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Rosenberg, Dip and SGG break down John Cena's final MSG appearance and whether he should've led an all-time babyface Survivor Series team. They also discuss how booing Dominik Mysterio has become a nod of respect from the crowd to Dirty Dom.Then The MAJesty debates wrestling GOATs, Nikki Bella's potential value as a heel, and what movers should or shouldn't pack when Rosenberg moves (while Dip refuses to let anyone touch his underwear).Also, WWE Evolve Champion Jackson Drake joins the show to preview his title defense against Sean Legacy this coming week on NXT Gold Rush and his desire for a feud with Je'Von Evans.Listen to Cheap Heat Live Fridays 12pm- 2pm EST on Pro Wrestling Nation 24/7 on Channel 156.Call in at 844-344-4893Wanna stay MAJ?Join our PateronFollow @cheapheatpod on Instagram and TikTok @cheapheatpodsubscribe to Rosenberg's Youtube Channel.Email the show Rosenbergwrestling@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
This week Eye on Veterans and Connecting Vets, Reporter Julia LeDoux had an informative conversation with VA Secretary Doug Collins. We asked many of the questions veterans have today. Collins shared his goals of lowering benefit claims processing times, simplifying the system and a revealed plans to overhaul the application. We also got a rare look at his military background as an Air Force Reserve Colonel, Chaplain and deployment to Iraq. He shared memories of a Thanksgiving, while stationed at Balad Air Base, and how his experience and faith guide his work today. We dove into topics like; veteran mental health, what's being done to lower veteran suicides and the connection between mental health and the medications so many veterans are prescribed. We asked his position on alternative treatments like psychedelics and cannabis. We also sought an explanation for why Congress recently blocked passage of The Maj. Richard Star Act. which defends veterans ability to receive both retirement and disability benefits. And we learned who he's (always) rooting for in college football! Find your VA benefits, and resources for all veterans here: https://www.va.gov/ Connect: CBS Eye on Veterans, Host, Phil Briggs phil@connectingvets.com Connecting Vets.com, Senior Veteran Affairs Reporter, Julia LeDoux julia.ledoux@audacy.com To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Przede wszystkim Irlandczycy mają dosyć tego, co się teraz dzieje. Mają dosyć wysokich czynszów, drogich produktów w sklepach, braku możliwości dostania się do lekarza, źle działającej komunikacji miejskiej. I w zasadzie wszystkiego, czego dotkniemy w Irlandii, można by powiedzieć, że wymaga zmianyrelacjonuje szef portalu Polska-IE.com Bogdan Feręc na otwarcie "Studia Dublin". Jak podkreśla, wielu Irlandczyków, spośród tych, z którymi rozmawia, coraz poważniej rozważa emigrację, np. do Polski.Mówią otwarcie, że ten rząd się po prostu nie sprawdza, idzie zbyt daleko w stronę europejską, zbyt głęboko słucha tego, co się dzieje w BrukseliW ocenie Bogdana Feręca najbliższe lata przyniosą radykalne zmiany na irlandzkiej scenie politycznej. Prowadzący "Studia Dublin" omawiają ponadto kwestię zmasowanej akcji przeciwko ruchom prawicowym i antyimigranckim na Szmaragdowej Wyspie.
Už víc než rok protestují studenti v Srbsku proti režimu prezidenta Aleksandara Vučiće. Poslední velká demonstrace se odehrála na výročí tragédie, ke které došlo loni na začátku listopadu ve městě Novi Sad. Zemřelo při ní 16 lidí čekajících na vlakovém nádraží. Demonstranti z neštěstí viní zkorumpovaný a klientelistický režim, desetitisíce jich požadují předčasné volby. Mají ještě dnes studenti moc pohnout děním v zemi?Hostka: Magdaléna Fajtová - reportérka týdeníku Respekt, znalkyně balkánského prostoruČlánek a další informace najdete na webu Seznam Zprávy.Debatu jsme natáčeli před publikem v Divadle X10 v rámci oslav 17. listopadu Korzo Národní, které pořádá spolek Díky, že můžem.Sledujte nás na sociálních sítích X (Twitter), Instagram nebo Threads. Náměty a připomínky nám můžete psát na e-mail zaminutusest@sz.cz
Last time we spoke about the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict. The border between Soviet Manchuria and Japanese-occupied territories emerges not as a single line but as a mosaic of contested spaces, marks, and memories. A sequence of incidents, skirmishes along the Chaun and Tumen rivers, reconnaissance sorties, and the complex diplomacy of Moscow, Tokyo, and peripheral actors to trace how risk escalated from routine patrols to calibrated leverage. On the ground, terrain functioned as both obstacle and argument: ridges like Changkufeng Hill shaping sightlines, river valleys shaping decisions, and markers weathered by snow, wind, and drift. In command tents, officers translated terrain into doctrine: contingency plans, supply routes, and the precarious calculus of restraint versus escalation. Both nations sought to establish firmer defensive barriers against the other. Inevitably they were destined to clash, but how large that clash would become, nobody knew. #176 The Changkufeng Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the last episode we broke down a general history of the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict and how it escalated significantly by 1938. Colonel Inada Masazum serving as chief of the 2nd Operations Section within the Operations Bureau in March of 1938 would play a significant role in this story. When the Japanese command's attention was drawn to the area of Changkufeng, consideration was given to the ownership and importance of the disputed high ground. Inada and his operations section turned to an appraisal of the geography. The officers had been impressed by the strategic importance of the Tumen, which served to cut off the hill country from North Korea. In the Changkufeng area, the river was a muddy 600 to 800 meters wide and three to five meters deep. Japanese engineers had described rowing across the stream as "rather difficult." Russian roads on the left bank were very good, according to Japanese intelligence. Heavy vehicles moved easily; the Maanshan section comprised the Russians' main line of communications in the rear. To haul up troops and materiel, the Russians were obliged to use trucks and ships, for there were no railways apart from a four-kilometer line between the harbor and town of Novokievsk. Near Changkufeng, hardly any roadways were suitable for vehicular traffic. On the right, or Korean, bank of the Tumen, there were only three roads suitable for vehicular traffic, but even these routes became impassable after a day or two of rain. In the sector between Hill 52 to the south and Shachaofeng to the north, the most pronounced eminences were Chiangchunfeng and the humps of Changkufeng. Rocky peaks were characteristically shaped like inverted T's, which meant many dead angles against the crests. The gentle slopes would allow tanks to move but would restrict their speed, as would the ponds and marshes. In general, the terrain was treeless and afforded little cover against aircraft. Against ground observation or fire, corn fields and tall miscanthus grass could provide some shielding. Between Chiangchunfeng and the Tumen, which would have to serve as the main route of Japanese supply, the terrain was particularly sandy and hilly. This rendered foot movement difficult but would reduce the effectiveness of enemy bombs and shells. The high ground east of Khasan afforded bases for fire support directed against the Changkufeng region. Plains characterized the rest of the area on the Soviet side, but occasional streams and swamps could interfere with movement of tanks and trucks. The only towns or villages were Novokievsk, Posyet, Yangomudy, and Khansi. At Kozando there were a dozen houses; at Paksikori, a few. The right bank was farmed mainly by Koreans, whose scattered cottages might have some value for billeting but offered none for cover. On the left bank, the largest hamlets were Fangchuanting, with a population of 480 dwelling in 73 huts, and Yangkuanping, where there were 39 cottages. Shachaofeng was uninhabited. Japanese occupation of Changkufeng would enable observation of the plain stretching east from Posyet Bay, although intelligence made no mention of Soviet naval bases, submarine pens, or airstrips in the immediate area of Posyet, either in existence or being built in 1938. As Inada knew, the Japanese Navy judged that Posyet Bay might have another use, as a site for Japanese landing operations in the event of war. In Russian hands, the high ground would endanger the Korean railway. This line, which started from Najin in northeastern Korea, linked up with the vital system in Manchuria at the town of Tumen and provided a short cut, if not a lifeline, between Japan and the Kwantung Army and Manchuria from across the Sea of Japan. Even from relatively low Changkufeng, six or seven miles of track were exposed to Soviet observation between Hongui and Shikai stations. The port of Najin, with its fortress zone, lay 11 miles southwest; Unggi lay even nearer. It was not the danger of Japanese shelling of Vladivostok, at an incredible range of 80 miles that was at stake but the more realistic hypothesis of Russian shelling of the rail line, and Russian screening of the Soviet side of the border. Hills and questions were thought to have two sides. It was the consensus of Japanese that Changkufeng Hill's potential value to the Russians far outweighed its possible benefits to them, or at least that the Japanese had more to lose if the Russians took the high ground by the Tumen. Inada nurtured few illusions concerning the intrinsic value of the heights. Despite the fact that the high command always had good reasons for quiescence in the north, Inada believed that the latest border difficulty could not be overlooked. By mid-July 1938 Inada's thoughts crystallized. The Japanese would conduct a limited reconnaissance in force known as iryoku teisatsu in the strategic sense. Whereas, at the tactical schoolbook level, this might mean the dispatch of small forces into enemy territory to seek local combat intelligence, at the Imperial General Headquarters level the concept was far more sweeping. There would also be useful evidence of mobilization and other buildup procedures. The affair at Changkufeng was merely a welcome coincidence, something started by the Russians but liable to Japanese exploration. Inada had no intention of seizing territory, of becoming involved in a war of attrition at a remote and minor spot, or of provoking hostilities against the USSR. The Russians would comprehend the nature of the problem, too. If they were interested in interfering seriously with the Japanese, there were numberless better locations to cause trouble along the Manchurian front; those were the places to watch. The cramped Changkufeng sector, described as "narrow like a cat's brow," could too readily be pinched off from Hunchun to render it of strategic value to either side. The bog land to the north interfered with the use of armored forces, while artillery sited on the heights along the Tumen in Korea could as easily control the area as batteries emplaced east of the lake. It was Inada's professional opinion that the Russians could commit three or four infantry divisions there at most, with no mechanized corps—no heavy tanks, in particular. No decisive battle could be waged, although, once the Russians became involved, they might have to cling to the hill out of a sense of honor. The military action would be meaningless even if the Japanese let the Russians have the heights. For their part, the Japanese would ostensibly be fighting to secure the boundary and to hold Changkufeng peak, beyond which they would not move a step onto Soviet soil. There would be no pursuit operations. Troop commitment would be limited to about one division without tank support. Japanese Air Force intervention would be forbidden. Matters would be directed entirely by Imperial General Headquarters working through the Korea Army chain of command and carried out by the local forces. Calm, clear, and dispassionate overall estimates and instructions would be based on materials available only in Tokyo. The command would not allow the Kwantung Army to touch the affair. Inada foresaw that the Japanese government might also seek a settlement through diplomacy. Although border demarcation was desirable and should be sought, the command would not insist on it, nor would it demand permanent occupation of Changkufeng summit. As soon as reconnaissance objectives had been achieved, the local forces would be withdrawn. As Inada described it "In the process, we would have taught the Russians some respect and given them a lesson concerning their repeated, high-handed provocations and intrusions. If a show of force sufficed to facilitate the negotiations and cause the Russians to back down, so much the better; the affair would be over and my point proved." The instrument for carrying out Inada's strategic design appeared to be ideal, the 19th Division, strenuously trained and high-spirited. It could be expected to perform very well if unleashed within defined limits. Colonel Suetaka was just the commander to direct local operations. Since he had been pleading to fight in China, an operation at Changkufeng might prove to be an excellent "safety valve." His staff was full of experienced, fierce warriors eager for battle. Until recently, the Korea Army commanding general had wisely kept the aggressive division away from Changkufeng Hill, but now Imperial general headquarters had its own overriding ideas and needs. How could the Japanese ensure that any military action would remain limited if the Russians chose to respond with vigor? Naturally, one infantry division, without armor or air support, could not withstand all of the Soviet forces in the maritime province. Inada answered that the mission to be assigned the 19th Division was merely the recapture of Changkufeng crest. If the Japanese side had to break off the operation, evacuation would be effected voluntarily and resolutely on Imperial general headquarters responsibility, without considerations of "face." At worst, the Japanese might lose one division, but the affair would be terminated at the Tumen River without fail. "Even so, we ought to be able to prove our theory as well as demonstrate our true strength to the Russians." In case the Soviets opted for more than limited war, the Japanese were still not so overextended in China that they could not alter their strategic disposition of troops. Although the Kwantung Army's six divisions were outnumbered four to one and the Japanese were not desirous of a war at that moment, the first-class forces in Manchuria could make an excellent showing. In addition, the high command possessed armor, heavy artillery, fighters, and bombers, held in check in Manchuria and Korea, as well as reserves in the homeland. There was also the 104th Division, under tight Imperial general headquarters control, in strategic reserve in southern Manchuria. Inada recalled "How would the Russians react? That was the answer I sought. Victory in China depended on it." By mid-July, the high command, at Inada's urging, had worked out a plan titled, "Imperial General headqaurters Essentials for Dealing with the Changkufeng Incident." Tada's telegram of 14 July to Koiso described succinctly the just-decided policy: the central authorities concurred with the Korea Army's opinion regarding the Changkufeng affair, then in embryo. Considering that Changkufeng Hill posed a direct threat to the frontier of Korea, Imperial General headqaurters would immediately urge the foreign ministry to lodge a stern protest. Next day, Tojo sent a telegram stating the Japanese policy of employing diplomacy; whether the Russians should be evicted by force required cautious deliberation in case the USSR did not withdraw voluntarily. On the basis of the guidance received from Imperial General headqaurters, the Korea Army drew up its own plan, "Essentials for Local Direction of the Changkufeng Incident," on 15 July. Intelligence officer Tsuchiya Sakae was sent promptly to the front from Seoul. At the same time, military authorities allowed the press to release news that Soviet troops were constructing positions inside Manchurian territory in an "obvious provocation." The government of Manchukuo was demanding an immediate withdrawal. Even then, those Japanese most closely connected with the handling of the Changkufeng Incident were not in agreement that everybody at command level was as ardent a proponent of reconnaissance in force as Inada claimed to be. Some thought that most, if not all, of his subordinates, youthful and vigorous, were in favor of the notion; others denied the existence of such an idea. Inada remained clear-cut in his own assertions. Everything done by the local Soviet forces, he insisted, must have been effected with the permission of Moscow; it was customary for the USSR not to abandon what it had once started. The Japanese Army never really thought that the Soviet Union would withdraw just as the result of diplomatic approaches. Therefore, from the outset, preparations were made to deal the Russians one decisive blow. Inada had recommended his plan, with its clear restrictions, to his colleagues and superiors; the scheme, he says, was approved 14 July "all the way up the chain of command, through the Army general staff and the ministry of war, with unexpected ease." The only real opposition, Inada recalled, came from the navy, whose staff advised the army operations staff, in all sincerity, to give up the idea of strategic reconnaissance. Inada adhered to his opinion stubbornly. He never forgot the grave look on the face of Captain Kusaka, the UN operations section chief, as the latter gave in reluctantly. The navy view was that the Changkufeng affair typified the army's aggressive policies as opposed to relative passivity on the part of the navy. Like Kusaka, Japanese Navy interviewees shared the fear that Changkufeng might prove to be the most dangerous military confrontation ever to occur between the USSR and Japan. In view of navy objections, one wonders where Inada could have drawn support for his concept of reconnaissance in force. If one accepts the comments contained in a letter from a navy ministry captain, Takagi Sokichi, to Baron Harada Kumao at the beginning of August, in the army and in a portion of the navy there existed "shallow-minded fellows who are apt to take a firm stand in the blind belief that the USSR would not really rise against us, neglecting the fact that the Russians had foreseen our weak points." Takagi also had violent things to say about "white-livered" Gaimusho elements that were playing up to the army. Although Takagi's remarks, expressed in confidence, were sharp, cautious injunctions were being delivered by the high command to the new Korea Army commander, General Nakamura Kotaro, who was about to leave for Seoul to replace Koiso. Nakamura's attitude was crucial for the course and outcome of the Changkufeng Incident. More of a desk soldier than a warrior, he characteristic ally displayed a wariness that was reinforced by the guidance provided him. This personal quality assumes even greater significance if one believes that the Russians may have initiated the Changkufeng Incident by exploiting the special opportunities afforded them by the routine replacement of the Korea Army commander, the temporary absence from Moscow of Ambassador Shigemitsu Mamoru, and the geographical as well as subjective gap between the Kwantung and Korea armies that was exposed during the Lyushkov affair. At 10:00 on 15 July Nakamura was designated army commander by the Emperor at the palace. Soon afterward, he was briefed by Imperial General headquarters officers. Hashimoto, the operations bureau chief, recalled that when he saw Nakamura off on 17 July, Hashimoto stressed prudence, limitation of any military action, and diplomatic solution of the problem. The new commanding general, Inada asserted, promised full cooperation. There was no mention, at this level, of Inada's concept of reconnaissance in force. When Nakamura reached Seoul, he found an Imperial order from Tokyo dated 16 July awaiting him. This important document stipulated that he could concentrate units under his command in Korea near the border against the trespassing Soviet forces in the Changkufeng area. Resort to force, however, was dependent upon further orders. This message was followed by a wire from Kan'in, the Army general staff chief. The Imperial order, it was explained, had been designed to support diplomatic negotiations. Simultaneous approval was granted for concentrating forces to respond swiftly in case the situation deteriorated. As for implementation of the Imperial order, discretion should be exercised in line with the opinion expressed earlier by Korea Army Headquarters. Negotiations were to be conducted in Moscow and Harbin, the location of a Soviet consulate in Manchukuo. Meanwhile, the command was dispatching two officers for purposes of liaison: Lt. Colonel Arisue Yadoru in Operations and Major Kotani Etsuo a specialist in Soviet intelligence. Inada advised Arisue that, apart from liaison flights inside the frontiers, particular care should be exercised with regard to actions that might lead to air combat. Nevertheless, although Inada stated that the Imperial order called for "a sort of military demonstration," he admitted that it meant preparatory action for an attack. The Korea Army senior staff officer, Iwasaki, recalled hearing nothing about secret intentions. Nakamura briefed his staff about the need for restraint, especially during this key period of the Wuhan operation. Koiso had disposed of speculation that he had issued an order to concentrate the 19th Division before Nakamura arrived, although he and Nakamura did have the opportunity to confer in Seoul before he departed for Japan. The Imperial order of 16 July, in response to Koiso's inquiry received in Tokyo on 14 July, had arrived in Seoul addressed to Nakamura; thereupon, the Korea Army chief of staff, Kitano, had the message conveyed to the division. By 21 July Koiso was back in Tokyo where, the day afterward, he advised the war minister, Itagaki, "to act prudently with respect to the Changkufeng problem." Why did the high command dispatch two field-grade liaison officers to Korea from the outset of the Changkufeng Incident? The Korea Army lacked operations staff. Its commander had been allotted prime responsibility, within the chain of command, for defense of northeastern Korea. At the beginning, the highest-ranking staff officer at the front was a major. Since there were no fundamental differences of opinion between the command and the forces in Korea, it was proper to send experts from Tokyo to assist. Imperial General headqaurters would observe the situation carefully, devise measures on the basis of the overall view, and issue orders which the Korea Army would implement through ordinary channels. It had not been the type of incident which required the army commander to go to the front to direct. This was the Korea Army's first test, and political as well as diplomatic problems were involved that the army in the field should not or could not handle. If Tokyo had left decisions to the division and its regiments, the latter would have been held to account, which was not proper. Imperial General headquarters had to assume responsibility and reassure local commanders of its full support. Imaoka Yutaka explained that operational guidance by Imperial General headquarters and line operations conducted by the 19th Division formed the core of the affair; the Korea Army, placed between, was "shadowy." Koiso had not been enthusiastic; this set the mood among the staff. Nakamura, who arrived with a thorough comprehension of AGS thinking, was basically passive. The Korea Army staff, in general, included no "wild boars." There was an urgent need to monitor developments. Not only was the Korea Army unfamiliar with handling this type of incident, but many hitches occurred. There had been no practice in emergency transmission of coded wires between the Korea Army and Tokyo. Now telegram after telegram had to be sent; most were deciphered incorrectly and many were not decoded at all. Another problem centered on the lack of knowledge in Tokyo about the situation on the spot, which only visual observation could rectify. As a result, the two Army general staff experts, Arisue and Kotani, arrived in Korea on 16 July. Kotani recalled that he was to collect intelligence and assist the local authorities. One of the first duties that he and Arisue performed was to disseminate the principle that use of force required a prior Imperial order. Also on 16 July, Japanese newspapers reported that the USSR was still concentrating troops, that the Manchukuoan government was watching intently, "decisive punitive measures" were being contemplated by the Japanese-Manchukuoan authorities, and there were signs of a worsening of the crisis. Despite good reasons for this gloomy appraisal, the Japanese press had not yet given the incident page-one treatment. More alarming news was being disseminated abroad. Domei, the official Japanese news agency, reported that the situation would probably become worse unless Soviet troops were withdrawn. The position of the Japanese government impressed foreign correspondents as unusually firm. Informants characterized the Changkufeng Incident as the most serious affair since the clash on the Amur River in 1937. Irked by the Korea Army's timidity and eager for first-hand information, the Kwantung Army dispatched two observers to the front: from Intelligence, Ogoshi Kenji, and from Operations, Tsuji Masanobu. If you listen to my pacific war week by week podcast or echoes of war, you know I highlight Tsuji Masanobu as one of the most evil Japanese officers of WW2. No other way to describe this guy, he was a shithead. In his memoirs, Tsuji asserted that he and Ogoshi climbed Changkufeng Hill, discerned Soviet soldiers digging across the peak in Manchurian territory, and concluded that "probably even Tokyo could not overlook such a clear-cut case of invasion." Although his account aligned with the general thrust, Ogoshi contended that Tsuji could not have accompanied him. According to sources with the 19th Division, when Koiso learned that Tsuji and Ogoshi were disparaging the Korea Army's ability to defend Changkufeng, he ordered "those spies" ousted. Ogoshi replied that the army staff was not angry, but Koiso did become furious and ordered Ogoshi "arrested for trespassing." Ogoshi surmised that Koiso's concern was that emotional outsiders such as Tsuji could provoke trouble, perhaps even war, if they visited Changkufeng. This view was widely shared. Inada stated that he made a practice of keeping away to maintain the degree of detachment and impartiality required of high command authorities. One sidelight to the "fraternal" visit to the Changkufeng area by observers from Hsinking was provided by Lt. Colonel Katakura Tadashi, chief of the Kwantung Army's 4th Section, which handled Manchukuo affairs, primarily political direction. When Katakura visited the Operations Section, Tsuji and Ogoshi told him that an intrusion had been confirmed and that the Kwantung Army staff was studying ways to evict the Soviets. Katakura consulted Maj. General Ishiwara Kanji, acting chief of staff, who was already in possession of the draft of an operations order calling for offensive preparations by the Kwantung Army against the Russians at Changkufeng. Katakura asked for reconsideration of the order. This was not a matter to be handled solely by the operations staff. Borders and international affairs were involved; hence the 4th Section, along with the Manchukuoan government, the Gaimusho, and other agencies, were concerned. Field observers were expressing exaggerated personal opinions based on having seen Soviet sentries on a hilltop. If the matter fell within the Korea Army's defensive prerogative, that army ought to handle it. Apparently the Kwantung Army commander and Ishiwara agreed with Katakura, for the draft order was not approved. The so-called private message dispatched by a Kwantung Army staff officer just before Koiso's departure may have been provoked by this rejection of direct participation by forces under Kwantung Army command. Staff officers in Tokyo believed that Hsinking could not see the forest for the trees. In the high command's view, the Kwantung Army's deliberate escalation of a negligible frontier incident undoubtedly stemmed from a failure to grasp the strategic requirements of national defense—pursuit of the campaign in China, the nurturance of Manchukuo, and the buildup of operational readiness for the ultimate solution of the Soviet problem. The high command felt obliged to remind the Kwantung Army that, in dealing with the Changkufeng Incident, the central authorities pressed for a Russian pullback through diplomacy. Consequently, the Korea Army had been instructed to be ready to concentrate troops near Changkufeng as a "background." Meanwhile, it remained the Imperial will that utmost prudence be exercised. The Kwantung Army commander accordingly issued cautious instructions to subordinate units, especially those on the eastern border. The high command's injunctions did not end the discontent and recrimination at the lower levels of Kwantung Army Headquarters, nor did they quiet the concern felt in Tokyo. A former war minister told Baron Harada repeatedly in late July that the Kwantung Army was "no good," while the superintendent of police added that the Kwantung Army was embarrassing Foreign Minister Ugaki. Nevertheless, the Kwantung Army did exert self-restraint. For its part, the Korea Army naïvely sought to achieve entente with an antagonist who considered the case nonnegotiable. First, the government of Manchukuo was asked to lodge a formal protest with the USSR. The commissioner for foreign affairs at Harbin phoned V. V. Kuznetzov, the acting consul, on the night of 14 July and saw him on the 18th. Basing its contentions on maps, the Haensing regime demanded Soviet withdrawal from Changkufeng. The Japanese government was lodging similar protests within the framework of Japanese-Manchukuoan joint defense agreements. On the spot, the situation inflamed. During the afternoon of 15 July, a Japanese military police patrol from Korea reconnoitered at the foot of Hill 52, southeast of Changkufeng. The party came under Soviet gunfire and was driven back, abandoning the body of Corp. Matsushima Shakuni. Japanese sources claimed that a Russian ambush had been set inside Manchuria. The Russian side insisted that it was the Soviet frontier that had been violated by thirty meters. Kuzma Grebennik, the colonel commanding the 59th BGU, which covered the Posyet sector, asserted that Matsushima's effects included a notebook containing reconnaissance results and a camera with film of Soviet-claimed terrain, particularly Changkufeng Hill. According to Maj. Gilfan Batarshin, a subordinate of Grebennik, two Russian border guards from Podgornaya opened fire when the Japanese fled after being challenged. Japanese protests to the USSR about the death of Matsushima and the taking of his body were added to the negotiations concerning the disputed border and the alleged trespassing. Charge Nishi Haruhiko lodged a vigorous complaint in Moscow on 15 July but was answered by a counterprotest. Ambassador Shigemitsu underwent an identical experience during a conversation with Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinov on 20 July. Shigemitsu retorted that the murder tended to exacerbate the negotiations. In his memoirs, he stated that the killing of Matsushima provoked the local Japanese border garrison unit. The shooting occurred as the Soviet military buildup continued, according to Japanese sources. Mechanized units were reported moving in the direction of Kyonghun from Barabash and Posyet Bay. Biplanes were reconnoitering the Hunchun Valley, within Manchurian territory, from the afternoon of 16 July. To the local Japanese authorities, it seemed that the Russians were adopting a challenging attitude. Although the Japanese-Manchukuoan side remained willing to negotiate—that is, to take no forceful actions if the Russians would withdraw, the latter appeared not to share such an intention. The Soviets were not only misinterpreting the Hunchun treaty to their advantage but were encroaching beyond what they claimed to be the line; they "lacked sincerity." Decisive use of force might have been imperative to secure the Manchurian border, which was Japan's legal responsibility. As far north as Tungning on the eastern Manchurian frontier, two Soviet ground divisions and considerable numbers of tanks and aircraft were reported massed in full view. At Changkufeng, Russian soldiers fortified the crest. Mountain guns were now seen with muzzles pointed toward Manchuria, and Japanese intelligence estimated that Soviet troop strength near Changkufeng had grown to 120 or 130 by the evening of 18 July. As Sawamoto Rikichiro, an Imperial aide, noted in his diary, "It would seem that settlement of the affair had become increasingly difficult." Korea Army staff officer Tsuchiya sent two emissaries bearing the notice to the Soviet border. The pair, "blazing with patriotic ardor,"set out on 18 July, carrying a message in one hand and a white flag in the other. From Kyonghun came the report the next day that there had been an urgent, well-attended Soviet staff meeting at BGU Headquarters in Novokievsk all night, and that the Russian side had been discomfited by the Japanese request, which had been transmitted to higher authorities. Still, the emissaries did not return, while a stream of reports indicated a Soviet buildup along a dozen frontier sectors. Russian authorities had reportedly forced the natives to evacuate an area twenty miles behind their borders. From Japanese observation posts, Soviet convoys of men, guns, and horses could be sighted moving toward Novokievsk after being unloaded from transports originating at Vladivostok. Japanese Army Intelligence reported that on 18 July a regimental-size force had arrived at Novokievsk; artillery displacements forward were particularly visible by night east of Khasan. A confidential Gaimusho message indicated that Soviet truck movements between Posyet, Novokievsk, and the front had increased since the 20th. Russian intrusions, kidnappings, and sniping incidents were reported along the Manchurian borders, from Manchouli on the west to Suifenho on the east, between 18 and 25 July. Aircraft on daytime reconnaissance were detected as far as three miles inside Manchurian territory in the Hunchun area. Although the Japanese asserted that their forbearance was being tested, Izvestiya charged "Japanese militarists" with manufacturing an affair at Ussuri as well as at Changkufeng. The Japanese themselves received reports from the Changkufeng front that by 20 July the Soviets had 250 soldiers, armed with field pieces, trench mortars, howitzers, and light and heavy machine guns, on the southern slopes. The Russians were putting up tents capable of holding 40 men each; officers could be observed for the first time. On the evening of the 20th, the Soviets lobbed illuminating shells toward Manchurian territory. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Inada Masazum, studying maps and mud, saw Changkufeng Hill as a prize with peril, a test of nerve rather than a conquest. Tokyo's orders pulsed through Seoul and Harbin: guard, probe, and deter, but avoid full-scale war. Across the border, Soviet units pressed closer, lights and tents flickering on the hillside. The sea within sight whispered of strategy, diplomacy, and a warning: a single misstep could redraw Asia. And so the standoff waited, patient as winter.
Ascension, Part 2 ist da – und Prodigy fährt sämtliche Zeitwaffen, Gefühlskeulen und Lore-Bomben aus, die man in eine einzige Folge packen kann. In dieser Episode des Discovery Panel sprechen wir über: ✨ Asencias Zeitwaffe und den Angriff auf die Voyager-A ✨ Zero, der sich selbst opfert – und wiedergeboren wird ✨ Maj'el und Nova Squadron im größten Redemption-Arc seit TNG ✨ Uzaveh aus dem DS9-Roman „Paradigm“ (!) ✨ Wesley Crusher in einer seiner härtesten Szenen ✨ Chakotay & Janeway in einem stillen, emotionalen Moment ✨ Die „Boothby Supernova“ – das Shuttle-Manöver des Jahrhunderts ✨ Admiral Jellico, der konsequent… Jellico bleibt ✨ Und die große Frage: Steht uns ein Föderationskrieg bevor? Plus: Was bedeutet diese Folge für die zukünftige Zeitlinien-Logik von Prodigy? Viel Spaß mit dieser intensiven, liebevollen und leicht chaotischen Analyse!
Hostia: Michal Bodnár (študent Gymnázia Jura Hronca v Bratislave a člen Aliancie stredoškolákov) a Karel Dvořák (pedagogický metodik a didaktik z organizácie Eduawen Europe). | Vnímanie Novembra 1989 v jednotlivých generáciách: Ako sa na to pozerajú dnešní mladí a študenti stredných a základných škôl? Poznajú dostatočne novembrové a ponovembrové udalosti? Uvedomujú si hodnoty, ktoré november priniesol? Výučba o udalostiach novembra 89: Do akej miery sa dnešné deti a mladí v škole učia o Nežnej revolúcii? Preberajú tieto témy? Sú dnes súčasťou školských osnov? Majú učitelia možnosť upraviť vyučovanie pri takýchto výročiach? Ako zmení výučbu dejepisu kurikulárna reforma? V novembri 1989 boli významnou hybnou silou študenti: Aká je dnes ich sila? Dokážu sa zomknúť a bojovať za svoje hodnoty, prípadne proti niečomu? Žijeme dnes odkaz Nežnej revolúcie? Je jej vnímanie dostatočné? Vieme, čo si pripomíname? | Nežná revolúcia očami študentov. | Moderuje: Nina Belicová Alžbetkinová; | Diskusiu Z prvej ruky pripravuje Slovenský rozhlas, Rádio Slovensko, SRo1. Vysielame každý pracovný deň o 12:30 v Rádiu Slovensko.
Mají venku svou desku Pizza Pivo Dolce Vita, která tak trochu vystihuje určitou část jejich života. V novém dílu Bojs mluví Marcell a Fiedlerski o pocitech, rodičovství i vyrovnávání se se smrtí blízkých.
Bratislava 16. novembra (TASR) – Fajčenie matiek počas gravidity zhoršuje deťom po narodení pľúcne funkcie. „Majú zvýšené riziko výskytu infekcií spojených s piskotmi v rannom detstve, zvýšený výskyt astmy a celkovo sú náchylnejšie na infekcie v detstve,“ konštatovala v relácii TASR TV Zdravie prednostka Kliniky detskej pneumológie a ftizeológie Národného ústavu detských chorôb (NÚDCH) Zuzana Rennerová.
The MAJesty dive into a surprisingly heated debate: Is Sheamus actually a top-5 John Cena opponent?Kelani Jordan joins the show to share how she first met Carmelo Hayes, the moment that sparked her recent IDGAF attitude, and the dream opponents or even a potential Royal Rumble appearance that are on her radar.Dip also breaks down why he believes the current NXT roster might be one of the best ever, and for good measure, he weighs in with some strong opinions on Rosenberg's couch including why Peter desperately needs a new one.Listen to Cheap Heat Live Fridays 12pm- 2pm EST on Pro Wrestling Nation 24/7 on Channel 156.Call in at 844-344-4893Wanna stay MAJ?Join our PateronFollow @cheapheatpod on Instagram and TikTok @cheapheatpodsubscribe to Rosenberg's Youtube Channel.Email the show Rosenbergwrestling@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Niemieckie media przedstawiają Marsz Niepodległości jako „manifestację skrajnej prawicy”. Jan Bogatko zauważa, że w RFN słowo „prawica” jest dziś obelgą, a obraz Polski budują stereotypy.Niemiecka prasa szeroko opisała tegoroczny Marsz Niepodległości, przedstawiając go — po raz kolejny — jako wydarzenie środowisk prawicowych i skrajnie prawicowych. Jak relacjonuje Jan Bogatko, gospodarz Studia Za Nysą w Radiu Wnet, w niemieckich mediach utrwalił się schemat interpretacyjny, który niewiele ma wspólnego z rzeczywistością.Lewicowa Berliner Zeitung napisała, że marsz „stał się największą manifestacją sił prawicowych i skrajnej prawicy w Europie”. Bogatko zauważa, że choć nikt wprost nie używa już słowa „faszyści”, to właśnie taki przekaz między wierszami trafia do czytelników.W Niemczech nazwanie kogoś „prawicowcem” jest obelgą. To ma być odpowiednik określenia „hitlerowiec”– komentuje.Negatywny obraz NawrockiegoZdziwienie w RFN wzbudził także udział prezydenta Karola Nawrockiego. Niemieckie media opisywały go jako „polityka pisowskiego”, choć — jak podkreśla Bogatko — nie ma to nic wspólnego z faktami.To miejsce, gdzie można wpisać dowolną etykietę. Ważne, by brzmiała negatywnie– dodaje.Nie inaczej wygląda reakcja Deutschlandradio. Stacja podała szacunkowe 100 tysięcy uczestników — liczbę, która w niemieckich mediach pojawia się od lat, niezależnie od rzeczywistej skali wydarzenia. Zwrócono też uwagę na słowa prezydenta Nawrockiego o członkostwie Polski w UE, co – jak zauważa Bogatko – dla niemieckich redakcji okazało się zaskakujące: „Jak to, prawicowiec mówi coś takiego?”Fałszywy obraz PolskiKomentator odnosi się również do szerszego kontekstu niemieckiej debaty publicznej. Jego zdaniem media w RFN nierzadko patrzą na Polskę z perspektywy stereotypów i ideologicznych założeń, ignorując fakty — choćby te dotyczące pozycji kobiet czy historii polskiej demokracji.Niemcy często żyją w świecie wyobrażonym. Mają swoje polityczne uprzedzenia i nimi kierują się w ocenie Polski. Fakty nie mają znaczenia– podsumowuje Bogatko.
GDP Script/ Top Stories for November 13th Publish Date: November 13th PRE-ROLL: SUGAR HILL ICE SKATING From the BG AD Group Studio Welcome to the Gwinnett Daily Post Podcast. Today is Thursday, November 13th and Happy birthday to Steve Zahn I’m Peyton Spurlock and here are your top stories presented by KIA Mall of Georgia. Fernbank celebrates holidays with 'Winter Wonderland' exhibit Salvation Army to kick off Red Kettle Campaign on Friday Atlanta awarded NWSL franchise that may call Marietta home Plus, Leah McGrath from Ingles Markets on pesticides All of this and more is coming up on the Gwinnett Daily Post podcast, and if you are looking for community news, we encourage you to listen daily and subscribe! Break 1: STRAND THEATRE STORY 1: Fernbank celebrates holidays with 'Winter Wonderland' exhibit Fernbank’s “Winter Wonderland” is back, running Nov. 22, through Jan. 11—and honestly, it’s kind of magical. Picture this: two floors packed with dazzling trees and displays, each one telling a story about how different cultures celebrate the season. Japan, Kenya, Scotland, Guatemala—just a few of the countries featured. It’s not just pretty lights, either. There’s a scavenger hunt (yes, for adults too) where you can hunt for ornaments and hidden treasures. Oh, and if you’re into nighttime vibes, check out WildWoods: AGLOW. Tickets? $25.95 for adults, cheaper for kids. Go online to snag them early—prices jump at the door. STORY 2: Salvation Army to kick off Red Kettle Campaign on Friday Starting this Friday, the Salvation Army of Gwinnett County kicks off its Red Kettle Campaign—you know, those little red kettles and the cheerful bell ringers? They’ll be at 49 spots around the county, raising money to help folks in need. The goal this year? $150,000 by Christmas Eve. And it’s not just about the holidays. Last year, they served over 6,000 meals, gave 2,700+ nights of shelter, and helped hundreds of families with rent, utilities, and gifts for their kids. Want to help? Ring a bell or start a virtual kettle. Every penny stays local. Details at salvationarmygwinnett.org. STORY 3: Atlanta awarded NWSL franchise that may call Marietta home Arthur Blank’s bringing pro women’s soccer to Atlanta—finally. On Tuesday, he announced he’s snagged the rights for an NWSL expansion team, shelling out a record $165 million. The team kicks off in 2028, playing home games at Mercedes-Benz Stadium. Blank’s already talking about a “world-class” training facility, and Marietta’s making its pitch hard. Mayor Steve Tumlin’s ready to pull out all the stops, even eyeing shovel-ready land near Atlanta United’s training ground. Atlanta’s soccer scene is booming—United, the U.S. Soccer Training Center, and now this. Blank’s betting big, and honestly? It feels like a win. We have opportunities for sponsors to get great engagement on these shows. Call 770.874.3200 for more info. We’ll be right back Break 2: 07.14.22 KIA MOG STORY 4: Gwinnett honors service members during Veterans Day Ceremony Veterans Day isn’t about sales or shopping sprees—at least, it shouldn’t be. Retired Army Sgt. Maj. Kerry Dyer reminded everyone of that during Gwinnett County’s ceremony this week. “It’s a day for gratitude,” he said, standing before a crowd of veterans spanning generations, from Korea to the Gulf. “Not just for battles fought, but for lives lived in service.” Gwinnett, home to over 30,000 veterans, pulled out all the stops—marches, music, and heartfelt speeches. Judge Shawn Bratton called the turnout “unspeakably touching.” And with new veteran resource centers on the way, the county’s commitment feels real. Two words: thank you. STORY 5: Georgia Gwinnett College students dive into environmental science during inaugural Gwinnett River Rendezvous event Georgia Gwinnett College just pulled off something pretty cool—the first-ever Gwinnett River Rendezvous. Picture this: students, faculty, and volunteers fanning out across the county, collecting water samples from rivers and streams, then testing them back on campus for things like bacteria and turbidity. It wasn’t just science—it was hands-on, messy, real-world learning. For sophomore Andreas Forbes, it was a first. “I’m an environmental science major, but I hadn’t done anything like this before,” he said. “It felt real.” The data? It’s going straight to Gwinnett Water Resources to help track contamination. And GGC? They’re already planning next year’s rendezvous. We’ll be right back. Break 3: THE SUGAR HILL HOLIDAY And now here is Leah McGrath from Ingles Markets on pesticides Break 4: We’ll have closing comments after this Break 5: Ingles Markets 5 Signoff – Thanks again for hanging out with us on today’s Gwinnett Daily Post Podcast. If you enjoy these shows, we encourage you to check out our other offerings, like the Cherokee Tribune Ledger Podcast, the Marietta Daily Journal, or the Community Podcast for Rockdale Newton and Morgan Counties. Read more about all our stories and get other great content at www.gwinnettdailypost.com Did you know over 50% of Americans listen to podcasts weekly? Giving you important news about our community and telling great stories are what we do. Make sure you join us for our next episode and be sure to share this podcast on social media with your friends and family. Add us to your Alexa Flash Briefing or your Google Home Briefing and be sure to like, follow, and subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. Produced by the BG Podcast Network Show Sponsors: www.ingles-markets.com www.kiamallofga.com Strand Marietta Holiday Celebration – City of Sugar Hill Ice Rink – Downtown Sugar Hill See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Sanjay Dixit, Bhau Torsekar & Maj.Gaurav Arya Host TJD Annual Summit 2025 Media Press Conference
Kradnúť už nechodia len hladní ľudia, ale všetci, ktorí majú problémy s dlhmi alebo drogami, a aj organizované skupiny, lebo ich k tomu motivovala vládna koalícia. Tvrdí to Zuzana Števulová, právnička a poslankyňa parlamentu za Progresívne Slovensko. Policajti podľa nej nemajú kapacity ani na veľké daňové zločiny, nie ešte na drobné krádeže.Majú protesty význam? Proti čomu a s akými požiadavkami sa vlastne opozičné strany chystajú na námestia? A budú naozaj niekde dva protesty v tom istom čase, alebo to majú opozičné strany s aktivistami dohodnuté?Rozhovor vo videopodcaste Ráno Nahlas viedol Peter Hanák.
Kradnúť už nechodia len hladní ľudia, ale všetci, ktorí majú problémy s dlhmi alebo drogami, a aj organizované skupiny, lebo ich k tomu motivovala vládna koalícia. Tvrdí to Zuzana Števulová, právnička a poslankyňa parlamentu za Progresívne Slovensko. Policajti podľa nej nemajú kapacity ani na veľké daňové zločiny, nie ešte na drobné krádeže.Majú protesty význam? Proti čomu a s akými požiadavkami sa vlastne opozičné strany chystajú na námestia? A budú naozaj niekde dva protesty v tom istom čase, alebo to majú opozičné strany s aktivistami dohodnuté?Rozhovor vo videopodcaste Ráno Nahlas viedol Peter Hanák.
CELÝ ROZHOVOR V DÉLCE 66 MIN. JEN NA HTTPS://HEROHERO.CO/CESTMIR A HTTPS://FORENDORS.CZ/CESTMIR „Nekladu si otázku, jestli moje děti mají vzít úzlík a prchnout před Babišem. Spíš si říkám, jestli poznáme tu míru, kdy už to překročilo nějakou mez,“ říká režisér Jan Hřebejk, když přemýšlí o tom, jak snadno se může proměnit společnost, kterou považujeme za samozřejmou. V poslední době natáčí často na Slovensku a říká, že právě tam vidí, jak ubývá svobody a jak to vypadá, když nejsou u vlády lidé, které jste si přáli. Mluví o voličích, o politicích, kteří podle něj ohýbají pravidla, i o tom, jak snadno se z veřejného prostoru vytratí elementární slušnost. „To, co reprezentují v politice, je politický sajrajt,“ říká bez okolků, když mluví o zástupcích SPD a Motoristů. I když očekává na svá slova kritiku, hájí se s odkazem na Filipa Turka, že přece nelze vážně mluvit o lidech, kteří hajlují. A dokonce si myslí, že budoucí premiér Andrej Babiš v soukromí mluví o svých koaličních partnerech mnohem ostřeji, než on sám. Do rozhovoru promlouvají i jeho obavy a zkušenost člověka, který ve filmech desítky let hledá hranici mezi odvahou a selháním. „Strach dokáže úplně rozložit charakter,“ říká k tomu, jak obavy mění všechno. V debatách o Palestině a Izraeli zůstává Hřebejk nekompromisní, ale chápe, proč mladí lidé vidí svět jinak. „Mají čerstvé mozky, ale někdy neprokouknou, jakou hru s nimi kdo hraje,“ říká o kauze vyvěšení palestinské vlajky na FAMU a dodává, že celý konflikt vnímá jako neřešitelný. Důležité podle něj ale je, aby i v rozdělené společnosti zůstal prostor pro humor. A to nejen jako únik, ale i ventil, který člověka drží při zemi. „Humor tě brzdí, aby sis nezačal moc myslet,“ říká režisér. Hřebejk mluví také o tom, že víru jako katolík ztratil, ale naději ne. „Kdybych nevěřil v dobro, tak se zabiju,“ říká jasně. A zdůrazňuje, že věří, že žijeme ve vlídné zemi, kterou stojí za to chránit. Co je dnes odvaha a co jen póza? Jak poznat, že už jsme překročili hranici, kterou jsme si slíbili nikdy nepřekročit? Proč některé politiky vidí jako „spodinu“? A proč by Hřebejk čím dál tím raději točil hlavně filmy, v nichž je humor? I to se dozvíte v rozhovoru.
Mají vlastní domov pro seniory, silné komunitní zázemí a celkově velmi komplexní infrastrukturu. I proto se Čestice na Strakonicku staly jihočeskou Vesnicí roku 2025. Pro vedení městysu byl zisk titulu obrovským překvapením. Podle nezávislého starosty Jana Zábranského soutěž tamní obyvatele spojila.Všechny díly podcastu Dopolední host můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.
Intimní záběry, které obletěly Česko. Mají prý dokázat pokrytectví poslance Jindřicha Rajchla. Bylo ale ve veřejném zájmu je teď začít šířit? A co je a co není zásah do soukromí politiků? Téma pro Andreu Procházkovou z katedry ústavního práva Právnické fakulty Univerzity Karlovy, která působí v advokacii. Ptá se Matěj Skalický.Všechny díly podcastu Vinohradská 12 můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.
Intimní záběry, které obletěly Česko. Mají prý dokázat pokrytectví poslance Jindřicha Rajchla. Bylo ale ve veřejném zájmu je teď začít šířit? A co je a co není zásah do soukromí politiků? Téma pro Andreu Procházkovou z katedry ústavního práva Právnické fakulty Univerzity Karlovy, která působí v advokacii. Ptá se Matěj Skalický.
Intimní záběry, které obletěly Česko. Mají prý dokázat pokrytectví poslance Jindřicha Rajchla. Bylo ale ve veřejném zájmu je teď začít šířit? A co je a co není zásah do soukromí politiků? Téma pro Andreu Procházkovou z katedry ústavního práva Právnické fakulty Univerzity Karlovy, která působí v advokacii. Ptá se Matěj Skalický.
Jak wpływają na naszą wyobraźnię różne święta? Dlaczego 100 lat temu - dokładnie 100, w 1925 r. - papież dodał kolejne? Mając już na horyzoncie koniec roku liturgicznego przyglądamy się dzisiaj teologicznemu konceptowi Chrystusa jako króla: co to znaczy, że On panuje nad światem i czy jest coś, co jako chrześcijanie mamy w związku z tym zrobić?
Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Military correspondent Emanuel Fabian and Jewish world reporter Zev Stub join host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. In an indication of the uptick of events along Israel’s northern border, IDF troops conducted an overnight raid in southern Lebanon and destroyed several buildings that were being used by Hezbollah, the military says. This is the second ground operation inside Lebanon in the past several days, conducted outside of the five points Israel now holds inside its neighbor. We learn about the IDF's outlook for a stepped-up conflict. Upon assuming office, Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir appointed a panel of former senior military officers to conduct an external investigation into the series of the IDF's internal probes in its failures on and ahead of Hamas’s October 7, 2023, terror onslaught. Fabian explores the new panel's findings and where the IDF needs to fill in holes. Itai Ofir will become the military advocate general later this month after Defense Minister Israel Katz ratified his appointment Sunday. He will succeed Maj. Gen. Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, who resigned and admitted to authorizing the leak of the Sde Teiman detainee abuse video. Fabian describes an unusual rank jump that Ofir will need to be given to assume the role. After a dramatic negotiation process with several surprise turns, the next leadership of the World Zionist Organization has been selected. Just ahead of recording, Stub learned that Rabbi Doron Perez, chairman of the religious Zionist World Mizrachi movement and father of Cpt. Daniel Perez, who was killed in the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack, will split the five-year term with the incumbent chairman of the WZO, Yaakov Hagoel. Last week, Yad Vashem, Israel’s World Holocaust Remembrance Center, said that it has recovered the names of five million Jews murdered in the Holocaust, a milestone it called “historic” in its decades-long mission to restore the identities of the six million Jews murdered by the Nazis.As part of its mission to mark every one of those six million as an individual, the museum wing has opened a new exhibit with deeply personal affects. Stub was at the new exhibit and reports back. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: External panel appointed by IDF chief finds most of army’s Oct. 7 probes inadequate Katz okays Itai Ofir as next IDF legal chief, despite Netanyahu’s reported objection Lapid rips up ‘corrupt’ WZO leadership deal, opens door for Yair Netanyahu appointment World Zionist Congress devolves into chaos after Yair Netanyahu tapped for key role WZO heads likely to throw out thousands of suspect ballots as they meet on voter fraud Yad Vashem says it has compiled 5 million names of Jews murdered in Holocaust Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Smoke rises following an Israeli airstrike in the village of Teir Debba, southern Lebanon, November 6, 2025. (AP Photo/Mohammad Zaatari)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
The plot thickens! The tale of the rape that never was, and now the suicide attempt that Maj. Gen. Yifat Tomer Yerushalmi seems to have faked, opens a window into everything that has been convulsing Israel in recent years.
Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Military correspondent Emanuel Fabian joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Hamas announced that the body of IDF officer Lt. Hadar Goldin, held by the terror organization since 2014, will be returned to Israel at 2 p.m. We learn about Operation Protective Edge, the Hamas operation to ostensibly recover Goldin’s body that occurred yesterday, as well as what’s happening with the 150-odd Hamas gunmen who are trapped in a tunnel in the same part of the southern Gaza strip in an IDF-controlled area. Military representatives on Saturday morning notified the family of Lior Rudaeff that his body was returned to Israel by Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad on Friday night, after forensic experts completed their identification. Fabian describes what we know of Rudaeff's killing on October 7, 2023. Former military advocate general Maj. Gen. Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi was hospitalized this morning. This comes a day after her elusive phone was discovered on a Tel Aviv beach by passersby. Fabian takes up the thread of the Hollywood-esque narrative about Tomer-Yerushalmi, who is accused of multiple crimes, including obstruction of justice. We also hear about Itai Ofer, who has been named as Tomer-Yerushalmi's replacement, and the obstacles he faces to secure the role. Defense Minister Israel Katz said Thursday he was “declaring war” on weapon smuggling via drones over the Egyptian border, instructing the military to declare a closed military zone in the area and the Shin Bet to define such attempts as terrorism. Fabian describes the uptick in smuggling and weighs in on the measures currently taken against it. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Hamas claims to recover body of Hadar Goldin, IDF soldier killed and abducted in 2014 war PM rules out granting safe passage to 200 Hamas gunmen stuck in IDF-held Rafah Body of Lior Rudaeff returned from Gaza; he died battling Islamic Jihad terrorists on Oct. 7 Ex-IDF legal chief sent to house arrest, as her missing phone is found in the sea Katz taps ex-Defense Ministry legal adviser as next military advocate general after scandal Katz orders IDF to declare Egyptian border closed military zone over drone smugglings Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Pod-Waves. Check out yesterday’s episode here: https://youtu.be/fiPzmecX8RM?si=EhCcG0fiPRv16R9U ILLUSTRATIVE IMAGE: Troops investigate a Hamas attack tunnel in southern Gaza's Rafah, in a handout photo issued on August 23, 2024. (Israel Defense Forces)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Ben Elton, the writer of Filthy Rich & Catflap, sat down for a chat before his recent Perth show in support of What Have I Done?, an autobiography rich with Catflappian detail. Between Ben's new autobiography and this chat, a bunch of big questions are answered. He's dropped tons of new context around the creation of the show that should keep Filthy Rich scholars (??) updating texts and speculating for years. It's enorm! Fans of The Young Ones, Happy Families, Upstart Crow, The Thin Blue Line and Ben's many novs & musicals will have a field day with the book, getting handy new details. Tuck in Loobies, this is a holy grail ep! Thanks again to Ben, the Regal Theatre, and the stage door manager dude downstairs at The Maj.
CELÝ ROZHOVOR V DÉLCE 56 MIN. JEN NA HTTPS://HEROHERO.CO/CESTMIR A HTTPS://FORENDORS.CZ/CESTMIR „Zajímala mě temná zákoutí lidské duše,“ popisuje sexuoložka a neurovědkyně Renáta Androvičová, proč se rozhodla pro svou profesi. Dnes pracuje v Národním ústavu duševního zdraví a zkoumá i fenomény, které většina lidí nechce ani pojmenovávat - znásilnění, sadismus nebo deviace. Do oboru ji přivedl zážitek, na který dodnes nezapomněla. „Profesor Weiss přivedl na živou hodinu sexuálního vraha. A tohle mně připadalo fascinující, tehdy něco secvaklo v mé hlavě,“ popisuje vědkyně zkušenost, která byla formující, ale také velmi náročná. Od té chvíle chtěla pochopit, proč někteří lidé jednají způsobem, který „vůbec nedává smysl“. Dělala stáže na ochranných léčbách a mluvila i s muži, kteří „neměli zapotřebí se někoho zmocňovat násilím, a přesto to dělali“ a dnes mluví i o tom, jak funguje jejich mozek. Boří také představy o genetických predispozicích. „Dědičnost se posouvá z rodiče na dítě asi ve 27 %. Zbytek je nesdílený vliv prostředí,“ říká expertka třeba o predispozicích k sexuálnímu násilí. O pubertě pak mluví jako o nejkritičtějším období a vysvětluje, jak se v ní začínají problémové vzorce utvrzovat a kdy ještě lze zabránit tomu, aby se touha proměnila v čin. Androvičová se věnuje ale i dnešnímu fenoménu incelů, kteří se podle ní často vyznačují slabšími sociálními dovednostmi, vysokou inteligencí nebo introverzí a postupně začínají hledat vysvětlení svého nezdaru v okolí. „Mají představu, že ženy jsou velmi primitivní bytosti a že je zajímá jen status, peníze nebo svaly,“ popisuje sexuoložka plochou představu incelů o ženách. Vysvětluje, že jejich online komunity nabízejí reálné řešení a zároveň připomíná, že existují i praktické cesty. „Naučit se sociální kompetence jde. Jen si ten člověk musí připustit, že nemusí být ‚zlí' jen ti druzí,“ tvrdí Androvičová. Otevírá také další vrstvy dnešní sexuality - parasociální vztahy, dostupnost pornografie či závislost na OnlyFans. „Myslela jsem si, že tam chodí singles a že je to snadná práce. Ani jedno z toho není pravda,“ přiznává sexuoložka. Platformy podle ní normalizují to, co dřív nebylo běžné a ženatí muži si zde budují „bezpečný ventil“, který je snadnější než realita. Androvičová také otevřeně přiznává, že ji vlastní práce začala vyčerpávat. „Už jsem tím trochu přesycená. Frustruje mě zjišťovat, že jsou tady nějaké biologické dispozice. Mrzí mě oběti, mrzí mě i pachatel. Celé mě to rozesmutňuje,“ říká s tím, že přemýšlí, že si od výzkumu na čas odpočine. Proč je důležité dozvídat se více o pachatelích znásilnění? Jak vypadají mozky mužů, kteří jednají donucovacím způsobem? A proč říká, že prevence musí začít dřív, než se „všechno zafixuje“? Pusťte si celý rozhovor, který vznikl v rámci série k dokumentu Virtuální přítelkyně.
Rosenberg and SGG break down CM Punk's biggest challenge since returning, finally winning the WWE World Heavyweight Championship and why fans are desperate to cheer Punk but just as eager to boo Cody Rhodes, even though Cody continues to prove he's the guy in WWE.They also discuss Jade Cargill's championship win and, whether she can rise to the moment, and SGG's take on what makes a true champion. Listen to Cheap Heat Live Fridays 12pm- 2pm EST on Pro Wrestling Nation 24/7 on Channel 156.Call in at 844-344-4893Wanna stay MAJ?Join our PateronFollow @cheapheatpod on Instagram and TikTok @cheapheatpodsubscribe to Rosenberg's Youtube Channel.Email the show Rosenbergwrestling@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Jak se dá využít superpřesný mikroskop k hledání slabin rakovinných buněk? - Vědecký projekt Rod a/nebo národ zkoumá, jak se spisovatelky v 19. století angažovaly ve feministických a národních hnutích ve střední Evropě. - Nová bezpečnostní aplikace Maják dokáže přivolat pomoc, vyslat nouzovou zprávu blízkým i jim třeba nasdílet polohu. Moderuje Lenka Vahalová.
Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Editor David Horovitz joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. The intrigue surrounding the leaked surveillance camera footage from the Sde Teiman detention facility is unabating as a search continues at Hatzuk Beach in Tel Aviv for the phone of the former military advocate general, Maj. Gen. Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, whom police reportedly suspect of intentionally tossing it into the sea when she briefly disappeared Sunday evening. Horovitz updates us on the complicated case implicating the Military Advocate General’s Office and its many dramatic moments in the past few days. The Trump administration’s draft UN Security Council resolution to establish an international force in Gaza would reportedly give the US and other participating countries a broad two-year mandate to govern Gaza and be in charge of security there, according to an Axios report. We discuss the implications for such a step and whether it could be a way of bypassing the idea of a council of Palestinian technocrats ruling the strip. As media watchdog groups are denouncing a bill from the Communications Ministry that passed its first reading yesterday, saying that it is a step towards the end of free press and that the legislation would “give the government political control” over content and news broadcasts. Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi claims it is a way to take the news out of the hands of the monopoly of billionaires who own the media. Horovitz discusses some of the details of the bill and why many are concerned. During an era of public fissure in Israel, prime minister Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated 30 years ago today. Horovitz weighs in on that terrible day and why he insists there is hope for bridging Israel's gaps and moving toward societal healing. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: IDF’s former top lawyer said to have approved leak of abuse video in group chat Timeline of a scandal: The 17 months of the Sde Teiman abuse and video leak affair Draft UN resolution would grant US and partners two-year mandate to govern Gaza Likud minister’s contentious media regulation bill passes first reading in Knesset Three decades on, a return to Rabin Square gives the slain premier’s right-hand man hope Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Pod-Waves. IMAGE: US Vice President JD Vance speaks to the media as US Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner stand next to him, in Kiryat Gat, Israel, October 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Naše mestá a obce sa sťažujú na nárast kriminality a agresívnych páchateľov. Podľa Smeru sú však za to zodpovedné médiá a opozícia, pretože o tom občanov informujú. Samosprávy zas hovoria, že sa ich občania prestávajú cítiť bezpečne. Podľa policajnej prezidentky je to však len ich pocit a kriminalita klesá. Slovensko medzi tým klesá v medzinárodných hodnoteniach právneho štátu aj vo vnímaní korupcie.Kde je teda pravda, aká je realita a čo sa s tým dá robiť? Čo požadujú obce a mestá a aká je u nich situácia s kriminalitou? Môže za nárast kriminality Smerácka novela trestného zákona? Pomohol by návrat takzvaného horalkového paragrafu? Ak policajti nestíhajú, pomôžu žandári? Majú ísť zlodeji za dve či tri drobné krádeže už za mreže? Alebo ako hovorí poslanec Smeru, mali by zlodeji nosiť nejaké bundy s nápisom "kradol som"? A ako sa s tým ďalej budú vyrovnávať samosprávy, ak im štát navyše v rozpočte zoberie takmer 300 miliónov eur?Braňo Závodský sa rozprával s predsedom Združenia miest a obcí Slovenska a primátorom Partizánskeho Jozefom Božikom a s riaditeľom mimovládky Transparency International Slovensko Michalom Piškom.
Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Military correspondent Emanuel Fabian joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. As pressure mounts for the Hamas terror group to lay down its arms, we take a minute to focus on the terrorists' military capabilities and current activities. Hamas has still not returned all the bodies of the hostages. Before the weekend, Israel returned the bodies of 30 more Palestinians to Gaza as part of an ongoing exchange deal after Hamas handed over the bodies of two hostages, 84-year-old Amiram Cooper and 25-year-old Sahar Baruch. The subsequent Hamas transfer, however, did not proceed smoothly. Fabian fills us in. Four members of Hezbollah’s elite Radwan Force were killed in an Israeli airstrike in southern Lebanon on Saturday night, a day after Lebanese President Joseph Aoun accused Israel of responding to its offer to negotiate by intensifying its airstrikes. Fabian weighs in on whether his accusations hold water. The military’s top lawyer, Maj. Gen. Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, announced her resignation from the Israel Defense Forces on Friday, acknowledging that she had approved the leaking of a surveillance video from the Sde Teiman detention facility, which purported to show soldiers severely abusing a Palestinian detainee last year. We go through the timeline of this complicated scandal that is shaking the IDF to its core. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Partial remains handed over by Hamas are not of hostages, Israeli authorities assess US military publishes drone video of Hamas looting aid truck in Gaza IDF says strike in south Lebanon killed four elite Hezbollah operatives Lebanon accuses Israel of responding to negotiation offer by ‘intensifying’ attacks US envoy: Lebanon a ‘failed state,’ is unlikely to be able to forcibly disarm Hezbollah IDF’s top lawyer quits; says she approved leak of detainee abuse video Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Members of the Qassam Brigades control crowds in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, October 28, 2025. (Ali Hassan/Flash90)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Mobily sú už bežnou súčasťou našich životov viac než 20 rokov. Majú nesporné benefity, no prinášajú aj rôzne riziká. Hlavne, čo sa týka duševného zdravia našich detí. Pozrite si najnovší diel relácie Pre mamy s Babsy, ktorý sa venuje nielen tejto téme, ale aj tomu, prečo si treba nastaviť pravidlá a tiež, prečo recyklovať staré zariadenia.Dnešné deti sa učia pracovať s mobilmi už od naozaj útleho veku. A kým sú mobilné zariadenia nesporne výbornými pomocníkmi so skvelými benefitmi, čoraz viac si uvedomujeme, že majú aj odvrátenú stránku. Súvisí s ňou téma duševného zdravia, kyberšikany alebo závislostí. Ako si s deťmi nastaviť hranice používania smartfónov? A prečo môže byť nebezpečné, ak sa dieťa dostane k mobilu priveľmi skoro?Všetky tieto témy zaznejú v dnešnej relácii Pre mamy s Babsy, kde o nich rozpráva Andrea Ungvölgyi CSR Leader, Orange Slovensko, a.s.Zároveň hovorí, že pri rozhodnutí dať dieťaťu prvý mobil zohráva dôležitú úlohu nielen jeho vek, ale aj vyzretosť. Ďalšie užitočné informácie a rady odborníkov, ako chrániť deti na internete nájdete na špecializovanej webstránke www.beznastrah.online.V neposlednom rade je tu aj téma recyklácie starých, nepotrebných mobilov. Veľmi často totiž končia v zásuvkách našich domácností. "Dôležité je, aby si ľudia uvedomili, že ak tieto zariadenia doma skladujú a nepoužívajú, môžu byť rizikom, a ak sa dostanú do bežného odpadu, uvoľňujú sa z nich toxické látky, ktoré môžu kontaminovať pôdu,“ hovorí Andrea Ungvölgyi a pozýva zapojiť sa do správneho zberu starých mobilov a ich následnej ekologickej recyklácii.V relácii sa dozviete: Ako si Andrea Ungvölgyi spomína na svoj prvý mobil? Ako vychováva svojho syna, aby neprepadával ošiaľu videohier? Ako sa zmenil trh s mobilnými telefónmi? Kde dnes končia staré, nepotrebné mobily? Prečo v spoločnosti Orange Slovensko zbierajú staré mobily a posúvajú na recykláciu? Prečo nie je bezpečné tieto zariadenia držať doma v zásuvke? Prečo nevyhadzovať do smetných košov ale radšej priniesť do predajne? Čo je to repasovaný mobilný telefón? Aká je najlepšia motivácia na zber mobilov pre deti? Povieme viac o tzv. recyklohrách na školách? Ako Andrea hodnotí štatistiky a to, že deti trávia na smartfónoch a mobilných zariadeniach aj štyri hodiny denne? Aké sú najväčšie riziká v online priestore? Viac o online predátoroch aj o nebezpečných závislostiach Viac o filme Neboj sa, ktorý sa týka kyberšikany a samotnej tejto témy S čím sa boria deti, ktoré jej čelia? Čo si ako rodičia máme všímať v súvislosti s touto témou? Čo robiť, keď už dieťa má niečo do činenia s kybešikanou? Konkrétne tipy pre rodičov. Kedy je správny čas na kúpu prvého mobilného telefónu? Ako je to s obrazovkami a malými deťmi, ktoré ešte nemali tri roky? Akú úlohu v tomto celom hrá dopamín? Prečo je lepšie ako prvý mobil zvoliť zariadenie bez prístupu na internet? O situáciách, v ktorých by mal byť mobil tabu? Aké pravidlá používania by mali byť? Podľa čoho poznáme, že naše dieťa je závislé na mobile? Ako si Andrea sama nastavila pravidlá u seba doma? Ako sa pozerá na budúcnosť, hlavne čo sa týka umelej inteligencie?
This week, The Majesty is talking about why the time is NOW to give Jade Cargill a massive push, plus reacting to WWE's WrestleMania Vegas tease poster that had everyone's thumbs busy with very mixed opinions.Dip also takes a trip down memory lane, discussing his classic WCW Galoob action figures, and we debate whether turning Jey Uso heel might be exactly what WWE Raw needs right now.Make sure to follow us on TikTok @cheapheatpod!!!!!!Listen to Cheap Heat Live Fridays 12pm- 2pm EST on Pro Wrestling Nation 24/7 on Channel 156.Call in at 844-344-4893Wanna stay MAJ?Join our PateronFollow @cheapheatpod on Instagram and subscribe to Rosenberg's Youtube Channel.Email the show Rosenbergwrestling@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
V Třešti uvítal Lucii Výbornou malíř a amatérský astronom Petr Mirčev. Mimo jiné je také sběratelem. „Mám rád staré věci. Mají duši, ale zároveň jsou i krásně udělané a zastara ty věci líp fungovaly než dnes, v té instantní době, kdy všechno má fungovat dva roky a pak se to má rozbít,“ vypráví. Před dvaceti lety koupil dům, aby v něm měl galerii, ale nakonec se rozhodl, že v něm bude ubytovávat „problémové“ lidi. Co ho k tomu rozhodnutí vedlo?Všechny díly podcastu Host Lucie Výborné můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.
V Třešti uvítal Lucii Výbornou malíř a amatérský astronom Petr Mirčev. Mimo jiné je také sběratelem. „Mám rád staré věci. Mají duši, ale zároveň jsou i krásně udělané a zastara ty věci líp fungovaly než dnes, v té instantní době, kdy všechno má fungovat dva roky a pak se to má rozbít,“ vypráví. Před dvaceti lety koupil dům, aby v něm měl galerii, ale nakonec se rozhodl, že v něm bude ubytovávat „problémové“ lidi. Co ho k tomu rozhodnutí vedlo?
Trump returns to DC after trade talks in Asia, meeting President Xi of China. Ret. Maj. Gen. Bill Crane explains risks of relying on China for critical minerals. Plus, nuclear testing, government shutdown updates, and Pope Leo XIV meets students at the Jubilee of the World of Education.
Jen tak si s přáteli sednout před televizi a zahrát si společně nějakou hru – kdysi poměrně běžný úkaz. Dnes čím dál vzácnější, a dokonce i tradičně kooperační tituly se hraní na jedné obrazovce zbavují. Mají ještě tyto hry budoucnost? A jaké vám doporučíme, pokud chcete třeba zábavu ve větším kolektivu? Debatuje Šárka s Alešem.
Paul is joined by Maj. Gen. Vinny Boles (Ret.), Leadership Expert and takes more of your calls Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
The January 19, 1862, Battle of Mill Springs put Union Brig. Gen. George H. Thomas on the map. Thomas defeated a force of Confederates commanded by Maj. Gen. George B. Crittenden and Brig. Gen. Felix Zollicoffer. Join Chief Historian Garry Adelman and author and historian Stuart Sanders as we explore this overlooked early action in the Blue Grass State.
Vláda Roberta Fica je v polčase. Predčasným voľbám sa Slovensko, zdá sa, vyhne. Dôvodom však nebudú dobré vzťahy v koalícii alebo úspešné plnenie programu. „Najvýraznejšou postavou vlády je Robert Fico, pred ostatnými ministrami má náskok o konský krok," hovorí šéf politického oddelenia Martin Sliz. Spolu so šéfom ekonomickej sekcie Aktualít Martinom Odkladalom sa zhodli, že v negatívnom slovazmysle je výraznou ministerkou aj Martina Šimkovičová a prekvapil aj minister dopravy Jozef Ráž. Najmenej prekážok vo výkone svojej práce má dvojka Smeru Robert Kaliňák. Do popredia prvej polovice volebného sa dostala ekonomika. Krajinu v budúcom roku čaká tretie kolo konsolidácie, napriek tomu sa dlh zatiaľ viditeľne nezmenšil. Majú sa teda ľudia lepšie než na začiatku volebného obdobia? Mzdy rastú, no konsolidácia zlyháva a deficit neklesá, odpovedá Martin Odkladal.
Vláda Roberta Fica je v polčase. Predčasným voľbám sa Slovensko, zdá sa, vyhne. Dôvodom však nebudú dobré vzťahy v koalícii alebo úspešné plnenie programu. „Najvýraznejšou postavou vlády je Robert Fico, pred ostatnými ministrami má náskok o konský krok," hovorí šéf politického oddelenia Martin Sliz. Spolu so šéfom ekonomickej sekcie Aktualít Martinom Odkladalom sa zhodli, že v negatívnom slovazmysle je výraznou ministerkou aj Martina Šimkovičová a prekvapil aj minister dopravy Jozef Ráž. Najmenej prekážok vo výkone svojej práce má dvojka Smeru Robert Kaliňák. Do popredia prvej polovice volebného sa dostala ekonomika. Krajinu v budúcom roku čaká tretie kolo konsolidácie, napriek tomu sa dlh zatiaľ viditeľne nezmenšil. Majú sa teda ľudia lepšie než na začiatku volebného obdobia? Mzdy rastú, no konsolidácia zlyháva a deficit neklesá, odpovedá Martin Odkladal.
On this episode of Beyond the Horizon, we sit down with Maj. Matt Kemper, commander of the 124th Intelligence Squadron, and Master Sgt. Trent Seitz, flight chief for the All Source Flight of the 124th IS, to discuss why it's important to be relentlessly efficient as one of the Ohio Adjutant General's 19 Fundamentals for the Soldiers and Airmen of the Ohio National Guard.You can connect with us on: Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/178WingInstagram: http://instagram.com/178th_wingYou can write to us at: beyondthehorizonpodcast@gmail.com
The MAJesty debates whether CM Punk should win the World Heavyweight Championship now or if his victory deserves a more emotional story. Plus, Jimmy Uso joins the show to talk about Jey's superstardom, Naomi's pregnancy announcement, and the possibility of running back a WrestleMania rematch with his brother.And in true Cheap Heat fashion, things take a wild turn when Dip asks the all-important question, who were the smelliest wrestlers of the '80s and '90s?Listen to Cheap Heat Live Fridays 12pm- 2pm EST on Pro Wrestling Nation 24/7 on Channel 156.Call in at 844-344-4893Wanna stay MAJ?Join our PateronFollow @cheapheatpod on Instagram and subscribe to Rosenberg's Youtube Channel.Email the show Rosenbergwrestling@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Maj 2019. En äldre man snubblar uppför trappan till en hotellbar i Stockholm. Han säger att han varit med en helikopterolycka under Jugoslavienkriget, beställer en Bitburger och kallar sig Dr. Joseph. Snart blir han en del av barens värld. Han är charmig. Skön och självklar. Tills en kväll, när en av bartenderna googlar hans namn. Och hittar en gammal olöst mordgåta. Ett program av Sara LundinLjudmix: Gustav Sondén För att få exklusiv tillgång till den här serien och alla avsnitt av En mörk historia - prenumerera påThirdEar+ eller Podme. Det gör du påthirdear.studio eller podme.com! Som betalande prenumerantfår du exklusiv tillgång till den här serien och alla avsnitt av En mörkhistoria. Kontakt: hello@thirdear.studioInstagram: @thirdear.studio @enmorkhistoriaFacebook: Third Ear Studio Det här är en produktion från Third Ear Studio.
Fresh off WWE Crown Jewel, The MAJesty dives into the fallout including what looks like a legitimate injury to Seth Rollins. Should Rollins be forced to vacate the World Heavyweight Championship? And if so, who's next in line to carry the title?Peter breaks down his travel nightmare en route to Orlando, while we try to make sense of why Dip remains the most technically challenged man in podcasting.Listen to Cheap Heat Live Fridays 12pm- 2pm EST on Pro Wrestling Nation 24/7 on Channel 156.Call in at 844-344-4893Wanna stay MAJ?Join our PateronFollow @cheapheatpod on Instagram and subscribe to Rosenberg's Youtube Channel.Email the show Rosenbergwrestling@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
CELOU EPIZODU NAJDETE NA HEROHERO.CO/STUDION Statistiky sledující duševní zdraví Čechů a Češek ukazují varovná čísla. Namátkou: až čtyřicet procent deváťáků a deváťaček vykazuje známky střední až těžké deprese, čtvrt milionu dětí potřebuje odbornou pomoc s duševním zdravím a žádná ze sedmnácti psychiatrických nemocnic nenaplňuje kritéria kvality péče a dodržování lidských práv podle Světové zdravotnické organizace. Projekt Nevypusť duši proto přišel s koncepcí Odolné Česko, která navrhuje řadu systémových změn. Mají ale politici odvahu se do nich pustit? Ve Studiu N o tom mluví psychoterapeutka Barbora Pšenicová a neurovědkyně Marie Hájek Salomonová. „Máme data, která nám říkají, že víc než polovina dětí se netěší do školy. Že nedůvěřují vzdělávacímu systému. To je pro mě smutná zpráva. Děti nám tím říkají: není nám v tomto světě dobře. A od nás dospělých se očekává, že jim pomůžeme,“ interpretuje výsledky studií psychoterapeutka Pšenicová. Jedním z témat letošních voleb byl i přístup k inkluzi. Mnohé strany se netají tím, že by rády celý systém zrušily. Na to ve Studiu N reagovala neurovědkyně Salomonová: „Inkluzi musíme držet zuby nehty a musíme doufat, že to nakonec nebude tak hrozné, jak to v politických debatách vypadá. Inkluze nás posouvá do moderní společnosti, která lidi s hendikepem neodsouvá za brány institucí, ale naopak je nechává rozvíjet kvalitní život a dává jim možnost participovat ve společnosti.“ Co mohou v lidské psychice vyvolat události, jako jsou volby? Jak absorbovat velký objem negativních zpráv, které produkují dnešní krize? Co si myslí o snahách některých spolků omezit ve školách sexuální výchovu? A jak přesvědčit politiky, aby se okamžitě začali věnovat zhoršujícímu se duševnímu zdraví českých dětí a dospívajících? Podívejte se na celou epizodu na herohero.co/studion
Maj 2025. En sommarnatt i Göteborg slutar i ett överfall som skakar både polis och invånarna. Gärningsmannen försvinner spårlöst – tills en bild i tv sätter igång en kedjereaktion som ingen hade kunnat förutse.Hasse Aro intervjuar utredaren Ellicka Adolfsson om det tålmodiga arbetet, tipset som förändrade allt och varför fallet annars kanske aldrig hade klarats upp.Lyssna på Fallen jag aldrig glömmer innan alla andra – på Podplay, varje torsdag!
Listen to Cheap Heat Live Fridays 12pm- 2pm EST on Pro Wrestling Nation 24/7 on Channel 156.Call in at 844-344-4893Wanna stay MAJ?Join our PateronFollow @cheapheatpod on Instagram and subscribe to Rosenberg's Youtube Channel.Email the show Rosenbergwrestling@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
'Canada ought to be the 14th colony' was a view held by many American revolutionaries. In the winter of 1775, Benedict Arnold led an incredible (if doomed) mission to make it happen.We're delighted to be joined again by Maj. Jonathan D. Bratten, historian for the Maine National Guard.Edited by Tim Arstall. Produced by Freddy Chick. Senior Producer was Charlotte Long.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe. You can take part in our listener survey here.All music from Epidemic Sounds.American History Hit is a History Hit podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.