Podcasts about reaganism

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger sits down with Jeh Johnson, former Secretary of Homeland Security in the Obama administration to discuss his reaction to the election of Zohran Mamdani in New York City. They explore some early litmus tests for the Mamdani administration including the status of NYC Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch. They explore past examples of principled leadership and lessons Mamdani can draw from past political figures like Bob Gates. The conversation ends with a discussion of the Trump administration's negotiations with Columbia and role of higher education institutions in fostering a balanced discourse, highlighting Johnson's insights on navigating political and social dynamics.

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger sits down with Marc Thiessen to delve into the current ideological battles within the conservative movement, focusing on the influence of figures like Tucker Carlson and Nick Fuentes. They explore the tension between traditional conservative values and the rise of alt-right ideologies, emphasizing the need to reject extremist elements to preserve the integrity of the movement. The conversation also touches on the role of nationalism, the importance of supporting Israel, and the challenges of maintaining unity while confronting internal and external threats. Marc advocates for a form of American nationalism rooted in the country's founding principles, contrasting it with European-style nationalism based on ethnicity.

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger Zakheim, host of the Reaganism podcast, sits down with Dr. Will Inboden, Executive Vice President and Provost of the University of Texas at Austin, to discuss his latest article in National Affairs, "Restoring the Academic Social Contract." They discuss the concept of the "social contract" between American universities and the public. The dialogue explores the historical roots and current challenges facing higher education, including issues of trust, academic freedom, and the influence of foreign entities like China. Will shares personal anecdotes and insights into the politicization of academia, emphasizing the need for universities to uphold their foundational ideals to restore public confidence.

On this episode of Reaganism, Rachel Hoff sits down with Grace Jin Drexel to discuss the pressing issue of religious freedom, particularly focusing on the persecution faced by Christians in China. Grace shares her personal journey and her father's story, Pastor Ezra Jin, who has been imprisoned by the Chinese Communist Party for his religious activities. The discussion delves into the challenges of practicing Christianity in China, the evolution of Zion Church, and the broader implications of religious persecution. Grace emphasizes the importance of global awareness and advocacy for religious freedom, urging the international community to support those facing persecution. Rachel and Grace conclude by reflecting on the universal right to believe freely and the ongoing struggle for religious freedom worldwide.

On this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Wall Street Journal Editorial Board Member Jillian Kay Melchior to discuss her latest trip to Ukraine and update from the frontlines in Donetsk. Roger and Jillian discuss the race between elite Ukrainian and Russian drone units as they both look for the upper hand in Ukraine's heavily defended fortress belt. They discuss how despite over a decade at war, Ukraine's civil society and democratic fabric is flourishing and is increasingly integrated into Western economic, political, and security architecture. They conclude the conversation with a discussion of US arms transfers and sanctions pressure, and the importance of creating various vectors of pressure points on Russia.

How does one man whose formative years are largely defined by five “s's” – sex, satanism, suicide, secret agents, and Stalinism – somehow wind up as a defining intellectual behind the rise of America's conservative movement? Daniel Flynn, a Hoover visiting fellow and author of The Man Who Invented Conservatism: The Unlikely Life of Frank S. Meyer, takes us through an improbable journey that involves Princeton and Oxford, deportation, socialism, capitalism and Hayek, William F. Buckley and the founding of The National Review, Goldwater, Nixon and Reagan, plus a few unexpected cameos along the way (Bob Dylan, Joan Didion and the Berlin Wall's architect, to name a few).  

Jason Dick and Sean Carswell discuss how Thomas Pynchon's novel “Vineland” led to Paul Thomas Anderson's movie “One Battle After Another,” the conversation those two works have about American culture and politics, as well as the 1960s left, the Nixonian right, Reaganism, the drug war, Trumpism and, for good measure, Emerson's concept of the level of divine justice. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Jason Dick and Sean Carswell discuss how Thomas Pynchon's novel “Vineland” led to Paul Thomas Anderson's movie “One Battle After Another,” the conversation those two works have about American culture and politics, as well as the 1960s left, the Nixonian right, Reaganism, the drug war, Trumpism and, for good measure, Emerson's concept of the level of divine justice. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger Zakheim and General Laura Richardson discuss the strategic importance of the US Southern Command, highlighting the region's vast natural resources and geopolitical significance. General Richardson emphasizes the need for consistent US military presence to counteract influences from China and other adversaries, particularly through initiatives like the Belt and Road. They also address the challenges posed by the Maduro regime in Venezuela, the impact of narcotics trafficking, and the importance of fostering democratic partnerships in the Western Hemisphere. The discussion concludes with reflections on political developments in Argentina and their implications for regional stability and alignment with democratic values. For more information on the ongoing works of President Reagan's Foundation, please visit http://www.reaganfoundation.org

Rudyard Griffiths and Sean Speer discuss the turbulent week in Canada-U.S. trade relations, from Prime Minister Carney's underwhelming primetime address and mixed signals on sectoral trade deals to President Trump's explosive reaction to the Ontario government's Reagan ad. They explore how the apparent breakdown in trade negotiations may actually benefit the Carney government politically by justifying deficit spending and empowering domestic interests who prefer the status quo over meaningful economic reform. On the back half of the show, they discuss how modern conservatism is drifting away from Reagan-inspired principles of limited government and free markets, with conservatives increasingly embracing culture war politics and deficit spending over economic liberty and fiscal discipline. The Hub is Canada's fastest growing independent digital news outlet. Subscribe to our YouTube channel to get our latest videos: https://www.youtube.com/@TheHubCanada Subscribe to The Hub's podcast feed to get our best content when you are on the go: https://tinyurl.com/3a7zpd7e (Apple) https://tinyurl.com/y8akmfn7 (Spotify) Want more Hub? Get a FREE 3-month trial membership on us: https://thehub.ca/free-trial/ Follow The Hub on X: https://x.com/thehubcanada?lang=en CREDITS: Amal Attar-Guzman - Producer & Editor Rudyard Griffiths and Sean Speer - Hosts To contact us, sign up for updates, and access transcripts email support@thehub.ca

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger Zakheim sits down with Congressman Adam Smith, the senior Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, about his recent trip to China. The discussion centered on the importance of dialogue between the US and China, despite the complex geopolitical tensions and differing perceptions each country holds about the other. Congressman Smith emphasized the need for open communication to address issues such as Taiwan, China's military buildup, and US-China economic relations, advocating for a coexistence strategy rather than a confrontational approach. He shared insights from his meetings with Chinese officials, noting a shift towards more civil discourse and a recognition of mutual interests, while also highlighting the challenges posed by China's historical grievances and global ambitions.

On this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Tim Bouverie, author of the new book "Allies at War: How the Struggles Between the Allied Powers Shaped the War and the World." Tim and Roger delve into the complexities of alliances during World War II, focusing on the intricate dynamics between the Allied powers. Tim discusses how the collaboration among nations like the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union was crucial in defeating the Axis powers, despite internal rivalries and suspicions. They explore the historical context of these alliances, the strategic decisions made, and the lessons learned, emphasizing the importance of unity in facing global threats. They conclude their conversation with a contemporary appraisal of Roosevelt and Churchill, rejecting far-right reinterpretations of World War II and Roosevelt and Churchill's legacies.

Cynthia Bemis Abrams sits down with actor and singer Stepfanie Kramer at the Paley Center for Media to revisit her trailblazing role as Sgt. Dee Dee McCall on Hunter (1984–1991). Together, they unpack: The cultural legacy of Hunter and its Reagan-era action show peers Kramer's reflections on fame, aging in Hollywood, and leaving the series Her influence as a feminist TV figure and enduring global fan base Behind-the-scenes production realities Life after Hunter: music, stage, and staying connected to fans Honey West, Police Woman, Cagney & Lacey and Hunter - how they reveal progress Whether you're a longtime fan or discovering Kramer's work anew, this episode explores the power of representation, resilience, and navigating fame as a woman in a male-dominated genre. CONNECT WITH CYNTHIA and ADVANCED TV HERSTORY ATVH Newsletter – https://tvherstory.com Website – https://cynthiabemisabrams.com Podcast Archive – https://tvherstory.com Instagram – https://www.instagram.com/advancedtvherstory Bluesky Social – https://cynthiabemisabrams.bsky.social

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger Zakheim sits down with Elliott Abrams, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations to discuss the UK, France, Canada, and Australia's recognition of Palestinian statehood. Elliott discusses the complexities surrounding Palestinian statehood, the role of the Palestinian Authority, and the implications of Western recognition of a Palestinian state. He argues that Palestinian nationalism is fundamentally opposed to the existence of a Jewish state and that the leadership of the Palestinian Authority has failed to build a viable state. The discussion also touches on the dynamics of Israeli politics, the potential for annexation, and the changing attitudes towards Israel in the United States.

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger Zakheim and Jonathan Burks explored how to secure a durable, bipartisan fix to America's fiscal challenges—especially Social Security—without defaulting to lowest-common-denominator politics. Burks argued that trillion-dollar (and rising) deficits, debt service now rivaling or exceeding major programs, and higher interest rates make action unavoidable; any real solution will require both spending restraint and new revenue. They discussed President Trump's tariffs, with Burks noting tariff receipts are too small and economically inefficient to close the gap and that policy/legal uncertainty is chilling investment and manufacturing jobs. Drawing on his Hill experience, Burks explained why continuing resolutions and executive workarounds (e.g., rescissions, reconciliation) are poor substitutes for bipartisan appropriations that give industry long-term certainty—vital for defense and other priorities. They concluded with a discussion on the future of Social Security. Burks argued that there is bipartisan consensus on the path to make the program solvent: gradually raise the retirement age, modestly adjust payroll taxes (with protections for physically demanding careers), and act soon—pointing to strong public support for fixing the program if leaders level with voters.

On this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Matt Continetti, an acclaimed historian of the right, to discuss his latest piece in the Free Press, on the assassination of Charlie Kirk and the decline of America's civic character. Roger and Matt discuss the deepening political and cultural divide in America, highlighted by the assassination of Kirk. Matt expresses concern over the reactions to Kirk's death, noting a troubling trend of political violence and the left's misunderstanding of the right. They explore the idea of America becoming two nations, divided not only by politics but also by culture, lifestyle, and epistemology. Matt argues that the right understands the left better due to the left's dominance in cultural institutions. They also discuss the role of political leaders and the need for a collective cultural effort to bridge the divide and reaffirm American principles.

On this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Matt Waxman, a professor at Columbia University Law School. Roger and Matt discuss the Trump administration's recent strike against the Tren de Aragua gang in the Caribbean. Matt outlines the constitutional and international legal hurdles the president faces authorizing the strike. Matt and Roger discuss the intricacies of the authorization for the use of military force, and the distinctions between Al Qaeda and cartel groups like Tren de Aragua. Roger and Matt explore the White House's use of the president's Article II powers to justify the strike against Tren de Aragua. They conclude the conversation with an evaluation of Israel's strike against Hamas in Qatar, Matt finds the strike was justified under international law, but draws important distinctions between Israel's strike and how the US would conduct a similar strike. Roger and Matt finish the episode by concluding Israel's strike was escalatory and opens a new chapter in the Israel-Hamas war.

In this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with former U.S. Senator Phil Gramm who served the State of Texas in the United States Senate and is the author of the newly released book, “The Triumph of Economic Freedom: Debunking the Seven Great Myths of American Capitalism.” They discuss Sen. Gramm's new book arguing that many policy debates stem from misreadings of history and flawed statistics. He challenges the notion that free trade hollowed out American manufacturing, pointing instead to record-high output driven by productivity and innovation, much like agriculture's transformation. Sen. Gramm defends Ronald Reagan as a principled free-trader who saw commerce as an extension of individual freedom, contrasting Reagan's approach with today's rising protectionism and “state capitalism.” He critiques how government statistics misclassify income, poverty, and manufacturing, distorting public perception, and insists that prosperity comes from smaller government and greater freedom.

In this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Dmitri Alperovitch who is the Co-Founder and Chairman of Silverado Policy Accelerator, national bestselling author of “World on the Brink: How America Can Beat China in the Race for the 21st Century,” founder of the Alperovitch Institute for Cybersecurity Studies at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies and Co-Founder and former CTO of CrowdStrike Inc., one of the world's largest cybersecurity firms. They discuss Alperovitch's book 'World on the Brink' and the current geopolitical landscape, emphasizing the new Cold War with China. Alperovitch argues that the U.S. must prioritize its resources and strategies to deter China, particularly regarding Taiwan. The discussion also touches on the importance of American leadership, the implications of various global conflicts, and the need for a robust defense strategy to maintain U.S. dominance in the face of rising threats.

Part Two: Breht listens to, comments on, and expounds upon a public lecture by  the late professor of philosophy Rick Roderick from 1989 on Hegel, Marx, and modern American capitalism. Along the way he discusses the central role of reproductive labor, the dialectic of feminism in the US across the last century, identifying with your job under capitalism, reactionary psychology and understanding the joy they take in cruelty, the insane irony of "Make America Great Again" under both Reagan and Trump, the prescience of Professor Roderick, socially necessary labor, and more. Finally, Breht opines at length on a crucial and often overlooked dimension of a truly present, meaningful life. ---------------------------------------------------- Support Rev Left and get access to bonus episodes: www.patreon.com/revleftradio Make a one-time donation to Rev Left at BuyMeACoffee.com/revleftradio Follow, Subscribe, & Learn more about Rev Left Radio: https://revleftradio.com/ outro music 'Mooncakes' by Spinitch find and support more of their work here: https://spinitch.bandcamp.com/album/com-postables-4-dessert  

In this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with former Ambassador of the United States to the European Union, and now President & COO at Business Roundtable, Kristen Silverberg. They discuss the intersection of business and government. The conversation delves into the role of the Business Roundtable, the impact of executive orders, and the importance of CEO engagement with policymakers. Amb. Silverberg shares her insights on the current administration's approach to business, the significance of trade policies, and the challenges and opportunities in the AI and tech sectors.

In this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Karan Bhatia, who previously served as Deputy U.S. Trade Representative in the Bush Administration, and now serves as the Global Head of Government Affairs and Public Policy for Google. They discuss the current landscape of artificial intelligence (AI) and technology, focusing on the United States' leadership role and the regulatory challenges faced in Europe. He emphasizes the importance of collaboration between free societies, the competitive dynamics with China, and Google's engagement in Taiwan. Bhatia also highlights the energy demands of technology and Google's contributions to national security, while reflecting on the impact of recent legislation on the tech industry and drawing parallels to Ronald Reagan's vision for innovation.

In this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Professor Brendan Simms, a Professor of the History of International Relations at the University of Cambridge. They discuss Professor Simm's essay in the Wall Street Journal titled "Don't Write Off Europe Just Yet," which addresses skepticism in the U.S., particularly within the Trump administration, about Europe's role and capabilities. Simms argues that Europe has the capacity to defend itself against Russia, emphasizing the importance of U.S. support for European security. The conversation touches on historical parallels, the current geopolitical landscape, and the interconnectedness of global security, particularly concerning Russia and China.

In this episode of Reaganism, host Roger Zakheim sits down with Dr. Daniel Samet who is the George P. Shultz Fellow at the Ronald Reagan Institute, and the author of the new book, U.S. Defense Policy toward Israel: A Cold War History. The conversation explores the core thesis of Dr. Samet's book, which directly challenges the claims made in John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt's The Israel Lobby. Rather than attributing U.S. Middle East policy to undue influence by a pro-Israel lobby, Dr. Samet argues that American defense policy toward Israel has been driven primarily by national interest and strategic considerations—particularly during the Cold War. Drawing from extensive archival research, Dr. Samet finds that lobbying efforts appear rarely in the historical record. Instead, U.S. presidents from Truman through Reagan made decisions based on national security, geopolitical strategy, and the containment of the Soviet Union.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute's Director of the Center for Civics, Education, and Opportunity Dan Rothschild sits down with Dr. Ben Reinhardt who is the CEO of Speculative Technologies. They discuss discuss the mission and vision behind Speculative Technologies, emphasizing the importance of physical technologies and the need for innovative research funding models. Dr. Reinhardt critiques traditional government-funded research approaches and highlights the barriers to innovation in America, including bureaucratic constraints and the influence of venture capital. Reinhart advocates for a new system that allows for more flexibility and creativity in technology development, while also addressing the role of universities and the importance of co-location for fostering innovation.

This episode is the fourth installment in our summer series on "What Is the Right?" here on Giving Ventures. Over the course of the summer months, we are looking at the different factions and flavors of what it means to be on the right side of the ideological spectrum in this unique moment we're in. So far, we've explored the Freedom Conservatives, Libertarians, and the New Right. This episode explores the traditionalist wing of conservatism. At a quick glance, you might describe Traditionalist Conservatives as the social conservatives in the postwar coalition that culminated in the Reaganism of the '80s. But that's probably a little bit simplistic. On the landscape of the Right, the Traditionalists can be found on the opposite end of the spectrum from Libertarians. Order, virtue, and continuity with the past are of greater concern to the Traditionalists than unleashing the free market or ensuring government sticks to protecting life, liberty, and property. Conserving the principles of the American Founding is buttressed by the preservation of the Western Tradition and its tension between freedom and order. The episode features Daniel McCarthy and Luke Sheahan. Daniel is Vice President for Publications at the Intercollegiate Studies Institute and Editor of ISI's Modern Age, which was launched by Russell Kirk and Henry Regnery in 1957 as a forum for conservatives of various stripes to debate their ideas. Luke is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at Duquesne University, and a nonresident scholar in the Program for Research on Religion and Urban Civil Society at the University of Pennsylvania. He is also editor of The University Bookman, the online journal of book reviews published by the Russell Kirk Center for Cultural Renewal.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim sits down with retired General Jack Keane, who serves as the Chairman of the Institute for the Study of War. They discuss the ongoing military actions by Israel against Iran's nuclear weapons program, the implications for U.S. involvement, and the strategic landscape in the Middle East. He assesses the current state of the Iranian nuclear program, evaluates Israel's military options, and outlines the potential risks and benefits of U.S. engagement in the conflict. The discussion highlights the historical context of U.S.-Iran relations and the importance of supporting allies in the region.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim sits down with Dr. Tevi Troy, a senior fellow at the Reagan Institute and former deputy secretary of Health and Human Services. They discuss Dr. Troy's article 'In Praise of Big Pharma,' exploring the critical role of the pharmaceutical industry in healthcare innovation and the challenges it faces from government regulation and public perception. The conversation also touches on the importance of vaccines, the impact of government policies on healthcare costs, and the future of American innovation in the pharmaceutical sector, particularly in the context of competition with China.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim sits down with Pennsylvania Senator Dave McCormick. They discuss the pivotal role of Pennsylvania in national politics, particularly in relation to tariffs and trade policies. He emphasizes the need for fairness in trade relationships, the importance of industrial policy for national security, and the role of government in fostering economic growth. The discussion also touches on the complexities of negotiating trade deals, the future of U.S.-China relations, and the necessity of revitalizing American manufacturing. Sen. McCormick also highlights the strategic challenges posed by China, the importance of a robust U.S. foreign policy, and the need to address rising anti-Semitism in America. He reflects on his recent trip to the Middle East, emphasizing the existential threat posed by Iran and the need for a united front against adversaries.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Zack Cooper, who is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. They discuss Dr. Cooper's book, Tides of Fortune, which explores the rise and decline of great militaries, focusing on China's military buildup and its implications for U.S. defense strategy. The discussion covers the historical context of military power, the dynamics of rising and declining powers, and the need for the U.S. to reassess its military investments in light of China's advancements. Dr. Cooper emphasizes the importance of a balanced military mix and the role of technology in modern warfare, advocating for a strategic shift in U.S. defense policy to address emerging threats effectively.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by the Honorable Dr. John Hillen who serves as the James C. Wheat Jr. Professor in Leadership at the Wilson Center and is also a professor in the government and foreign affairs department at Hampden-Sydney College. They discuss the importance of strategic thinking in both business and government. Dr. Hillen emphasizes that while many business executives focus on task accomplishment, only a small percentage naturally think strategically. He draws parallels between military training and business strategy, highlighting the need for leaders to develop strategic and interpersonal skills as they advance in their careers. The discussion also touches on the current state of global leadership, the lessons from history, and the philosophical differences in American foreign policy regarding spheres of influence versus systems of governance.

Yesterday, the self-styled San Francisco “progressive” Joan Williams was on the show arguing that Democrats need to relearn the language of the American working class. But, as some of you have noted, Williams seems oblivious to the fact that politics is about more than simply aping other people's language. What you say matters, and the language of American working class, like all industrial working classes, is rooted in a critique of capitalism. She should probably read the New Yorker staff writer John Cassidy's excellent new book, Capitalism and its Critics, which traces capitalism's evolution and criticism from the East India Company through modern times. He defines capitalism as production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets, encompassing various forms from Chinese state capitalism to hyper-globalization. The book examines capitalism's most articulate critics including the Luddites, Marx, Engels, Thomas Carlisle, Adam Smith, Rosa Luxemburg, Keynes & Hayek, and contemporary figures like Sylvia Federici and Thomas Piketty. Cassidy explores how major economists were often critics of their era's dominant capitalist model, and untangles capitalism's complicated relationship with colonialism, slavery and AI which he regards as a potentially unprecedented economic disruption. This should be essential listening for all Democrats seeking to reinvent a post Biden-Harris party and message. 5 key takeaways* Capitalism has many forms - From Chinese state capitalism to Keynesian managed capitalism to hyper-globalization, all fitting the basic definition of production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets.* Great economists are typically critics - Smith criticized mercantile capitalism, Keynes critiqued laissez-faire capitalism, and Hayek/Friedman opposed managed capitalism. Each generation's leading economists challenge their era's dominant model.* Modern corporate structure has deep roots - The East India Company was essentially a modern multinational corporation with headquarters, board of directors, stockholders, and even a private army - showing capitalism's organizational continuity across centuries.* Capitalism is intertwined with colonialism and slavery - Industrial capitalism was built on pre-existing colonial and slave systems, particularly through the cotton industry and plantation economies.* AI represents a potentially unprecedented disruption - Unlike previous technological waves, AI may substitute rather than complement human labor on a massive scale, potentially creating political backlash exceeding even the "China shock" that contributed to Trump's rise.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. A couple of days ago, we did a show with Joan Williams. She has a new book out, "Outclassed: How the Left Lost the Working Class and How to Win Them Back." A book about language, about how to talk to the American working class. She also had a piece in Jacobin Magazine, an anti-capitalist magazine, about how the left needs to speak to what she calls average American values. We talked, of course, about Bernie Sanders and AOC and their language of fighting oligarchy, and the New York Times followed that up with "The Enduring Power of Anti-Capitalism in American Politics."But of course, that brings the question: what exactly is capitalism? I did a little bit of research. We can find definitions of capitalism from AI, from Wikipedia, even from online dictionaries, but I thought we might do a little better than relying on Wikipedia and come to a man who's given capitalism and its critics a great deal of thought. John Cassidy is well known as a staff writer at The New Yorker. He's the author of a wonderful book, the best book, actually, on the dot-com insanity. And his new book, "Capitalism and its Critics," is out this week. John, congratulations on the book.So I've got to be a bit of a schoolmaster with you, John, and get some definitions first. What exactly is capitalism before we get to criticism of it?John Cassidy: Yeah, I mean, it's a very good question, Andrew. Obviously, through the decades, even the centuries, there have been many different definitions of the term capitalism and there are different types of capitalism. To not be sort of too ideological about it, the working definition I use is basically production for profit—that could be production of goods or mostly in the new and, you know, in today's economy, production of services—for profit by companies which are privately owned in markets. That's a very sort of all-encompassing definition.Within that, you can have all sorts of different types of capitalism. You can have Chinese state capitalism, you can have the old mercantilism, which industrial capitalism came after, which Trump seems to be trying to resurrect. You can have Keynesian managed capitalism that we had for 30 or 40 years after the Second World War, which I grew up in in the UK. Or you can have sort of hyper-globalization, hyper-capitalism that we've tried for the last 30 years. There are all those different varieties of capitalism consistent with a basic definition, I think.Andrew Keen: That keeps you busy, John. I know you started this project, which is a big book and it's a wonderful book. I read it. I don't always read all the books I have on the show, but I read from cover to cover full of remarkable stories of the critics of capitalism. You note in the beginning that you began this in 2016 with the beginnings of Trump. What was it about the 2016 election that triggered a book about capitalism and its critics?John Cassidy: Well, I was reporting on it at the time for The New Yorker and it struck me—I covered, I basically covered the economy in various forms for various publications since the late 80s, early 90s. In fact, one of my first big stories was the stock market crash of '87. So yes, I am that old. But it seemed to me in 2016 when you had Bernie Sanders running from the left and Trump running from the right, but both in some way offering very sort of similar critiques of capitalism. People forget that Trump in 2016 actually was running from the left of the Republican Party. He was attacking big business. He was attacking Wall Street. He doesn't do that these days very much, but at the time he was very much posing as the sort of outsider here to protect the interests of the average working man.And it seemed to me that when you had this sort of pincer movement against the then ruling model, this wasn't just a one-off. It seemed to me it was a sort of an emerging crisis of legitimacy for the system. And I thought there could be a good book written about how we got to here. And originally I thought it would be a relatively short book just based on the last sort of 20 or 30 years since the collapse of the Cold War and the sort of triumphalism of the early 90s.But as I got into it more and more, I realized that so many of the issues which had been raised, things like globalization, rising inequality, monopoly power, exploitation, even pollution and climate change, these issues go back to the very start of the capitalist system or the industrial capitalist system back in sort of late 18th century, early 19th century Britain. So I thought, in the end, I thought, you know what, let's just do the whole thing soup to nuts through the eyes of the critics.There have obviously been many, many histories of capitalism written. I thought that an original way to do it, or hopefully original, would be to do a sort of a narrative through the lives and the critiques of the critics of various stages. So that's, I hope, what sets it apart from other books on the subject, and also provides a sort of narrative frame because, you know, I am a New Yorker writer, I realize if you want people to read things, you've got to make it readable. Easiest way to make things readable is to center them around people. People love reading about other people. So that's sort of the narrative frame. I start off with a whistleblower from the East India Company back in the—Andrew Keen: Yeah, I want to come to that. But before, John, my sense is that to simplify what you're saying, this is a labor of love. You're originally from Leeds, the heart of Yorkshire, the center of the very industrial revolution, the first industrial revolution where, in your historical analysis, capitalism was born. Is it a labor of love? What's your family relationship with capitalism? How long was the family in Leeds?John Cassidy: Right, I mean that's a very good question. It is a labor of love in a way, but it's not—our family doesn't go—I'm from an Irish family, family of Irish immigrants who moved to England in the 1940s and 1950s. So my father actually did start working in a big mill, the Kirkstall Forge in Leeds, which is a big steel mill, and he left after seeing one of his co-workers have his arms chopped off in one of the machinery, so he decided it wasn't for him and he spent his life working in the construction industry, which was dominated by immigrants as it is here now.So I don't have a—it's not like I go back to sort of the start of the industrial revolution, but I did grow up in the middle of Leeds, very working class, very industrial neighborhood. And what a sort of irony is, I'll point out, I used to, when I was a kid, I used to play golf on a municipal golf course called Gotts Park in Leeds, which—you know, most golf courses in America are sort of in the affluent suburbs, country clubs. This was right in the middle of Armley in Leeds, which is where the Victorian jail is and a very rough neighborhood. There's a small bit of land which they built a golf course on. It turns out it was named after one of the very first industrialists, Benjamin Gott, who was a wool and textile industrialist, and who played a part in the Luddite movement, which I mention.So it turns out, I was there when I was 11 or 12, just learning how to play golf on this scrappy golf course. And here I am, 50 years later, writing about Benjamin Gott at the start of the Industrial Revolution. So yeah, no, sure. I think it speaks to me in a way that perhaps it wouldn't to somebody else from a different background.Andrew Keen: We did a show with William Dalrymple, actually, a couple of years ago. He's been on actually since, the Anglo or Scottish Indian historian. His book on the East India Company, "The Anarchy," is a classic. You begin in some ways your history of capitalism with the East India Company. What was it about the East India Company, John, that makes it different from other for-profit organizations in economic, Western economic history?John Cassidy: I mean, I read that. It's a great book, by the way. That was actually quoted in my chapter on these. Yeah, I remember. I mean, the reason I focused on it was for two reasons. Number one, I was looking for a start, a narrative start to the book. And it seemed to me, you know, the obvious place to start is with the start of the industrial revolution. If you look at economics history textbooks, that's where they always start with Arkwright and all the inventors, you know, who were the sort of techno-entrepreneurs of their time, the sort of British Silicon Valley, if you could think of it as, in Lancashire and Derbyshire in the late 18th century.So I knew I had to sort of start there in some way, but I thought that's a bit pat. Is there another way into it? And it turns out that in 1772 in England, there was a huge bailout of the East India Company, very much like the sort of 2008, 2009 bailout of Wall Street. The company got into trouble. So I thought, you know, maybe there's something there. And I eventually found this guy, William Bolts, who worked for the East India Company, turned into a whistleblower after he was fired for finagling in India like lots of the people who worked for the company did.So that gave me two things. Number one, it gave me—you know, I'm a writer, so it gave me something to focus on a narrative. His personal history is very interesting. But number two, it gave me a sort of foundation because industrial capitalism didn't come from nowhere. You know, it was built on top of a pre-existing form of capitalism, which we now call mercantile capitalism, which was very protectionist, which speaks to us now. But also it had these big monopolistic multinational companies.The East India Company, in some ways, was a very modern corporation. It had a headquarters in Leadenhall Street in the city of London. It had a board of directors, it had stockholders, the company sent out very detailed instructions to the people in the field in India and Indonesia and Malaysia who were traders who bought things from the locals there, brought them back to England on their company ships. They had a company army even to enforce—to protect their operations there. It was an incredible multinational corporation.So that was also, I think, fascinating because it showed that even in the pre-existing system, you know, big corporations existed, there were monopolies, they had royal monopolies given—first the East India Company got one from Queen Elizabeth. But in some ways, they were very similar to modern monopolistic corporations. And they had some of the problems we've seen with modern monopolistic corporations, the way they acted. And Bolts was the sort of first corporate whistleblower, I thought. Yeah, that was a way of sort of getting into the story, I think. Hopefully, you know, it's just a good read, I think.William Bolts's story because he was—he came from nowhere, he was Dutch, he wasn't even English and he joined the company as a sort of impoverished young man, went to India like a lot of English minor aristocrats did to sort of make your fortune. The way the company worked, you had to sort of work on company time and make as much money as you could for the company, but then in your spare time you're allowed to trade for yourself. So a lot of the—without getting into too much detail, but you know, English aristocracy was based on—you know, the eldest child inherits everything, so if you were the younger brother of the Duke of Norfolk, you actually didn't inherit anything. So all of these minor aristocrats, so major aristocrats, but who weren't first born, joined the East India Company, went out to India and made a fortune, and then came back and built huge houses. Lots of the great manor houses in southern England were built by people from the East India Company and they were known as Nabobs, which is an Indian term. So they were the sort of, you know, billionaires of their time, and it was based on—as I say, it wasn't based on industrial capitalism, it was based on mercantile capitalism.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the beginning of the book, which focuses on Bolts and the East India Company, brings to mind for me two things. Firstly, the intimacy of modern capitalism, modern industrial capitalism with colonialism and of course slavery—lots of books have been written on that. Touch on this and also the relationship between the birth of capitalism and the birth of liberalism or democracy. John Stuart Mill, of course, the father in many ways of Western democracy. His day job, ironically enough, or perhaps not ironically, was at the East India Company. So how do those two things connect, or is it just coincidental?John Cassidy: Well, I don't think it is entirely coincidental, I mean, J.S. Mill—his father, James Mill, was also a well-known philosopher in the sort of, obviously, in the earlier generation, earlier than him. And he actually wrote the official history of the East India Company. And I think they gave his son, the sort of brilliant protégé, J.S. Mill, a job as largely as a sort of sinecure, I think. But he did go in and work there in the offices three or four days a week.But I think it does show how sort of integral—the sort of—as you say, the inheritor and the servant in Britain, particularly, of colonial capitalism was. So the East India Company was, you know, it was in decline by that stage in the middle of the 19th century, but it didn't actually give up its monopoly. It wasn't forced to give up its monopoly on the Indian trade until 1857, after, you know, some notorious massacres and there was a sort of public outcry.So yeah, no, that's—it's very interesting that the British—it's sort of unique to Britain in a way, but it's interesting that industrial capitalism arose alongside this pre-existing capitalist structure and somebody like Mill is a sort of paradoxical figure because actually he was quite critical of aspects of industrial capitalism and supported sort of taxes on the rich, even though he's known as the great, you know, one of the great apostles of the free market and free market liberalism. And his day job, as you say, he was working for the East India Company.Andrew Keen: What about the relationship between the birth of industrial capitalism, colonialism and slavery? Those are big questions and I know you deal with them in some—John Cassidy: I think you can't just write an economic history of capitalism now just starting with the cotton industry and say, you know, it was all about—it was all about just technical progress and gadgets, etc. It was built on a sort of pre-existing system which was colonial and, you know, the slave trade was a central element of that. Now, as you say, there have been lots and lots of books written about it, the whole 1619 project got an incredible amount of attention a few years ago. So I didn't really want to rehash all that, but I did want to acknowledge the sort of role of slavery, especially in the rise of the cotton industry because of course, a lot of the raw cotton was grown in the plantations in the American South.So the way I actually ended up doing that was by writing a chapter about Eric Williams, a Trinidadian writer who ended up as the Prime Minister of Trinidad when it became independent in the 1960s. But when he was younger, he wrote a book which is now regarded as a classic. He went to Oxford to do a PhD, won a scholarship. He was very smart. I won a sort of Oxford scholarship myself but 50 years before that, he came across the Atlantic and did an undergraduate degree in history and then did a PhD there and his PhD thesis was on slavery and capitalism.And at the time, in the 1930s, the link really wasn't acknowledged. You could read any sort of standard economic history written by British historians, and they completely ignored that. He made the argument that, you know, slavery was integral to the rise of capitalism and he basically started an argument which has been raging ever since the 1930s and, you know, if you want to study economic history now you have to sort of—you know, have to have to address that. And the way I thought, even though the—it's called the Williams thesis is very famous. I don't think many people knew much about where it came from. So I thought I'd do a chapter on—Andrew Keen: Yeah, that chapter is excellent. You mentioned earlier the Luddites, you're from Yorkshire where Luddism in some ways was born. One of the early chapters is on the Luddites. We did a show with Brian Merchant, his book, "Blood in the Machine," has done very well, I'm sure you're familiar with it. I always understood the Luddites as being against industrialization, against the machine, as opposed to being against capitalism. But did those two things get muddled together in the history of the Luddites?John Cassidy: I think they did. I mean, you know, Luddites, when we grew up, I mean you're English too, you know to be called a Luddite was a term of abuse, right? You know, you were sort of antediluvian, anti-technology, you're stupid. It was only, I think, with the sort of computer revolution, the tech revolution of the last 30, 40 years and the sort of disruptions it's caused, that people have started to look back at the Luddites and say, perhaps they had a point.For them, they were basically pre-industrial capitalism artisans. They worked for profit-making concerns, small workshops. Some of them worked for themselves, so they were sort of sole proprietor capitalists. Or they worked in small venues, but the rise of industrial capitalism, factory capitalism or whatever, basically took away their livelihoods progressively. So they associated capitalism with new technology. In their minds it was the same. But their argument wasn't really a technological one or even an economic one, it was more a moral one. They basically made the moral argument that capitalists shouldn't have the right to just take away their livelihoods with no sort of recompense for them.At the time they didn't have any parliamentary representation. You know, they weren't revolutionaries. The first thing they did was create petitions to try and get parliament to step in, sort of introduce some regulation here. They got turned down repeatedly by the sort of—even though it was a very aristocratic parliament, places like Manchester and Leeds didn't have any representation at all. So it was only after that that they sort of turned violent and started, you know, smashing machines and machines, I think, were sort of symbols of the system, which they saw as morally unjust.And I think that's sort of what—obviously, there's, you know, a lot of technological disruption now, so we can, especially as it starts to come for the educated cognitive class, we can sort of sympathize with them more. But I think the sort of moral critique that there's this, you know, underneath the sort of great creativity and economic growth that capitalism produces, there is also a lot of destruction and a lot of victims. And I think that message, you know, is becoming a lot more—that's why I think why they've been rediscovered in the last five or ten years and I'm one of the people I guess contributing to that rediscovery.Andrew Keen: There's obviously many critiques of capitalism politically. I want to come to Marx in a second, but your chapter, I thought, on Thomas Carlyle and this nostalgic conservatism was very important and there are other conservatives as well. John, do you think that—and you mentioned Trump earlier, who is essentially a nostalgist for a—I don't know, some sort of bizarre pre-capitalist age in America. Is there something particularly powerful about the anti-capitalism of romantics like Carlyle, 19th century Englishman, there were many others of course.John Cassidy: Well, I think so. I mean, I think what is—conservatism, when we were young anyway, was associated with Thatcherism and Reaganism, which, you know, lionized the free market and free market capitalism and was a reaction against the pre-existing form of capitalism, Keynesian capitalism of the sort of 40s to the 80s. But I think what got lost in that era was the fact that there have always been—you've got Hayek up there, obviously—Andrew Keen: And then Keynes and Hayek, the two—John Cassidy: Right, it goes to the end of that. They had a great debate in the 1930s about these issues. But Hayek really wasn't a conservative person, and neither was Milton Friedman. They were sort of free market revolutionaries, really, that you'd let the market rip and it does good things. And I think that that sort of a view, you know, it just became very powerful. But we sort of lost sight of the fact that there was also a much older tradition of sort of suspicion of radical changes of any type. And that was what conservatism was about to some extent. If you think about Baldwin in Britain, for example.And there was a sort of—during the Industrial Revolution, some of the strongest supporters of factory acts to reduce hours and hourly wages for women and kids were actually conservatives, Tories, as they were called at the time, like Ashley. That tradition, Carlyle was a sort of extreme representative of that. I mean, Carlyle was a sort of proto-fascist, let's not romanticize him, he lionized strongmen, Frederick the Great, and he didn't really believe in democracy. But he also had—he was appalled by the sort of, you know, the—like, what's the phrase I'm looking for? The sort of destructive aspects of industrial capitalism, both on the workers, you know, he said it was a dehumanizing system, sounded like Marx in some ways. That it dehumanized the workers, but also it destroyed the environment.He was an early environmentalist. He venerated the environment, was actually very strongly linked to the transcendentalists in America, people like Thoreau, who went to visit him when he visited Britain and he saw the sort of destructive impact that capitalism was having locally in places like Manchester, which were filthy with filthy rivers, etc. So he just saw the whole system as sort of morally bankrupt and he was a great writer, Carlyle, whatever you think of him. Great user of language, so he has these great ringing phrases like, you know, the cash nexus or calling it the Gospel of Mammonism, the shabbiest gospel ever preached under the sun was industrial capitalism.So, again, you know, that's a sort of paradoxical thing, because I think for so long conservatism was associated with, you know, with support for the free market and still is in most of the Republican Party, but then along comes Trump and sort of conquers the party with a, you know, more skeptical, as you say, romantic, not really based on any reality, but a sort of romantic view that America can stand by itself in the world. I mean, I see Trump actually as a sort of an effort to sort of throw back to mercantile capitalism in a way. You know, which was not just pre-industrial, but was also pre-democracy, run by monarchs, which I'm sure appeals to him, and it was based on, you know, large—there were large tariffs. You couldn't import things in the UK. If you want to import anything to the UK, you have to send it on a British ship because of the navigation laws. It was a very protectionist system and it's actually, you know, as I said, had a lot of parallels with what Trump's trying to do or tries to do until he backs off.Andrew Keen: You cheat a little bit in the book in the sense that you—everyone has their own chapter. We'll talk a little bit about Hayek and Smith and Lenin and Friedman. You do have one chapter on Marx, but you also have a chapter on Engels. So you kind of cheat. You combine the two. Is it possible, though, to do—and you've just written this book, so you know this as well as anyone. How do you write a book about capitalism and its critics and only really give one chapter to Marx, who is so dominant? I mean, you've got lots of Marxists in the book, including Lenin and Luxemburg. How fundamental is Marx to a criticism of capitalism? Is most criticism, especially from the left, from progressives, is it really just all a footnote to Marx?John Cassidy: I wouldn't go that far, but I think obviously on the left he is the central figure. But there's an element of sort of trying to rebuild Engels a bit in this. I mean, I think of Engels and Marx—I mean obviously Marx wrote the great classic "Capital," etc. But in the 1840s, when they both started writing about capitalism, Engels was sort of ahead of Marx in some ways. I mean, the sort of materialist concept, the idea that economics rules everything, Engels actually was the first one to come up with that in an essay in the 1840s which Marx then published in one of his—in the German newspaper he worked for at the time, radical newspaper, and he acknowledged openly that that was really what got him thinking seriously about economics, and even in the late—in 20, 25 years later when he wrote "Capital," all three volumes of it and the Grundrisse, just these enormous outpourings of analysis on capitalism.He acknowledged Engels's role in that and obviously Engels wrote the first draft of the Communist Manifesto in 1848 too, which Marx then topped and tailed and—he was a better writer obviously, Marx, and he gave it the dramatic language that we all know it for. So I think Engels and Marx together obviously are the central sort of figures in the sort of left-wing critique. But they didn't start out like that. I mean, they were very obscure, you've got to remember.You know, they were—when they were writing, Marx was writing "Capital" in London, it never even got published in English for another 20 years. It was just published in German. He was basically an expat. He had been thrown out of Germany, he had been thrown out of France, so England was last resort and the British didn't consider him a threat so they were happy to let him and the rest of the German sort of left in there. I think it became—it became the sort of epochal figure after his death really, I think, when he was picked up by the left-wing parties, which are especially the SPD in Germany, which was the first sort of socialist mass party and was officially Marxist until the First World War and there were great internal debates.And then of course, because Lenin and the Russians came out of that tradition too, Marxism then became the official doctrine of the Soviet Union when they adopted a version of it. And again there were massive internal arguments about what Marx really meant, and in fact, you know, one interpretation of the last 150 years of left-wing sort of intellectual development is as a sort of argument about what did Marx really mean and what are the important bits of it, what are the less essential bits of it. It's a bit like the "what did Keynes really mean" that you get in liberal circles.So yeah, Marx, obviously, this is basically an intellectual history of critiques of capitalism. In that frame, he is absolutely a central figure. Why didn't I give him more space than a chapter and a chapter and a half with Engels? There have been a million books written about Marx. I mean, it's not that—it's not that he's an unknown figure. You know, there's a best-selling book written in Britain about 20 years ago about him and then I was quoting, in my biographical research, I relied on some more recent, more scholarly biographies. So he's an endlessly fascinating figure but I didn't want him to dominate the book so I gave him basically the same space as everybody else.Andrew Keen: You've got, as I said, you've got a chapter on Adam Smith who's often considered the father of economics. You've got a chapter on Keynes. You've got a chapter on Friedman. And you've got a chapter on Hayek, all the great modern economists. Is it possible, John, to be a distinguished economist one way or the other and not be a critic of capitalism?John Cassidy: Well, I don't—I mean, I think history would suggest that the greatest economists have been critics of capitalism in their own time. People would say to me, what the hell have you got Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek in a book about critics of capitalism? They were great exponents, defenders of capitalism. They loved the system. That is perfectly true. But in the 1930s, 40s, 50s, 60s, and 70s, middle of the 20th century, they were actually arch-critics of the ruling form of capitalism at the time, which was what I call managed capitalism. What some people call Keynesianism, what other people call European social democracy, whatever you call it, it was a model of a mixed economy in which the government played a large role both in propping up demand and in providing an extensive social safety net in the UK and providing public healthcare and public education. It was a sort of hybrid model.Most of the economy in terms of the businesses remained in private hands. So most production was capitalistic. It was a capitalist system. They didn't go to the Soviet model of nationalizing everything and Britain did nationalize some businesses, but most places didn't. The US of course didn't but it was a form of managed capitalism. And Hayek and Friedman were both great critics of that and wanted to sort of move back to 19th century laissez-faire model.Keynes was a—was actually a great, I view him anyway, as really a sort of late Victorian liberal and was trying to protect as much of the sort of J.S. Mill view of the world as he could, but he thought capitalism had one fatal flaw: that it tended to fall into recessions and then they can snowball and the whole system can collapse which is what had basically happened in the early 1930s until Keynesian policies were adopted. Keynes sort of differed from a lot of his followers—I have a chapter on Joan Robinson in there, who were pretty left-wing and wanted to sort of use Keynesianism as a way to shift the economy quite far to the left. Keynes didn't really believe in that. He has a famous quote that, you know, once you get to full employment, you can then rely on the free market to sort of take care of things. He was still a liberal at heart.Going back to Adam Smith, why is he in a book on criticism of capitalism? And again, it goes back to what I said at the beginning. He actually wrote "The Wealth of Nations"—he explains in the introduction—as a critique of mercantile capitalism. His argument was that he was a pro-free trader, pro-small business, free enterprise. His argument was if you get the government out of the way, we don't need these government-sponsored monopolies like the East India Company. If you just rely on the market, the sort of market forces and competition will produce a good outcome. So then he was seen as a great—you know, he is then seen as the apostle of free market capitalism. I mean when I started as a young reporter, when I used to report in Washington, all the conservatives used to wear Adam Smith badges. You don't see Donald Trump wearing an Adam Smith badge, but that was the case.He was also—the other aspect of Smith, which I highlight, which is not often remarked on—he's also a critic of big business. He has a famous section where he discusses the sort of tendency of any group of more than three businessmen when they get together to try and raise prices and conspire against consumers. And he was very suspicious of, as I say, large companies, monopolies. I think if Adam Smith existed today, I mean, I think he would be a big supporter of Lina Khan and the sort of antitrust movement, he would say capitalism is great as long as you have competition, but if you don't have competition it becomes, you know, exploitative.Andrew Keen: Yeah, if Smith came back to live today, you have a chapter on Thomas Piketty, maybe he may not be French, but he may be taking that position about how the rich benefit from the structure of investment. Piketty's core—I've never had Piketty on the show, but I've had some of his followers like Emmanuel Saez from Berkeley. Yeah. How powerful is Piketty's critique of capitalism within the context of the classical economic analysis from Hayek and Friedman? Yeah, it's a very good question.John Cassidy: It's a very good question. I mean, he's a very paradoxical figure, Piketty, in that he obviously shot to world fame and stardom with his book on capital in the 21st century, which in some ways he obviously used the capital as a way of linking himself to Marx, even though he said he never read Marx. But he was basically making the same argument that if you leave capitalism unrestrained and don't do anything about monopolies etc. or wealth, you're going to get massive inequality and he—I think his great contribution, Piketty and the school of people, one of them you mentioned, around him was we sort of had a vague idea that inequality was going up and that, you know, wages were stagnating, etc.What he and his colleagues did is they produced these sort of scientific empirical studies showing in very simple to understand terms how the sort of share of income and wealth of the top 10 percent, the top 5 percent, the top 1 percent and the top 0.1 percent basically skyrocketed from the 1970s to about 2010. And it was, you know, he was an MIT PhD. Saez, who you mentioned, is a Berkeley professor. They were schooled in neoclassical economics at Harvard and MIT and places like that. So the right couldn't dismiss them as sort of, you know, lefties or Trots or whatever who're just sort of making this stuff up. They had to acknowledge that this was actually an empirical reality.I think it did change the whole basis of the debate and it was sort of part of this reaction against capitalism in the 2010s. You know it was obviously linked to the sort of Sanders and the Occupy Wall Street movement at the time. It came out of the—you know, the financial crisis as well when Wall Street disgraced itself. I mean, I wrote a previous book on all that, but people have sort of, I think, forgotten the great reaction against that a decade ago, which I think even Trump sort of exploited, as I say, by using anti-banker rhetoric at the time.So, Piketty was a great figure, I think, from, you know, I was thinking, who are the most influential critics of capitalism in the 21st century? And I think you'd have to put him up there on the list. I'm not saying he's the only one or the most eminent one. But I think he is a central figure. Now, of course, you'd think, well, this is a really powerful critic of capitalism, and nobody's going to pick up, and Bernie's going to take off and everything. But here we are a decade later now. It seems to be what the backlash has produced is a swing to the right, not a swing to the left. So that's, again, a sort of paradox.Andrew Keen: One person I didn't expect to come up in the book, John, and I was fascinated with this chapter, is Silvia Federici. I've tried to get her on the show. We've had some books about her writing and her kind of—I don't know, you treat her critique as a feminist one. The role of women. Why did you choose to write a chapter about Federici and that feminist critique of capitalism?John Cassidy: Right, right. Well, I don't think it was just feminist. I'll explain what I think it was. Two reasons. Number one, I wanted to get more women into the book. I mean, it's in some sense, it is a history of economics and economic critiques. And they are overwhelmingly written by men and women were sort of written out of the narrative of capitalism for a very long time. So I tried to include as many sort of women as actual thinkers as I could and I have a couple of early socialist feminist thinkers, Anna Wheeler and Flora Tristan and then I cover some of the—I cover Rosa Luxemburg as the great sort of tribune of the left revolutionary socialist, communist whatever you want to call it. Anti-capitalist I think is probably also important to note about. Yeah, and then I also have Joan Robinson, but I wanted somebody to do something in the modern era, and I thought Federici, in the world of the Wages for Housework movement, is very interesting from two perspectives.Number one, Federici herself is a Marxist, and I think she probably would still consider herself a revolutionary. She's based in New York, as you know now. She lived in New York for 50 years, but she came from—she's originally Italian and came out of the Italian left in the 1960s, which was very radical. Do you know her? Did you talk to her? I didn't talk to her on this. No, she—I basically relied on, there has been a lot of, as you say, there's been a lot of stuff written about her over the years. She's written, you know, she's given various long interviews and she's written a book herself, a version, a history of housework, so I figured it was all there and it was just a matter of pulling it together.But I think the critique, why the critique is interesting, most of the book is a sort of critique of how capitalism works, you know, in the production or you know, in factories or in offices or you know, wherever capitalist operations are working, but her critique is sort of domestic reproduction, as she calls it, the role of unpaid labor in supporting capitalism. I mean it goes back a long way actually. There was this moment, I sort of trace it back to the 1940s and 1950s when there were feminists in America who were demonstrating outside factories and making the point that you know, the factory workers and the operations of the factory, it couldn't—there's one of the famous sort of tire factory in California demonstrations where the women made the argument, look this factory can't continue to operate unless we feed and clothe the workers and provide the next generation of workers. You know, that's domestic reproduction. So their argument was that housework should be paid and Federici took that idea and a couple of her colleagues, she founded the—it's a global movement, but she founded the most famous branch in New York City in the 1970s. In Park Slope near where I live actually.And they were—you call it feminists, they were feminists in a way, but they were rejected by the sort of mainstream feminist movement, the sort of Gloria Steinems of the world, who Federici was very critical of because she said they ignored, they really just wanted to get women ahead in the sort of capitalist economy and they ignored the sort of underlying from her perspective, the underlying sort of illegitimacy and exploitation of that system. So they were never accepted as part of the feminist movement. They're to the left of the Feminist Movement.Andrew Keen: You mentioned Keynes, of course, so central in all this, particularly his analysis of the role of automation in capitalism. We did a show recently with Robert Skidelsky and I'm sure you're familiar—John Cassidy: Yeah, yeah, great, great biography of Keynes.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the great biographer of Keynes, whose latest book is "Mindless: The Human Condition in the Age of AI." You yourself wrote a brilliant book on the last tech mania and dot-com capitalism. I used it in a lot of my writing and books. What's your analysis of AI in this latest mania and the role generally of manias in the history of capitalism and indeed in critiquing capitalism? Is AI just the next chapter of the dot-com boom?John Cassidy: I think it's a very deep question. I think I'd give two answers to it. In one sense it is just the latest mania the way—I mean, the way capitalism works is we have these, I go back to Kondratiev, one of my Russian economists who ended up being killed by Stalin. He was the sort of inventor of the long wave theory of capitalism. We have these short waves where you have sort of booms and busts driven by finance and debt etc. But we also have long waves driven by technology.And obviously, in the last 40, 50 years, the two big ones are the original deployment of the internet and microchip technology in the sort of 80s and 90s culminating in the dot-com boom of the late 90s, which as you say, I wrote about. Thanks very much for your kind comments on the book. If you just sort of compare it from a financial basis I think they are very similar just in terms of the sort of role of hype from Wall Street in hyping up these companies. The sort of FOMO aspect of it among investors that they you know, you can't miss out. So just buy the companies blindly. And the sort of lionization in the press and the media of, you know, of AI as the sort of great wave of the future.So if you take a sort of skeptical market based approach, I would say, yeah, this is just another sort of another mania which will eventually burst and it looked like it had burst for a few weeks when Trump put the tariffs up, now the market seemed to be recovering. But I think there is, there may be something new about it. I am not, I don't pretend to be a technical expert. I try to rely on the evidence of or the testimony of people who know the systems well and also economists who have studied it. It seems to me the closer you get to it the more alarming it is in terms of the potential shock value that there is there.I mean Trump and the sort of reaction to a larger extent can be traced back to the China shock where we had this global shock to American manufacturing and sort of hollowed out a lot of the industrial areas much of it, like industrial Britain was hollowed out in the 80s. If you, you know, even people like Altman and Elon Musk, they seem to think that this is going to be on a much larger scale than that and will basically, you know, get rid of the professions as they exist. Which would be a huge, huge shock. And I think a lot of the economists who studied this, who four or five years ago were relatively optimistic, people like Daron Acemoglu, David Autor—Andrew Keen: Simon Johnson, of course, who just won the Nobel Prize, and he's from England.John Cassidy: Simon, I did an event with Simon earlier this week. You know they've studied this a lot more closely than I have but I do interview them and I think five, six years ago they were sort of optimistic that you know this could just be a new steam engine or could be a microchip which would lead to sort of a lot more growth, rising productivity, rising productivity is usually associated with rising wages so sure there'd be short-term costs but ultimately it would be a good thing. Now, I think if you speak to them, they see since the, you know, obviously, the OpenAI—the original launch and now there's just this huge arms race with no government involvement at all I think they're coming to the conclusion that rather than being developed to sort of complement human labor, all these systems are just being rushed out to substitute for human labor. And it's just going, if current trends persist, it's going to be a China shock on an even bigger scale.You know what is going to, if that, if they're right, that is going to produce some huge political backlash at some point, that's inevitable. So I know—the thing when the dot-com bubble burst, it didn't really have that much long-term impact on the economy. People lost the sort of fake money they thought they'd made. And then the companies, obviously some of the companies like Amazon and you know Google were real genuine profit-making companies and if you bought them early you made a fortune. But AI does seem a sort of bigger, scarier phenomenon to me. I don't know. I mean, you're close to it. What do you think?Andrew Keen: Well, I'm waiting for a book, John, from you. I think you can combine dot-com and capitalism and its critics. We need you probably to cover it—you know more about it than me. Final question, I mean, it's a wonderful book and we haven't even scratched the surface everyone needs to get it. I enjoyed the chapter, for example, on Karl Polanyi and so much more. I mean, it's a big book. But my final question, John, is do you have any regrets about anyone you left out? The one person I would have liked to have been included was Rawls because of his sort of treatment of capitalism and luck as a kind of casino. I'm not sure whether you gave any thought to Rawls, but is there someone in retrospect you should have had a chapter on that you left out?John Cassidy: There are lots of people I left out. I mean, that's the problem. I mean there have been hundreds and hundreds of critics of capitalism. Rawls, of course, incredibly influential and his idea of the sort of, you know, the veil of ignorance that you should judge things not knowing where you are in the income distribution and then—Andrew Keen: And it's luck. I mean the idea of some people get lucky and some people don't.John Cassidy: It is the luck of the draw, obviously, what card you pull. I think that is a very powerful critique, but I just—because I am more of an expert on economics, I tended to leave out philosophers and sociologists. I mean, you know, you could say, where's Max Weber? Where are the anarchists? You know, where's Emma Goldman? Where's John Kenneth Galbraith, the sort of great mid-century critic of American industrial capitalism? There's so many people that you could include. I mean, I could have written 10 volumes. In fact, I refer in the book to, you know, there's always been a problem. G.D.H. Cole, a famous English historian, wrote a history of socialism back in the 1960s and 70s. You know, just getting to 1850 took him six volumes. So, you've got to pick and choose, and I don't claim this is the history of capitalism and its critics. That would be a ridiculous claim to make. I just claim it's a history written by me, and hopefully the people are interested in it, and they're sufficiently diverse that you can address all the big questions.Andrew Keen: Well it's certainly incredibly timely. Capitalism and its critics—more and more of them. Sometimes they don't even describe themselves as critics of capitalism when they're talking about oligarchs or billionaires, they're really criticizing capitalism. A must read from one of America's leading journalists. And would you call yourself a critic of capitalism, John?John Cassidy: Yeah, I guess I am, to some extent, sure. I mean, I'm not a—you know, I'm not on the far left, but I'd say I'm a center-left critic of capitalism. Yes, definitely, that would be fair.Andrew Keen: And does the left need to learn? Does everyone on the left need to read the book and learn the language of anti-capitalism in a more coherent and honest way?John Cassidy: I hope so. I mean, obviously, I'd be talking my own book there, as they say, but I hope that people on the left, but not just people on the left. I really did try to sort of be fair to the sort of right-wing critiques as well. I included the Carlyle chapter particularly, obviously, but in the later chapters, I also sort of refer to this emerging critique on the right, the sort of economic nationalist critique. So hopefully, I think people on the right could read it to understand the critiques from the left, and people on the left could read it to understand some of the critiques on the right as well.Andrew Keen: Well, it's a lovely book. It's enormously erudite and simultaneously readable. Anyone who likes John Cassidy's work from The New Yorker will love it. Congratulations, John, on the new book, and I'd love to get you back on the show as anti-capitalism in America picks up steam and perhaps manifests itself in the 2028 election. Thank you so much.John Cassidy: Thanks very much for inviting me on, it was fun.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Hon. Hanno Pevkur who serves as the Minister of Defence for the Republic of Estonia. They discuss the current geopolitical landscape, Russia's aggressive actions in Eastern Europe, and the importance of NATO and collective defense. Minister Pevkur emphasizes Estonia's commitment to its own defense and support for Ukraine. The conversation reflects on historical contexts, the significance of NATO's Article 5, and the challenges posed by Russian influence in the region.

Trump is sending a clear message: he's not going away quietly. “ If you read The Washington Post, even The Wall Street Journal, but especially The New York Times, the question is, can MAGA survive after Trump steps down? “ There's arguments on both sides whether a popular movement can survive its creators. …   Al Gore won the popular vote in 2000 to succeed him. And what did Barack Obama do? He repudiated Clintonism and the Democratic Leadership Council. And he went hard to the Left. And the result of that is we got a destroyed or an irrelevant Democratic Party.” 00:00 Introduction: Is Trump a Lame Duck? 00:23 Trump's Media Trolling and Third Term Speculation 01:29 Historical Context: Movements and Their Leaders 01:52 Reaganism and Its Aftermath 02:49 Clintonism and Obama's Shift 03:28 The Future of MAGA: DeSantis and Beyond 05:46 Conclusion: The Enduring MAGA Ideology Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode of Reaganism, Chairman Mike Rogers discusses the critical state of national defense funding, emphasizing the need for increased investment to address the lowest defense spending levels since World War II. He highlights the challenges facing the defense industrial base, the importance of sustained investment in munitions, and the necessity of strategic planning to counter global threats. The conversation also touches on fiscal responsibility and the imperative of maintaining a strong military to ensure national security.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Paul Kengor a prominent scholar on Ronald Reagan, and author of ‘The Crusader'. They discuss the significance of the ‘Evil Empire' speech, exploring how it framed the Cold War in moral terms and the role of speechwriting in shaping Reagan's legacy as a communicator. Dr. Kengor emphasizes the importance of Anthony Dolan's contributions and the moral clarity that President Reagan brought to foreign policy during a pivotal time in history. In this conversation, they explore the moral vision of Ronald Reagan, the significance of speechwriting in politics, and the role of morality in foreign policy. They discuss how President Reagan's speeches were influenced by his faith and the religious backgrounds of his speechwriters.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director of the Center for Civics, Education, and Opportunity Dan Rothschild is joined by Shruti Rajagopalan who is a Senior Research Fellow at the Mercatus Center. They discuss the evolving relationship between the United States and India, emphasizing the significance of economic engagement, the impact of the 1991 reforms, and India's emerging identity on the global stage. They explore how India views itself in the context of global politics, its relationship with the US, and the challenges and opportunities in manufacturing, particularly in light of the China plus one strategy.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Joseph Lonsdale who is Founder and Managing Partner at 8VC. They discuss the impact of Doge on government transparency and efficiency, the need for budget cuts in Congress, and the importance of technology in improving government operations. Mr. Lonsdale also addresses the rise of anti-Semitism and the alliance between Jews and Christians in combating hate and promoting shared values.

We're taking a look at the start of Tom Cruise's star career by digging into the romance of Paul Brickman's 1983 hit Risky Business, starring Cruise alongside Rebecca De Mornay, who was not in her 90s when this was made. Join in as we discuss the film as a response to Reaganism, expensive hot chocolate, our dads' favorite movies, and "Old Time Rock and Roll." Plus: Why was Brickman's original ending replaced? What's Lana's last name? What's the sexiest public transit system? And, most importantly, what's the deal with that big egg? Make sure to rate, review, and subscribe! Next week: Lust, Caution (2007)----------------------------------------------------Key sources and links for this episode:1983 trailer for Risky Business (YouTube)Roger Ebert's four-star review of Risky Business"At 20, Risky is Still Frisky" (Variety)"My Wild Summer with Tom Cruise: Women, Sean Penn, and the Making of Risky Business" by Curtis Armstrong (The Hollywood Reporter)"1983: MTV Aesthetics, Flashdance, and Risky Business (Erotic 80s Part 6)" (You Must Remember This)"Rebecca De Mornay on Dating Tom Cruise and the Success of Risky Business" (Celebrity Page on YouTube)"Risky Business Director: "Some People Like the Visibility. I Don't" (Salon)"Adam McKay 'Wouldn't Be Surprised' if Wicked was Banned in '3-5 Years' Due to its 'Radical' Storyline" (The Hollywood Reporter)

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Alex Gray who serves as CEO of American Global Strategies LLC. They discuss the strategic importance of Greenland and the Panama Canal in U.S. foreign policy, particularly during the Trump administration. Gray emphasizes the historical context of U.S. interest in Greenland, the potential for Chinese influence in the Arctic, and the implications of Greenland's possible independence. The discussion then shifts to the Panama Canal, highlighting concerns over Chinese control and the need for U.S. involvement in its governance.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Tevi Troy who servces as a Senior Fellow at the Ronald Reagan Institute. They discuss the intricacies of how the White House makes policy, the evolution and role of various policy councils, and the dynamics of President Trump's second term, particularly focusing on the communication strategies employed by Vice President Vance. Troy emphasizes the importance of a structured policy-making process and the potential pitfalls of proliferating councils that may dilute their effectiveness.

US Vice President JD Vance gave a speech about globalization that inadvertently revealed the truth about the US empire, the goal behind the new cold war on China, the economics of imperialism, and how the Trump administration is serving billionaire Big Tech oligarchs in Silicon Valley at the expense of the working class. Ben Norton explains. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ywmpea6vvOE US Big Tech CEOs admit they want AI monopoly: https://geopoliticaleconomy.com/2025/02/03/us-ai-monopoly-unipolar-world-china/ Topics 0:00 (CLIP) JD Vance excerpt 0:38 US vice president speech 1:03 Preparing for war on China 3:15 Summary of Vance's speech 3:56 (CLIP) Marco Rubio on China "threat" 4:39 Deindustrialization 5:02 (CLIP) JD Vance vows "industrial comeback" 5:41 Uniting billionaires and "populists" 6:26 Neoliberalism 7:01 JD Vance's patron Peter Thiel 8:22 Trump recruits Big Tech billionaires 9:34 For monopoly, against competition 10:21 (CLIP) Peter Thiel loves monopolies 10:35 Elon Musk and Trump 11:05 Billionaire Marc Andreessen 11:47 (CLIP) Trump admin loves Silicon Valley 12:08 Trump coalition: billionaires & workers? 13:37 (CLIP) Techno-optimists vs populists? 14:21 Big Tech manifesto 15:56 Scapegoating China 17:13 (CLIP) JD Vance scapegoats China 17:34 JD Vance calls China "biggest threat" 18:53 (CLIP) JD Vance scapegoats China 19:12 Neoliberal globalization 20:07 (CLIP) JD Vance on globalization 21:18 Neoliberal globalization 22:07 Imperialism & dependency theory 24:11 China's development 24:35 US bans Chinese competitors 26:15 (CLIP) JD Vance on China's AI 26:40 US Big Tech monopolies 27:23 (CLIP) "Competition is for losers" 27:38 Trump's tariffs 28:36 Jake Sullivan's industrial policy speech 29:16 (CLIP) Jake Sullivan on Washington Consensus 31:36 Industrial policy 32:45 Tech war on China 33:31 Trump's strategy 34:01 (CLIP) JD Vance on US shipbuilding 34:53 China's Shipbuilding 35:46 State-owned enterprises 38:07 US government-owned factories 40:32 Industrial policy 43:41 (CLIP) Tax cuts on rich & deregulation 44:07 Reaganism 2.0 44:28 Historical tax rates on rich 45:48 Oligarchs avoid taxes 46:52 Trump boosts deficit & debt 47:38 Fake industrial policy 49:09 (CLIP) JD Vance is "fan" of Big Tech 49:28 Andreessen Horowitz investments 50:30 S&P 500 stock buybacks & dividends 51:03 Reaganomics 51:59 Trumponomics 53:21 Tariffs & wealth transfer 53:55 Outro

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Policy Director Rachel Hoff is joined by Dr. Mark Clifford who serves as President of the Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong and author of the book, “The Troublemaker: How Jimmy Lai Became a Billionaire, Hong Kong's Greatest Dissident, and China's Most Feared Critic.” They discuss Jimmy Lai's early life in China, his rise as a successful entrepreneur, and his eventual transition into media, where he became a vocal critic of the Chinese Communist Party. The discussion also covers the impact of the Tiananmen Square protests on Lai's activism, the role of his media outlets during the 2019 protests in Hong Kong, and the international response to his imprisonment.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Henry Nau who serves as Distinguished Scholar at the Ronald Reagan Institute. They discuss the legacy of President Ronald Reagan, exploring his economic policies, leadership style, and the significance of his ideas in shaping contemporary politics. Dr. Nau emphasizes the importance of understanding Reagan's record and the impact of his beliefs on his presidency, particularly in the context of the Cold War and his approach to negotiation.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit andrewsullivan.substack.comChris — an old friend and, in my view, one of the sharpest right-of-center writers in journalism — returns to the Dishcast for his third appearance. He's a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute, a contributing editor to the Claremont Review of Books, a contributing writer for the NYT, and a member of the editorial committee of the French quarterly Commentaire. We covered his book The Age of Entitlement on the pod in 2021, and in 2023 he came back to talk European politics. This week I wanted to talk to a Trump supporter as we survey the first month. And we hashed a lot out.For two clips of our convo — on the vandalism of DOGE, and why Chris thinks Trump has been more consequential than Obama on policy— see our YouTube page.Other topics: the final demise of affirmative action; the 1964 Civil Rights Act; how DEI created racial strife; warring Dem interest groups; Biden's belated border enforcement; why Harris was picked for veep and party nominee; the minorities disillusioned with Dems; the rise in public disorder; looming inflation; Trump's tax cuts and tariffs; Trump vs Reaganism; DOGE vs Clinton's downsizing; Bannon vs Musk; Thiel a harbinger of Trump's broligarchy; USAID and NGOs; the Swamp; Musk calling for the impeachment of judges; his ignorance on government; his craving to be cool; RFK at HHS; Bezos ditching dissent at the WaPo op-ed page; America's new foreign policy; Trump's alliance with Russia against Ukraine; pushing reparations on an invaded country; NATO's Article 5 void under Trump; his love of strongmen; Vance's disdain of European leaders; Brexit; mass migration; the German elections; China and Trump; Syria and Obama; the DCA helicopter crash; the awfulness of Bluesky; the Gulf of America; and debating the extent to which Trump's rhetoric is just noise.Browse the Dishcast archive for an episode you might enjoy (the first 102 are free in their entirety — subscribe to get everything else). Coming up: Evan Wolfson on the history of marriage equality, Nick Denton on China and AI, Francis Collins on faith and science, Michael Lewis on government service, Douglas Murray on Israel and Gaza, Ian Buruma on Spinoza, Michael Joseph Gross on bodybuilding, and the great and powerful Mike White, of White Lotus fame. Please send any guest recs, dissents, and other comments to dish@andrewsullivan.com.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Policy Director Rachel Hoff is joined by Damon Wilson who is the President and CEO of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). They discuss the organization's origins, its connection to President Reagan, and its ongoing mission to promote democracy worldwide. They discuss the importance of supporting grassroots movements, the definition of democracy, and the relationship between U.S. interests and democracy promotion. Wilson addresses criticisms of NED, the impact of U.S. foreign assistance policies, and the need for transparency and accountability in their operations.

On this episode, Aaron and Derek tackle 1990's horror film "Def by Temptation" written, directed, and produced by James Bond III who is also the star. They talk about how this became James Bond III's passion project, the progressive and problematic aspects of the story, and Kadeem Hardison's portrayal of K through the plot. They also get into the the excellent soundtrack, the shadow of politics in a post-Reaganism urban America, and many other aspects of the movie. Aaron and Derek use a cigarette lighter. The flame lasts longer. Support us on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/WatchIfYouDare We are on PodBean, Apple Podcasts, Podchaser, Goodpods, Amazon Music, Spotify, iHeartRadio and CastBox. Please rate, review, subscribe, and share our show. Also, check out our Spotify Music playlist, links on our Twitter and Podbean page. Our socials are on Bluesky and Facebook and Twitter @WatchIfYouDare

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Yaakov Katz who is a Senior Fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute. They discuss the ongoing cycle of conflict with Hamas, questioning the long-term effectiveness of military operations that have decimated Gaza but failed to fully eliminate Hamas, and the relationship between Netanyahu and Trump and the complexity of their differing views on diplomacy and military action towards Iran.

Jimmy Carter passed away today at the age of 100. As ex-president, he was a person we should all aspire to be- Habitat for Humanity, the Democracy Program that advocated for democracy and fair and open elections around the world, and his opposition to Israeli apartheid. But as president, his domestic and foreign policies were the same as many other presidents. His presidency marked the abandonment of New Deal politics, the Democratic embrace of neo-liberalism, and deregulation of key industries. On the foreign policy front, he was a prologue to the brutal and dangerous era of Reaganism. Since being President, Carter has been a genuinely decent human, a diplomat and humanitarian. But as President, he carried water for the ruling class, both at home and abroad. Check out this encore episode about the Jimmy Carter Administration from 2021. ------------------Outro- "G&R Blues" by MoodyLinks//+ Jimmy Carter is a Liberal Saint Now, Was a War Criminal Then (https://bit.ly/4gBjIgE)Follow Green and Red// +G&R Linktree: ⁠⁠⁠https://linktr.ee/greenandredpodcast⁠⁠⁠ +Our rad website: ⁠⁠⁠https://greenandredpodcast.org/⁠⁠⁠ + Join our Discord community (https://discord.gg/uvrdubcM) +NEW: Follow us on Substack (https://greenandredpodcast.substack.com)+NEW: Follow us on Bluesky (https://bsky.app/profile/podcastgreenred.bsky.social)Support the Green and Red Podcast// +Become a Patron at https://www.patreon.com/greenredpodcast +Or make a one time donation here: ⁠⁠⁠https://bit.ly/DonateGandR⁠⁠⁠ Our Networks// +We're part of the Labor Podcast Network: ⁠⁠⁠https://www.laborradionetwork.org/⁠⁠ +We're part of the Anti-Capitalist Podcast Network: linktr.ee/anticapitalistpodcastnetwork +Listen to us on WAMF (90.3 FM) in New Orleans (https://wamf.org/) This is a Green and Red Podcast (@PodcastGreenRed) production. Produced by Bob (@bobbuzzanco) and Scott (@sparki1969). Edited by Scott.

Politics War Room ON TOUR  - live show in Boston on 11/2 at politicon.com/tour  Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial James and Al raise hell over the danger of fascism if Trump is elected and ask the leaders of our military to call out his rejection of democracy before welcoming Dr. Michael Bitzer to discuss the Democrats' prospects in North Carolina.  They discuss the effect of the hurricane on the vote, the counties and cities with the most predictive value for the results, and what to expect in the state's down-ballot races.  Then, Al and James welcome historian Max Boot to explain how the Republicans have abandoned Reaganism in favor of Trump and extremism, the threat Trump poses to the Constitution, and why he left the party behind. Email your questions to James and Al at politicswarroom@gmail.com or tweet them to @politicon.  Make sure to include your city– we love to hear where you're from! Get tickets for the Politics War Room live shows in Boston on 11/2 at politicon.com/tour  Get text updates from Politics War Room and Politicon. Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial CARVILLE: WINNING IS EVERYTHING, STUPID hits theaters in California and Texas this weekend before going nationwide!  Get tickets now at CarvilleDoc.com/tickets.  Get updates and some great behind-the-scenes content by  following James on Twitter @jamescarville and his new TikTok @realjamescarville James Carville & Al Hunt have launched the Politics War Room Substack Get More From This Week's Guests:  Michael Bitzer: Twitter | Catawba College | Old North State Politics | Author of “Redistricting and Gerrymandering in North Carolina” Max Boot: Twitter | Threads | Website | WaPo | CFR | Author  Please Support Our Sponsors: Zbiotics: Get back into action after a night out with 15% off your first order of Zbiotics when you go to zbiotics.com/pwr and use code: PWR Smalls: For 50% off your first order, head to smalls.com/warroom and use code: WARROOM Beam: Sleep better with Beam's best-selling Dream Powder and get up to 40% off for a limited time when you go to shopbeam.com/warroom and use code: WARROOM