Podcasts about house oversight committee

The transcripts from Jes Staley's July 24, 2026 interview with the House Oversight Committee revealed just how deep and personal his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein became, while also exposing contradictions in the way Staley had described that relationship publicly. Staley acknowledged visiting Epstein's Manhattan townhouse dozens of times, traveling to Little St. James on multiple occasions and exchanging roughly 1,200 communications with Epstein between 2008 and 2012. He admitted that he had shared confidential and potentially market-sensitive JPMorgan information with Epstein, including details about the bank's business, client relationships, pending transactions and even communications involving the Federal Reserve during the 2008 financial crisis. Staley also told investigators that he had discussed his own compensation with Epstein and sought his advice, despite previously portraying Epstein as having little or no connection to his professional life after the 2008 conviction. He further acknowledged having a sexual encounter with one of Epstein's assistants after meeting her through Epstein, while insisting that Epstein did not arrange it and that he had no knowledge that the woman had later accused Epstein of abuse.The committee also pressed Staley on some of the strangest and most troubling material in his correspondence with Epstein, including the notorious “Snow White” emails and other references to Disney characters. Staley denied having sex with a woman dressed as Snow White and said he could not explain the meaning of some of the messages, even when investigators confronted him with contemporaneous emails and photographs. He maintained that he did not know Epstein was continuing to abuse girls after his 2008 conviction, calling that revelation “incredible,” yet the transcripts also showed that Staley personally argued for JPMorgan to keep Epstein as a client even as internal concerns about Epstein's cash withdrawals and potential trafficking activity were mounting. Staley also said he had spoken with Jamie Dimon about Epstein, something Dimon and JPMorgan have disputed. Taken together, the testimony painted a picture of a relationship that was far closer, more intertwined with Staley's professional life and more difficult to reconcile with his earlier descriptions than he had previously acknowledged.to contact me:bobbycapuci@protonmail.com

The transcripts from Jes Staley's July 24, 2026 interview with the House Oversight Committee revealed just how deep and personal his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein became, while also exposing contradictions in the way Staley had described that relationship publicly. Staley acknowledged visiting Epstein's Manhattan townhouse dozens of times, traveling to Little St. James on multiple occasions and exchanging roughly 1,200 communications with Epstein between 2008 and 2012. He admitted that he had shared confidential and potentially market-sensitive JPMorgan information with Epstein, including details about the bank's business, client relationships, pending transactions and even communications involving the Federal Reserve during the 2008 financial crisis. Staley also told investigators that he had discussed his own compensation with Epstein and sought his advice, despite previously portraying Epstein as having little or no connection to his professional life after the 2008 conviction. He further acknowledged having a sexual encounter with one of Epstein's assistants after meeting her through Epstein, while insisting that Epstein did not arrange it and that he had no knowledge that the woman had later accused Epstein of abuse.The committee also pressed Staley on some of the strangest and most troubling material in his correspondence with Epstein, including the notorious “Snow White” emails and other references to Disney characters. Staley denied having sex with a woman dressed as Snow White and said he could not explain the meaning of some of the messages, even when investigators confronted him with contemporaneous emails and photographs. He maintained that he did not know Epstein was continuing to abuse girls after his 2008 conviction, calling that revelation “incredible,” yet the transcripts also showed that Staley personally argued for JPMorgan to keep Epstein as a client even as internal concerns about Epstein's cash withdrawals and potential trafficking activity were mounting. Staley also said he had spoken with Jamie Dimon about Epstein, something Dimon and JPMorgan have disputed. Taken together, the testimony painted a picture of a relationship that was far closer, more intertwined with Staley's professional life and more difficult to reconcile with his earlier descriptions than he had previously acknowledged.to contact me:bobbycapuci@protonmail.com

On this episode of Fox Across America, guest host Paul Mauro puts his legal cap on to dissect where the defense went wrong in closing arguments of the Lindsay Clancy murder trial. Nassau County Executive and New York GOP gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman explains how Kathy Hochul's soft-on-crime policies continue to put residents of the Empire State in danger. New York Post financial correspondent Lydia Moynihan details some of the security issues with TikTok in the United States. Former GOP National Spokesperson Elizabeth Pipko discusses why DSA-backed candidates continue to have success in primaries throughout the country. Political commentator Debra Lea talks about how President Trump is losing public sentiment in Israel when it comes to messaging on the war between the U.S. and Iran. Director of Research and Senior Fellow at the Manhattan Institute Judge Glock pushes back on a few of the online narratives about the impact data centers have on the communities they're built in. PLUS, Kentucky Republican Congressman and House Oversight Committee chairman James Comer checks in to give an update on his panel's investigation into fundraising platform ActBlue. [00:00:00] Paul Mauro mono on the Clancy trial [00:19:40] Bruce Blakeman [00:38:35] Lydia Moynihan [00:49:45] Elizabeth Pipko [00:57:10] Debra Lea [01:16:20] Judge Glock [01:34:05] Rep. James Comer Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The transcripts from Jes Staley's July 24, 2026 interview with the House Oversight Committee revealed just how deep and personal his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein became, while also exposing contradictions in the way Staley had described that relationship publicly. Staley acknowledged visiting Epstein's Manhattan townhouse dozens of times, traveling to Little St. James on multiple occasions and exchanging roughly 1,200 communications with Epstein between 2008 and 2012. He admitted that he had shared confidential and potentially market-sensitive JPMorgan information with Epstein, including details about the bank's business, client relationships, pending transactions and even communications involving the Federal Reserve during the 2008 financial crisis. Staley also told investigators that he had discussed his own compensation with Epstein and sought his advice, despite previously portraying Epstein as having little or no connection to his professional life after the 2008 conviction. He further acknowledged having a sexual encounter with one of Epstein's assistants after meeting her through Epstein, while insisting that Epstein did not arrange it and that he had no knowledge that the woman had later accused Epstein of abuse.The committee also pressed Staley on some of the strangest and most troubling material in his correspondence with Epstein, including the notorious “Snow White” emails and other references to Disney characters. Staley denied having sex with a woman dressed as Snow White and said he could not explain the meaning of some of the messages, even when investigators confronted him with contemporaneous emails and photographs. He maintained that he did not know Epstein was continuing to abuse girls after his 2008 conviction, calling that revelation “incredible,” yet the transcripts also showed that Staley personally argued for JPMorgan to keep Epstein as a client even as internal concerns about Epstein's cash withdrawals and potential trafficking activity were mounting. Staley also said he had spoken with Jamie Dimon about Epstein, something Dimon and JPMorgan have disputed. Taken together, the testimony painted a picture of a relationship that was far closer, more intertwined with Staley's professional life and more difficult to reconcile with his earlier descriptions than he had previously acknowledged.to contact me:bobbycapuci@protonmail.com

The transcripts from Jes Staley's July 24, 2026 interview with the House Oversight Committee revealed just how deep and personal his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein became, while also exposing contradictions in the way Staley had described that relationship publicly. Staley acknowledged visiting Epstein's Manhattan townhouse dozens of times, traveling to Little St. James on multiple occasions and exchanging roughly 1,200 communications with Epstein between 2008 and 2012. He admitted that he had shared confidential and potentially market-sensitive JPMorgan information with Epstein, including details about the bank's business, client relationships, pending transactions and even communications involving the Federal Reserve during the 2008 financial crisis. Staley also told investigators that he had discussed his own compensation with Epstein and sought his advice, despite previously portraying Epstein as having little or no connection to his professional life after the 2008 conviction. He further acknowledged having a sexual encounter with one of Epstein's assistants after meeting her through Epstein, while insisting that Epstein did not arrange it and that he had no knowledge that the woman had later accused Epstein of abuse.The committee also pressed Staley on some of the strangest and most troubling material in his correspondence with Epstein, including the notorious “Snow White” emails and other references to Disney characters. Staley denied having sex with a woman dressed as Snow White and said he could not explain the meaning of some of the messages, even when investigators confronted him with contemporaneous emails and photographs. He maintained that he did not know Epstein was continuing to abuse girls after his 2008 conviction, calling that revelation “incredible,” yet the transcripts also showed that Staley personally argued for JPMorgan to keep Epstein as a client even as internal concerns about Epstein's cash withdrawals and potential trafficking activity were mounting. Staley also said he had spoken with Jamie Dimon about Epstein, something Dimon and JPMorgan have disputed. Taken together, the testimony painted a picture of a relationship that was far closer, more intertwined with Staley's professional life and more difficult to reconcile with his earlier descriptions than he had previously acknowledged.to contact me:bobbycapuci@protonmail.com

The transcripts from Jes Staley's July 24, 2026 interview with the House Oversight Committee revealed just how deep and personal his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein became, while also exposing contradictions in the way Staley had described that relationship publicly. Staley acknowledged visiting Epstein's Manhattan townhouse dozens of times, traveling to Little St. James on multiple occasions and exchanging roughly 1,200 communications with Epstein between 2008 and 2012. He admitted that he had shared confidential and potentially market-sensitive JPMorgan information with Epstein, including details about the bank's business, client relationships, pending transactions and even communications involving the Federal Reserve during the 2008 financial crisis. Staley also told investigators that he had discussed his own compensation with Epstein and sought his advice, despite previously portraying Epstein as having little or no connection to his professional life after the 2008 conviction. He further acknowledged having a sexual encounter with one of Epstein's assistants after meeting her through Epstein, while insisting that Epstein did not arrange it and that he had no knowledge that the woman had later accused Epstein of abuse.The committee also pressed Staley on some of the strangest and most troubling material in his correspondence with Epstein, including the notorious “Snow White” emails and other references to Disney characters. Staley denied having sex with a woman dressed as Snow White and said he could not explain the meaning of some of the messages, even when investigators confronted him with contemporaneous emails and photographs. He maintained that he did not know Epstein was continuing to abuse girls after his 2008 conviction, calling that revelation “incredible,” yet the transcripts also showed that Staley personally argued for JPMorgan to keep Epstein as a client even as internal concerns about Epstein's cash withdrawals and potential trafficking activity were mounting. Staley also said he had spoken with Jamie Dimon about Epstein, something Dimon and JPMorgan have disputed. Taken together, the testimony painted a picture of a relationship that was far closer, more intertwined with Staley's professional life and more difficult to reconcile with his earlier descriptions than he had previously acknowledged.to contact me:bobbycapuci@protonmail.com

Tova Noel, one of the two correctional officers assigned to the Metropolitan Correctional Center's Special Housing Unit on the night Jeffrey Epstein died, told the House Oversight Committee that she failed to conduct the required inmate checks and later signed records falsely indicating that the rounds had been completed. Noel described an understaffed, poorly managed facility in which she was exhausted, inadequately trained and assigned duties beyond her normal responsibilities. She maintained that she last saw Epstein alive during the evening medication round and observed nothing that made her believe he was preparing to harm himself. Noel also testified that Epstein received unusual accommodations, including extra bed linens, a CPAP machine and access to medication that appeared different from the treatment ordinarily given to other prisoners.Noel denied having any role in Epstein's death, receiving money in connection with him or knowing anything about an alleged payment to facilitate access to his cell. She also rejected claims that she was the unidentified orange-colored figure seen moving toward Epstein's tier at approximately 10:39 p.m., insisting that she never returned to the area and could not explain what—or who—the surveillance image showed. Although Noel said she believed Epstein died by suicide because he was supposedly alone inside the cell, her testimony did little to resolve the most important unanswered questions: why required checks were abandoned, why Epstein remained without a cellmate, who or what appeared near the tier, and how so many security procedures failed simultaneously. Instead, her account reinforced the picture of extraordinary negligence, special treatment and institutional dysfunction surrounding the death of the most consequential prisoner in federal custody.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Tova-Noel-Transcript.pdf

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Tova Noel, one of the two correctional officers assigned to the Metropolitan Correctional Center's Special Housing Unit on the night Jeffrey Epstein died, told the House Oversight Committee that she failed to conduct the required inmate checks and later signed records falsely indicating that the rounds had been completed. Noel described an understaffed, poorly managed facility in which she was exhausted, inadequately trained and assigned duties beyond her normal responsibilities. She maintained that she last saw Epstein alive during the evening medication round and observed nothing that made her believe he was preparing to harm himself. Noel also testified that Epstein received unusual accommodations, including extra bed linens, a CPAP machine and access to medication that appeared different from the treatment ordinarily given to other prisoners.Noel denied having any role in Epstein's death, receiving money in connection with him or knowing anything about an alleged payment to facilitate access to his cell. She also rejected claims that she was the unidentified orange-colored figure seen moving toward Epstein's tier at approximately 10:39 p.m., insisting that she never returned to the area and could not explain what—or who—the surveillance image showed. Although Noel said she believed Epstein died by suicide because he was supposedly alone inside the cell, her testimony did little to resolve the most important unanswered questions: why required checks were abandoned, why Epstein remained without a cellmate, who or what appeared near the tier, and how so many security procedures failed simultaneously. Instead, her account reinforced the picture of extraordinary negligence, special treatment and institutional dysfunction surrounding the death of the most consequential prisoner in federal custody.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Tova-Noel-Transcript.pdf

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Tova Noel was one of the two correctional officers assigned to the Special Housing Unit at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Manhattan on the night Jeffrey Epstein died in August 2019. Along with fellow officer Michael Thomas, Noel was responsible for monitoring Epstein and the other inmates housed on the unit, including conducting required inmate counts and rounds. Federal investigators later charged Noel and Thomas with falsifying prison records after concluding that they had signed logs indicating checks had been completed when, in fact, required rounds had been missed for hours. Noel ultimately avoided trial through a deferred prosecution agreement that required her to cooperate with the Justice Department's investigation and complete community service, after which the charges were dismissed. She later became an important witness in congressional scrutiny of Epstein's death because she was among the last people known to have seen him alive, was present when his body was discovered and had firsthand knowledge of the conditions inside the MCC that night.When Noel finally testified before the House Oversight Committee in May 2026, she largely portrayed herself as an inexperienced, exhausted employee trapped inside a catastrophically understaffed prison rather than someone responsible for Epstein's death. She said her poor performance resulted from inadequate training, mandatory overtime and the crushing workload at the MCC, telling investigators that she had earned roughly a full year's base salary in about six months because she was working so much overtime. Noel denied sleeping during the shift, although she acknowledged browsing the internet, and said she could not remember specifically searching for news about Epstein shortly before his body was discovered. She also acknowledged that Epstein received treatment other inmates did not, including extra linens, a CPAP machine and other accommodations, describing exceptions as being made essentially because he was Jeffrey Epstein. Perhaps most strikingly, Noel insisted that her only connection to Epstein's death was that she happened to be forced into overtime that night, distancing herself from responsibility despite being one of the officers specifically assigned to monitor him and despite admitting that the system around him had broken down. She denied knowing anything about an unidentified orange-colored figure captured on surveillance footage, rejected allegations that she participated in any cover-up and maintained that years of suspicion surrounding her role had devastated her life.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Tova Noel, one of the two correctional officers assigned to the Metropolitan Correctional Center's Special Housing Unit on the night Jeffrey Epstein died, told the House Oversight Committee that she failed to conduct the required inmate checks and later signed records falsely indicating that the rounds had been completed. Noel described an understaffed, poorly managed facility in which she was exhausted, inadequately trained and assigned duties beyond her normal responsibilities. She maintained that she last saw Epstein alive during the evening medication round and observed nothing that made her believe he was preparing to harm himself. Noel also testified that Epstein received unusual accommodations, including extra bed linens, a CPAP machine and access to medication that appeared different from the treatment ordinarily given to other prisoners.Noel denied having any role in Epstein's death, receiving money in connection with him or knowing anything about an alleged payment to facilitate access to his cell. She also rejected claims that she was the unidentified orange-colored figure seen moving toward Epstein's tier at approximately 10:39 p.m., insisting that she never returned to the area and could not explain what—or who—the surveillance image showed. Although Noel said she believed Epstein died by suicide because he was supposedly alone inside the cell, her testimony did little to resolve the most important unanswered questions: why required checks were abandoned, why Epstein remained without a cellmate, who or what appeared near the tier, and how so many security procedures failed simultaneously. Instead, her account reinforced the picture of extraordinary negligence, special treatment and institutional dysfunction surrounding the death of the most consequential prisoner in federal custody.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Tova-Noel-Transcript.pdf

Former Barclays chief Jes Staley told House Oversight Committee investigators that he had a sexual encounter with one of Jeffrey Epstein's assistants after meeting her through Epstein. Staley said he first met the unnamed woman at Epstein's Manhattan townhouse and that their conversations eventually became flirtatious. According to his testimony, the woman later invited him to her Upper East Side apartment sometime around 2009 or 2010, where they had what he described as a single consensual sexual encounter. Staley insisted Epstein had not arranged the meeting, claimed he never told Epstein about it and said he had no knowledge of Epstein directing women to have sex with his associates. Investigators also informed Staley that the woman had later sued Epstein alleging sexual abuse and reached a settlement with Epstein's estate, something Staley said he had not known. The questioning came amid congressional scrutiny of Staley's extraordinarily close relationship with Epstein, including roughly 1,200 communications exchanged between the two from 2008 through 2012 while Staley headed JPMorgan's Private Bank and Epstein remained a client.Investigators also confronted Staley with some of the more disturbing and suggestive correspondence contained in the released Epstein material. In July 2010, Staley had written to Epstein, “Say hi to Snow White,” prompting Epstein to ask what character Staley wanted next, to which Staley replied, “Beauty and the Beast.” Another message sent to Epstein around the same time referenced a woman in a Snow White costume having sex shortly after putting it on, and investigators showed Staley a photograph Epstein had circulated of a young woman dressed as the Disney character. Staley maintained that he did not remember seeing a woman dressed as Snow White at Epstein's residence, denied having sex with anyone wearing such a costume and said he did not recognize the woman in the photograph. His testimony therefore added another uncomfortable layer to the long-running scrutiny of his relationship with Epstein: Staley acknowledged becoming sexually involved with a woman he met inside Epstein's orbit while simultaneously denying that Epstein facilitated the encounter or that he understood what was happening to women around Epstein.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonnail.comsource:Ex-Barclays chief Jes Staley details his ‘intimate encounter' with Jeffrey Epstein's assistant  to House investigatorsb

Bill Gates was pressed by CNN's Anderson Cooper about allegations that Jeffrey Epstein had attempted to use sensitive information about Gates' personal life to pressure him after their relationship deteriorated. During an appearance on Anderson Cooper 360, Cooper raised a series of graphic, unverified claims contained in draft emails Epstein wrote in 2013 but apparently never sent, including allegations involving Gates' extramarital affairs and supposed medical issues. Cooper said the material sounded like an attempted blackmail effort and asked Gates whether he had known Epstein was considering using the information against him. Gates said he had not known at the time, maintained that Epstein never actually blackmailed him and again described his decision to spend time with Epstein as a serious mistake. Gates had previously acknowledged infidelity in his marriage but disputed the more sensational allegations contained in Epstein's unsent drafts.Gates also defended the account he had given House Oversight Committee investigators during a closed-door interview in June 2026, saying he had gone through his meetings and communications with Epstein in detail. He said he had not maintained a social relationship with Epstein, had never met women through him and had never visited Epstein's island, New Mexico ranch or Florida residence. Gates repeated that he had associated with Epstein because he believed Epstein could connect wealthy donors with global-health philanthropy, a judgment he now called a “gigantic mistake.” In his congressional statement, however, Gates acknowledged that Epstein eventually learned sensitive information about his infidelities and attempted to leverage it to draw him back into contact after Gates disengaged. Gates said the effort failed, but the episode added a more troubling dimension to questions about why he continued meeting with Epstein years after Epstein's 2008 conviction and what Epstein hoped to gain from cultivating a relationship with one of the world's most powerful businessmen.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Bill Clinton's February 27, 2026 testimony before the House Oversight Committee finally forced him to answer under oath about a relationship with Jeffrey Epstein that had generated questions for decades, but the proceeding hardly delivered the kind of exhaustive accounting the public had been promised. Clinton insisted that he had “done nothing wrong,” knew nothing about Epstein's abuse and never witnessed anything that caused him concern, effectively asking lawmakers to accept that his repeated contact with Epstein, travel aboard Epstein's aircraft and proximity to Ghislaine Maxwell never exposed him to anything suspicious. That explanation deserved considerably more scrutiny than it received. Clinton had not volunteered for the deposition either. He resisted the committee's subpoena, failed to appear for a scheduled January 13 deposition and only agreed to testify after a bipartisan contempt resolution advanced against him. Yet when he finally appeared, even some lawmakers who had spent months demanding answers quickly described him as cooperative and candid. The central problem remained unresolved: Clinton's defense depended heavily on what he claimed not to have seen, not to have known and not to remember, while the documentary record established that his association with Epstein was substantial enough to demand far more than a polite acceptance of those denials.The congressional process itself also exposed the weaknesses that have plagued nearly every official examination of Epstein's network. Rather than methodically reconstructing Clinton's relationship with Epstein against flight records, photographs, visitor records, witness accounts and contemporaneous communications, the deposition became entangled in the same partisan warfare that repeatedly consumes the Epstein investigation. Republicans emphasized Clinton while Democrats complained that Donald Trump had not been subpoenaed, and Chairman James Comer immediately used Clinton's answers to make political claims about Trump rather than keeping the focus exclusively on Epstein and the unanswered questions surrounding Clinton himself. Clinton's testimony therefore produced another familiar outcome: a powerful person denied knowledge of Epstein's crimes, lawmakers divided themselves into political camps, and very little was done to independently test how plausible those denials actually were. Clinton's appearance was historically significant because Congress compelled a former president to testify, but significance should not be confused with accountability. After years of questions about one of the most prominent men in Epstein's orbit, the public was still largely left with Clinton's version of events and a congressional process that appeared more interested in scoring partisan points than aggressively determining whether that version could withstand sustained scrutiny.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Alan Dershowitz said he was still “anxious” to testify before the House Oversight Committee about Jeffrey Epstein, but his eagerness looked considerably less convincing after his scheduled appearance abruptly collapsed. Dershowitz had publicly volunteered for months to testify under oath and on video, portraying himself as someone ready to confront the record and explain what he knew about Epstein, the 2007–2008 non-prosecution agreement, and the people surrounding him. Yet when the committee actually put him on the calendar, his attorneys pulled the plug shortly before the interview, citing unspecified legal concerns that were never clearly explained. For someone who had repeatedly insisted that he wanted the opportunity to speak, the sudden retreat naturally raised questions about why those concerns apparently became insurmountable only when sworn congressional testimony was imminent.House Oversight Chairman James Comer made clear that the committee was not satisfied, calling the cancellation “unacceptable” and saying Dershowitz's lawyers had failed to provide an adequate explanation. Dershowitz's interview was rescheduled for September 2, with the possibility of a subpoena hanging over the process if he again failed to cooperate. Dershowitz continued to insist that he wanted to testify, but at this point the contradiction was difficult to ignore: he had spent considerable time publicly demanding a forum to tell his story, only to disappear from that forum when it finally materialized. Given his central role on Epstein's legal team and his involvement in negotiating one of the most controversial prosecution deals in modern American criminal justice, Congress had every reason to demand answers from him. Until he actually appeared, took the oath, and answered substantive questions, his repeated declarations about being “anxious” to testify amounted to little more than promises.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Dershowitz says he's 'anxious' to testify on Epstein despite abrupt Oversight Committee cancellation

On our radar this week… Another bad week for the 80-year-old President as he gets roasted by Jon Ossoff with a riff that mentioned Natalie and infuriated Trump, setting off a social media frenzy with a​ttacks on the Georgia senator along with CNN and the reporter who asked Trump about the mention of his consta​​nt companion. Trump's priority issue this week seems to be as construction boss for the White House. He's ordered his Justice Department to appeal a halt to further construction of his gold-encrusted ballroom; gave the press a guided tour of his granite helicopter pad construction project; used the tour to promote campaign contributor Scotts Turf Builder; attacked still another female reporter for asking him a question; and saw more of his endorsed candidates lose in their primaries. The Democratic Party's statewide ticket is now complete, with Jocelyn Benson choosing state Senate Majority Leader Winnie Brinks as her running mate. It's the first-ever two-woman top-of-the-ticket in Michigan history … running against an all-male Republican ticket. John James choice of state House Oversight Committee chair Jay DeBoyer is drawing heat over his refusal to investigate alleged widespread sexual abuse of children at Interlochen. DeBoyer says it's a criminal matter and he criticizes Attorney General Nessel for not launching an investigation, overlooking the fact that Nessel has told local law enforcement the resources of her department are available to assist them in any way useful. Our friend Mark the Lawyer had two big wins this week. One could change the outcome of a city election, the other protects voter rights. We know now that there will be two proposals on the November ballot. Proposal one is the constitutionally required vote on whether to rewrite Michigan's constitution which we discussed last week. Proposal 2 would, if enacted, put tight limits on corporate campaign contributions from state utilities and companies doing $250,000 or more in contracts with the state. The Democratic National Committee has made it official: Michigan will be in the first band of presidential primary elections, fifth on the list of primaries and the first large battleground state in the mix. The parade of wannabe presidents has already begun with a high visibility visit from Gavin Newsom, and the announcement that J.D. Pritzker will headline a major state party fundraiser in September. We can add to the mix the potential candidacy of two Michigan Democrats. (Neither Pete Buttigieg or Elissa Slotkin say they are running, but they are talking and acting like candidates.) Joining the podcast this week is perhaps the best political analyst in the state: Congresswoman Debbie Dingell. She's in her 5th term representing portions of southeast Michigan. She is a member of the Energy and Commerce Committee and the Natural Resources Committee, where she leads on critical issues including affordable and accessible health care, clean energy and water, domestic manufacturing and supply chain resilience, and protecting our wildlife and natural resources. Debbie Dingell is part of one of the most remarkable stories of a family's public service in U.S. history. There has been a Dingell in the U.S. House of Representatives for 94 years: John Dingell Senior was first elected in the 1932 Roosevelt landslide and served for 22 years. His son John Jr. is a legend, serving a record 60 years. Upon his retirement in 2015 he was succeeded by his wife Debbie. A hallmark of their service has been a proposal for a national health insurance system, first introduced by John Sr. in 1933 and re-introduced since at every Congress by the father and then the son. ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ Subscribe to our YouTube channel ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ A Republic, If You Can Keep It is supported by

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

The Senate unanimously adopted a nonbinding resolution opposing any presidential pardon, commutation or other form of clemency for Ghislaine Maxwell, Jeffrey Epstein's longtime associate who is serving a 20-year federal sentence following her 2021 conviction on sex-trafficking-related charges. Introduced by Democratic Sen. Jacky Rosen of Nevada, the measure passed by unanimous consent without objection, signaling that senators from both parties wanted to publicly distance themselves from any attempt to reduce Maxwell's punishment. Rosen argued that even entertaining clemency for a convicted sex trafficker was unacceptable and pressed Republicans to make their position clear.Although the resolution cannot legally prevent a president from pardoning Maxwell, it increased the political pressure surrounding the issue after President Trump repeatedly declined to categorically rule clemency in or out. White House officials maintained that a pardon was not under consideration, while Todd Blanche, who previously interviewed Maxwell and supervised the release of Epstein-related records, said he would not recommend one. Maxwell recently invoked the Fifth Amendment during a House Oversight Committee deposition, and her attorney claimed she remained willing to offer testimony defending Trump and former President Bill Clinton against allegations of wrongdoing connected to Epstein.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Senate unanimously agrees to oppose pardon for Ghislaine Maxwell

Kathy Ruemmler, the former Obama White House counsel and longtime Goldman Sachs legal executive, faced renewed scrutiny after the House Oversight Committee released the transcript of her July 15 interview about her relationship with Jeffrey Epstein. Ruemmler acknowledged that associating with Epstein was a mistake, but drew outrage when she said some allegations made by Virginia Giuffre “lacked inherent credibility.” Asked directly whether Giuffre had been victimized by Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, Ruemmler said she did not know, although she added that she had no reason to doubt Giuffre's claim that she had been abused. Ruemmler argued that certain allegations involving numerous world leaders struck her, based on her experience as a prosecutor and defense attorney, as insufficiently specific or substantiatedInvestigators also questioned Ruemmler about a 2015 email in which she told Epstein she wanted to consider whether counterclaims could be brought against Giuffre, who was then suing Maxwell for defamation. Ruemmler claimed she did not remember the message and characterized it as a generic attempt to appear responsive to Epstein rather than evidence that she was actively working against Giuffre. Giuffre's family fiercely rejected Ruemmler's testimony, accusing her of attacking the credibility of a survivor while attempting to minimize her own relationship with Epstein. Ruemmler's representative countered that she had expressed skepticism about only certain allegations, not dismissed Giuffre's entire account of abuse.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Epstein accuser's family blasts former Obama White House lawyer who said her assertions ‘lacked inherent credibility' | CNN Politics

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

A two-page Middle East policy briefing bearing former Treasury secretary Larry Summers's name was found among the Jeffrey Epstein documents released through the House Oversight Committee. Dated to early 2013, the briefing summarized political and security developments across ten countries during the upheaval of the Arab Spring, including Egypt, Syria, Israel, Iran, Libya, Tunisia and Saudi Arabia. Its contents ranged from political assassinations and civil unrest to Iranian nuclear negotiations, Israeli military activity and regional diplomatic maneuvering. The sophistication and breadth of the analysis suggested it was prepared for a senior policymaker or someone with access to high-level foreign-policy reporting.The document adds another dimension to the long-running relationship between Summers and Epstein, showing that material connected to Summers and involving sensitive international affairs ended up in Epstein's possession. However, the document alone does not establish whether Summers personally wrote it for Epstein, forwarded it to him or whether Epstein obtained it through someone else. Combined with later emails showing Summers seeking personal advice from Epstein and testimony that Summers introduced Bill Clinton to him, the briefing illustrates the extraordinary level of intellectual, political and institutional access Epstein cultivated. What Epstein intended to do with the information remains unknown, but its presence in his files raises further questions about why powerful officials continued providing him with privileged access long after his criminal conduct had become public.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Larry Summers' 2013 Middle East Briefing in the Epstein Files

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

Ted Waitt told the House Oversight Committee that he met Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein at a Hong Kong dinner in November 2003 and began dating Maxwell the following year, remaining in a relationship with her until September 2010. Waitt portrayed his own contact with Epstein as extremely limited, saying he had only a brief introduction at the dinner, one arranged meeting at Maxwell's New York residence and two later chance encounters. He said he never communicated with Epstein by phone or email and had no business or financial relationship with him. Waitt testified that Maxwell described Epstein positively as a brilliant investor and money manager and told him that, after their romantic relationship ended, she continued working as an estate manager overseeing his properties and staff.Waitt said he wanted Maxwell to stop working for Epstein because Epstein was her former boyfriend, but claimed he had no knowledge at the time of their criminal conduct and never witnessed abuse, coercion or trafficking. He repeatedly said he could not confirm how much work Maxwell continued doing for Epstein while they dated, despite their seven-year relationship, and he denied knowing whether Epstein manipulated or abused her. Waitt also acknowledged that Maxwell had been around his four children, three of whom were girls, and said that had he known then what he knows now, he never would have befriended her or allowed her near them. His testimony largely presented him as someone who was intimately involved with Maxwell for years while remaining unaware of the reality of her relationship with Epstein and the crimes for which she was later convicted.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:GO120551

This is an encore episode of 'The View' — new episodes return Tuesday, September 8! 'The View' co-hosts and guest co-host Elisabeth Hasselbeck react after the House Oversight Committee released hours of video testimony from Bill and Hillary Clinton in which they were questioned about their ties to Jeffrey Epstein.  Zach Braff joins the show to reflect on the long‑awaited revival of 'Scrubs,' what it was like reuniting with the original cast, and how comedy has evolved since the series first premiered in 2001. Plus, Joan Lunden stops by to discuss her trailblazing journey breaking barriers on and off camera, the lessons she's learned along the way, and why she's choosing to open up now in her new memoir, 'Joan: Life Beyond the Script.' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Monday, July 27, 2026 Today, Donald Trump TACOs again on major Iran war escalation as administration officials worry about running out of munitions; the Pentagon has inexplicably changed the number of troops killed in the war from 18 to 14 on their web site; as far right influencers whinge about the tiny voter registration error in New Jersey - they remain silent about a similar error in Texas; the Justice Department withdraws its subpoenas of New York Times reporters; the administration admits in court papers that it canceled state grants based solely on politics; Trump has ordered fake news warning signs placed outside the Smithsonian; a car plowed into the crowd at Berlin Pride in an act of terrorism; Donald switched out his Bribe Force One jet because of a credible threat from Iran; Paramount Skydance has delayed its Warner Bros. Discovery buyout; Rep. Yassamin Ansari is seeking testimony from Barron Trump about his relationship with the Tate brothers; Trump's anti mail ballot executive order has been blocked by an appeals court; California Democrats are ramping up their anti-voter ID fight; a Democrat-backed candidate has flipped Chandler Arizona's solidly red mayoral seat; Katie Phang notched a win in her Epstein Files lawsuit against Todd Blanche; plus Allison delivers your Good News. Thank You, DeleteMe Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to www.joindeleteme.com/DAILYBEANS and use promo code DAILYBEANS at checkout. The Trump Epstein Memorial Bookmobile The Daily Beans is proud to partner with Miles Taylor and our friends at DEFIANCE.org For a limited time, members of the Daily Beans community can receive a FREE 3-month full membership to DEFIANCE.org and gain access to one of the fastest-growing pro-democracy movements in America. Join here: https://www.defiance.org/beans Join The Daily Beans and give a gift today to ensure The Trevor Project can continue its crucial work in the face of continued challenges. 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In this episode of John Solomon Reports, host John Solomon dives into the explosive hearings held by the House Oversight Committee, focusing on civil liberties violations and the drift towards cultural Marxism within powerful institutions like the Smithsonian Institution and the American Bar Association (ABA). Chairman Brandon Gill of Texas leads the charge, confronting the Smithsonian's leadership over controversial statements regarding American history and questioning the ABA's advocacy for diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) that has shifted the focus from merit to identity politics.Listeners will hear the intense exchanges as Gill challenges the narrative that prioritizes race over qualifications, raising concerns about the future of both institutions and their impact on American society. The episode examines the implications of these hearings and poses critical questions about potential congressional actions regarding the Smithsonian and ABA's role in law school accreditation.In the second segment, Shawn Carney joins Solomon to discuss a shocking incident involving a Catholic priest in Canada who was offered euthanasia in a hospital setting, highlighting the urgent ethical debates surrounding life and death in modern healthcare. Dr. Peter McCullough from the Wellness Company also shares insights on recent health news, contributing to a well-rounded discussion on vital topics affecting Americans today.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

'The View' co-hosts react after Smithsonian officials testified before a House Oversight Committee hearing amid Republican claims that the institution is promoting a radical ideology in its exhibits. The panel weighs in on the White House accusing the Smithsonian of “extreme political activism” and the broader debate over history, culture, and public institutions. Anson Mount joins the show to discuss returning as Captain Pike for season four of 'Star Trek: Strange New Worlds'. He also looks back on working with Britney Spears in 'Crossroads' 25 years later. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices