests." Impressive winWith Turkey grappling with inflation of more than 40 percent as well as widespread condemnation over the handling of February's earthquakes, Erdogan's election victory is widely considered his most impressive.But the quake-struck region gave Erdogan some of his strongest support, with backers celebrating his victory deep into the night.A remarkable result, says Can Selcuki, the head of Istanbul Economics Research, an opinion poll company. This is especially given Kilicdaroglu's more generous campaign promises over rehousing quake victims."Erdogan said that they would rebuild and sell the houses. Kilicdaroglu said they would rebuild and give them away for free. And looking at the results, people believe Erdogan more than Kilicdaroglu, so I would say it's a widespread notion," said Selcuki.  Turkey's LGBTQ community dread future under ErdoganUpon news of his victory, Erdogan sang to his supporters, vowing he would be with them until the grave. Some observers say that given Erdogan has never been more powerful, he could already be planning to abolish presidential term limits as part of constitutional reform plans."Secure and stronger certainly for another five years," predicted Huseyin Bagci, the head of the Foreign Policy Institute, an Ankara-based research organisation."Even I expect that he [Erdogan] will try to extend this presidential period, like Putin, like Xi Jinping, and maybe forever," added Bagci."He has the parliamentary majority. I do think that they will do this, a constitutional change that he can apply for another term."Challenges aheadBut Erdogan faces formidable challenges. The Turkish leader is vowing to continue his unorthodox economic policies, which are widely blamed for soaring inflation and a weakening currency."I think there is now a consensus among secularist or respectable economists that Turkey is heading very rapidly to currency crises," Atilla Yesilada of Global Source Partners says, warning of financial turmoil."I personally think Turkey cannot survive this winter without major, substantive and credible economic policy change."To avert such a crisis, Erdogan is predicted to turn to Mehmet Simsek to lead his financial team. Simsek is a former minister who once worked for the international finance company Merrill Lynch.However, analysts warn it remains to be seen whether Simsek will have the independence to return to economic orthodoxy and anathema to Erdogan. World leaders congratulate Turkey's Erdogan on re-election triumphAny hopes that Erdogan is ready to perform another political somersault in foreign policy is less likely, warns analysts Bagci. Instead, he says Erdogan will continue to balance his relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Turkey's traditional Western allies."They are good friends. It is true Turkish-Russian relations for the next five years will continue to be stronger. In his presidential speech, he was talking about this," Bagci said."But Putin is definitely very happy that he has his friend as president again for another five years. And so it will be much easier to work with [Putin] than Tayyip Erdogan working together with the European Union and the United States of America."Putin was among the first to congratulate Erdogan on his latest victory, praising what he called his "independent foreign policy".However, that policy will likely be tested on whether Erdogan will bow to Washington and other NATO members and lift Turkey's veto of Sweden's bid to join the military alliance when NATO leaders meet next month. Turkey threatens to dash Swedish, Finnish hopes of quick NATO entry

So much of our modern life is built upon simplifying the complex. We reduce social interactions to likes and follows on social media and dilute the “news” in our favorite echo chambers. But Azar Nafisi warns that life is not simple, and the complexity found in great literature is ultimately liberating of the mind and essential to the health of our democracy. Nafisi is a best-selling author and professor. She was a Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) in Washington, D.C., from 1997 and 2017. She taught as professor of aesthetics, culture and literature there, as well as acting as Director of The Dialogue Project & Cultural Conversations. She released her nationally best-selling book “Reading Lolita in Tehran” in 2003, which went on the spend over 117 weeks on The New York Times bestseller list. The book has been translated in 32 languages and won many awards such as the Prix du Meilleur Livre Étranger, the Frederic W. Ness Book Award, Non-fiction Book of the Year Award by Booksense, the Latifeh Yarsheter Book Award, an achievement award from the American Immigration Law foundation and the Grand Prix des Lectrices de Elle. It has also been a finalist for the PEN/Martha Albrand Award for Memoir. Nafisi won a Persian Golden Lioness Award for literature in 2005, presented by the World Academy of Arts, Literature and Media. The Times named Reading Lolita in Tehran one of the “100 Best Books of the Decade,” in 2009. She has worked with both policy makers and human rights organizations to improve human rights for the women and girls of Iran. She was awarded the Cristóbal Gabarrón Foundation International Thought and Humanities Award in 2011 and was named a Georgetown University/Walsh School of Foreign Service Centennial Fellow in 2018. She has been awarded honorary doctorates from Susquehanna University (2019), Pomona College (2015), Mt. Holyoke College (2012), Seton Hill University (2010), Goucher College (2009), Bard College (2007), Rochester University (2005) and Nazareth College.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This week Turkey held joint military exercises with Azerbaijan on Iran's border, as its Baku warns Tehran it will not be intimated. With anti-government protests continuing in Iran, Tehran is being accused of escalating regional tensions. Iran is faces growing accusations from its neighbors that it's deliberately raising regional tensions. Tehran has recently carried out military exercises on Azerbaijan's border and warned Baku not to incite Iran's significant Azeri minority.  "Iran tries to shift the attention of the Iranian population towards foreign policy, towards conflicts on the border and towards a polemic with its neighbor countries, said Zaur Gasimov, an expert in the region at Bonn University. "The (Iranian) military drills were conducted not only on the border with the Republic of Azerbaijan in the north but also with Iraq and Turkey. So, they are like messages to the region, but they are addressed much more to the local audience." But Baku is pushing back against Tehran, carrying out its own military exercises this month on Iran's border with its close ally Turkey.  Spying accusations Meanwhile, last month, Azerbaijani security forces detained 19 people and accused them of working for Iranian intelligence.   Huseyin Bagci, head of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute, argues Baku is emboldened by its support from Turkey, enshrined in the Shusha joint defence agreement. "Turkey and Azerbaijan [are] brothers, friends. And they have this Shusha agreement, which is not binding but important," said Bagci. "If Azerbaijan is under attack or in danger, Turkey will come unconditionally to the help of Azerbaijan," added Bagci. "Iran is trying to extend its influence, but Turkey is like a barrier stopping Iran's influence in Azerbaijan. " Turkey's Erdogan cosies up to Italy's far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni Turkish military support was vital to Azerbaijan in 2020 when it decisively defeated Armenian-backed forces in a conflict over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh enclave.  This month's joint military exercise with Azerbaijan underlines Ankara's support to Baku and a warning to Tehran. "Iran they do many military exercises and power show around the Azerbaijan border," said Turkish Presidential advisor Mesut Casin of Istanbul's Yeditepe University. "This is giving to is a kind of signal against Iran, stop, and you have to take care about Azerbaijan's independence and their sovereignty." Condemnation In a sign of an increasingly assertive Baku, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev condemned Tehran last month. "For all these years, a situation similar to today's never occurred. A hateful and threatening statement was never made against Azerbaijan," Aliyev said in a television address. "Iran conducted two military exercises on our border in a few months. Therefore, we had to conduct military exercises on the Iranian border to show that we are not afraid of them," added Aliyev.  "We will do our best to protect the secular lifestyle of Azerbaijan and Azerbaijanis around the world, including Azerbaijanis in Iran. They are part of our people." Debate on religious headscarves returns to the heart of Turkish politics Aliyev's robust comments is seen as a marked change in relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Until now, Baku rarely spoke of its large Azeri population in Iran, mindful of Tehran's sensibilities and suspicions of it minority.  "The last three decades, Baku was very cautious in its relationship to the very large Azeri-speaking community in northern Iran," observes Gasimov. "But we have seen the conduct of the military drills on the border to Iran as the reaction to the Iranian military drills by the Azeri side. And in the same time, new discourse in Baku about the Azeri speakers in Iran were two gestures addressed to the Iranian political class, saying that something has changed in the region." In a move analysts say will further anger Tehran, Baku opened an embassy in Israel. The two countries already have close military ties, despite Tehran's warnings. For now, Ankara has refrained from commenting on the turmoil in Iran, but some analysts warn that silence will be tested if Tehran ratchets up tensions with Baku. 

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Italy's newly elected far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni appear to be finding unlikely common ground on issues relating to Africa and migration. Meloni's is the latest in a list of strong partnerships that Erdogan has been working to build with European far-right leaders. At the first meeting between Erdogan and Meloni, there were smiles and a warm handshake on the sidelines of the G-20 gathering in Indonesia. Despite one of Meloni's first moves after winning the general election calling for a freeze on mosque construction in Italy. Common ground At the same time, Erdogan is positioning himself as a defender of Muslim rights, at home and abroad, as he heads into elections next year. But Huseyin Bagci, head of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute, says the Italian and Turkish leaders have plenty of common ground.  "Tayyip Erdogan is an Islamist and a Turk. Meloni is Christian and Italian. So, they understand each other much better," said Bagci. "They don't talk about certain values, democratic values, they talk about the religious values, they talk about the nationalistic values, and I think they will understand each other much better than the others," added Bagci. One of Meloni's priorities is to stem migration from Africa, much of which comes through Libya. In addition, Turkey has strong ties with Libya's Government of National Unity, giving Erdogan a vital bargaining chip. "Turkey now has a base in west Libya. It controls all critical infrastructure in west Libya. And as you know, west Libya is a very important human trafficking point to Europe," pointed out," Aya Burweila, a visiting lecturer on security at the Hellenic National Defense College in Athens."  "So, Turkey now has a base in North Africa. They control the ports right now in western Libya," added Burweila. "They control the militias in west Libya involved in human trafficking. So definitely, this is a bargaining chip with them going Europe." Italy's far-right Meloni becomes country's first woman to lead government Strained relationships But Rome could pay a high cost for deepening ties with Ankara. Relations between Turkey and European Union member Greece over several territorial disputes, with the country's armed forces regularly challenging one another. Turkey also has strained relations with Egypt, an important trading partner of Italy.  "I think Italy has not forgotten that it's a European nation," points Mediterranean analyst Jalal Harchaoui of the civil-society network Global Initiative.  "Italy also has a lot of hydrocarbon business going with Egypt. It's not in the business of angering Egypt particularly. So, I would really keep a distinction between Turkey and Italy. Italy is not very happy to see this level of controversy," added Harchaoui.  Italian analysts also point out that while Meloni campaigned on a platform attacking the European Union leadership, the new Italian Prime Minister now in power is seeking to consolidate her position, which, at least for now, appears to be seeking to avoid confrontation with Brussels. "In the electoral campaign during which Meloni declared her party is not so European integrated and so on and so forth. After having won the election, she decided to turn to a more European-integrated foreign policy. Tightening the alliance with Nato, with the other western allies with the United States and the European Union," observes Alessia Chiriatti, a researcher on the Mediterranean, Middle East, and North Africa for the Italian-based IAI think tank says. Who is Giorgia Meloni, the far-right contender set to be Italy's first female PM? Italy and Europe Chiriatti argues Meloni will be careful not to isolate herself in Europe with her dealings with Erdogan. "The Meloni foreign policy will be related to Italian membership in the European Union. So it could be possible to collaborate more intensively with Turkey on migration Italian role in Maghreb and Middle East but not without the European dimension for Meloni and for Italy," added Chiriatti. But Meloni and Erdogan share strained relations with French President Emmanuel Macron over incidents in which Italian authorities recently refused to allow a ship carrying migrants to dock. The vessel then had to go to France, where the migrants finally disembarked. The Turkish and Italian leaders also aim to challenge France's lucrative economic interests in Africa. Paris Perspective #32: NATO and the Erdogan paradox - Dorothée Schmid Relations with France During her election campaign, Meloni slammed France's colonial record in Africa and accused Paris of persisting with a colonial mentality towards African countries. Her words echo Erdogan's frequent criticism of France. Erdogan has years of experience working with other far-right and right-wing European leaders like Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban.  "He actually has a good working relationship with Islamaphobe autocrats like Orban, for instance, or like Putin, for instance, who might not be seen as a particular pro-Islamist. I mean, who might not be seen as a particular pro-Islamist," notes Senem Aydin-Duzgit a professor of international relations at Sabanci University near Istanbul. "So, it doesn't matter if she's (Meloni) far right, and I think it might even work more to his (Erdogan) interests that she is far right. Because he, Turkey, the current Turkish government, is quite happy to see a Europe that's disunited and that is devoid of so-called values." Istanbul's newest bridge was built by an Italian company. Trade is the bedrock of Italian-Turkish ties, which the two countries leaders appear ready to build upon. 

How can reading a novel become an act of political rebellion? This is one of the important questions we take up with Azar Nafisi, author of the memoir Reading Lolita in Tehran. Azar's latest book is Read Dangerously: The Subversive Power of Literature in Troubled Times. In it, she focuses on the parallels and connections between the totalitarian mindset in Iran and totalitarian tendencies in the United States. Azar notes that tyrants and writers in both countries seek to recreate reality, tyrants by telling us that the truth is what they say it is, and writers by excavating the actual truth. “In Iran, like all totalitarian states,” Azar says, “the regime pays too much attention to poets and writers, harassing, jailing, and even killing them. The problem in America is that too little attention is paid to them.” The solution? “Reading literature and philosophy will teach you to have an independent mindset,” Azar explains. “It teaches you to be generous towards others, to not live on hate. … One of the things that is fascinating to me about fiction is that by structure, it is democratic. … A novel is comprised of different characters from different backgrounds–gender, race, ethnicity, religion. … The plot moves forward through creating tensions within and between these characters. Even the villain, even the bad guy has a voice of his own. So fiction becomes dangerous. These two aspects of it are anti-totalitarian: its democratic structure and its search for truth.” Azar Nafisi is the author of the multi-award-winning New York Times bestseller Reading Lolita in Tehran, as well as Things I've Been Silent About and The Republic of Imagination. Formerly a fellow at Johns Hopkins University's Foreign Policy Institute, she's taught at Oxford and several universities in Tehran, and she's currently Centennial Fellow at Georgetown University's Walsh School of Foreign Service. Azar's writing has appeared in publications including The New York Times, The Washington Post, The New Republic, and The Wall Street Journal. Find us on Twitter (@bookdreamspod) and Instagram (@bookdreamspodcast), or email us at contact@bookdreamspodcast.com. We encourage you to visit our website and sign up for our newsletter for information about our episodes, guests, and more. Book Dreams is a part of Lit Hub Radio and the Podglomerate network, a company that produces, distributes, and monetizes podcasts. For more information on how The Podglomerate treats data, please see our Privacy Policy. Since you're listening to Book Dreams, we'd like to suggest you also try other Podglomerate shows about literature, writing, and storytelling like Storybound and The History of Literature. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, Kamal has a conversation with Ananya Kumar who is the assistant director of digital currencies at the GeoEconomics Center. She manages the Center's work on the future of money and coordinates research on central bank digital currencies, stablecoins, cryptocurrencies, and other digital assets. Kumar previously worked in research assistant capacities at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Foreign Policy Institute at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). She has also worked as a legal analyst at Sidley Austin LLP in New York City. She holds a MA in strategic studies and international economics from SAIS, where she was a Merrill Center fellow. Kumar graduated cum laude from Bryn Mawr College with a BA in economics and political science. Get your copy of #DeFi for the Diaspora at: http://www.kamalrhubbard.com/defi-for-the-diaspora-book/ Sign up for the free CageChain Newsletter at: http://www.cagechain.io Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What it means for the World Former Press Secretary for President Zelenskyy IULIIA MENDEL Iuliia Mendel is a Ukrainian journalist who served as press secretary and spokesperson for the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, from 2019 until 2021. Mendel offers a peek behind the curtain in her new memoir, THE FIGHT OF OUR LIVES: My Time with Zelenskyy, Ukraine's Battle for Democracy and What it Means for the World. Her extensive journalism experience on television and in print media includes work for The New York Times, Politico Europe, the Atlantic Council, VICE, World Affairs and Der Spiegel. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, she has contributed to The Washington Post and has appeared on CNN, MSNBC and Fox News - reporting from Ukraine. Iuliia lives in Kyiv, Ukraine, with her husband, Pavlo Kukhta.  When Ukrainian journalist Iuliia Mendel got the call she had been hired to work for President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, she had no idea what was to come. Daniel Hamilton is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution's Center on the United States and Europe, president of the Transatlantic Leadership Network and co-leads “The United States, Europe and World Order” postdoctoral program at the Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), where he has served as the Richard von Weizsäcker Professor (2003-12), the Austrian Marshall Plan Foundation Professor (2013-20) and is a senior fellow in the school's Foreign Policy Institute. Hamilton was the founding director of the SAIS Center for Transatlantic Relations and for 15 years served as executive director of the American Consortium on European Union Studies. MESSAGE FROM UNITED STATES SENATOR MICHAEL D. BROWN Vladimir Putin's second invasion of Ukraine began on February 24th. Now - nearly seven months later - Putin's war on Ukraine still rages on with new threats and tactics to further his aggression and secure his end-goal of destroying democracy in Ukraine. Professor Dan Hamilton, Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution, will give us his insights into the war that can potentially spread through Europe and endanger regional stability. Iuliia Mendel will tell us what this

What it means for the World Former Press Secretary for President Zelenskyy IULIIA MENDEL Iuliia Mendel is a Ukrainian journalist who served as press secretary and spokesperson for the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, from 2019 until 2021. Mendel offers a peek behind the curtain in her new memoir, THE FIGHT OF OUR LIVES: My Time with Zelenskyy, Ukraine's Battle for Democracy and What it Means for the World. Her extensive journalism experience on television and in print media includes work for The New York Times, Politico Europe, the Atlantic Council, VICE, World Affairs and Der Spiegel. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, she has contributed to The Washington Post and has appeared on CNN, MSNBC and Fox News - reporting from Ukraine. Iuliia lives in Kyiv, Ukraine, with her husband, Pavlo Kukhta.  When Ukrainian journalist Iuliia Mendel got the call she had been hired to work for President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, she had no idea what was to come. Daniel Hamilton is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution's Center on the United States and Europe, president of the Transatlantic Leadership Network and co-leads “The United States, Europe and World Order” postdoctoral program at the Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), where he has served as the Richard von Weizsäcker Professor (2003-12), the Austrian Marshall Plan Foundation Professor (2013-20) and is a senior fellow in the school's Foreign Policy Institute. Hamilton was the founding director of the SAIS Center for Transatlantic Relations and for 15 years served as executive director of the American Consortium on European Union Studies. MESSAGE FROM UNITED STATES SENATOR MICHAEL D. BROWN Vladimir Putin's second invasion of Ukraine began on February 24th. Now - nearly seven months later - Putin's war on Ukraine still rages on with new threats and tactics to further his aggression and secure his end-goal of destroying democracy in Ukraine. Professor Dan Hamilton, Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution, will give us his insights into the war that can potentially spread through Europe and endanger regional stability. Iuliia Mendel will tell us what this

https://westminster-institute.org/events/the-legacy-of-gorbachev/ David Satter, a former Moscow correspondent, is a long time observer of Russia and the former Soviet Union. He was a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS).

Episode SummaryIn this episode, we talk with Alexander Vindman, a colleague of Anita's at the Foreign Policy Institute at Johns Hopkins (SAIS), about the Russia-Ukraine War and the potential end game. Vindman's expertise on Russia and Ukraine military affairs has been featured in numerous media outlets, as well as his articles published in Foreign Affairs, The Atlantic, and The Washington Post. His book, Here, Right Matters: An American Story, details his pivotal role in the first impeachment of President Donald J. Trump in 2020.Also, on the show, we discuss Biden's recent trip to the Middle East, where energy politics was at the top of the agenda, and the assassination of Japan's former Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe, which set off shockwaves in Japan and throughout the world. We discuss Abe's legacy as a statesman in Asia and the controversies during his term in addressing Japan's imperial past.Additionally, Anita shares some good news about her new job.Topics Discussed in this EpisodeBiden's Middle East Tour - 05:00Legacy of Shinzo Abe - 39:40Russia-Ukraine War End game: Interview with Alexander Vindman - 54:30Articles and Resources Mentioned in EpisodeBiden's Middle East TourIsraeli Security Officials Are Divided Over Iran Nuclear Deal (NYT)Israel's unexpected military alliance in the Gulf (The Economist)What Biden Got Right on His Trip to the Middle East (NYT)Saudi Arabia doubles second-quarter Russian fuel oil imports for power generation (Reuters)How Biden Can Reverse China's Gains in Saudi Arabia (Foreign Policy)Legacy of Shinzo AbeAbe Shinzo left his mark on Asia and the world, not just Japan (The Economist)Abe's Nationalism Is His Most Toxic Legacy (Foreign Policy)Abe Ruined the Most Important Democratic Relationship in Asia (Foreign Policy)Interview with Alexander VindmanThe Day After Russia Attacks (Foreign Affairs)Here Right Matters: An American StoryFollow UsShow Website: www.kelloggsglobalpolitics.comShow Twitter: @GlobalKelloggShow FaceBook: https://www.facebook.com/kelloggs.global.politicsShow YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCgJeUZcTUGsNwTh-us65cIAAnita's Twitter: @arkelloggAnita's email: anita@kelloggsglobalpolitics.comRyan's email: ryan@kelloggsglobalpolitics.com

On July 12, USIP and Georgetown University’s Institute for the Study of Diplomacy hosted a discussion reflecting on Ambassador Frederic Hof’s experience trying to broker Syrian-Israeli peace and what it can tell us about the possibilities and limitations of American conflict mediation. Speakers Lise Grande, welcoming remarksPresident and CEO, U.S. Institute of Peace Ambassador Barbara K. BodineDirector & Distinguished Professor in the Practice of Diplomacy; Georgetown University’s Institute for the Study of Diplomacy Ambassador Frederic C. HofDiplomat in Residence, Bard College Dr. Chester A. CrockerJames R. Schlesinger Distinguished Fellow in Strategic Studies, Georgetown University’s Institute for the Study of Diplomacy Dr. Daniel Serwer Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Ambassador Bernard W. AronsonManaging Partner, ACON Investments For more information about this event, please visit: https://www.usip.org/events/brokering-peace-middle-east-and-beyond

State Senator Joyce Elliott represents Senate District 31, comprising parts of Little Rock and Pulaski County. She was elected to the Senate in 2008, after having served three terms in the House of Representatives, from 2001 through 2006. In 2013 Senator Elliott received the Arkansas Municipal League Distinguished Legislator Award. In 2003 the Central Arkansas Labor Council honored her with the Marty Schuller Community Service Award. The same year WiLL (Women's Legislative Lobby) recognized her with its Pacesetter Award for leadership and commitment to the vision of a just, peaceful and inclusive world. Also, she was named by the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette as one of the Ten Best Legislators of the 2003 General Assembly and the 2005 General Assembly. In 2004, Elliott also was recognized by Women and Children First: The Center Against Family Violence for her advocacy. In 2004, Elliott was one of only 15 women state legislators nationwide to participate in the Foreign Policy Institute for State Legislators sponsored by the Center for Women's Policy Studies. She was also selected by the center as one of 16 women — six from the U.S. and 10 members of parliaments from 10 other countries — to participate in the GlobalPOWER Class of 2006, which focused on the status of women around the world. Senator Elliott was honored by LULAC (League of United Latin American Citizens) with the 2005 President's Award, was named by Power Play magazine as the 2005 Power Player of the Year, was honored by The Omni Center for Peace and Justice and Ecology with an Arkansas Heroes Award for Peace and Justice. In 2005, she was honored by her alma mater, Southern Arkansas University, with a Distinguished Alumni Award; by the Arkansas Black Hall of Fame with the Founder's Award; and by the Arkansas Public Service Association with an Advocacy Award. The same year, she was honored by the National Conference for Community and Justice with its 2006 Humanitarian Award, and the Democratic Party of Arkansas honored her with its Gressie Carnes Democratic Woman of the Year Award. In 2006, ACLU-Arkansas named Elliott the Civil Libertarian of the Year. In 2007, Arkansas Advocates for Children and Families presented her its 2006 Legislative Friend of Children Award. Later that year, the Arkansas chapter of 100 Black Men recognized her with its Pillar Award for Education. Senator Elliott was born in Willisville, where she graduated from high school. She earned an undergraduate degree in English and speech from Southern Arkansas University in Magnolia in 1973 and a graduate degree in English from Ouachita Baptist University in Arkadelphia in 1981. For 30 years Elliott taught high school juniors and seniors Advanced Placement and standard courses. She has taught in Florida, Minnesota and Texas. In 2004 Senator Elliott left the classroom and began working for the College Board, focusing on expanding access to AP classes for students currently underrepresented: African-American, Latino, rural and low-income students. Senator Elliott has been active with the Democratic Party at the local, state and national level, having served as first vice chairman of the Democratic Party of Arkansas, a member of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and its Resolution Committee. She is a member of Mosaic Church and enjoys reading, whitewater rafting, canoeing, traveling, walking/hiking, working out at the gym, listening to various types of music, dancing and seeking an overall balanced life. Senator Elliott has one son, Elliott Barnes of Little Rock. The next chapter for Senator Elliott is the start of her non-profit Get Loud Arkansas. Get Loud Arkansas is a non-profit organization working to register new voters, engage low propensity voters and mobilize all eligible voters to utilize the power of their vote to shape the future of Arkansas.

In this episode of RANE's Baker's Dozen podcast, the conversation turns to the geopolitics of fishing in the South China Sea. At a recent meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), members agreed to launch an enhanced initiative to tackle illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. Throughout the Indo-Pacific, fishing and competition over access to maritime protein resources play a strong role in regional relations and tensions. China has weaponized its fishing fleets through the establishment of Maritime militias, a pattern also followed by countries like Vietnam, and even Russia is considering similar actions. Perhaps even more important than subsea hydrocarbons or mineral resources, it is the increasing consumption of limited regional fish, crab, squid, and other maritime protein sources that drive offshore geopolitics in the enclosed South China Sea.Rodger Baker's guest is James Borton, a Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, and the author of the recent book Dispatches From the South China Sea: Navigating to Common Ground.Subscribe to RANE Worldview and understand geopolitics are a critical driver of risk and security for corporations that shape not just the global diplomatic, strategic, and security environments, but the global business environment. https://cloud.subscribe.stratfor.com/worldview

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is vowing to crush the presence of the Kurdish militant group PKK in Iraq. But as the Turkish military closes in on the group, some analysts predict its fighters could turn to Iran, with implications across the region. Turkish forces, backed by jets and drones, are driving the PKK Kurdish militant group from its bases across Iraqi Kurdistan. For decades, the mountainous region has provided the PKK a sanctuary to launch attacks in its battle for greater minority rights across the border in Turkey. With Erdogan claiming to have the support of local Iraqi Kurdish forces, the PKK's once deemed impregnable headquarters in the Qandil mountains is now the target of Turkish troops.  "The politicians have to speak with symbols," said Aydin Selcen, the former head of Turkey's consulate in Iraqi Kurdistan. "When you say Qandil is our ultimate target or aim, whatever, it means that the ultimate step is to stop the PKK from existing altogether." Mountain headquarters The PKK bases in the Qandil mountains border Iran, a rival of Turkey. As the Turkish military steps up its offensive, some analysts suggest the PKK could turn to Iran for support. Despite having its own restive Kurdish minority, Tehran has in the past found common ground with the PKK, whose influence extends to Iraqi and Syrian Kurds. "Iran supported PKK in the 80s and 90s very strongly," says Huseyin Bagci, president of the Foreign Policy Institute, a research organisation in Ankara. "And now when Russians are out of the scene, not so strong, and probably Iran will take their place and the PKK and PYD, of course, they will try to use PKK as a leverage in their relations with Turkey." Tehran has developed close links with armed groups across the region. Turkey threatens to dash Swedish, Finnish hopes of quick NATO entry The escaping Russians finding a better life in Turkey "We don't know relations with Iranian revolutionary guards or the Quds forces relations with the PKK. As they have connections with every armed group in the area, they should have some sort of communication with the PKK as well," says Selcen. Iranian-backed Iraqi militia like the PMU already have contacts with groups linked to the PKK. "Right inside the Iraqi border in Sengal, Sinjar area, the PMU, and YBS the PKK affiliate in the area, they have friendly relations, or they depend on each other, perhaps," says Selcen. "So, in order to survive, all these local actors will need bigger actors than themselves like Turkey, Iran, or global powers like the Americans, the United States," he added. Undermining US forces In Syria, Kurdish forces linked to the PKK cooperate with American forces in the war against the Islamic State group. For Tehran, which backs the Damascus regime, deepening cooperation with the PKK offers the opportunity to undermine the American presence in Syria. "Tehran and Ankara are very pragmatic. They are aware of the very big differences in Syria in the Caucasus and other parts of the world," said Zaur Gasimiov, a senior research fellow in the history department at the University of Bonn. But any Iranian cooperation with the PKK will involve a careful balancing act, says Gasimiov. "I can imagine that the ties between PKK and Tehran would be staid, and maintained, and maybe boosted, but I can't imagine that Tehran would overplay, become a promoter of the PKK or supporter in the region, jeopardising its relations with Ankara. "They learned to cooperate but being aware of the differences." Relations between Turkey and Iran are often characterised as a combination of competition and cooperation. Iran's battered economy relies heavily on Turkish trade – a point Erdogan is likely to stress in his expected visit to Tehran in the coming weeks.

Veto-wielding NATO member Turkey is threatening to end Swedish and Finnish membership hopes. However, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's opposition is rekindling questions over Ankara's allegiances, given its close ties with Moscow. Erdogan doubled down on his opposition to Finland and Sweden's NATO membership application, accusing the countries of supporting terrorist organizations fighting Turkey. The Turkish president told the Scandinavian countries not to bother to send diplomatic delegations to change his mind. But NATO is seen as now paying the price for ignoring Erdogan.  "He wants the NATO leader to come to him, acknowledge that Turkey has legitimate security concerns, find ways of appeasing that, and also pay more attention to Turkey. He doesn't want to be taken for granted," said Asli Aydintasbas, a senior fellow of the European Council.  "I think that they worry the way the Ukraine war is headed to towards a long-term escalation," added Aydintasbas. "I think there is clearly some disappointment in Ankara that western leaders are not rallying behind Turkish's proposals to mediate between Ukraine and Russia." Erdogan's advisors and his foreign minister had been seeking to downplay threats of a veto. They have been calling for talks over Sweden's and Finland's arms embargo against Turkey and it harboring alleged members of the Kurdish rebel group the PKK, which is fighting Turkey.  But Erdogan's hardening stance will likely add to concerns in Nato over the Turkish president's close ties with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin. "Turkey has very good relations with Russia, and Russia supplies defense systems. Russia is, for now and for the future, one of the biggest energy suppliers to Turkey," points out Huseyin Bagci, head of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute.  Bagci argues such close ties are key to understanding Erdogan's attitude toward Finland and Sweden's bid to join the Atlantic Alliance. "The good relations between Erdogan and Putin are also the reason why Tayyip Erdogan plays this card. The second (reason), Tayyip Erdogan tries to increase the leverage of Turkish bargaining process through this," said Bagci  Turkey remains at loggerheads with NATO over its purchase of the Russian S-400 missile system, which saw the United States slap Ankara with military sanctions. In addition, Ankara risks a backlash from its NATO partners over its opposition to Sweden and Finland's membership. "There will be those who say let's expel Turkey from NATO, although to the best of my knowledge, there is no expulsion mechanism in NATO," warns International relations expert Soli Ozel of Istanbul's Kadir Has University. Turkey's internaitonal standing But relations between Turkey and its allied partners, particularly Washington, had improved with Ankara's condemnation of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Turkey has recently used goodwill over its stance on Ukraine to improve ties with its Western allies. Analyst Ozel suggests Erdogan could be just looking for a deal, but he questions his approach.  "Turkey would like to use its power to veto as leverage in order to get those two countries to do as it would please it. How wise it is, is pretty debatable in my judgment," "I don't particularly find it very advisable. Because if Turkey is on a charm offensive and it's trying to rebuild bridges that it burnt with almost everyone, you can usually make your case, but you don't have to do it so publicly," warned Ozel. But some experts, along with western diplomats, suggest Ankara wouldn't dare to use its veto, risking outrage from its western partners. But with Erdogan facing re-election next year and lagging in the polls, his legacy could be a factor in his deliberations. "Tayyip Erdogan got a historic opportunity to increase the leverage and expectation of Turkey and probably will be supported by the public, and he will go into history as someone who opposed the Americans," claims Bagci. Feverish diplomacy and the likelihood of plenty of horse-trading could well determine Sweden's and Finland's place in Nato and Turkey's relationship with its western allies.

So much of our modern life is built upon simplifying the complex.  We reduce social interactions to likes and follows on social media and dilute the “news” in our favorite echo chambers.  But Azar Nafisi warns that life is not simple and the complexity found in great literature is ultimately liberating of the mind and essential to the health of our democracy. Dr. Azar Nafisi is best known as the author of the national bestseller “Reading Lolita in Tehran: A Memoir in Books,” a compassionate and often harrowing portrait of the Islamic revolution in Iran and how it affected one university professor and her students.  Born and raised in Iran, she came to the United States to earn her Ph.D. at the University of Oklahoma during the 1970s. Afterward, Nafisi returned to Iran and taught English at the University of Tehran. In 1981, she was expelled for refusing to wear the mandatory Islamic veil and did not resume teaching until 1987. She taught at the Free Islamic University and Allameh Tabatabai, and went on to a fellowship at Oxford University, teaching and conducting a series of lectures on culture and the important role of Western literature and culture in Iran after the Revolution in 1979.  Nafisi returned to the United States in 1997—earning national respect and international recognition for advocating on behalf of Iran's intellectuals, youth, and especially young women.  Nafisi was a Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) in Washington, DC, where she taught aesthetics, culture, and literature, and taught courses on the relation between culture and politics.  She also served as Director of The Dialogue Project & Cultural Conversations there.  She has lectured and written extensively in English and Persian on the political implications of literature and culture, as well as the human rights of the Iranian women and girls and the important role they play in the process of change for pluralism and open society in Iran.  She has been consulted on issues related to Iran and human rights both by the policymakers and various human rights organizations across the world. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

1:17 - Saudi Arabia made interesting headway in four different foreign policy areas this week. Significant developments in Saudi Arabia's relationships with and interests in Iran, Lebanon, Turkey and Yemen. The 966 kicks off by talking about each of these for Richard's one big thing this week.  9:19 - The U.S. Navy's new multinational task force will deploy to the waters around Yemen and in the Red Sea to help protect Saudi Arabia and ensure the security of trading routes in the critical waterways. Lucien's one big thing this week is the significance of the new task force and timing of the announcement. that on Wednesday, the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet Commander Vice Admiral Brad Cooper said that the task force would ensure a force presence and deterrent posture in the Red Sea, Bab al-Mandab and Gulf of Aden, according to reports. The waters around Yemen are a key passageway for oil and global trade, and vessels have in the past been targeted by the Houthis and other nefarious forces.The new task force is the fourth under the CMF command, joining three others - CTF 150 (Maritime Security Operations outside the Arabian Gulf), CTF 151 (Counter-Piracy), and CTF 152 (Maritime Security Operations inside the Arabian Gulf).The task force would ensure a force presence and deterrent posture of the coast of Yemen and Saudi Arabia.When asked about the air raids from Yemen on U.S. partners Saudi Arabia and the UAE, Cooper said the task force would impact the Houthi's ability to obtain the weaponry needed for such attacks, saying, "we'll be able to do it more vibrantly and more directly than we do today,” Cooper added.16:24 - The 966 talks with Afshin Molavi, author, thought leader, and emerging markets expert. Afshin is Senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), and founder and editor of the Emerging World newsletter (eworld.substack.com). The hosts talk with Afshin about his recent piece, 'Putin's Bomb and the Global Shrapnel' which examines the international ramifications of the Russian war into Ukraine, including the impact on Saudi Arabia and the Gulf region. The piece talks about the various ways in which - Beyond the immediate human impact of the death and destruction in Ukraine..."there is the feel of tectonic plates crunching, of certainties crumbling, of history spinning a new web that will entangle us all."1:17:00 - Yallah! Six top storylines in Saudi Arabia this week to get you up to date before the weekend. •On Saturday the Hajj Ministry announced that it "has authorized one million pilgrims, both foreign and domestic, to perform the hajj this year." According to The National pilgrims traveling from overseas are expected to constitute 85% of the total number. In 2020 and 2021 Saudi authorities significantly reduced the number of pilgrims allowed in order to combat the spread of Coronavirus. In 2020, only 1,000 pilgrims were permitted to participate. In 2021 the number was 60,000.•Citigroup is back in Saudi Arabia, per the WSJ. The third-biggest U.S. bank has again found favor in the kingdom as one of the foreign lenders helping the Kingdom modernize its economy. “They paid their dues,” said a senior Saudi official. “They were in the penalty box long enough. They're back in the game.”•According to a report in The Telegraph, two-time Masters champ Bubba Watson, along with European Ryder Cup stars Lee Westwood and Ian Poulter as well as five-time tour winner Kevin Na are among those expected to join the $225 million rival. The final details are still being confirmed, according to LIV Golf, per the report, but the plan is to announce some of the players who are planning to join in the weeks ahead.•An average of 54% of survey respondents from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) said they believe cryptocurrency should be used as currency. Still, a significant proportion of the respective countries' respondents believe certain obstacles are stopping cryptocurrencies from going mainstream, according to a report in bitcoin.com.•According to a report in Bloomberg, Uber's woes continue in Saudi Arabia. Wait times for cars have soared since the government enforced a rule last year that all drivers must be Saudis. While that's part of a broad push to create jobs for citizens, it ruled out the millions of foreign migrants in the country.•Saudi Arabia's Industrial Production Index, also known as IPI, grew by 22.3 percent in February compared to the same month of 2021. This was the highest year-on-year growth rate during the last three years, the General Authority for Statistics added, according to Arab News. IPI's positive growth for the tenth month in a row is attributed to higher production in the three sub-sectors; mining and quarrying, manufacturing and electricity and gas supply.

Welcome to the official launch of our podcast on global affairs. In this episode, we discuss recent international news stories, beginning with the decision to increase the oil supply and its impact on inflation. We also cover Biden's Democracy Summit and the diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics by the United States. We then turn to a more in-depth conversation on the implications of the build-up of 175,000 Russian troops along the Ukraine-Russia border. Additionally, Anita discusses her new role as a Brzezinski Postdoctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy and National Security at John Hopkins (SAIS)'s Foreign Policy Institute in Washington DC.Timestamps:5:30 Inflation and OPEC+ decision on production quotas12:00 Biden's Democracy Summit20:30 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics and the Diplomatic Boycott32:00 Russian troop build-up at the Ukrainian BorderArticles Mentioned in EpisodeOPEC+ Decision on Production QuotasOPEC+ output hike gamble pays off as oil prices recover (Reuters)Democracy SummitGlobal Views of Biden's Democracy Summit (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)Ahead of Biden's Democracy Summit, China Says: We're Also a Democracy (NY Times)Why China Is Freaking Out Over Biden's Democracy Summit (Foreign Policy)2022 Beijing Winter Olympics and the Diplomatic BoycottDo boycotts of sports events, such as the Beijing winter Olympics, work? (The Economist)What the US's diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Beijing Olympics does — and doesn't — mean (Vox)Russia-Ukraine CrisisWait, is Russia going to invade Ukraine? (Vox)How the United States Can Break Putin's Hold on Ukraine (Alexander Vindman; NY Times)How might allies respond if Russia invades Ukraine? (Defense News)The US can't deter a Russian invasion of Ukraine — and shouldn't even try (The Hill)Ukraine: Putin's Unfinished Business (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)Follow UsShow Website: www.kelloggsglobalpolitics.comShow Twitter: @GlobalKelloggAnita's Twitter: @ARKelloggAnita's Website: https://www.anitakellogg.com/Anita's email: anita@kelloggsglobalpolitics.comRyan's email: ryan@kelloggsglobalpolitics.com

This episode examines how Turkey, long viewed as a stalwart of NATO , has moved outside its previous focus on European security to play a wider regional role in its immediate neighbourhood and beyond, including across the Middle East and Africa. How will Turkey's broadening security horizon affect its position in NATO, its relations with the Transatlantic community and in particular the US? And how can the UK – long a close partner of Turkey – best develop its security and defence links with Ankara? Turkey has long been seen as a key part of an expanding European security space, both as a member of NATO and as an EU membership candidate. The souring of ties between Turkey and the EU, and growing instability in Turkey's southern and eastern neighbourhood has, however, seen Turkey moving beyond the European security framework, and even developing closer ties with Russia. In this episode, Professor Hüseyin Bağcı, President of the Foreign Policy Institute in Ankara and Professor of International Relations at the Middle East Technical University, and Dr. Ziya Meral, RUSI Senior Associate Fellow, discuss with Dr Neil Melvin, Director RUSI International Security Studies, the drivers behind Turkey's evolving approach to security and defence and look ahead to Turkey's future role within European security.

This week, on the Global Research News Hour, we invite the listeners to attend a panel discussion talking about the movie Haiti Betrayed. They will discuss the various military, economic and other ways the U.S. and Canada and other major powers are continuing to benefit from the misery of the people. Panelists include Elaine Brière a Canadian film-maker, Jean St-Vil, Haitian born activist and commentator, Haitian born scholar Kira Paulemon, and Brian Concannon, a human rights lawyer and foreign policy advocate. The moderator of the discussion was Bianca Mugyenyi, an activist, journalist and director of the Canadian Foreign Policy Institute. This discussion was co-sponsored by the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), Haiti Liberté, Inter Pares, Blueprint Project, Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH) .

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has initiated the controversial building of a multi-billion-dollar canal intended to bypass the busy waters of the Bosphorus Strait, despite grim environmental warnings and major Russian security concerns. In a blaze of publicity, Erdogan last month laid a ceremonial foundation stone close to Istanbul, starting the construction of the 45-kilometer canal intended to link the Black and Marmara Seas. "This is going to be a brand-new page in Turkey's advancement," declared the Turkish leader in a speech at the opening ceremony. "On the path to this development, we will leap forward; this will save Istanbul's Bosphorus waterway," he added. The canal will provide an alternative route from the Bosphorus Strait, which cuts through Turkey's biggest city, Istanbul, and is one of the world's busiest waterways.   Erdogan said the alternative channel would offer a more efficient, faster, and safer passage.  'A nightmare project' But Istanbul's opposition mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu, has voiced alarm.  "I am sweating when I talk about this channel because I can feel this is a nightmare; I can feel it deep inside," said Imamoglu last month, "I listened to tens of briefings from the scientists who are all warning against it."  Imamoglu says that the project threatens the city's water supplies and risks wider environmental consequences in the region's delicate balance of interconnected seas.   "If you are connecting two marine bodies, you have to ask the opinion of marine scientists, which they have not done," said marine biologist Professor Cemal Saydam. "Scientifically, it's going to devastate the Sea of Marmara, and it's going to devastate the Black Sea for sure, and it's going to change the whole water budget of the Mediterranean Sea, as well, because these are interconnected seas," added Saydam.  Leading banks refuse project finance   The government dismisses such warnings, claiming it has carried out the necessary research. But most of Turkey's leading banks refuse to finance the canal, with an estimated cost of up to 60 billion euros, citing international commitments to support only environmentally sustainable projects.   Piling on the pressure, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the leader of the main opposition CHP, warned international investors that any loans made to finance the canal would not be paid if he took office. Support for Erdogan's AKP Party is at record lows. The canal also represents a point of tension with Russia. Erdogan has said the 1936 International Montreux Convention, which limits the size and access of foreign warship to the Black Sea, will not cover the bypass channel. Moscow considers the convention vital to maintaining the Black Sea as a Russian sphere of influence. "The Montreux Convention is the only way which makes the Black Sea at the same time a Russian sea because the Russian navy is there dominating. And the American warships are limited there," said Huseyin Bagci, head of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute. "So it's good for Russia to have Montreux, maybe more than Turkey." Nato-Russian tensions have been rising following the Russian occupation of Ukraine's Crimea territory. A bargaining chip with the Kremlin?  While questions remain over whether the funds exist to complete the canal, Zaur Gasimov of Germany's Bonn University says Ankara sees the project as a bargaining chip with Moscow.  "The Montreux agreement and how Turkey deals with it that also gives new possibilities for Ankara to promote its interests in its interaction with Russia. That also gives certain leverage for Ankara to influence the situation the dynamics around the Black Sea region and even also to deepen the cooperation with the United States," said Gasimov. Analysts say the importance of access to the Black Sea is likely to grow in coming years, as Nato-Russia tensions escalate over Ukraine.

Turkey and Egypt have started diplomatic talks to restore ties frozen since the 2013 military coup that ousted President Mohamed Morsi. Analysts predict such a rapprochement could have repercussions across the north African region, but Morsi's supporters could end up paying the heaviest price. Turkish foreign minister Mevlut Cavusoglu announced that Egypt had agreed to high-level diplomatic talks in Cairo due to start in early May. The bilateral discussions are the first since the 2013 ousting of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, a close ally of Turkey's Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Huseyin Bagci, head of Turkey's Foreign Policy Institute, says Ankara's initiative is an attempt to counter growing isolation. "There is an increasing bloc, increasing antipathy towards Turkey, Turkey cannot go on like this, Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates it is too much," warned Bagci. "It's not what Turkey intended to actually achieve; Turkey intended to become the leader, the regional player. Now only Qatar is supporting Turkey, and Qatar is not enough," he added. Soft words, hard feelings Last year, Cairo further turned up the pressure on Ankara, signing a deal with Athens to explore potential energy sources in Mediterranean waters contested by Greece and Turkey. But conciliatory Turkish words towards Cairo will not be enough to ensure a diplomatic breakthrough. "Ultimately whether this new turn is going to be effective and deliver results does hinge on what Turkey does," said Sinan Ulgen, head of the Istanbul-based Edam Research Institute.  Ankara's support of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt or, as it's called in Arabic, Ikhwan, which was ousted from power in 2013 by the current President Fattah el-Sisi, remains a crucial point of tension between the countries. "Egypt right now is acting against Turkey just because of the Turkish government's policy based on the theological background," said regional analyst Cem Gurdeniz. "When Turkey leaves the religious policy, I am sure Turkey-Egypt relations will be better." Erdogan, who has Islamist roots, strongly backed Morsi and publicly wept over the Sisi-led crackdown on Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood supporters. The Turkish president, to this day, continues to use the finger "Rabbia" symbol used by the Muslim Brotherhood and Sisi opponents at public rallies. Egyptian opposition established in Turkey Istanbul has become a center for Egyptian opposition television, broadcasting by satellite into Egypt. The Turkish city is also a base for many leading Muslim Brotherhood members. But, in a sign of Turkey's rapprochement with Egypt, there are increasing reports Ankara is starting to impose restrictions on opposition tv broadcasts. Speaking to reporters, Turkish foreign minister Cavusoglu appeared to confirm those reports. "There are some opponents to whom we addressed the necessary warnings, especially those who exaggerate the extremist rhetoric against Egypt," declared Cavusolgu in April. Analysts predict the price of Egyptian rapprochement will mean Erdogan will have to make painful concessions. "Egypt is getting stronger with all the support it receives from all over the world, and Turkey is getting more and more lonely, and this is the problem of the Turkish government, I would say," said Bagci. "Tayyip Erdogan and Sisi probably will not shake hands as presidents in the foreseeable future, but Turkey will not be supporting the Muslim Brotherhood as before," he added. With Egypt and Turkey backing rival sides in the recent Libyan civil war and competing for influence in Sudan, analysts suggest a Turkish-Egyptian rapprochement could ease regional tensions. But difficult diplomatic talks are being predicted to lie ahead, given the recent animosity and distrust between the two sides.

With tensions escalating between Russia and Ukraine, Turkey is standing by Kiev, for the moment at least. But Turkey could end up paying a heavy price as Moscow steps up pressure on Ankara. Russian tourists and the Sputnik V vaccine could well be the currency. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has come out in support of Kiev, as Ukrainian and Russian forces face off over Ukraine's Donbass region. "As Turkey, we have clearly defended Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty," said Erdogan. "We believe that the current crisis should be resolved by peaceful means, based on international law and respect of the territorial integrity of Ukraine." Erdogan spoke during a recent meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who visited Istanbul in April. The two nations have a defense cooperation agreement built around their respective defense industries. Air defense analyst Arda Mevlutoglu suggests Kiev is looking to expand its fleet of Turkish-made military drones. "Drones have become most important, most symbolic elements of Turkish-Ukraine defense cooperation. Ukraine is one of the first countries that purchased Turkish drones," said Mevlutoglu. "It should be noted the latest performance of Turkish drones in various conflict areas such as Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh also seems to have stimulated Ukraine's motivation in using and deploying those drones in the critical areas such as Donbas," he added. Turkish drone manufacturers are advertising their success in giving Azerbaijan a decisive advantage against Russian-backed Armenian forces over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh enclave. But the use of Turkish drones in Ukraine could raise tensions between Turkey and Russia. "I think if Ukrainians use Turkish drones against Russian tanks or cars, trucks, whatsoever, then we have a problem," warned Huseyin Bagci, head of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute. "It looks, of course, as if Turkey will sell another 25 drones," added Bagci. "The contract is there. But it's not so far that the drones are used at the moment. But if it's used, yes, then I consider this a big problem for Turkish Russian relations." Lavrov issues stern warning But Moscow has pushed back, warning Ankara not to make further arms sales to Ukraine. "We urge all responsible countries that we communicate with – and Turkey is one of them – that we strongly recommend they analyze the situation and the Kiev regime's constant belligerent statements. We also warn them against encouraging these militaristic aspirations," said Sergey Lavrov speaking during a visit to Egypt earlier this month. Following Lavrov's warning, Russia temporarily suspended most flights and tourist travel to Turkey, citing concerns over Covid infections, a move some analysts see as Moscow's stepping up pressure on Ankara. Russian tourists usually visit Turkish resorts in their millions, generating billions of euros of income and hundreds of thousands of jobs. Moscow has in the past used tourism as a tool against Ankara. Following Turkish jets shooting down a Russian warplane operating from a Syrian airbase, Russian President Vladimir Putin banned tourists visiting Turkey, devastating the Turkish tourism industry. The Covid pandemic could also be an opportunity for Moscow. Turkey is desperately seeking vaccines after China failed to deliver a promised 100 million shots. Erdogan earlier this month spoke with Putin over plans to supply and possibly co-produce the Russian Sputnik V vaccine. Don't mention the war . . . At the same time, two countries are continuing to work together to resolve the Syrian civil war. Expert on Turkish Russian relations, Zaur Gasimov of the University of Bonn, says given Ankara and Moscow's shared interests, they have too much to lose, despite tensions over Ukraine. "The cooperation with Ankara is so important for Russia with regard to Syria and also with regard to the situation around Karabakh that I don't think that Russia would be interested in a further deterioration of the relations with Ankara. We see that the relations with Moscow and Turkey mean they can digest the conflicts. So, the cooperation is so multilayered that it can overcome the smaller conflictive situation like this one, now around Ukrainian-Turkish military cooperation," said Gasimov. For now, analysts see Russia continuing to pressure Turkey over Ukraine using vaccine cooperation as a reward and restrictions on tourist travel as punishment. Between politics and pandemics, Turkish resorts – normally packed with Russian sun-seekers – are likely to remain deserted for some time to come.

Never Speak to Strangers: David Satter on Russia and the Soviet Union – Westminster Institute (westminster-institute.org) David Satter, a former Moscow correspondent, is a long time observer of Russia and the former Soviet Union. He is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Satter was born in Chicago in 1947 and graduated from the University of Chicago and Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes Scholar and earned a B.Litt degree in political philosophy. He worked for four years as a police reporter for the Chicago Tribune and, in 1976, he was named Moscow correspondent of the London Financial Times. He worked in Moscow for six years, from 1976 to 1982, during which time he sought out Soviet citizens with the intention of preserving their accounts of the Soviet totalitarian system for posterity. After completing his term in Moscow, Satter became a special correspondent on Soviet affairs for The Wall Street Journal, contributing to the paper’s editorial page. In 1990, he was named a Thornton Hooper fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia and then a senior fellow at the Institute. From 2003 to 2008, he was a research fellow at the Hoover Institution. In 2008, he was also a visiting professor at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He teaches a course on contemporary Russian history at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced Academic Programs. Satter has written three books about Russia: Russia: It Was a Long Time Ago and It Never Happened Anyway: Russia and the Communist Past (Yale, 2011); Age of Delirium: the Decline and Fall of the Soviet Union (Knopf, 1996; paperback, Yale 2001); and Darkness at Dawn: the Rise of the Russian Criminal State (Yale 2003). His books have been translated into Russian, Estonian, Latvian, Czech, Portuguese and Vietnamese. His first book, Age of Delirium, has been made into a documentary film in a U.S. – Latvian – Russian joint production. Satter has testified frequently on Russian affairs before Congressional committees. He has written extensively for the editorial page of The Wall Street Journal. His articles and op-ed pieces have also appeared in the Los Angeles Times, The National Interest, National Review, National Review Online, Forbes.com, The New Republic, The Weekly Standard, The New York Sun, The New York Review of Books, Reader’s Digest and The Washington Times. He is frequently interviewed in both Russian and English by Radio Liberty, the Voice of America and the BBC Russian Service and has appeared on CNN, CNN International, BBC World, the Charlie Rose Show, Al Jazeera, France 24, Fox News, C-Span and ORT and RTR, the state run Russian television networks.

As the Biden-Harris Administration settles in, the IIEA is delighted to welcome to Daniel S. Hamilton and Joseph Quinlan to share analysis from their annual Transatlantic Economy survey, commissioned by the American Chamber of Commerce to the European Union. The report documents European-sourced jobs, trade and investment in each of the 50 U.S. states, and U.S.-sourced jobs, trade and investment in each member state of the European Union and other European countries. About the Speakers: Daniel S. Hamilton is the Austrian Marshall Plan Foundation Distinguished Fellow and Director of the Global Europe Program at the Wilson Center. He is one of the country's foremost experts on modern Europe, the transatlantic relationship, and U.S. foreign policy. He testifies regularly before the Senate, the House, and various European parliaments, comments often in U.S. and international media, and is an award-winning author of scores of publications on European and transatlantic security, economic and political affairs, and on U.S. foreign policy issues. A former senior U.S. diplomat, he is also Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins SAIS. Joseph Quinlan is Senior Fellow with the Transatlantic Leadership Network and has a long and ongoing leadership role in the financial services industry in New York. Mr Quinlan lecturers on finance and global economics at Fordham University, where he has been a faculty member since 2008. He has lectured around the world, including Wuhan University, Wuhan, China. In years past, Mr Quinlan has served as a consultant to the US Department of State and served as the US representative to the OECD for the US Council for International Business.

Diplomatic Immunity: Frank and candid conversations about diplomacy and foreign affairs Diplomatic Immunity, a podcast from the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University, brings you frank and candid conversations with experts on the issues facing diplomats and national security decision-makers around the world.  For more, visit our website, and follow us on Twitter @GUDiplomacy. Send any feedback to diplomacy@georgetown.edu. Season 2, Episode 4: Kelly McFarland talks to Dr. Susie Colbourn and Dr. Simon Miles about applied history and lessons from diplomacy past. A husband and wife diplomatic historian duo from Canada, Simon and Susie are both astute observers of Cold War history. They also have an eye toward the present in their work, and the lessons citizens and policymakers can draw from history.  Simon is an assistant professor in the Sanford School of Public Policy, and the Departments of History and Slavic & Eurasian Studies at Duke University and author of Engaging the Evil Empire: Washington, Moscow, and the Beginning of the End of the Cold War. Susie is a DAAD post-doctoral fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. She is co-editor with Timothy Andrews Sayle of The Nuclear North: Histories of Canada in the Atomic Age and author of the forthcoming Euromissiles: A Transatlantic History.  In the episode, among other topics, we discussed about the overlooked history of the early Reagan administration, cycles of NATO history, and Simon's concept of "time, space, plus," which he uses to to engage his students to help them think historically. We also talked about Susie's current research and her work as editor of the "Lessons of History" section in International Journal. Featured books and articles: Margaret MacMillan, The Uses and Abuses of History Barbara Tuchman, The Guns of August Alexandra Evans, "Thinking in Napoleonic Times: Historical Warnings for an Era of Great-Power Competition," War on the Rocks Episode recorded: Friday, January 29th, 2021.

In a recent cabinet meeting in Tehran, President Rouhani stated "Trump is dead but the nuclear deal is still alive". From the Iranian perspective, the ball is now in the United States' court to mend relations after former President Trump's policy of maximum pressure, including the withdrawal from the nuclear deal and the reimposition of sanctions on Iran. This webinar discussed what the short-term prospects are for US-Iran relations under the Biden administration. Hassan Ahmadian is an Assistant Professor of Middle East and North Africa studies at the University of Tehran and an Associate of the Project on Shi'ism and Global Affairs at Harvard University's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs. He is also a Middle East security and politics fellow at the Center for Strategic Research, Tehran. Dr. Ahmadian received his PhD in Area Studies from the University of Tehran and undertook a Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at the Iran Project, Harvard Kennedy School Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Fluent in Arabic, Persian, and English, his research and teaching is mainly focused on Iran’s foreign policy and international relations, political change, civil-military relations, and Islamist movements in the Middle East. Aniseh Bassiri Tabrizi is a Visiting Fellow at the LSE Middle East Centre and Senior Research Fellow at the International Security Studies department at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI, London). She is also a Non-Resident Associate Fellow in the Research Division at the NATO Defence College (NDC, Rome). Her research is concerned with security and geopolitics in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Iran and Iraq’s foreign and domestic politics, drivers of radicalisation, and drones proliferation. Ali Vaez is Iran Project Director and Senior Adviser to the President at International Crisis Group. He led Crisis Group’s efforts in helping to bridge the gaps between Iran and the P5+1 that led to the landmark 2015 nuclear deal. Previously, he served as a Senior Political Affairs Officer at the United Nations Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and was the Iran Project Director at the Federation of American Scientists. He is an adjunct professor at Georgetown University's Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service and a Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.

This event is sponsored by the Asia Initiative Lecture Series at The Institute of World Politics. About the lecture: After 20 years of White House National Security Strategies premised on the hope that great power competition might be mitigated by cooperation with China on counter-terrorism, financial governance or climate change, the Trump administration announced unapologetically in its 2017 National Security Strategy that the United States is in strategic competition with China. The same year the State Department introduced the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy and brought back the US-Japan-Australia-India “Quad” to check Chinese expansion in the Indian and Pacific Oceans. No matter who wins the Presidency in November, these key pillars of U.S. strategy should continue. But serious changes are necessary or the strategy will fail. Over the next four years, the United States must re-invest in alliances, multilateral institutions, trade negotiations, and military deterrence or the framing of strategic competition with China will become hollow. About the speaker: Michael Jonathan Green is senior vice president for Asia and Japan Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and director of Asian Studies at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He served on the staff of the National Security Council (NSC) from 2001 through 2005, first as director for Asian affairs with responsibility for Japan, Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, and then as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asia, with responsibility for East Asia and South Asia. Before joining the NSC staff, he was a senior fellow for East Asian security at the Council on Foreign Relations, director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center and the Foreign Policy Institute and assistant professor at the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, research staff member at the Institute for Defense Analyses, and senior adviser on Asia in the Office of the Secretary of Defense. He also worked in Japan on the staff of a member of the National Diet. Dr. Green is also a nonresident fellow at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, Australia, a distinguished scholar at the Asia Pacific Institute in Tokyo, and professor by special appointment at Sophia University in Tokyo. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Aspen Strategy Group, the America Australia Leadership Dialogue, the advisory boards of Radio Free Asia and the Center for a New American Security, and the editorial boards of the Washington Quarterly and the Journal of Unification Studies in Korea. He also serves as a trustee at the Asia Foundation, senior adviser at the Asia Group, and associate of the U.S. Intelligence Community. Dr. Green has authored numerous books and articles on East Asian security, including most recently, By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783 (Columbia University Press, 2017). He received his master's and doctoral degrees from SAIS and did additional graduate and postgraduate research at Tokyo University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He received his bachelor's degree in history from Kenyon College with highest honors. He holds a black belt in Iaido (sword) and has won international prizes on the great highland bagpipe.

Economic Interdependence: Dangers And Opportunities Ahead | 2020 Conference | Panel 3Monday, October 19, 2020Hoover InstitutionPanel 3 took place on Monday, October 19, 4-5:30pm PDT and focused on Economic Interdependence: Dangers And Opportunities Ahead.CHAIR: David Lampton (Johns Hopkins-SAIS)    DISCUSSANT: Thomas Fingar (Stanford University)•  Economic coercion as a tool of PRC foreign policy   Christina Lai, Academia Sinica•  Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy: A framework for economic security   Ian Tsung-yen Chen, National Sun Yat-sen University•  Competing paradigms of development assistance in the Indo-Pacific   Jonathan Pryke, Lowy InstituteMEET THE PANELISTSDr. Ian Tsung-yen Chen is associate professor at the Institute of Political Science at National Sun Yat-sen University. His current book project is entitled The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: Power, Interests and Reputation.Dr. Thomas Fingar is a Shorenstein APARC Fellow in the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. Formerly, he was first deputy director of national intelligence and chairman of the U.S. National Intelligence Council. Most recently, he co-edited Fateful Decisions: Choices that Will Shape China’s Future.Dr. Christina Lai is a junior research fellow in the Institute of Political Science at Academia Sinica, Taiwan. She was also a lecturer in global security studies at Johns Hopkins University. Her research focuses on U.S.-China relations, Chinese foreign policy, East Asian politics, and qualitative research methods.Dr. David M. Lampton is professor emeritus of China studies and former director of SAIS-China and China Studies at Johns Hopkins SAIS. He is a senior fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute and former president of the National Committee on United States-China Relations.Jonathan Pryke is director of the Lowy Institute’s Pacific Islands Program. Mr. Pryke joined the Lowy Institute from the Development Policy Centre at the Australian National University where he was editor of the Development Policy Blog.

https://westminster-institute.org/events/the-nature-of-putins-regime-and-the-reasons-for-its-foreign-policy/ David Satter, a former Moscow correspondent, is a long time observer of Russia and the former Soviet Union. He is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Satter was born in Chicago in 1947 and graduated from the University of Chicago and Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes Scholar and earned a B.Litt degree in political philosophy. He worked for four years as a police reporter for the Chicago Tribune and, in 1976, he was named Moscow correspondent of the London Financial Times. He worked in Moscow for six years, from 1976 to 1982, during which time he sought out Soviet citizens with the intention of preserving their accounts of the Soviet totalitarian system for posterity. After completing his term in Moscow, Satter became a special correspondent on Soviet affairs for The Wall Street Journal, contributing to the paper’s editorial page. In 1990, he was named a Thornton Hooper fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia and then a senior fellow at the Institute. From 2003 to 2008, he was a research fellow at the Hoover Institution. In 2008, he was also a visiting professor at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He teaches a course on contemporary Russian history at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced Academic Programs.

About the interview: Dr. Joshua Muravchik, Distinguished Fellow at the World Affairs Institute, spoke with IWP about the rise of socialism in American politics. He discussed the history of the socialist movement in America, what the term "democratic socialism" really means, why socialism is popular with millennials, and what we can do to fight the rise of socialism in America. About the speaker: Dr. Joshua Muravchik is a distinguished fellow at the World Affairs Institute. He is a former resident scholar at American Enterprise Institute and a former fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute. Additionally, he is a professor at IWP where he teaches a course on Ideas and Values in American Politics. Dr. Muravchik is the author of eleven books, including Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism, The Imperative of American Leadership, and Exporting Democracy: Fulfilling America's Destiny; and also more than 400 articles in newspapers, magazines, and scholarly journals.

In this episode, Hafed Al-Ghweel, non-resident Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at John Hopkins University, joins host Elham Saudi to discuss divisions in Libya. Through a rich and comprehensive discussion of the past and current situation, Hafed walks us through the many internal separations in Libya: the historical context, cultural differences and the growing polarisation within society. He raises the question: could the division of Libya be a solution to the current conflict and, if so, what would that division look like? If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe and leave us a review and a 5 STAR rating on iTunes. You can find Hafed Al-Ghwell on Twitter as @HafedAlGhwell**Checkout Lawyers for Justice work at https://www.libyanjustice.org**Support our work by a single or regular donation at https://www.bit.ly/lfjldonate**Stay in the loop with Libya Matters by subscribing here: http://bit.ly/libyamatters-newsletter**Stay in the loop with Lawyers for Justice in Libya by subscribing here: http://bit.ly/lfjl-newsletter

"Leading Cause of Blindness – It’s All About Perspectives: Lessons from the Aravind Model" featuring Thulasiraj Ravilla (Executive Director, LAICO, Aravind Eye Care System; and CASI Spring 2019 Visiting Fellow) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Non-Resident Visiting Scholar, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

"The RSS: Evolution of India’s Leading Hindu Nationalist Organization" featuring Walter Andersen (Senior Adjunct Professor of South Asia Studies, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Non-Resident Visiting Scholar, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

"Mobilizing the Youth? Peripatetic Labor in India’s New Service Economy" featuring Carol Upadhya (Professor, School of Social Sciences, National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bangalore) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Postdoctoral Research Fellow, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

"Quo Vadis the Quad? A Deterrence Alliance or Self-Deterred Alignment in Indo-Pacific?" featuring Sameer Lalwani (Senior Fellow for Asia Strategy and Director, South Asia Program, Stimson Center) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Postdoctoral Research Fellow, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

Bohdan Nahaylo talks to Melinda Haring, editor of Atlantic Council's Ukraine Alert Blog and Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute in Washington DC, about how Capitol Hill views the Ukrainian presidential elections and Ukraine generally

Susan Thornton was Acting Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs at the Department of State during the first 18 months of the Trump administration. Prior to her departure, Thornton led East Asia policy-making amid crises with North Korea, escalating trade tensions with China, and a generally deteriorating environment in the United States for international economic and diplomatic engagement. She was the architect of the diplomatic pressure campaign on the North Korean regime, structured the administration’s initial approach to China, and developed the administration’s trademark Indo-Pacific Strategy. In previous leadership roles in Washington, Thornton worked on China and Korea policy, including stabilizing relations with Taiwan, the U.S.-China Cyber Agreement, the Paris Climate Accord and led a successful negotiation in Pyongyang for monitoring of the Agreed Framework on denuclearization. In her 18 years of overseas postings in Central Asia, Russia, the Caucasus and China, Thornton’s leadership furthered U.S. interests and influence and maintained programs and mission morale in a host of difficult operating environments. Prior to joining the Foreign Service, she was among the first State Department Fascell Fellows and served from 1989–90 at the U.S. Consulate in Leningrad. She was also a researcher at the Foreign Policy Institute from 1987–91. Thornton received her M.A. in International Relations and Soviet Studies from Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in 1991 and earned an M.S. in National Strategy and Resource Management at the National Defense University’s Eisenhower School in 2010. Thornton received her B.A. from Bowdoin College in Economics and Russian in 1985, and taught in international secondary schools in Brussels, London, and Chile. She speaks Russian, Mandarin Chinese and French, is a member of numerous professional associations and is on the Board of Trustees for the Eurasia Foundation. The Charles Neuhauser Memorial Lecture is an annual lecture at the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Harvard University. Read and download the transcript for this event on our website: https://fairbank.fas.harvard.edu/events/neuhauser-lecture-featuring-susan-thornton-can-we-live-with-china-a-roadmap-for-co-evolution/

About the Book: Soon after the American Revolution, certain of the founders began to recognize the strategic significance of Asia and the Pacific and the vast material and cultural resources at stake there. Over the coming generations, the United States continued to ask how best to expand trade with the region and whether to partner with China, at the center of the continent, or Japan, looking toward the Pacific. Where should the United States draw its defensive line, and how should it export democratic principles? In a history that spans the eighteenth century to the present, By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783 follows the development of U.S. strategic thinking toward East Asia, identifying recurring themes in American statecraft that reflect the nation's political philosophy and material realities. Drawing on archives, interviews, and his own experience in the Pentagon and White House, Green finds one overarching concern driving U.S. policy toward East Asia: a fear that a rival power might use the Pacific to isolate and threaten the United States and prevent the ocean from becoming a conduit for the westward free flow of trade, values, and forward defense. By More Than Providence works through these problems from the perspective of history's major strategists and statesmen, from Thomas Jefferson to Alfred Thayer Mahan and Henry Kissinger. It records the fate of their ideas as they collided with the realities of the Far East and adds clarity to America's stakes in the region, especially when compared with those of Europe and the Middle East. About the Author: Michael Jonathan Green is senior vice president for Asia and Japan Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and director of Asian Studies at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He served on the staff of the National Security Council (NSC) from 2001 through 2005, first as director for Asian affairs with responsibility for Japan, Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, and then as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asia, with responsibility for East Asia and South Asia. Before joining the NSC staff, he was a senior fellow for East Asian security at the Council on Foreign Relations, director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center and the Foreign Policy Institute and assistant professor at the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, research staff member at the Institute for Defense Analyses, and senior adviser on Asia in the Office of the Secretary of Defense. He also worked in Japan on the staff of a member of the National Diet. Dr. Green is also a nonresident fellow at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, Australia, a distinguished scholar at the Asia Pacific Institute in Tokyo, and professor by special appointment at Sophia University in Tokyo. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Aspen Strategy Group, the America Australia Leadership Dialogue, the advisory boards of Radio Free Asia and the Center for a New American Security, and the editorial boards of the Washington Quarterly and the Journal of Unification Studies in Korea. He also serves as a trustee at the Asia Foundation, senior adviser at the Asia Group, and associate of the U.S. Intelligence Community. Dr. Green has authored numerous books and articles on East Asian security, including most recently, By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783 (Columbia University Press, 2017). He received his master's and doctoral degrees from SAIS and did additional graduate and postgraduate research at Tokyo University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He received his bachelor's degree in history from Kenyon College with highest honors. He holds a black belt in Iaido (sword) and has won international prizes on the great highland bagpipe.

"A People's Constitution: The Everyday Life of Law in the Indian Republic" - a Book Talk featuring Author Rohit De (Lawyer and Assistant Professor of History, Yale University, and Associate Research Scholar, Yale Law School) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Postdoctoral Research Fellow, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

"Skeptical Democrats? The Effects of Education for All Policies on Political Behavior in India" featuring Emmerich Davies (Assistant Professor of Education, Harvard Graduate School of Education; Faculty Associate, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Postdoctoral Research Fellow, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

"India's Inter-State Water Wars: Causes, Consequences, and Cures" featuring Scott Moore (Associate Professor of Practice, SAS, and Senior Fellow, Water Center, University of Pennsylvania) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Postdoctoral Research Fellow, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

This special edition of Global Tennessee is an extended presentation by Afshin Molavi, Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute at John Hopkins University, SAIS and Co-Director, emerge85 Lab. Molavi's "Where Are We Going?" presentation is a remarkable collection of his insightful assessments of global trends and facts on the ground that shape the world we live in and where it is headed. You will finish this edition of Global Tennessee much better equipped to deal with the news and information that shapes your world.

"Hollowing Out the State: Status and Redistributive Politics in Colonial India" featuring Pavithra Suryanarayan (Assistant Professor of International Political Economy, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University) in conversation with Bilal Baloch (CASI Postdoctoral Research Fellow, and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University)

Host Carol Castiel discusses the complicated U.S. Russia relationship with former Ambassador to Ukraine John Herbst, Director of the Dinu Patriciu Eurasia Center, and David Satter,senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute of Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS).

American strategic engagement with the Asia Pacific has deep roots in American history, going back to the nation’s founding. Despite the difficulties of formulating and maintaining a coherent grand strategy amid democratic competition, the United States has, over more than 200 years, developed a distinctive approach to the region based on its interests and national identity. In a new book, By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783, Center for Strategic and International Studies and Georgetown University expert Michael Green argues that American strategic thinking towards Asia has been defined by the fear that a rival power might seek to exclude the United States from the western Pacific, preventing the free flow of trade and ideas. In By More than Providence, Dr. Green fills an important gap in existing scholarship on the strategic calculus in East Asia. Through examination of the thinking of America’s greatest statesmen and strategists and by outlining the development of U.S. grand strategy towards Asia, he adds a crucial element to our understanding of the balance of power in the region, and to what is at stake in American engagement there today. On March 28, Dr. Green joined National Committee President Steve Orlins in New York City for a discussion of the history of American strategy in Asia, and the most pressing contemporary strategic challenges our country faces in the region. Michael Green is senior vice president for Asia and Japan Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and chair in modern and contemporary Japanese politics and foreign policy at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He served on the staff of the National Security Council (NSC) from 2001 through 2005, first as director for Asian affairs, with responsibility for Japan, Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, and then as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asia, with responsibility for East Asia and South Asia. Before joining the NSC staff, he was senior fellow for East Asian security at the Council on Foreign Relations, director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center, and director of the Foreign Policy Institute.  

American strategic engagement with the Asia Pacific has deep roots in American history, going back to the nation’s founding. Despite the difficulties of formulating and maintaining a coherent grand strategy amid democratic competition, the United States has, over more than 200 years, developed a distinctive approach to the region based on its interests and national identity. In a new book, By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783, Center for Strategic and International Studies and Georgetown University expert Michael Green argues that American strategic thinking towards Asia has been defined by the fear that a rival power might seek to exclude the United States from the western Pacific, preventing the free flow of trade and ideas. In By More than Providence, Dr. Green fills an important gap in existing scholarship on the strategic calculus in East Asia. Through examination of the thinking of America’s greatest statesmen and strategists and by outlining the development of U.S. grand strategy towards Asia, he adds a crucial element to our understanding of the balance of power in the region, and to what is at stake in American engagement there today. On March 28, Dr. Green joined National Committee President Steve Orlins in New York City for a discussion of the history of American strategy in Asia, and the most pressing contemporary strategic challenges our country faces in the region. Michael Green is senior vice president for Asia and Japan Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and chair in modern and contemporary Japanese politics and foreign policy at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He served on the staff of the National Security Council (NSC) from 2001 through 2005, first as director for Asian affairs, with responsibility for Japan, Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, and then as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asia, with responsibility for East Asia and South Asia. Before joining the NSC staff, he was senior fellow for East Asian security at the Council on Foreign Relations, director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center, and director of the Foreign Policy Institute.

Controversy comes to The Halli Casser-Jayne Show when Halli tackle the question with her guests : Is Anti-Zionism the New Anti-Semitism? when Halli welcomes her esteemed guests: Ruthie Blum, Alan Kaufman, Joshua Muravchik, Thane Rosenbaum, Annika Henroth-Rothstein and Jonathan Tobin.Seventy years following the end of World War II, when 6,000,000 Jews were slaughtered and the world promised never again, anti-Semitic incidents across the globe are on the rise. From Paris, to London, Berlin to New York, Johannesburg to Sydney, once again cries of “Death to Jews" and "Slit Jews' throats" echo but the haters deny that their rage is against Jews. Rather they say their rage is against the Zionists, those who stand with Israel.Joining in the conversation is Ruthie Blum, the current affairs columnist for Israel Hayom. Her articles appear in the Jerusalem Post, Algemeiner, the New York Observer. She is a feature writer for Israel21C, a web magazine on Israeli innovation. She is the author of “To Hell in a Handbasket: Carter, Obama and the ‘Arab Spring.'”Alan Kaufman is an American-Israeli author and the son of a Holocaust survivor. His books include Jew Boy and Drunken Angel. Kaufman was an infantry soldier in the Israel Defense Forces. His op-eds and essays have appeared in The Los Angeles Times and Huffington Post among others. He writes a blog on Jewish and Israeli affairs for The Times of Israel.Joshua Muravchik is a Fellow at the Foreign Policy Institute of the Johns Hopkins University School for Advanced International Studies. His latest book is Making David Into Goliath: How the World Turned Against Israel. He has contributed to the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal, and the Weekly Standard.Thane Rosenbaum is a novelist, essayist, and law professor, the author of the critically acclaimed novels, The Stranger Within Sarah Stein, The Golems of Gotham and many more. His articles, reviews and essays appear frequently in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Haaretz and the Daily Beast. He is a Senior Fellow at NYU School of Law.Annika Henroth-Rothstein is a political advisor and writer. A native of Sweden, she writes for various national and international magazines and websites on the topic of Israeli politics, European Jewry and human rights. Jonathan S. Tobin is the award-winning senior online editor and chief political blogger of Commentary magazine, America's premier monthly journal of opinion and ideas. Tobin edits and writes for the publication's website and in that capacity covers the U.S.-Israel relationship, and Middle East diplomacy. His work appears regularly in The New York Post, the Weekly Standard, the Christian Science Monitor, the American Spectator and more. He lectures and appears on CNN, Fox News Channel, the BBC, NPR, Pacifica and numerous other media.http://bit.ly/HCJAPP