Podcasts about reaganism

In this episode of Reaganism, Chairman Mike Rogers discusses the critical state of national defense funding, emphasizing the need for increased investment to address the lowest defense spending levels since World War II. He highlights the challenges facing the defense industrial base, the importance of sustained investment in munitions, and the necessity of strategic planning to counter global threats. The conversation also touches on fiscal responsibility and the imperative of maintaining a strong military to ensure national security.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Paul Kengor a prominent scholar on Ronald Reagan, and author of ‘The Crusader'. They discuss the significance of the ‘Evil Empire' speech, exploring how it framed the Cold War in moral terms and the role of speechwriting in shaping Reagan's legacy as a communicator. Dr. Kengor emphasizes the importance of Anthony Dolan's contributions and the moral clarity that President Reagan brought to foreign policy during a pivotal time in history. In this conversation, they explore the moral vision of Ronald Reagan, the significance of speechwriting in politics, and the role of morality in foreign policy. They discuss how President Reagan's speeches were influenced by his faith and the religious backgrounds of his speechwriters.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director of the Center for Civics, Education, and Opportunity Dan Rothschild is joined by Shruti Rajagopalan who is a Senior Research Fellow at the Mercatus Center. They discuss the evolving relationship between the United States and India, emphasizing the significance of economic engagement, the impact of the 1991 reforms, and India's emerging identity on the global stage. They explore how India views itself in the context of global politics, its relationship with the US, and the challenges and opportunities in manufacturing, particularly in light of the China plus one strategy.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Joseph Lonsdale who is Founder and Managing Partner at 8VC. They discuss the impact of Doge on government transparency and efficiency, the need for budget cuts in Congress, and the importance of technology in improving government operations. Mr. Lonsdale also addresses the rise of anti-Semitism and the alliance between Jews and Christians in combating hate and promoting shared values.

We're taking a look at the start of Tom Cruise's star career by digging into the romance of Paul Brickman's 1983 hit Risky Business, starring Cruise alongside Rebecca De Mornay, who was not in her 90s when this was made. Join in as we discuss the film as a response to Reaganism, expensive hot chocolate, our dads' favorite movies, and "Old Time Rock and Roll." Plus: Why was Brickman's original ending replaced? What's Lana's last name? What's the sexiest public transit system? And, most importantly, what's the deal with that big egg? Make sure to rate, review, and subscribe! Next week: Lust, Caution (2007)----------------------------------------------------Key sources and links for this episode:1983 trailer for Risky Business (YouTube)Roger Ebert's four-star review of Risky Business"At 20, Risky is Still Frisky" (Variety)"My Wild Summer with Tom Cruise: Women, Sean Penn, and the Making of Risky Business" by Curtis Armstrong (The Hollywood Reporter)"1983: MTV Aesthetics, Flashdance, and Risky Business (Erotic 80s Part 6)" (You Must Remember This)"Rebecca De Mornay on Dating Tom Cruise and the Success of Risky Business" (Celebrity Page on YouTube)"Risky Business Director: "Some People Like the Visibility. I Don't" (Salon)"Adam McKay 'Wouldn't Be Surprised' if Wicked was Banned in '3-5 Years' Due to its 'Radical' Storyline" (The Hollywood Reporter)

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Alex Gray who serves as CEO of American Global Strategies LLC. They discuss the strategic importance of Greenland and the Panama Canal in U.S. foreign policy, particularly during the Trump administration. Gray emphasizes the historical context of U.S. interest in Greenland, the potential for Chinese influence in the Arctic, and the implications of Greenland's possible independence. The discussion then shifts to the Panama Canal, highlighting concerns over Chinese control and the need for U.S. involvement in its governance.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Tevi Troy who servces as a Senior Fellow at the Ronald Reagan Institute. They discuss the intricacies of how the White House makes policy, the evolution and role of various policy councils, and the dynamics of President Trump's second term, particularly focusing on the communication strategies employed by Vice President Vance. Troy emphasizes the importance of a structured policy-making process and the potential pitfalls of proliferating councils that may dilute their effectiveness.

US Vice President JD Vance gave a speech about globalization that inadvertently revealed the truth about the US empire, the goal behind the new cold war on China, the economics of imperialism, and how the Trump administration is serving billionaire Big Tech oligarchs in Silicon Valley at the expense of the working class. Ben Norton explains. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ywmpea6vvOE US Big Tech CEOs admit they want AI monopoly: https://geopoliticaleconomy.com/2025/02/03/us-ai-monopoly-unipolar-world-china/ Topics 0:00 (CLIP) JD Vance excerpt 0:38 US vice president speech 1:03 Preparing for war on China 3:15 Summary of Vance's speech 3:56 (CLIP) Marco Rubio on China "threat" 4:39 Deindustrialization 5:02 (CLIP) JD Vance vows "industrial comeback" 5:41 Uniting billionaires and "populists" 6:26 Neoliberalism 7:01 JD Vance's patron Peter Thiel 8:22 Trump recruits Big Tech billionaires 9:34 For monopoly, against competition 10:21 (CLIP) Peter Thiel loves monopolies 10:35 Elon Musk and Trump 11:05 Billionaire Marc Andreessen 11:47 (CLIP) Trump admin loves Silicon Valley 12:08 Trump coalition: billionaires & workers? 13:37 (CLIP) Techno-optimists vs populists? 14:21 Big Tech manifesto 15:56 Scapegoating China 17:13 (CLIP) JD Vance scapegoats China 17:34 JD Vance calls China "biggest threat" 18:53 (CLIP) JD Vance scapegoats China 19:12 Neoliberal globalization 20:07 (CLIP) JD Vance on globalization 21:18 Neoliberal globalization 22:07 Imperialism & dependency theory 24:11 China's development 24:35 US bans Chinese competitors 26:15 (CLIP) JD Vance on China's AI 26:40 US Big Tech monopolies 27:23 (CLIP) "Competition is for losers" 27:38 Trump's tariffs 28:36 Jake Sullivan's industrial policy speech 29:16 (CLIP) Jake Sullivan on Washington Consensus 31:36 Industrial policy 32:45 Tech war on China 33:31 Trump's strategy 34:01 (CLIP) JD Vance on US shipbuilding 34:53 China's Shipbuilding 35:46 State-owned enterprises 38:07 US government-owned factories 40:32 Industrial policy 43:41 (CLIP) Tax cuts on rich & deregulation 44:07 Reaganism 2.0 44:28 Historical tax rates on rich 45:48 Oligarchs avoid taxes 46:52 Trump boosts deficit & debt 47:38 Fake industrial policy 49:09 (CLIP) JD Vance is "fan" of Big Tech 49:28 Andreessen Horowitz investments 50:30 S&P 500 stock buybacks & dividends 51:03 Reaganomics 51:59 Trumponomics 53:21 Tariffs & wealth transfer 53:55 Outro

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Policy Director Rachel Hoff is joined by Dr. Mark Clifford who serves as President of the Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong and author of the book, “The Troublemaker: How Jimmy Lai Became a Billionaire, Hong Kong's Greatest Dissident, and China's Most Feared Critic.” They discuss Jimmy Lai's early life in China, his rise as a successful entrepreneur, and his eventual transition into media, where he became a vocal critic of the Chinese Communist Party. The discussion also covers the impact of the Tiananmen Square protests on Lai's activism, the role of his media outlets during the 2019 protests in Hong Kong, and the international response to his imprisonment.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Henry Nau who serves as Distinguished Scholar at the Ronald Reagan Institute. They discuss the legacy of President Ronald Reagan, exploring his economic policies, leadership style, and the significance of his ideas in shaping contemporary politics. Dr. Nau emphasizes the importance of understanding Reagan's record and the impact of his beliefs on his presidency, particularly in the context of the Cold War and his approach to negotiation.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit andrewsullivan.substack.comChris — an old friend and, in my view, one of the sharpest right-of-center writers in journalism — returns to the Dishcast for his third appearance. He's a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute, a contributing editor to the Claremont Review of Books, a contributing writer for the NYT, and a member of the editorial committee of the French quarterly Commentaire. We covered his book The Age of Entitlement on the pod in 2021, and in 2023 he came back to talk European politics. This week I wanted to talk to a Trump supporter as we survey the first month. And we hashed a lot out.For two clips of our convo — on the vandalism of DOGE, and why Chris thinks Trump has been more consequential than Obama on policy— see our YouTube page.Other topics: the final demise of affirmative action; the 1964 Civil Rights Act; how DEI created racial strife; warring Dem interest groups; Biden's belated border enforcement; why Harris was picked for veep and party nominee; the minorities disillusioned with Dems; the rise in public disorder; looming inflation; Trump's tax cuts and tariffs; Trump vs Reaganism; DOGE vs Clinton's downsizing; Bannon vs Musk; Thiel a harbinger of Trump's broligarchy; USAID and NGOs; the Swamp; Musk calling for the impeachment of judges; his ignorance on government; his craving to be cool; RFK at HHS; Bezos ditching dissent at the WaPo op-ed page; America's new foreign policy; Trump's alliance with Russia against Ukraine; pushing reparations on an invaded country; NATO's Article 5 void under Trump; his love of strongmen; Vance's disdain of European leaders; Brexit; mass migration; the German elections; China and Trump; Syria and Obama; the DCA helicopter crash; the awfulness of Bluesky; the Gulf of America; and debating the extent to which Trump's rhetoric is just noise.Browse the Dishcast archive for an episode you might enjoy (the first 102 are free in their entirety — subscribe to get everything else). Coming up: Evan Wolfson on the history of marriage equality, Nick Denton on China and AI, Francis Collins on faith and science, Michael Lewis on government service, Douglas Murray on Israel and Gaza, Ian Buruma on Spinoza, Michael Joseph Gross on bodybuilding, and the great and powerful Mike White, of White Lotus fame. Please send any guest recs, dissents, and other comments to dish@andrewsullivan.com.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Policy Director Rachel Hoff is joined by Damon Wilson who is the President and CEO of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). They discuss the organization's origins, its connection to President Reagan, and its ongoing mission to promote democracy worldwide. They discuss the importance of supporting grassroots movements, the definition of democracy, and the relationship between U.S. interests and democracy promotion. Wilson addresses criticisms of NED, the impact of U.S. foreign assistance policies, and the need for transparency and accountability in their operations.

On this episode, Aaron and Derek tackle 1990's horror film "Def by Temptation" written, directed, and produced by James Bond III who is also the star. They talk about how this became James Bond III's passion project, the progressive and problematic aspects of the story, and Kadeem Hardison's portrayal of K through the plot. They also get into the the excellent soundtrack, the shadow of politics in a post-Reaganism urban America, and many other aspects of the movie. Aaron and Derek use a cigarette lighter. The flame lasts longer. Support us on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/WatchIfYouDare We are on PodBean, Apple Podcasts, Podchaser, Goodpods, Amazon Music, Spotify, iHeartRadio and CastBox. Please rate, review, subscribe, and share our show. Also, check out our Spotify Music playlist, links on our Twitter and Podbean page. Our socials are on Bluesky and Facebook and Twitter @WatchIfYouDare

How historic are Trump 2.0's first few weeks? For the veteran correspondent, Nick Bryant, the longtime BBC man in Washington DC, what the Trump regime has done in the first few weeks of his second administration is as historic as the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It's the end of the America we haver known for the last seventy years, he says. Bryant describes Trump's rapprochement with Russia as Neville Chamberlain style appeasement and notes the dramatic shifts in U.S. foreign policy, particularly regarding Ukraine and European allies. He sees Trump's actions as revealing rather than changing America's true nature. Bryant also discusses the failures of the Dems, the role of Elon Musk in the administration, and structural changes to federal institutions. Despite all the upheaval, Bryant suggests this isn't so much "goodbye to America" as a revelation of the cynically isolationist forces that were always present in American society.Here are the five KEEN ON takeaways from our conversation with Nick Bryant:* Historic Transformation: Bryant sees Trump's second term as a pivotal moment in world history, comparable to the fall of the Berlin Wall, with rapid changes in global alliances and particularly in America's relationship with Russia, which he characterizes as "appeasement."* Democratic Party Crisis: He analyzes how the Democrats' failures stemmed from multiple factors - Biden's delayed exit, Kamala Harris's weak candidacy, and the lack of time to find a stronger replacement. While Trump's victory was significant, Bryant notes it wasn't a landslide.* Elon Musk's Unexpected Role: An unforeseen development Bryant didn't predict in his book was Musk's prominent position in Trump's second administration, describing it as almost a "co-presidency" following Trump's assassination attempt and Musk's subsequent endorsement of Trump.* Federal Government Transformation: Bryant observes that Trump's dismantling of federal institutions goes beyond typical Republican small-government approaches, potentially removing not just bureaucratic waste but crucial expertise and institutional knowledge.* Trump as Revealer, Not Changer: Perhaps most significantly, Bryant argues that Trump hasn't changed America but rather revealed its true nature - arguing that authoritarianism, political violence, and distrust of big government have always been present in American history. FULL TRANSCRIPT Andrew Keen: Hello, everybody. About eight months ago, we had a great show with the BBC's former Washington correspondent, Nick Bryant. His latest book, "The Forever War: America's Unending Conflict with Itself," predicted much of what's happening in the United States now. When you look at the headlines this week about the U.S.-Russia relationship changing in a head-spinning way, apparently laying the groundwork for ending the Ukrainian war, all sorts of different relations and tariffs and many other things in this new regime. Nick is joining us from Sydney, Australia, where he now lives. Nick, do you miss America?Nick Bryant: I covered the first Trump administration and it felt like a 25/8 job, not just 24/7. Trump 2.0 feels even more relentless—round-the-clock news forever. We're checking our phones to see what has happened next. People who read my book wouldn't be surprised by how Donald Trump is conducting his second term. But some things weren't on my bingo card, like Trump suggesting a U.S. takeover of Gaza. The rapprochement with Putin, which we should look on as an act of appeasement after his aggression in Ukraine, was very easy to predict.Andrew Keen: That's quite a sharp comment, Nick—an act of appeasement equivalent to Neville Chamberlain's umbrella.Nick Bryant: It was ironic that J.D. Vance made his speech at the Munich Security Conference. Munich was where Neville Chamberlain secured the Munich Agreement, which was seen as a terrible act of appeasement towards Nazi Germany. This moment feels historic—I would liken it to the fall of the Berlin Wall. We're seeing a complete upending of the world order.Back at the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, we were talking about the end of history—Francis Fukuyama's famous thesis suggesting the triumph of liberal democracy. Now, we're talking about the end of America as we've known it since World War II. You get these Berlin Wall moments like Trump saying there should be a U.S. takeover of Gaza. J.D. Vance's speech in Munich ruptures the transatlantic alliance, which has been the basis of America's global preeminence and European security since World War II.Then you've seen what's happened in Saudi Arabia with the meeting between the Russians and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, completely resetting relations between Washington and Moscow. It's almost as if the invasions of Ukraine never happened. We're back to the situation during the Bush administration when George W. Bush famously met Vladimir Putin, looked into his soul, and gave him a clean bill of health. Things are moving at a hurtling pace, and it seems we're seeing the equivalent of a Berlin Wall tumbling every couple of days.Andrew Keen: That's quite dramatic for an experienced journalist like yourself to say. You don't exaggerate unnecessarily, Nick. It's astonishing. Nobody predicted this.Nick Bryant: When I first said this about three weeks ago, I had to think long and hard about whether the historical moments were equivalent. Two weeks on, I've got absolutely no doubt. We're seeing a massive change. European allies of America are now not only questioning whether the United States is a reliable ally—they're questioning whether the United States is an ally at all. Some are even raising the possibility that nations like Germany, the UK, and France will soon look upon America as an adversary.J.D. Vance's speech was very pointed, attacking European elitism and what he saw as denial of freedom of speech in Europe by governments, but not having a single word of criticism for Vladimir Putin. People are listening to the U.S. president, vice president, and others like Marco Rubio with their jaws on the ground. It's a very worrying moment for America's allies because they cannot look across the Atlantic anymore and see a president who will support them. Instead, they see an administration aligning itself with hard-right and far-right populist movements.Andrew Keen: The subtitle of your book was "America's Unending Conflict with Itself: The History Behind Trump in Advance." But America now—and I'm talking to you from San Francisco, where obviously there aren't a lot of Trump fans or J.D. Vance fans—seems in an odd, almost surreal way to be united. There were protests on Presidents Day earlier this week against Trump, calling him a tyrant. But is the thesis of your book about the forever war, America continually being divided between coastal elites and the hinterlands, Republicans and Democrats, still manifesting itself in late February 2025?Nick Bryant: Trump didn't win a landslide victory in the election. He won a significant victory, a decisive victory. It was hugely significant that he won the popular vote, which he didn't manage to do in 2016. But it wasn't a big win—he didn't win 50% of the popular vote. Sure, he won the seven battleground states, giving the sense of a massive victory, but it wasn't massive numerically.The divides in America are still there. The opposition has melted away at the moment with sporadic protests, but nothing really major. Don't be fooled into thinking America's forever wars have suddenly ended and Trump has won. The opposition will be back. The resistance will be back.I remember moments in the Obama administration when it looked like progressives had won every battle in America. I remember the day I went to South Carolina, to the funeral of the pastor killed in that terrible shooting in Charleston. Obama broke into "Amazing Grace"—it was almost for the first time in front of a black audience that he fully embraced the mantle of America's first African-American president. He flew back to Washington that night, and the White House was bathed in rainbow colors because the Supreme Court had made same-sex marriage legal across the country.It seemed in that moment that progressives were winning every fight. The Supreme Court also upheld the constitutionality of Obamacare. You assumed America's first black president would be followed by America's first female president. But what we were seeing in that summer of 2015 was actually the conservative backlash. Trump literally announced his presidential bid the day before that awful Charleston shooting. You can easily misread history at this moment. Sure, Trump looks dominant now, but don't be fooled. It wouldn't surprise me at all if in two years' time the Republicans end up losing the House of Representatives in the congressional midterm elections.Andrew Keen: When it comes to progressives, what do you make of the Democratic response, or perhaps the lack of response, to the failure of Kamala Harris? The huge amount of money, the uninspiring nature of her campaign, the fiasco over Biden—were these all accidental events or do they speak of a broader crisis on the left amongst progressives in America?Nick Bryant: They speak of both. There were really big mistakes made by the Democrats, not least Joe Biden's decision to contest the election as long as he did. It had become pretty clear by the beginning of 2024 that he wasn't in a fit state to serve four more years or take on the challenge of Donald Trump.Biden did too well at two critical junctures. During the midterm elections in 2022, many people predicted a red wave, a red tsunami. If that had happened, Biden would have faced pressure to step aside for an orderly primary process to pick a successor. But the red wave turned into a red ripple, and that persuaded Biden he was the right candidate. He focused on democracy, put democracy on the ballot, hammered the point about January 6th, and decided to run.Another critical juncture was the State of the Union address at the beginning of 2024. Biden did a good job, and I think that allayed a lot of concerns in the Democratic Party. Looking back on those two events, they really encouraged Biden to run again when he should never have done so.Remember, in 2020, he intimated that he would be a bridge to the next generation. He probably made a mistake then in picking Kamala Harris as his vice presidential candidate because he was basically appointing his heir. She wasn't the strongest Democrat to go up against Donald Trump—it was always going to be hard for a woman of color to win the Rust Belt. She wasn't a particularly good candidate in 2020 when she ran; she didn't even make it into 2020. She launched her campaign in Oakland, and while it looked good at the time, it became clear she was a poor candidate.Historical accidents, the wrong candidate, a suffering economy, and an America that has always been receptive to someone like Trump—all those factors played into his victory.Andrew Keen: If you were giving advice to the Democrats as they lick their wounds and begin to think about recovery and fighting the next battles, would you advise them to shift to the left or to the center?Nick Bryant: That's a fascinating question because you could argue it both ways. Do the Democrats need to find a populist of the left who can win back those blue-collar voters that have deserted the Democratic Party? This is a historical process that's been going on for many years. Working-class voters ditched the Democrats during the Reagan years and the Nixon years. Often race is part of that, often the bad economy is part of that—an economy that's not working for the working class who can't see a way to map out an American dream for themselves.You could argue for a left-wing populist, or you could argue that history shows the only way Democrats win the White House is by being centrist and moderate. That was true of LBJ, Jimmy Carter, and Bill Clinton—all Southerners, and that wasn't a coincidence. Southern Democrats came from the center of the party. Obama was a pragmatic, centrist candidate. Kennedy was a very pragmatic centrist who tried to bring together the warring tribes of the Democratic Party.Historically, you could argue Democrats need to move to the center and stake out that ground as Trump moves further to the right and the extremes. But what makes it harder to say for sure is that we're in a political world where a lot of the old rules don't seem to apply.Andrew Keen: We don't quite know what the new rules are or if there are any rules. You describe this moment as equivalent in historic terms to the fall of the Berlin Wall or perhaps 9/11. If we reverse that lens and look inwards, is there an equivalent historical significance? You had an interesting tweet about Doge and the attempt in some people's eyes for a kind of capture of power by Elon Musk and the replacement of the traditional state with some sort of almost Leninist state. What do you make of what's happening within the United States in domestic politics, particularly Musk's role?Nick Bryant: We've seen American presidents test the Constitution before. Nobody in the modern era has done it so flagrantly as Donald Trump, but Nixon tried to maximize presidential powers to the extent that he broke the law. Nixon would have been found guilty in a Senate trial had that impeachment process continued. Of course, he was forced to resign because a delegation of his own party drove down Pennsylvania Avenue and told him he had to go.You don't get that with the Republican Party and Donald Trump—they've fallen behind him. FDR was commonly described as an American dictator. H.L. Mencken wrote that America had a Caesar, a pharaoh. Woodrow Wilson was maximalist in his presidential powers. Abraham Lincoln was the great Constitution breaker, from trashing the First Amendment to exceeding his powers with the Emancipation Proclamation. Thomas Jefferson's Louisiana Purchase was unconstitutional—he needed congressional approval, which he didn't have.There's a long history of presidents breaking rules and Americans being okay with that. Lincoln has never been displaced from his historical throne of grace. FDR is regarded as one of the great presidents. What sets this moment apart is that constraints on presidents traditionally came from the courts and their own political parties. We're not seeing that with Donald Trump.Andrew Keen: What about the cultural front? There's talk of Trump's revenge, taking over the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C., revenge against traditional scientists, possibly closing some universities. Is this overdramatic, or is Trump really taking revenge for what happened between 2020 and 2024 when he was out of power?Nick Bryant: Trump is in a vengeful mood—we always thought Trump 2.0 would be a project of vengeance. Republican presidents have always thought parts of the administrative state work against them, and Trump is dismantling it at warp speed. Elon Musk is going into various government departments acting like he's heading a hostile takeover of the federal government.Reagan launched a rhetorical assault on federal government, which was really a creation of the New Deal years under FDR. That period saw massive expansion of federal government into people's lives with Social Security and the welfare net. We haven't seen this kind of assault on federal government since then. Trump is also trying to dismantle what he regards as America's cultural establishment, which he sees as too white, too elitist, too intellectual. He's trying to remold America, its government, and cultural institutions in his own image.Andrew Keen: You've mentioned Reagan. I came to the U.S. like you—you came as a grad student to study American history. I came in the '80s and remember the hysteria at UC Berkeley over Reagan—that he would blow up the world, that he was clueless, a Hollywood actor with no right to be in politics. Is it conceivable that Trump could be just another version of Reagan? In spite of all this hysteria, might this second Trump regime actually be successful?Nick Bryant: You can't rule out that possibility. The mistake made about Reagan was seeing him as a warmonger when he really wanted to be a peacemaker. That was the point of ending the Cold War—he wanted to win it, but through gambles on people like Gorbachev and diplomatic moves his advisors warned against.There are analogies to Trump. I don't think he's a warmonger or wants to send U.S. troops into countries. He's described some surprising imperial ambitions like taking over Greenland, though Harry Truman once wanted that too. Trump wants to make peace, but the problem is on what terms. Peace in Ukraine, in Trump's view, means a massive win for Vladimir Putin and the sidelining of the Ukrainian people and America's European allies.There wasn't a big cost to Reagan's peacemaking—the European alliance stayed intact, he tinkered with government but didn't go after Social Security. The cost of Trump is the problem.Andrew Keen: The moral cost or the economic cost?Nick Bryant: Both. One thing that happened with Reagan was the opening of big disparities in income and wealth in American society. That was a big factor in Donald Trump's success—the paradox of how this billionaire from New York became the hero of the Rust Belt. When the gulf between executive pay and shop floor pay became massive, it was during the Reagan years.You see the potential of something similar now. Trump is supercharging an economy that looks like it will favor the tech giants and the world's richest man, Elon Musk. You end up worsening the problem you were arguably setting out to solve.You don't get landslides anymore in American politics—the last president to win 40 states was George Herbert Walker Bush. Reagan in '84 won 49 out of 50 states, almost getting a clean sweep except for Mondale's home state of Minnesota. I don't think Trump will be the kind of unifying president that Reagan was. There was a spontaneity and optimism about Reagan that you don't see with Trump.Andrew Keen: Where are the divisions? Where is the great threat to Trump coming from? There was a story this week that Steve Bannon called Elon Musk a parasitic illegal immigrant. Is it conceivable that the biggest weakness within the Trump regime will come from conflict between people like Bannon and Musk, the nationalists and the internationalist wing of the MAGA movement?Nick Bryant: That's a fascinating question. There doesn't seem to be much external opposition at the moment. The Democrats are knocked out or taking the eight count in boxing terms, getting back on their feet and taking as long as they can to get their gloves up. There isn't a leader in the Democratic movement who has anywhere near Trump's magnetism or personal power to take him on.Maybe the opposition comes from internal divisions and collapse of the Trump project. The relationship with Elon Musk was something I didn't anticipate in my book. After that assassination attempt, Musk endorsed Trump in a big way, put his money behind him, started offering cash prizes in Pennsylvania. Having lived at Mar-a-Lago during the transition with a cottage on the grounds and now an office in the White House—I didn't anticipate his role.Many people thought Trump wouldn't put up with somebody who overshadows him or gets more attention, but that relationship hasn't failed yet. I wonder if that speaks to something different between Trump 2.0 and 1.0. Trump's surrounded by loyalists now, but at 78 years old, I think he wanted to win the presidency more than he wanted the presidency itself. I wonder if he's happy to give more responsibility to people like Musk who he thinks will carry out his agenda.Andrew Keen: You've been described as the new Alistair Cooke. Cooke was the father of Anglo-American journalism—his Letter from America was an iconic show, the longest-running show in radio history. Cooke was always very critical of what he called the big daddy state in Washington, D.C., wasn't a fan of large government. What's your take on Trump's attack on large government in D.C.? Is there anything in it? You spent a lot of time in DC. Are these agencies full of fat and do they need to be cut?Nick Bryant: Cutting fat out of Washington budgets is one of the easy things—they're bloated, they get all these earmarks, they're full of pork. There's always been a bloated federal bureaucracy, and there's a long historical tradition of suspicion of Washington going back to the founding. That's why the federal system emerged with so much power vested in the states.Reagan's revolution was based on dismantling the New Deal government. He didn't get that far in that project, but rhetorically he shifted America's views about government. He emphasized that government was the problem, not the solution, for four decades. When Bill Clinton became president, he had to make this big ideological concession to Reaganism and deliver Reaganite lines like "the era of big government is over."The concern right now is that they're not just getting rid of fat—they're getting rid of expertise and institutional knowledge. They're removing people who may be democratic in their thinking or not on board with the Trump revolution, but who have extensive experience in making government work. In moments of national crisis, conservative ideologues tend to become operational liberals. They rely on government in disasters, pandemics, and economic crises to bail out banks and industries.Conservatives have successfully planted in many Americans' heads that government is the enemy. Hillary Clinton saw a classic sign in 2006—a protester carrying a sign saying "get your government hands off my Medicare." Well, Medicare is a government program. People need government, expertise, and people in Washington who know what they're doing. You're not just getting rid of waste—you're getting rid of institutional knowledge.Andrew Keen: One of the more colorful characters in these Trump years is RFK Jr. There was an interesting piece in the National Review about RFK Jr. forcing the left to abandon the Kennedy legacy. Is there something symbolically historical in this shift from RFK Sr. being an icon on the left to RFK Jr. being an icon on the libertarian right? Does it speak of something structural that's changed in American political culture?Nick Bryant: Yes, it does, and it speaks to how America is perceived internationally. JFK was always seen as this liberal champion, but he was an arch pragmatist, never more so than on civil rights. My doctoral thesis and first book were about tearing down that myth about Kennedy.The Kennedys did inspire international respect. The Kennedy White House seemed to be a place of rationality, refinement, and glamor. JFK embodied what was great about America—its youth, dynamism, vision. When RFK was assassinated in California, weeks after MLK's assassination, many thought that sense of America was being killed off too. These were people who inspired others internationally to enter public service. They saw America as a beacon on a hill.RFK Jr. speaks of a different, toxic American exceptionalism. People look at figures like RFK Jr. and wonder how he could possibly end up heading the American Health Department. He embodies what many people internationally reject about America, whereas JFK and RFK embodied what people loved, admired, and wanted to emulate.Andrew Keen: You do a show now on Australian television. What's the view from Australia? Are people as horrified and disturbed in Australia as they are in Europe about what you've called a historic change as profound as the fall of the Berlin Wall—or maybe rather than the fall of the Berlin Wall, it's the establishment of a new kind of Berlin Wall?Nick Bryant: One of Australia's historic diplomatic fears is abandonment. They initially looked to Britain as a security guarantor in the early days of Australian Federation when Australia became a modern country in 1901. After World War II, they realized Britain couldn't protect them, so they looked to America instead. America has underwritten Australia's security since World War II.Now many Australians realize that won't be the case anymore. Australia entered into the AUKUS deal with Britain and America for nuclear submarine technology, which has become the basis of Australia's defense. There's fear that Trump could cancel it on a whim. They're currently battling over steel and aluminum tariffs. Anthony Albanese, the center-left prime minister, got a brief diplomatic reprieve after talking with Trump last week.A country like Australia, much like Britain, France, or Germany, cannot look on Trump's America as a reliable ally right now. That's concerning in a region where China increasingly throws its weight around.Andrew Keen: Although I'm guessing some people in Australia would be encouraged by Trump's hostility towards China.Nick Bryant: Yes, that's one area where they see Trump differently than in Europe because there are so many China hawks in the Trump administration. That gives them some comfort—they don't see the situation as directly analogous to Europe. But it's still worrying. They've had presidents who've been favorable towards Australia over the years. Trump likes Australia partly because America enjoys a trade surplus with Australia and he likes Greg Norman, the golfer. But that only gives you a certain measure of security.There is concern in this part of the world, and like in Europe, people are questioning whether they share values with a president who is aligning himself with far-right parties.Andrew Keen: Finally, Nick, your penultimate book was "When America Stopped Being Great: A History of the Present." You had an interesting tweet where you noted that the final chapter in your current book, "The Forever War," is called "Goodbye America." But the more we talk, whether or not America remains great is arguable. If anything, this conversation is about "hello" to a new America. It's not goodbye America—if anything, America's more powerful, more dominant, shaping the world more in the 2020s than it's ever done.Nick Bryant: It's goodbye to the America we've known for the last 70 years, but not goodbye to America itself. That's one of the arguments of the book—Trump is far more representative of the true America than many international observers realize. If you look at American history through a different lens, Trump makes perfect sense.There's always been an authoritarian streak, a willingness to fall for demagogues, political violence, deep mistrust of government, and rich people making fortunes—from the robber barons of the late 19th century to the tech barons of the 21st century. It's goodbye to a certain America, but the America that Trump presides over now is an America that's always been there. Trump hasn't changed America—he's revealed it.Andrew Keen: Well, one thing we can say for sure is it's not goodbye to Nick Bryant. We'll get you back on the show. You're one of America's most perceptive and incisive observers, even if you're in Australia now. Thank you so much.Nick Bryant: Andrew, it's always a pleasure to be with you. I still love the country deeply—my fascination has always been born of great affection.Nick Bryant is the author of The Forever War: American's Unending Conflict with Itself and When America Stopped Being Great, a book that Joe Biden keeps in the Oval Office. He was formerly one of the BBC's most senior foreign correspondents, with postings in Washington DC, New York, South Asia and Australia. After covering the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump and Joe Biden, he left the BBC in 2021, and now lives in Sydney with his wife and children. Nick studied history at Cambridge and has a doctorate in American history from Oxford.Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting the daily KEEN ON show, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy interview series. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Yaakov Katz who is a Senior Fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute. They discuss the ongoing cycle of conflict with Hamas, questioning the long-term effectiveness of military operations that have decimated Gaza but failed to fully eliminate Hamas, and the relationship between Netanyahu and Trump and the complexity of their differing views on diplomacy and military action towards Iran.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director of the Center for Civics, Education, and Opportunity Daniel M. Rothschild is joined by Dr. Samuel Gregg who serves as the Friedrich Hayek Chair in Economics and Economic History at the American Institute for Economic Research. They discuss the current state of free markets in America, emphasizing the critical choices facing the nation in the upcoming election. They explore the intertwining of economic, moral, and cultural dimensions in shaping public policy and the role of civil society. Dr. Gregg highlights the importance of historical figures like Wilhelm Röpke in understanding the foundations of economic freedom and critiques the welfare state while advocating for a revival of civil society to address genuine needs. The discussion also touches on the responsibilities of businesses in society and the need for a long-term perspective in political and economic discourse.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Policy Director Rachel Hoff is joined by Sir William Browder who is the Head of the Global Magnitsky Justice Campaign. They discuss his extraordinary journey from a capitalist in Russia to a leading figure in the fight against corruption and human rights abuses. Browder recounts the tragic story of his lawyer, Sergey Magnitsky, who was tortured and killed in a Russian prison after uncovering a massive fraud involving the Russian government. This led to the creation of the Magnitsky Act, a groundbreaking piece of legislation aimed at holding human rights violators accountable. Browder discusses the global impact of the Magnitsky Act and its potential to change the landscape of accountability for corruption and human rights abuses.

On this episode of Reaganism, Roger Zakheim and Rachel Hoff discuss the findings of the Reagan National Defense Survey, highlighting the American public's views on foreign policy, military spending, and trust in institutions. They explore the increasing desire for US engagement on the global stage, the decline in trust towards the military, and the public's perception of allies and adversaries, particularly in relation to China and Iran. The discussion emphasizes the importance of understanding public opinion in shaping national security policy and the nuances that exist within it.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Policy Director Rachel Hoff is joined by Oleksandra Matviichuk who is the head of the Center for Civil Liberties. They discuss Oleksandra's decades-long commitment to defending human rights in Ukraine, the Maidan uprising, the ongoing war with Russia, the documentation of war crimes, and the importance of international support for Ukraine. Matviichuk emphasizes the need for justice and accountability for war crimes and the role of ordinary citizens in supporting democracy and human rights.

Jimmy Carter passed away today at the age of 100. As ex-president, he was a person we should all aspire to be- Habitat for Humanity, the Democracy Program that advocated for democracy and fair and open elections around the world, and his opposition to Israeli apartheid. But as president, his domestic and foreign policies were the same as many other presidents. His presidency marked the abandonment of New Deal politics, the Democratic embrace of neo-liberalism, and deregulation of key industries. On the foreign policy front, he was a prologue to the brutal and dangerous era of Reaganism. Since being President, Carter has been a genuinely decent human, a diplomat and humanitarian. But as President, he carried water for the ruling class, both at home and abroad. Check out this encore episode about the Jimmy Carter Administration from 2021. ------------------Outro- "G&R Blues" by MoodyLinks//+ Jimmy Carter is a Liberal Saint Now, Was a War Criminal Then (https://bit.ly/4gBjIgE)Follow Green and Red// +G&R Linktree: ⁠⁠⁠https://linktr.ee/greenandredpodcast⁠⁠⁠ +Our rad website: ⁠⁠⁠https://greenandredpodcast.org/⁠⁠⁠ + Join our Discord community (https://discord.gg/uvrdubcM) +NEW: Follow us on Substack (https://greenandredpodcast.substack.com)+NEW: Follow us on Bluesky (https://bsky.app/profile/podcastgreenred.bsky.social)Support the Green and Red Podcast// +Become a Patron at https://www.patreon.com/greenredpodcast +Or make a one time donation here: ⁠⁠⁠https://bit.ly/DonateGandR⁠⁠⁠ Our Networks// +We're part of the Labor Podcast Network: ⁠⁠⁠https://www.laborradionetwork.org/⁠⁠ +We're part of the Anti-Capitalist Podcast Network: linktr.ee/anticapitalistpodcastnetwork +Listen to us on WAMF (90.3 FM) in New Orleans (https://wamf.org/) This is a Green and Red Podcast (@PodcastGreenRed) production. Produced by Bob (@bobbuzzanco) and Scott (@sparki1969). Edited by Scott.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Avik Roy who is the President of the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity. They discuss the principles of Freedom Conservatism, its roots in Reaganism, and the current divide within the conservative movement. They explore the relevance of Reagan's legacy today, the contrasting views of economic freedom, and the optimism versus pessimism that characterizes different factions of conservatism. Roy emphasizes the need for a revival of classical liberalism and critiques the national conservative movement's approach to government intervention and economic policy.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by the Honorable John Sullivan who previously served as the 10th U.S. Ambassador to Russia. They discuss his experiences as the U.S. Ambassador to Russia and the insights he gained during his tenure, particularly in relation to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. He emphasizes the nature of the Russian threat, the historical context of Putin's nationalism, and the implications for U.S. foreign policy. Sullivan argues that Russia is an enemy, not merely an adversary, and stresses the importance of understanding this distinction in crafting effective strategies.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Elliott Abrams who served as the 24th U.S. Deputy National Security Advisor. In this conversation, Elliott Abrams discusses his book ‘If You Will It' and the current state of American Jewry, particularly in light of the events of October 7th. They discuss themes of Jewish identity, the impact of anti-Semitism, the importance of Jewish education, and the role of Israel in shaping the future of American Jews.  They also discuss the evolving political landscape in the U.S. and the Middle East, particularly in light of President Trump's anticipated return to office. They explore the implications for U.S.-Israel relations, the shifting dynamics in Syria and Iran, and the potential for military action against Iran's nuclear program.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Henry Olsen who is a Senior Fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. They discuss the recent election outcomes, the transformation of the Republican Party, and the implications for Trump's upcoming administration. They explore the demographic shifts in voter support, the challenges Trump may face in his second term, and the policy priorities that will shape his administration.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Shyam Sankar who serves as the Chief Technology Officer and Executive Vice President of Palantir Technologies. They discuss his recent publication, ‘The Defense Reformation,' which critiques the current state of the U.S. defense system and proposes a reformation to enhance innovation and effectiveness.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Danielle Pletka who is a Distinguished Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute focusing on U.S. foreign policy and the Middle East. They discuss the source of foreign funding for the recent campus protest movements, UNWRA and its connections to terrorist orgs,  and Israel in the UN and antisemitism.

Election Day. Alexander Hamilton recognized the potential harm to the minority's rights when he stated, "Democracy is like two wolves and a lamb voting on what to eat for lunch, but a republic is a well-armed lamb contesting the vote." The electoral college remains an important aspect of the American republic as it was instituted to protect the minority and ensure that everyone's opinion could be heard. In this episode of Some Future Day, Dinesh D'Souza shares his detailed personal story, starting with his immigration from Mumbai, India, at 17 through a Rotary Club exchange program. He discusses his unique experiences living in a small Arizona town, his shift in career direction influenced by Reaganism, his time at the Reagan White House, and his evolution into a prolific author and documentary filmmaker. D'Souza delves into topics such as election fraud, the disruptive potential of technology like AI and blockchain, and Trump's influence and character. The episode concludes with Dinesh's thoughts on free speech, political polarization, and the possibility of restoring respectful intellectual debates in the future.Key Topics:Dinesh's immigration story and backgroundWorking in the Reagan administrationDinesh's prolific career as an authorPivoting to filmmaking (he made 3 of the top 10 political documentaries)How Dinesh secures and structures the financing of his filmsThe ins and outs of movie distribution for political docsThe demographics that political docs appeal to (a small %)Tech and AI's possible effects on politics, filmmaking, etc.The difference between election fraud and voter fraudHow easy it would be to hypothetically commit election fraudWhy did Dinesh want to make Vindicating Trump?The difference between Trump in public and Trump in privateWhy Dinesh defends Trump in the film and bookThe effects of anti-Trump rhetoric on Americans and their political viewsThe future of election securitySign up for the Some Future Day Newsletter here: https://marcbeckman.substack.com/Episode Links:Dinesh D'Souza: https://dineshdsouza.com/YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8GAOCAJxBL4bExaUCvwL4QFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/DSouzaDineshTo join the conversation, follow Marc Beckman here: YoutubeLinkedInTwitterInstagramTikTok

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Rep. Blake Moore who represents Utah's 1st congressional district in the U.S. House of Representatives. They discuss Rep. Moore's views on the upcoming Presidential election, congressional priorities and budget challenges, entitlement reform, national security and economic policies, the war in Ukraine and global security, and much more.

Perhaps best known for his novels Motherless Brooklyn (1999), The Fortress of Solitude (2003), and Chronic City (2009)—or, more recently, Brooklyn Crime Novel (2023)—the author, essayist, and cultural critic Jonathan Lethem could be considered the ultimate modern-day Brooklyn bard, even if today he lives in California, where he's a professor of English and creative writing at Pomona College. His most celebrated books take place in Brooklyn, or in the case of Chronic City, on Manhattan's Upper East Side, and across his genre-spanning works of fiction, his narratives capture a profound sense of the rich chaos and wonder to be found in an urban existence. Lethem is also the author of several essay collections, including the newly published Cellophane Bricks: A Life in Visual Culture (ZE Books), which compiles much of his art writing from over the years written in response to—and often in exchange for—artworks by friends, including Gregory Crewdson, Nan Goldin, and Raymond Pettibon.On the episode, Lethem discusses his passion for book dedications; the time he spent with James Brown and Bob Dylan, respectively, when profiling them for Rolling Stone in the mid-aughts; how his work is, in part, a way of dealing with and healing from his mother's death in 1978, at age 36; and why he views his writing as “fundamentally commemorative.”Special thanks to our Season 10 presenting sponsor, L'École, School of Jewelry Arts.Show notes:Jonathan Lethem[5:35] Cellophane Bricks[5:35] High School of Music and Art[5:35] Motherless Brooklyn[5:35] The Fortress of Solitude[5:35] The Disappointment Artist[5:35] Maureen Linker[7:15] Carmen Fariña[8:26] Julia Jacquette[8:26] Rosalyn Drexler[9:08] The Great Gatsby[9:08] Brooklyn Crime Novel[10:59] Lynn Nottage[13:08] Bennington College[13:08] Bret Easton Ellis[13:08] Donna Tartt[23:41] The Collapsing Frontier[23:41] Italo Calvino[23:41] Cold War[23:41] Red Scare[23:41] J. Edgar Hoover[27:37] Dada movement[27:37] Ernest Hemingway[27:37] Gertrude Stein[27:37] Dissident Gardens[29:38] Reaganism[29:38] “Does intergenerational transmission of trauma skip a generation?”[31:21] John Van Bergen[31:21] Nan Goldin[34:33] “The Ecstasy of Influence”[34:33] Lawrence Lessig[35:31] Copyleft movement[35:31] Hank Shocklee[38:46] Hoyt-Schermerhorn Station[42:32] “Being James Brown: Inside the Private World of the Baddest Man Who Ever Lived”[42:32] “The Genius and Modern Times of Bob Dylan”[51:00] Chronic City[54:04] The Thalia[55:50] “Lightness” by Italo Calvino[1:06:26] Jorge Luis Borges

On October 27, 1964, Ronald Reagan launched his political career with his “Time for Choosing” speech, a moment so famous it simply became known as “The Speech.” Ushering in a new era of conservatism, future President Reagan argued that Americans were at a pivotal moment and had a choice to make: Did they want a […]

On October 27, 1964, Ronald Reagan launched his political career with his “Time for Choosing” speech, a moment so famous it simply became known as “The Speech.” Ushering in a new era of conservatism, future President Reagan argued that Americans were at a pivotal moment and had a choice to make: Did they want a massive welfare state or lower taxes, government, and greater capitalist innovation? To stand up to the enemies of freedom and American ideals or let Communism spread across the world? To let the government be run by elites or run by the people? On the sixtieth anniversary of this speech, one thing is clear: Reagan's principles are timeless, and as relevant now as they were sixty years ago. Peter Schweizer is an investigative journalist and author of five New York Times bestselling books. Peter is also the founder and president of the Government Accountability Institute, host of The Drill Down podcast, and was previously a consultant to the Office of Presidential Speechwriting in the White House for President George W. Bush. He is the author of Reagan's War: The Epic Story of His Forty-Year Struggle and Final Triumph Over Communism (Knopf 2003).Read the transcript here.Watch Reagan's Time for Choosing speech here. Subscribe to our Substack here. Find Peter's podcast here.

TENE pod concludes their biographical look into eugenicist Roger Pearson, focusing on his vast influence in the New Right of the '70s and '80s through his work in mainstream fashy organizations like the Heritage Foundation and the World Anti-Communist League. reading: Kevin Coogan, "Jackboots & Sporrans". 1984. Scott Anderson and John Lee Anderson, Inside the League. 1986. Michael Billig. Psychology, Racism & Fascism. 1979. Russ Bellant. Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party. 1991. Russ Bellant. The Coors Connection. 1988. Stefan Kuhl. The Nazi Connection. 1994. Closing music: Furioso; or, The Wilderness of Mirrors by The Knolls. soundcloud.com/knollsnyc Interlude music: Mankind? "Won't You Join The Army Now So You Can Fight... And You Can Die!" Other Music: David Fesliyan "Airlock", "In Honor", and "Elevator Ride" davidfesliyan.com Subscribe to patreon.org/tenepod and twitter.com/tenepod.

Politics War Room ON TOUR  - live show in Boston on 11/2 at politicon.com/tour  Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial James and Al raise hell over the danger of fascism if Trump is elected and ask the leaders of our military to call out his rejection of democracy before welcoming Dr. Michael Bitzer to discuss the Democrats' prospects in North Carolina.  They discuss the effect of the hurricane on the vote, the counties and cities with the most predictive value for the results, and what to expect in the state's down-ballot races.  Then, Al and James welcome historian Max Boot to explain how the Republicans have abandoned Reaganism in favor of Trump and extremism, the threat Trump poses to the Constitution, and why he left the party behind. Email your questions to James and Al at politicswarroom@gmail.com or tweet them to @politicon.  Make sure to include your city– we love to hear where you're from! Get tickets for the Politics War Room live shows in Boston on 11/2 at politicon.com/tour  Get text updates from Politics War Room and Politicon. Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial CARVILLE: WINNING IS EVERYTHING, STUPID hits theaters in California and Texas this weekend before going nationwide!  Get tickets now at CarvilleDoc.com/tickets.  Get updates and some great behind-the-scenes content by  following James on Twitter @jamescarville and his new TikTok @realjamescarville James Carville & Al Hunt have launched the Politics War Room Substack Get More From This Week's Guests:  Michael Bitzer: Twitter | Catawba College | Old North State Politics | Author of “Redistricting and Gerrymandering in North Carolina” Max Boot: Twitter | Threads | Website | WaPo | CFR | Author  Please Support Our Sponsors: Zbiotics: Get back into action after a night out with 15% off your first order of Zbiotics when you go to zbiotics.com/pwr and use code: PWR Smalls: For 50% off your first order, head to smalls.com/warroom and use code: WARROOM Beam: Sleep better with Beam's best-selling Dream Powder and get up to 40% off for a limited time when you go to shopbeam.com/warroom and use code: WARROOM

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Rep. Mike Waltz who represents Florida's 6th congressional district in the U.S. House of Representatives. They discuss Rep. Waltz's new book entitled, Hard Truths: Think and Lead Like a Green Beret. They discuss Rep. Waltz's time as a Green Beret, bipartisanship in congress, the importance of national service, the Afghanistan withdrawal, the war in Ukraine, and more.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Leon Aron who is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and is an issue-area expert on Russia and US-Russia relations. They discuss the Russian invasion and war in Ukraine, Russia's aggression against the Ukrainian people, and broader implications on European Security. They also cover the emerging threat of a new geopolitical axis between Russia and China.

Ronald Reagan campaigned on a slogan to “Make America Great Again” and ushered in a new era of conservatism in America. That was more than forty years ago, and his Republican Party today looks very different with Donald Trump at its helm. Does the Reagan legend — a tax cutting, government shrinking, Cold War winning optimist — stand up to close scrutiny? And how did Reaganism pave the way for Trumpism? This week's guest is Max Boot, who's just written an authoritative, wide-ranging biography of the 40th President of the United States.Go to audible.com/news where you'll find Peter Bergen's recommendations for other news, journalism and nonfiction listening.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Dr. Tevi Troy who served as the former United States Deputy Secretary of Health and Human Services and is now a Senior Fellow at the Bipartisan Policy Center. They discuss Dr. Troy's new book entitled, The Power and the Money: The Epic Clashes Between Commanders in Chief and Titans of Industry, which highlights the relationship between the most powerful leaders in American industry, from Howard Hughes to Elon Musk, and the President of the United States.

Have you watched our Reaganism podcast yet? Reaganism is dedicated to exploring where the Reagan Movement lives today, hosted by the Director of the Ronald Reagan Institute, Roger Zakheim. The show has two goals: to understand the foundations of the political philosophy that powered the Reagan Revolution; and to host discussions about contemporary issues through the lens of President Reagan. Episodes come out weekly. In a recent episode from August 5, 2024, Roger sat down with Matthew Continetti who serves as the Director of Domestic Policy Studies at the American Enterprise Institute. They discuss the historic 2024 presidential campaign and how the election might unfold in November. They also talk about national conservatism, the energy around Kamala Harris, the democratic convention, and more.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Policy Director Rachel Hoff is joined by Katerina Sergatskova who is the Co-founder of the 2402 Foundation. They discuss Katerina's childhood growing up on the Crimean Peninsula, her experience as a journalist covering conflicts in Crimea and the Donbas Region, and her work as a part of the 2402 Foundation in training and equipping journalists to cover the illegal Russian War in Ukraine.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by national security and Middle East expert Dr. Michael Doran who serves as the Director of the Center for Peace and Security in the Middle East at Hudson Institute. They discuss the ongoing Israel-Hamas war, the hostage crisis which resulted in the death of an American citizens, and Iran's role as a funder and organizer of terrorism and discord throughout the Middle East.

The 40th president of the United States, Ronald Reagan, is once again our topic du jour today, as we're talking about Max Boot's new book Reagan: His Life and Legend, which comes out on September 10. In the fantastic 880-page book, Max quotes someone as having said of Reagan that “there was almost no one who did not succumb to his magic.” Today on the show we talk about what that magic was; about his love story with his wife, Nancy Reagan, who Max writes in the book without her Reagan “would never have been elected to anything”; how he and his presidency are perceived 20 years after his death in 2004; and if, as Max writes in the book, “Reaganism contain[ed] the seeds of Trumpism?” Max and I talk about the differences between Reagan the man and Reagan the public figure, how he was as a father to his four children (one of whom we've had on the show!), where his elevated sense of self-confidence came from, and, of course, his legacy. Much to get into, and here to delve into it all with me is Max Boot, an author, historian, and policy analyst who, in addition to writing 880-page definitive biographies, is also a columnist for The Washington Post, a global affairs analyst for CNN, and the Jeane J. Kirkpatrick senior fellow in national security studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. In addition to this new book, Max has also written The Road Not Taken: Edward Lansdale and the American Tragedy in Vietnam, which was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for Biography, and Invisible Armies: An Epic History of Guerilla Warfare from Ancient Times to the Present. He has also written The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power and War Made New: Technology, Warfare, and the Course of History, 1500 to Today. An impressive man who has certainly written an impressive book.   Reagan: His Life and Legend by Max Boot

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by foreign policy and national security expert General Jack Keane who formerly served as the Vice Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army. They discuss the National Defense Strategy commission and its latest report, the ongoing war in Ukraine, and the increasingly dangerous and complex situation in the Middle East.

Rob and Ruairi dive into Malcolm Harris' provocative book Palo Alto: A History of California, Capitalism, and the World. They explore the book's story of California's Silicon Valley's rise as an economic powerhouse and its global influence, while also critiquing its central thesis. Rob finds much to admire in Harris' analysis but much to challenge as well. Today's episode is wide ranging, covering controversial arguments that Herbert Hoover is the driving force behind Reaganism, Silicon Valley's emergence, and a whole lot more. Join us for an engaging discussion that unpacks the historical roots of modern tech culture and questions the legacy of one of America's most established losers. ⁠⁠⁠Patreon⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Website⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Books⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠TikTok

@ToryAnarchist Daniel McCarthy says Trumpism is Reaganism 2.0. Can RFK Jr get moms hot and bothered enough to vote Trump? @RareCamellia & Pope Francis says people who don't allow migrants in are SINNERS! @PentsakDaniella  

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim is joined by Fox News Contributor, and Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute Marc Thiessen. They discuss the historic 2024 presidential campaign, what to expect from the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, and how the race will shape up between Trump and Harris.

On this episode of Reaganism, Reagan Institute Director Roger Zakheim sits down with Raj Shah who is a Managing Partner at Shield Capital. They discuss defense innovation, autonomy in warfare, DOD acquisitions and bureaucracy reform.

Well that certainly was a week. Seems more like a year now since the news that Judge Cannon declared special DoJ prosecutor Jack Smith's appointment was unconstitutional, but it was only Monday. But we didn't even get into this issue in this episode, even though weekly defense of the Constitution is in our union contract.Is there anything new or original left to be said about the political events of the week, starting with the attempted assassination of President Trump, the nomination of J.D. Vance (allowing Lurcretia to say "I told you so!" yet again—isn't this getting monotonous by this point), and then Trump's near Castroesque-length acceptance speech? Why yes—yes there is. Steve, John, and Lucretia offer several observations we haven't yet heard from the legion of other pundits and analysts, which leads to a surprisingly sharp argument about free trade and potential tariffs under a Trump-Vance administration, which extends to a vigorous discussion of another substantial import of the moment—illegal immigrants.Steve also explains why, if you listened carefully to Trump's speech, you'll see that Reaganism isn't quite dead yet, why it was also a Jedi-mind trick on Biden, and why many of the news stories about Biden's possible withdrawal from the race have a implicit subtext that party leaders really really don't want Kamala Harris either, but can't say so publicly. We end the week with our shopping lists: more popcorn for John and Steve, and more tin foil for Lucretia.

This week, for Pride season, the Oscar-nominated playwright and screenwriter Tony Kushner. Known most recently for his movie collaborations with Steven Spielberg, including Lincoln, Westside Story and The Fablemans, Kushner's breakout hit was his epic play Angels in America, the winner of multiple Tonys and a Pulitzer Prize, among many other awards. Fuelled by the AIDS crisis and Reaganism in the 1980s, the play was made into an opera and an HBO miniseries starring Meryl Streep, Al Pacino and Emma Thompson. In this conversation with Eleanor Wachtel from 2011, Kushner also talks about his later work, The Intelligent Homosexual's Guide to Capitalism and Socialism with a Key to the Scriptures, a family drama that evokes George Bernard Shaw and Mary Baker Eddy.

The news media is very good at focusing on points of disagreement in our politics. Wherever Democrats and Republicans are butting heads, that's where we reliably find news coverage. When right and left disagree about trans rights, or the immigration border bill, or abortion, or January 6, or the indictments over January 6, you can bet that news coverage will be ample. But journalists like me sometimes have a harder time seeing through the lurid partisanship to focus on where both sides agree. It's these places, these subtle areas of agreements, these points of quiet fusion, where policy is actually made, where things actually happen. I'm offering you that wind up because I think something extraordinary is happening in American economics today. Something deeper than the headlines about lingering inflation. High grocery prices. Prohibitive interest rates. Stalled out housing markets. Quietly, and sometimes not so quietly, a new consensus is building in Washington concerning technology, and trade, and growth. It has three main parts: first, there is a newly aggressive approach to subsidizing the construction of new infrastructure, clean energy, and advanced computer chips that are integral to AI and military; second, there are new tariffs, or new taxes on certain imports, especially from China to protect US companies in these industries; and third, there are restrictions on Chinese technologies in the U.S., like Huawei and TikTok. Subsidies, tariffs, and restrictions are the new rage in Washington. Today's guest is David Leonhardt, a longtime writer, columnist, and editor at The New York Times who currently runs their morning newsletter, The Morning. he is the author of the book Ours Was the Shining Future. We talk about the history of the old economic consensus, the death of Reaganism, the demise of the free trade standard, the strengths and weaknesses of the new economic consensus, what could go right in this new paradigm, and what could go horribly wrong. If you have questions, observations, or ideas for future episodes, email us at PlainEnglish@Spotify.com. Host: Derek Thompson Guest: David Leonhardt Producer: Devon Baroldi Links: David Leonhardt on neopopulism: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/19/briefing/centrism-washington-neopopulism.html Greg Ip on the three-legged stool of new industrial policy: https://www.wsj.com/economy/the-u-s-finally-has-a-strategy-to-compete-with-china-will-it-work-ce4ea6cf Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Mike Johnson shows hints of Reaganism with his new push for a foreign aid bill that includes support for Ukraine. Meanwhile, Republicans in Arizona self-own on abortion, the GOP in DC flails on a staged impeachment, and Biden makes a populist move on tariffs. Ali Vitali and Will Saletan join Tim Miller. show notes: VOTE HERE for Will Saletan's 'Corruption of Lindsey Graham' podcast Sen. Chris Murphy's Bulwark piece Ali's book, "Electable"