Podcasts about janjaweed

A civil war between two rival factions of the military government of Sudan, the Sudanese Armed Forces under Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces under the Janjaweed leader, Hemedti, began during Ramadan on 15 April 2023. It is arguably the worst conflict on the planet and no one is talking about it Travel to Germany with me here Check out our sister podcast the Mystery of Everything Coffee Collab With The Lore Lodge COFFEE Bonus episodes as well as ad-free episodes on Patreon. Find us on Instagram. Join us on Discord. Submit your relatives on our website Podcast Youtube Channel Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

*) Hezbollah moves missiles as Israel threatens to attack Lebanon Lebanon's Hezbollah has begun moving precision-guided missiles as Israel threatens to attack Lebanon. An official with the Lebanese group said that Hezbollah's stance remains unchanged. While the group does not seek a full-blown war with US-backed Israel, it will fight without limits if war breaks out. Hezbollah says it will continue skirmishes with the Israeli military until Tel Aviv ends its “genocidal war” on besieged Gaza. *) RSF bombardment in Sudan's Al Fasher kills 65: activists According to activists, at least 65 people, mostly children, have been killed since Saturday in bombardments by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in Sudan's Al Fasher city in Darfur region. The Al Fasher Resistance Committees reported that more than 70 rockets were launched in just one day by the RSF-linked militia known as the Janjaweed at hospitals, homes, mosques, and markets. Al Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state, is the national army's last remaining position in the Darfur region and a key front in the war with the RSF, which has turned Sudan into the world's worst humanitarian crisis. *) US announces $1.7B in new military aid for Ukraine The United States has announced new military aid for Ukraine valued at around $1.7 billion, including air defence munitions and artillery rounds that Kiev's forces say they urgently need. Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has expressed his deep gratitude to US President Joe Biden, the US Congress, and the American people for the assistance in a social media post. The United States has been a key military backer of Ukraine, committing more than $55 billion in weapons, ammunition, and other security assistance since Russia's attacks began in February 2022. *) Venezuela recalling envoys from 7 countries opposing Maduro's win Venezuela has announced it is withdrawing its diplomatic staff from seven Latin American countries that questioned the election victory of President Nicolas Maduro. In a statement, the Foreign Ministry rejected the “interventionist actions and statements” of the governments of Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, Panama, the Dominican Republic, and Uruguay, which signed a joint statement calling for a complete review of the election results. This decision follows the National Electoral Council's announcement of Maduro's victory, granting him a third six-year term as the country's leader. *) Seine pollution again shuts down Paris 2024 triathlon training Olympic organisers have cancelled a third day of triathlon training in the Seine River, after weekend downpours in Paris polluted the waterway. However, they remain “confident” the medal events will proceed as scheduled this week. The triathlon is the first Olympic event slated for the Seine, with marathon swimming set for the second week of the Games. Sunday's and Monday's swimming training sessions were also cancelled due to pollution levels.

Content warning for discussion of genocide, torture, mutilation, rape, and slavery Hey, Hi, Hello, this is the History Wizard and welcome back for Day 11 of Have a Day w/ The History Wizard. Thank you to everyone who tuned in for Day 10 last week, and especially thank you to everyone who rated and/or reviewed the podcast. I hope you all learned something last week and I hope the same for this week. This week marks the 3rd part of our mini series of currently ongoing genocides and humanitarian crises. Episode 2 was on Palestine, Episode 11 was on Congo, today's episode will be on Sudan. The nation of Sudan is currently dealing with, among other things we'll cover in detail later in this episode, the largest deplacement campaign of anywhere on the planet with over 9 million people being displaced from their homes by war and genocide. It always feels a little weird transitioning into this part of the episode, but it's now time for the Alchemist's Table. I've invented nearly 90 cocktails over the past 2 years and this one remains my very favorite. It's called the No True Scotsman. Take 2 oz of your scotch whiskey of choice, though I'd recommend a light Islay scotch, something like a Bowmore, or maybe a Campbeltown like Glen Scotia. Then add .75 oz of Frangelico, 1 oz of Maple syrup. Shake this like your life depends on it and pour over ice. Top the drink with ginger beer and enjoy. Now, fortified as we are by uisce beatha, the waters of life, let's get into it. So, what is happening in Sudan, right now? A civil war officially started between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the the Rapid Support Forces that grew out of the Janjaweed militias that were so prevalent in the Darfur Genocide. The war officially began on 15 April 2023 and is still ongoing. But, in order to understand what is happening right now, we need to understand what was happening in the 19th century under British and Egyptian colonialism in the region. So, let's starts at as much of the beginning as we can. Let's start at the Mahdist War. Following Muhammad Ali's invasion (no, a different Muhammad Ali)  in 1819, Sudan was governed by an Egyptian administration. Throughout the period of Egyptian rule, many segments of the Sudanese population suffered extreme hardship because of the system of taxation imposed by the central government. Under this system, a flat tax was imposed on farmers and small traders and collected by government-appointed tax collectors from the Sha'iqiyya tribe of northern Sudan. Throughout the century, and especially after Egypt was floundering to pay the costs of the Suez Canal, Britain got more and more involved. In the late 19th century a war broke out between the Mahdist Sudanese, led by Muhammad Ahmad bin Abdullah, who had proclaimed himself the "Mahdi" of Islam (the "Guided One"), and the forces of the Khedivate of Egypt, initially, and later the forces of Britain. Eighteen years of war resulted in the creation of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1899–1956), a de jure condominium of the British Empire, and the Kingdom of Egypt, in which Britain had de facto control over Sudan. Sudan officially voted for independence in 1956 and became its own independent republic. Although it achieved independence without conflict, Sudan inherited many problems from the condominium. Chief among these was the status of the civil service. The government placed Sudanese in the administration and provided compensation and pensions for British officers of Sudan Political Service who left the country; it retained those who could not be replaced, mostly technicians and teachers. Khartoum achieved this transformation quickly and with a minimum of turbulence, although southerners resented the replacement of British administrators in the south with northern Sudanese. To advance their interests, many southern leaders concentrated their efforts in Khartoum, where they hoped to win constitutional concessions. Although determined to resist what they perceived to be Arab imperialism, they were opposed to violence. Most southern representatives supported provincial autonomy and warned that failure to win legal concessions would drive the south to rebellion. To understand the issues in Sudan we need to understand that, ultimately, this is a religious and ethnic conflict between the mostly Islamic North and the largely Christian and animist South regions in the nation of Sudan. On November 17, 1958, the day parliament was to convene, a military coup occurred. Khalil, himself a retired army general, planned the preemptive coup in conjunction with leading Umma members and the army's two senior generals, Ibrahim Abboud and Ahmad Abd al Wahab, who became leaders of the military regime. Abboud immediately pledged to resolve all disputes with Egypt, including the long-standing problem of the status of the Nile River. Abboud abandoned the previous government's unrealistic policies regarding the sale of cotton. He also appointed a constitutional commission, headed by the chief justice, to draft a permanent constitution. Abboud maintained, however, that political parties only served as vehicles for personal ambitions and that they would not be reestablished when civilian rule was restored. Despite the Abboud regime's early successes, opposition elements remained powerful. In 1959 dissident military officers made three attempts to displace Abboud with a "popular government." Although the courts sentenced the leaders of these attempted coups to life imprisonment, discontent in the military continued to hamper the government's performance. In particular, the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) gained a reputation as an effective anti-government organization. To compound its problems, the Abboud regime lacked dynamism and the ability to stabilize the country. Its failure to place capable civilian advisers in positions of authority, or to launch a credible economic and social development program, and gain the army's support, created an atmosphere that encouraged political turbulence. A revolution in 1964 returned the nation to civilian rule, but did little to remove the preceding issues that plagued Sudan. This all brings us within the context of the First Sudanese Civil War. This war was a conflict from 1955 to 1972 between the northern part of Sudan and the southern Sudan region that demanded representation and more regional autonomy. The war was divided into four major stages: initial guerrilla warfare, the creation of the Anyanya insurgency, political strife within the government and establishment of the South Sudan Liberation Movement. Around a million people died over the course of the nearly 17-year long war. The war would end with the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord, which created two main things. A South Sudanese Autonomous Region, and relative peace, if only for about a decade. The Second Sudanese Civil War would break out in 1983. Some sources describe the conflict as an ethnoreligious one where the Arab-Muslim central government's pursuits to impose Sharia law on non-Muslim southerners led to violence, and eventually to the civil war. Historian Douglas Johnson has pointed to exploitative governance as the root cause. This war lasted for some 22 years, making it one of the longest civil wars in recorded Human History. Roughly two million people died as a result of war, famine and disease caused by the conflict. Four million people in southern Sudan were displaced at least once, normally repeatedly during the war. The civilian death toll is one of the highest of any war since World War II and was marked by numerous human rights violations, including slavery and mass killings. Perhaps one of the greatest horrors and tragedies of the Second Sudanese Civil War was the use of child soldiers. Armies from all sides enlisted children in their ranks. The 2005 agreement required that child soldiers be demobilized and sent home. The Sudan People's Liberation Army (the SPLA, by the way, was founded in 1983 as a rebel group to reestablish the South as an autonomous region after president Nimeiry declared the South to officially be part of a fully reunited Sudan.) claimed to have let go 16,000 of its child soldiers between 2001 and 2004. However, international observers (UN and Global Report 2004) have found demobilized children have often been re-recruited by the SPLA. As of 2004, there were between 2,500 and 5,000 children serving in the SPLA.  There was also a revival of slavery during the Second Civil War, it was largely directed at southern Christians, on the grounds that Islamic law allegedly allowed it, and also at women, many of whom were kept as sex slaves and repeatedly raped. The Second Civil War ended officially in 2002 with the signing of the Naivasha Agreement. This guaranteed autonomy for the South for 6 years after which a referendum would be help to vote for official independence. This war ended with roughly 2 million people, mostly civilians, dead of drought and famine caused in large parts by the fighting. Still, while the Second Civil War ended in 2005, it overlapped with a crisis that my generation is very familiar with and that is still, technically, ongoing to this day. I am speaking, of course, of the Darfur Genocide that began in 2003 and has not ended to this day. The War in Darfur, which is also sometimes called the Land Cruiser War, because there were a LOT of Toyota Land Cruiser pick up trucks on both sides of the war, began in February 2003 when the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) rebel groups began fighting against the government of Sudan, which they accused of oppressing Darfur's non-Arab population.  So first let's talk real quick about the SLM and the JEM. When General Omar al-Bashir and the National Islamic Front headed by Dr. Hassan al-Turabi overthrew the Sudanese government led by Ahmed al-Mirghani in 1989. A large section of the population in Darfur, particularly the non-Arab ethnicities in the region, became increasingly marginalized. These feelings were solidified in 2000 by the publication of The Black Book, which detailed the structural inequity in the Sudan that denies non-Arabs equal justice and power sharing. In 2002 Abdul Wahid al-Nur, a lawyer, Ahmad Abdel Shafi Bassey, an education student, and a third man founded the Darfur Liberation Front, which subsequently evolved into the Sudan Liberation Movement and claimed to represent all of the oppressed in the Sudan. The Black Book, also known as The Black Book: Imbalance of Power and Wealth in the Sudan detailed how, despite the Arabic people of North Sudan making up 5.4% of the population they still held 79.5% of the wealth in the nation. So in this context, beyond being a war and genocide based on ethnicity and religion we can see economic reasons for the war. There was a massive disparity between the haves and the have nots, and Karl Marx would tell us that this is the foundation and origin of all of history's great wars.  Now, the Justice and Equality Movement trace their origin to the writers of The Black Book: Imbalance of Power and Wealth in the Sudan, a manuscript published in 2000 that details what it views as the structural inequality in the country; the JEM's founder, Khalil Ibrahim, was one of the authors. The JEM claims to number around 35,000 with an ethnically diverse membership. According to critics it is not the "rainbow of tribes" it claims to be, as most JEM members, including its leader, are from the Zaghawa tribe. The JEM is part of the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF), an alliance of groups opposed to the Government of Sudan. The Darfur Genocide has it's roots in the same places as all geocides. One group, who feels themselves superior to all others, decided that the best way to deal with these divisive elements in their society is to try and kill them. We saw the same type of conflict in the Armenian genocide of the early 20th century. The Northern Sudanese government saw the non Arabic elements of South Sudan as threats to their power in the region and so decided to kill them. The use of rape as a tool of genocide has been noted as well. This crime has been carried out by Sudanese government forces and the Janjaweed ("evil men on horseback") paramilitary groups. The actions of the Janjaweed have been described as genocidal rape, with not just women, but children as well. There were also reports of infants being bludgeoned to death, and the sexual mutilation of victims being commonplace. One thing I want to make sure we mention is that the President of Sudan during the Darfur genocide has had arrest warrants issued against him by the ICC. He has been charged with five counts of crimes against humanity: murder, extermination, forcible transfer, torture, and rape; two counts of war crimes: intentionally directing attacks against a civilian population as such or against individual civilians not taking part in hostilities, and pillaging; three counts of genocide: by killing, by causing serious bodily or mental harm, and by deliberately inflicting on each target group conditions of life calculated to bring about the group's physical destruction, allegedly committed at least between 2003 and 2008 in Darfur, Sudan. To this day he remains at large and is not in custody. I say remains at large. We, more or less, know where he is. As of 2019 al-Bashir was ousted from his political role by the RSF in a military coup and jailed in Khartoum. Tensions rose between the RSF and the SLM and in 2023 they erupted, once again, into a civil war in Sudan. This brings us, more or less, up to modern day Sudan and the current conflict. To put it as simply as possible, ethnic and religious tensions between the Arabic north and the Christian south have exploded into a full scale war in a period of drought and famine. Roughly 9 million people have been displaced and pretty much everyone who lives in Sudan is without adequate food and water. The United Arab Emirates, among other nations are actively supporting the RSF in their continued subjugation of South Sudan and are actively contributing to the ongoing Darfur genocide. Roughly 80% of Sudanese hospitals no longer exist, and the World Food Programe has indicated that some 95% of Sudanese people are in a state of massive food insecurity. On 3 August 2023, Amnesty International released its report on the conflict. Titled Death Came To Our Home: War Crimes and Civilian Suffering In Sudan, it documented "mass civilian casualties in both deliberate and indiscriminate attacks" by both the SAF and the RSF, particularly in Khartoum and West Darfur. It also detailed sexual violence against women and girls as young as 12, targeted attacks on civilian facilities such as hospitals and churches, and looting. Early March 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan, mandated by Resolution 2620 (2022) of the UN Security Council, published their latest report. It described the wide-ranging devastation and violence in the country, caused in many cases by the RSF and associated militias. With regard to war crimes in West Darfur, the report estimated the death rate through ethnic cleansing of the Masalit community in El Geneina between 10,000 and 15,000. In her speech before the Security Council Committee, Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the US Representative to the United Nations, commented: "It is my hope that the sobering report will at long last shake the world from its indifference to the horrors playing out before our eyes." In April 2024, the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights released a report into breaches of the Genocide Convention in Darfur. The independent report found that there is "clear and convincing evidence" that the RSF and its allied militias "have committed and are committing genocide against the Masalit," a non-Arab ethnic group, and that all 153 states that have signed the Genocide Convention are "obligated to end complicity in and employ all means reasonably available to prevent and halt the genocide." It goes on to say that there is "clear and convincing evidence" that Sudan, the United Arab Emirates, Libya, Chad, the Central African Republic (CAR) and Russia via the actions of the Wagner Group are "complicit in the genocide." The ongoing genocide and refugee crisis in Sudan can, absolutely trace its roots to British imperialism, but beyond that it is part of an ongoing religious conflict between Islam and Christianity dating back all the way to the Crusades. The conflict between the SAF and the RSF is ongoing and shows no signs of slowing down or stopping. While these two groups fight for control over Sudan millions of innocent civilians are dying due to lack of access to food and water. Civil war and genocide is ongoing against the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa ethnic groups and against the general non-Arabic Muslim peoples of Sudan. This conflict has been going on for so long that we have all but forgotten about it. I was in high school and engaging in political activism to end the Darfur genocide. This was nearly 20 years ago. I'm old as hell. There are so many horrible crimes and genocides that exist in the world today. Please don't forget about these suffering people. Genocide relies on existing for long enough that it becomes part of the background. None of this is normal. Never again is right now. That's it for this week folks. No new reviews, so let's get right into the outro. Have a Day! w/ The History Wizard is brought to you by me, The History Wizard. If you want to see/hear more of me you can find me on Tiktok @thehistorywizard or on Instagram @the_history_wizard. Please remember to rate, review, and subscribe to Have a Day! On your pod catcher of choice. The more you do, the more people will be able to listen and learn along with you. Thank you  for sticking around until the end and, as always, Have a Day, and Free Sudan  

A comunidade internacional reuniu-se esta segunda-feira, 15 de Abril, em Paris e comprometeu- se a ajudar o Sudão com mais de 2 mil milhões de dólares. Há um ano que os confrontos entre as diferentes facções militares mergulharam o país numa guerra civil violenta, deixando cerca de 25 milhões de sudaneses, cerca de metade da população, a precisarem de ajuda humanitária. Em entrevista à RFI, a professora de Relações Internacionais na Universidade de Coimbra, Daniela Nascimento, considera que o país vive numa situação de caos humanitário.RFI: O Sudão está em guerra há um ano. Qual é o actual estado do país?Daniela Nascimento, professora de Relações Internacionais na Universidade de Coimbra: A situação actual no Sudão é de uma crise humanitária que se agrava a cada dia que passa. São 12 meses de uma guerra particularmente violenta, confrontos que não poupam a população civil e com um custo humano significativo. Estima-se que cerca de 15 mil pessoas já tenham morrido, em resultado dos confrontos entre os dois grupos militares.O custo humano também se verifica do ponto de vista do número de pessoas que se viram forçadas a sair ou a deslocar-se no Sudão. Uma estimativa das Nações Unidas revela que pelo menos 8 milhões de pessoas estão deslocadas forçadamente, cerca de 2 milhões procuraram refúgio nos países vizinhos, como é o caso do Chade, Egipto e Sudão do Sul. Estamos a falar de países que também são bastante instáveis e frágeis, o que também não facilita a sua situação, nem a sua segurança.A situação actual [no Sudão] é de caos humanitário. Uma das maiores crises humanitárias que vivemos no mundo hoje em dia.A ONU alerta para a vaga de refugiados, se não se fizer nada. O que precisa de ser feito para evitar que esta situação se torne pior? Se é possível, ainda, tornar-se pior…Se a guerra continuar, eu diria que é sempre possível a situação tornar-se pior. A meu ver, a única maneira de parar a situação de caos humanitário-mas também do ponto de vista daquilo que é a garantia de assistência humanitária à população sudanesa- é acabar com a guerra. Cerca de metade da população sudanesa, 25 milhões de pessoas, dependem de ajuda humanitária de organizações internacionais e não governamentais que têm imensa dificuldade em manter-se activas no terreno, em virtude das condições de insegurança.As partes beligerantes já afirmaram a sua resistência à presença de actores internacionais. Há uns meses, as próprias Nações Unidas foram consideradas “persona non grata” no território sudanês. A única forma de parar com esta situação é parar a guerra e encetar esforços direcionados à tentativa de resolução e ao diálogo entre as partes. O que, honestamente, me parece difícil, mas que deve pelo menos tentar-se.A comunidade internacional está preocupada com a situação de fome iminente no país. Há dificuldades no acesso à saúde. Como é que se deixou o Sudão chegar a esta realidade?Eu diria que, por variadíssimas razões, a comunidade internacional não está suficientemente atenta, nem em alerta para a situação humanitária que se vive no Sudão. Uma dessas razões tem a ver com um certo grau de negligência para com um país que se tornou pouco relevante para a comunidade internacional e para a agenda internacional. A partir do momento em que se assinou o acordo de paz, em 2011, com o Sul e depois, obviamente, em virtude das circunstâncias que vivemos, pelo menos desde Outubro do ano passado, com todo o foco mediático e, sobretudo, com o envolvimento de grandes potências- ou de potências que poderiam ter aqui um papel mais significativo do ponto de vista negocial- a estar direcionado para aquilo que se passa no Médio Oriente e em Gaza, desviando a atenção mediática do Sudão.O Sudão está a ser vítima de esquecimento? Sim, o Sudão é vítima de esquecimento e não é só de agora. Há muitos anos que se verifica uma situação de grande fragilidade política, social, económica e de segurança. Eu diria que desde 2011, quando o Sudão do Sul se torna independente e pouco tempo depois resvala para uma guerra civil, que a comunidade internacional abandonou aquilo que era o seu compromisso com um processo de estabilização no território sudanês.Considero que há aqui uma responsabilidade clara por parte da comunidade internacional que inicialmente estava muito comprometida com a estabilização do país- nomeadamente os Estados Unidos e a própria União Europeia. Em virtude das circunstâncias de se ter posto fim formal à guerra, houve uma desresponsabilização daquilo que é um caminho mais difícil, resultando em mais um episódio de guerra e de enorme instabilidade no Sudão. Isto tem um custo humano significativo para uma população que espera há décadas por uma oportunidade de paz.Há relatos de crimes contra a humanidade, nomeadamente de mulheres violadas por militares. Como é que se poderá fazer justiça num país onde as instituições não funcionam?É difícil fazer justiça no Sudão. Lembremos que o antigo Presidente sudanês- deposto por via daquilo que foi a revolução civil e democrática em 2019- está preso no Sudão à espera de ser julgado por crimes de guerra e crimes contra a humanidade. Violações graves que foram cometidas por Omar al-Bashir durante os 30 anos em que esteve no poder.No entanto, as autoridades sudanesas recusaram-se a enviar Omar al-Bashir para o Tribunal Penal Internacional-TPI- onde está indiciado por esses crimes. Aquela ideia de que as instituições sudanesas, no momento da transição democrática, iriam encarregar-se do seu julgamento e da justiça devida não se verifico, porque o país não tem instituições capazes de levar a cabo esses processos.A verdade é que vivemos hoje no Sudão uma situação de extensiva prática de violações graves dos direitos humanos, dos quais a violação como arma de guerra tem sido prática recorrente, sobretudo em regiões controladas pelas Forças de Apoio Rápido, lideradas pelo general Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, mas não exclusivamente. Os relatos têm sido muito mais significativos do lado das forças contrárias às Forças Armadas sudanesas.Esta guerra opõe o exército comandado pelo general Abdel Fattah al-Burhan contras as Forças Paramilitares de Apoio Rápido, lideradas pelo general General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo. A última vez que se falou em negociações, ou num cessar-fogo foi há seis meses. O que é que impede as partes de voltarem à mesa de negociações?Nenhuma das figuras que lidera esta guerra está disponível a ceder. Tornou-se, de facto, uma guerra pelo poder entre duas figuras de relevo, do ponto de vista daquilo que tem sido a trajectória histórica do Sudão, muito marcada pela forte presença dos militares nas estruturas governativas. Aquilo que é uma relutância para negociar resulta de uma tentativa de tomar o poder, por ambas as partes, pelo todo. Nos últimos meses, assistimos ao périplo do general Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo pelo continente africano, encontrando-se com altas figuras e representantes da União Europeia, numa espécie de campanha de charme para tentar ser legitimado enquanto actor político no Sudão. Mas a verdade é que estamos perante dois militares que têm uma lógica de actuação que é sobretudo de luta pelo poder.Lembremos que o general Mohamed Hamdan é responsável por crimes contra a humanidade e de genocídio cometidos no Darfur, em 2003, enquanto líder das chamadas milícias Janjaweed, patrocinadas pelo Governo de Omar al-Bashir, aquando da disputa militar que surgiu na sequência do processo de paz mais alargado com o Sul. Estamos a falar de duas pessoas que não estão minimamente comprometidas com a paz, com a estabilidade e nem com a transição democrática. Trata-se de uma luta pelo poder e- até esse poder ser conquistado pela força- é desta forma que estes dois líderes se vão posicionar. A não ser que haja uma lógica de maior assertividade por parte da comunidade internacional.Ontem, na Conferencência Internacional de Paris, a comunidade internacional anunciou mais de 2 mil milhões de dólares de ajuda humanitária para o Sudão. Esta ajuda é suficiente? A ajuda humanitária nunca é suficiente. Os apelos das organizações humanitárias nunca são correspondidos com os montantes necessários. Chegamos, a dada altura, a uma circunstância em que a própria assistência humanitária que se consegue- por muito fundamental que seja para a sobrevivência diária de milhares e milhões de pessoas- é sempre, de alguma maneira, insustentável do ponto de vista daquilo que é a necessidade de uma solução ou de uma resposta muito mais alargada. Todavia, demonstra, pelo menos, alguma vontade em recuperar alguma atenção relativamente àquilo que se passa no Sudão.Num país onde os Médicos Sem Fronteiras afirmam que morrem crianças de duas em duas horas. Onde crianças são recrutadas para o conflito. Toda esta situação que parece não ser reconhecida pela comunidade internacional e que é reveladora de uma crise humanitária sem precedentes…[Reveladora] de uma crise humanitária e de uma guerra sem regras. Estamos cada vez mais perante circunstâncias de um conflito violento, onde nenhumas das partes respeita as regras de direito internacional e humanitário.O recrutamento de crianças soldado, a destruição extensiva e deliberada de infra-estruturas civis, estima-se que cerca de 80% das infra-estruturas médicas no Sudão tenham sido destruídas. Há um total desrespeito por aquilo que são as garantias e salvaguardas de direitos e de princípios fundamentais. Estão em causa estes [direitos] naquilo que é uma guerra violenta nas ruas, nas cidades, e onde a própria destruição de infra-estruturas civis, a utilização de civis como alvos da guerra, se tornou uma estratégia deliberada de ambas as partes, numa tentativa de conquistar o tal poder que se pretende.O Reino Unido anunciou novas sanções contra as empresas que apoiam os beligerantes. Esta pode ser uma solução? As sanções são sempre um instrumento possível de activar nestas circunstâncias e aqui têm, obviamente, um intuito. Neste caso concreto, as sanções anunciadas pelo ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros britânico vêm exactamente nesse sentido, sendo direcionado a indivíduos ou estruturas que, de alguma maneira, estão a suportar a guerra no Sudão. Procuram minar um pouco aquilo que são as condições materiais para o desenvolvimento desta guerra.Contudo, não podemos esquecer, por exemplo, aquilo que tem sido o apoio à guerra por parte de países vizinhos ou não tão próximos a esta guerra. Refiro-me ao envolvimento de Wagner, apoiando as Forças de Apoio Rápido. As ligações muito importantes do ponto de vista daquilo que foi o patrocínio, quanto mais não seja no início dos confrontos militares, de países como a Arábia Saudita, o Qatar, os Emirados Árabes Unidos, que têm uma responsabilidade fundamental neste processo.As sanções são um instrumento possível, mas não são a solução para a resolução desta guerra.

The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, refers to a conflict that began in the early 2000s and resulted in the mass killings, displacement, and widespread human rights abuses targeting the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups, among others. While the conflict has its roots in complex historical, political, and socioeconomic factors, it is primarily characterized by the systematic and deliberate violence perpetrated by the Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militia against civilian populations.Background: Darfur, a region in western Sudan, has a long history of tensions between nomadic Arab herders and sedentary African farmers over land and resources. However, the conflict escalated in 2003 when rebel groups from the marginalized Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa communities launched attacks against government targets, accusing the central government of neglect and discrimination.Government Response: In response to the rebel uprising, the Sudanese government, under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, initiated a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. Instead of targeting the rebel groups directly, the government-backed Janjaweed militia was mobilized to carry out attacks against civilian populations suspected of supporting the rebels. The government's tactics included aerial bombardments, village burnings, mass killings, rape, and forced displacement.Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The violence in Darfur quickly escalated into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. The Janjaweed militia, comprised of Arab militias, often attacked African villages, looting properties, killing men, women, and children, and subjecting women to widespread sexual violence. The scale and brutality of the attacks led to allegations of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed proxies. The government's systematic targeting of specific ethnic groups for extermination or displacement provided evidence of their genocidal intent.International Response: The international community responded to the crisis in Darfur with varying degrees of urgency and effectiveness. The United Nations (UN) deployed peacekeeping forces, known as the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian aid.However, the mission faced numerous challenges, including insufficient resources and constraints imposed by the Sudanese government.The International Criminal Court (ICC) took action by issuing arrest warrants for several Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, al-Bashir remained in power and was not extradited to the ICC, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.Humanitarian Crisis: The violence in Darfur resulted in one of the largest and most protracted humanitarian crises in recent history.The conflict displaced an estimated 2.7 million people, with many seeking refuge in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or fleeing to neighboring Chad. The displacement led to severe food shortages, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare, and outbreaks of diseases, causing immense suffering and loss of life.Peace Efforts and Current Situation:Over the years, various peace agreements and initiatives have been attempted to resolve the conflict in Darfur. The most notable of these was the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), signed in 2011 between the Sudanese government and a major rebel group. However, the DDPD has not fully implemented, and sporadic violence and clashes between different armed groups continue to pose challenges to lasting peace in the region.Now, hostilities are flaring and the Janjaweed have started to torment the ethnic africans all over again.(commercial at 10:48)to contact me:bobbycapucci@portonmail.comsource:China, Myanmar and now Darfur ... the horror of genocide is here again (msn.com)Become a supporter of this podcast:https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, refers to a conflict that began in the early 2000s and resulted in the mass killings, displacement, and widespread human rights abuses targeting the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups, among others. While the conflict has its roots in complex historical, political, and socioeconomic factors, it is primarily characterized by the systematic and deliberate violence perpetrated by the Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militia against civilian populations.Background: Darfur, a region in western Sudan, has a long history of tensions between nomadic Arab herders and sedentary African farmers over land and resources. However, the conflict escalated in 2003 when rebel groups from the marginalized Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa communities launched attacks against government targets, accusing the central government of neglect and discrimination.Government Response: In response to the rebel uprising, the Sudanese government, under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, initiated a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. Instead of targeting the rebel groups directly, the government-backed Janjaweed militia was mobilized to carry out attacks against civilian populations suspected of supporting the rebels. The government's tactics included aerial bombardments, village burnings, mass killings, rape, and forced displacement.Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The violence in Darfur quickly escalated into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. The Janjaweed militia, comprised of Arab militias, often attacked African villages, looting properties, killing men, women, and children, and subjecting women to widespread sexual violence. The scale and brutality of the attacks led to allegations of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed proxies. The government's systematic targeting of specific ethnic groups for extermination or displacement provided evidence of their genocidal intent.International Response: The international community responded to the crisis in Darfur with varying degrees of urgency and effectiveness. The United Nations (UN) deployed peacekeeping forces, known as the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian aid.However, the mission faced numerous challenges, including insufficient resources and constraints imposed by the Sudanese government.The International Criminal Court (ICC) took action by issuing arrest warrants for several Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, al-Bashir remained in power and was not extradited to the ICC, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.Humanitarian Crisis: The violence in Darfur resulted in one of the largest and most protracted humanitarian crises in recent history.The conflict displaced an estimated 2.7 million people, with many seeking refuge in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or fleeing to neighboring Chad. The displacement led to severe food shortages, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare, and outbreaks of diseases, causing immense suffering and loss of life.Peace Efforts and Current Situation:Over the years, various peace agreements and initiatives have been attempted to resolve the conflict in Darfur. The most notable of these was the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), signed in 2011 between the Sudanese government and a major rebel group. However, the DDPD has not fully implemented, and sporadic violence and clashes between different armed groups continue to pose challenges to lasting peace in the region.Now, hostilities are flaring and the Janjaweed have started to torment the ethnic africans all over again.(commercial at 10:48)to contact me:bobbycapucci@portonmail.comsource:China, Myanmar and now Darfur ... the horror of genocide is here again (msn.com)

“Those who are not killed are hiding”. Thousands of new refugees have crossed into Chad from Darfur in recent weeks - all describing scenes of horror as the Rapid Support Forces, or RSF, establish their dominance across the region in western Sudan. The RSF was created from the feared Janjaweed militia which destroyed villages and killed or displaced hundreds of thousands of people in Darfur in 2003 and 2004. Its leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo - widely known as Hemedti - used to be a Janjaweed commander. Now the RSF is expected to take the capital city of north Darfur - Al Fashar - previously a safe haven for the non-Arab population. Around 50 thousand internally displaced people had already sought shelter there earlier in the war, prompting fears of an even greater humanitarian disaster. For today's Africa Daily, Alan Kasujja gets the latest on the situation from Suliman Baldo of the Sudan Crisis Research Network as well as from Seif Nemir who managed to get his family out of the embattled city of El Geneina in June.

The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, refers to a conflict that began in the early 2000s and resulted in the mass killings, displacement, and widespread human rights abuses targeting the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups, among others. While the conflict has its roots in complex historical, political, and socioeconomic factors, it is primarily characterized by the systematic and deliberate violence perpetrated by the Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militia against civilian populations.Background: Darfur, a region in western Sudan, has a long history of tensions between nomadic Arab herders and sedentary African farmers over land and resources. However, the conflict escalated in 2003 when rebel groups from the marginalized Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa communities launched attacks against government targets, accusing the central government of neglect and discrimination.Government Response: In response to the rebel uprising, the Sudanese government, under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, initiated a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. Instead of targeting the rebel groups directly, the government-backed Janjaweed militia was mobilized to carry out attacks against civilian populations suspected of supporting the rebels. The government's tactics included aerial bombardments, village burnings, mass killings, rape, and forced displacement.Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The violence in Darfur quickly escalated into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. The Janjaweed militia, comprised of Arab militias, often attacked African villages, looting properties, killing men, women, and children, and subjecting women to widespread sexual violence. The scale and brutality of the attacks led to allegations of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed proxies. The government's systematic targeting of specific ethnic groups for extermination or displacement provided evidence of their genocidal intent.International Response: The international community responded to the crisis in Darfur with varying degrees of urgency and effectiveness. The United Nations (UN) deployed peacekeeping forces, known as the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian aid.However, the mission faced numerous challenges, including insufficient resources and constraints imposed by the Sudanese government.The International Criminal Court (ICC) took action by issuing arrest warrants for several Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, al-Bashir remained in power and was not extradited to the ICC, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.Humanitarian Crisis: The violence in Darfur resulted in one of the largest and most protracted humanitarian crises in recent history.The conflict displaced an estimated 2.7 million people, with many seeking refuge in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or fleeing to neighboring Chad. The displacement led to severe food shortages, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare, and outbreaks of diseases, causing immense suffering and loss of life.Peace Efforts and Current Situation:Over the years, various peace agreements and initiatives have been attempted to resolve the conflict in Darfur. The most notable of these was the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), signed in 2011 between the Sudanese government and a major rebel group. However, the DDPD has not fully implemented, and sporadic violence and clashes between different armed groups continue to pose challenges to lasting peace in the region.Now, hostilities are flaring and the Janjaweed have started to torment the ethnic africans all over again.(commercial at 12:23)to contact me:bobbycapucci@portonmail.comsource:China, Myanmar and now Darfur ... the horror of genocide is here again (msn.com)This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/5003294/advertisement

The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, refers to a conflict that began in the early 2000s and resulted in the mass killings, displacement, and widespread human rights abuses targeting the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups, among others. While the conflict has its roots in complex historical, political, and socioeconomic factors, it is primarily characterized by the systematic and deliberate violence perpetrated by the Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militia against civilian populations.Background: Darfur, a region in western Sudan, has a long history of tensions between nomadic Arab herders and sedentary African farmers over land and resources. However, the conflict escalated in 2003 when rebel groups from the marginalized Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa communities launched attacks against government targets, accusing the central government of neglect and discrimination.Government Response: In response to the rebel uprising, the Sudanese government, under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, initiated a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. Instead of targeting the rebel groups directly, the government-backed Janjaweed militia was mobilized to carry out attacks against civilian populations suspected of supporting the rebels. The government's tactics included aerial bombardments, village burnings, mass killings, rape, and forced displacement.Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The violence in Darfur quickly escalated into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. The Janjaweed militia, comprised of Arab militias, often attacked African villages, looting properties, killing men, women, and children, and subjecting women to widespread sexual violence. The scale and brutality of the attacks led to allegations of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed proxies. The government's systematic targeting of specific ethnic groups for extermination or displacement provided evidence of their genocidal intent.International Response: The international community responded to the crisis in Darfur with varying degrees of urgency and effectiveness. The United Nations (UN) deployed peacekeeping forces, known as the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian aid.However, the mission faced numerous challenges, including insufficient resources and constraints imposed by the Sudanese government.The International Criminal Court (ICC) took action by issuing arrest warrants for several Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, al-Bashir remained in power and was not extradited to the ICC, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.Humanitarian Crisis: The violence in Darfur resulted in one of the largest and most protracted humanitarian crises in recent history.The conflict displaced an estimated 2.7 million people, with many seeking refuge in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or fleeing to neighboring Chad. The displacement led to severe food shortages, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare, and outbreaks of diseases, causing immense suffering and loss of life.Peace Efforts and Current Situation:Over the years, various peace agreements and initiatives have been attempted to resolve the conflict in Darfur. The most notable of these was the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), signed in 2011 between the Sudanese government and a major rebel group. However, the DDPD has not fully implemented, and sporadic violence and clashes between different armed groups continue to pose challenges to lasting peace in the region.Now, hostilities are flaring and the Janjaweed have started to torment the ethnic africans all over again.to contact me:bobbycapucci@portonmail.comsource:China, Myanmar and now Darfur ... the horror of genocide is here again (msn.com)This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/5080327/advertisement

Today's HeadlinesMasalit encounter Gospel despite Darfur slaughterPakistani mosque — the last place you'd imagine broadcasting ScriptureSocial media ministry connects diasporas with the Gospel

In 2003 a militia drawn from ethnic Arab tribes in Darfur, known as the Janjaweed, partnered with the government of Sudan in a genocidal campaign against non-Arab tribes in the region. An estimated 300,000 people were killed in the 2003-2004 Darfur genocide. In August 2023, there is mounting evidence of ethnic cleansing is again underway in Darfur, and the US Holocaust Memorial Museaum is warning that there is risk of a full blown genocide.   As Cameron Hudson of the Center for Strategic and International Studies explains, what is happening in Darfur today is reminiscent of the Genocide 20 years ago. We kick off discussing the current campaign of ethnic cleansing underway in Darfur.  He then explains how the genocidal Janjaweed militia became the Rapid Support Forces, which are carrying out these atrocities while battling for control of the whole of Sudan in a full blown civil war that began in April. We discuss how the Rapid Support Forces funds its operations, and the support it is receiving from the United Arab Emirates. Global Dispatches will bear witness to the unfolding crisis in Darfur even as it is far from the headlines of most western outlets. We will offer original reporting, and give you the analysis and context you need to understand this crisis as it unfolds through a series we are calling Darfur Genocide Watch. To access this series and support our work, become a paid subscriber in Apple Podcasts, via Patreon or via Substack  

Darfur's years of systematic violence left the international community outraged – along with a few celebrities. And many of them tried to do something. They tried to save Darfur. At its peak, the Save Darfur movement would be an alliance of more than 190 faith-based organizations from many countries, a reported one million activists, and hundreds of community groups. But by 2016, the movement shut down. So, why did the movement fail – and what does it mean for the violence unleashed in Darfur today? This is the second of a two-part series on the crisis happening in Darfur. In this episode: Rebecca Hamilton (@bechamilton), law professor at American University Niemat, women's rights activist from Darfur Nathaniel Raymond (@nattyray11), human rights investigator Episode credits: This episode was produced by Amy Walters, David Enders and our host Natasha Del Toro, in for Malika Bilal. Khaled Soltan and Miranda Lin fact-checked this episode. Our sound designer is Alex Roldan. Our lead of audience development and engagement is Aya Elmileik. Adam Abou-Gad is our engagement producer. Alexandra Locke is The Take's executive producer, and Ney Alvarez is Al Jazeera's head of audio. Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook

In Darfur, Sudan's conflict has reawakened old wounds, the divisions drawn along ethnic lines that led to systematic killings a generation ago. Back then, governments worldwide accused government-backed militias of carrying out genocide. Since April this year, a power struggle between two military leaders tore apart Khartoum, the capital, and the country. So, where did those militias come from, and why do they have so many people in Darfur running for their lives again? This is the first of a two-part series on the crisis happening in Darfur. In this episode: Niemat, women's rights activist from Darfur Mat Nashed (@matnashed), freelance journalist covering Sudan Episode credits: This episode was produced by Amy Walters, David Enders and our host Natasha del Toro, in for Malika Bilal. Khaled Soltan and Miranda Lin fact-checked this episode. Our sound designer is Alex Roldan. Our lead of audience development and engagement is Aya Elmileik. Adam Abou-Gad is our engagement producer. Alexandra Locke is The Take's executive producer, and Ney Alvarez is Al Jazeera's head of audio. Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook

The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, refers to a conflict that began in the early 2000s and resulted in the mass killings, displacement, and widespread human rights abuses targeting the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups, among others. While the conflict has its roots in complex historical, political, and socioeconomic factors, it is primarily characterized by the systematic and deliberate violence perpetrated by the Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militia against civilian populations.Background: Darfur, a region in western Sudan, has a long history of tensions between nomadic Arab herders and sedentary African farmers over land and resources. However, the conflict escalated in 2003 when rebel groups from the marginalized Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa communities launched attacks against government targets, accusing the central government of neglect and discrimination.Government Response: In response to the rebel uprising, the Sudanese government, under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, initiated a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. Instead of targeting the rebel groups directly, the government-backed Janjaweed militia was mobilized to carry out attacks against civilian populations suspected of supporting the rebels. The government's tactics included aerial bombardments, village burnings, mass killings, rape, and forced displacement.Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The violence in Darfur quickly escalated into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. The Janjaweed militia, comprised of Arab militias, often attacked African villages, looting properties, killing men, women, and children, and subjecting women to widespread sexual violence. The scale and brutality of the attacks led to allegations of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed proxies. The government's systematic targeting of specific ethnic groups for extermination or displacement provided evidence of their genocidal intent.International Response: The international community responded to the crisis in Darfur with varying degrees of urgency and effectiveness. The United Nations (UN) deployed peacekeeping forces, known as the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian aid.However, the mission faced numerous challenges, including insufficient resources and constraints imposed by the Sudanese government.The International Criminal Court (ICC) took action by issuing arrest warrants for several Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, al-Bashir remained in power and was not extradited to the ICC, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.Humanitarian Crisis: The violence in Darfur resulted in one of the largest and most protracted humanitarian crises in recent history.The conflict displaced an estimated 2.7 million people, with many seeking refuge in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or fleeing to neighboring Chad. The displacement led to severe food shortages, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare, and outbreaks of diseases, causing immense suffering and loss of life.Peace Efforts and Current Situation:Over the years, various peace agreements and initiatives have been attempted to resolve the conflict in Darfur. The most notable of these was the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), signed in 2011 between the Sudanese government and a major rebel group. However, the DDPD has not fully implemented, and sporadic violence and clashes between different armed groups continue to pose challenges to lasting peace in the region.Now, hostilities are flaring and the Janjaweed have started to torment the ethnic africans all over again. to contact me:bobbycapucci@portonmail.comsource:China, Myanmar and now Darfur ... the horror of genocide is here again (msn.com)This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/5080327/advertisement

The genocide in Darfur, Sudan, refers to a conflict that began in the early 2000s and resulted in the mass killings, displacement, and widespread human rights abuses targeting the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups, among others. While the conflict has its roots in complex historical, political, and socioeconomic factors, it is primarily characterized by the systematic and deliberate violence perpetrated by the Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militia against civilian populations.Background: Darfur, a region in western Sudan, has a long history of tensions between nomadic Arab herders and sedentary African farmers over land and resources. However, the conflict escalated in 2003 when rebel groups from the marginalized Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa communities launched attacks against government targets, accusing the central government of neglect and discrimination.Government Response: In response to the rebel uprising, the Sudanese government, under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, initiated a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. Instead of targeting the rebel groups directly, the government-backed Janjaweed militia was mobilized to carry out attacks against civilian populations suspected of supporting the rebels. The government's tactics included aerial bombardments, village burnings, mass killings, rape, and forced displacement.Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The violence in Darfur quickly escalated into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. The Janjaweed militia, comprised of Arab militias, often attacked African villages, looting properties, killing men, women, and children, and subjecting women to widespread sexual violence. The scale and brutality of the attacks led to allegations of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed proxies. The government's systematic targeting of specific ethnic groups for extermination or displacement provided evidence of their genocidal intent.International Response: The international community responded to the crisis in Darfur with varying degrees of urgency and effectiveness. The United Nations (UN) deployed peacekeeping forces, known as the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), to protect civilians and facilitate humanitarian aid.However, the mission faced numerous challenges, including insufficient resources and constraints imposed by the Sudanese government.The International Criminal Court (ICC) took action by issuing arrest warrants for several Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. However, al-Bashir remained in power and was not extradited to the ICC, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.Humanitarian Crisis: The violence in Darfur resulted in one of the largest and most protracted humanitarian crises in recent history.The conflict displaced an estimated 2.7 million people, with many seeking refuge in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or fleeing to neighboring Chad. The displacement led to severe food shortages, lack of clean water, inadequate healthcare, and outbreaks of diseases, causing immense suffering and loss of life.Peace Efforts and Current Situation:Over the years, various peace agreements and initiatives have been attempted to resolve the conflict in Darfur. The most notable of these was the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), signed in 2011 between the Sudanese government and a major rebel group. However, the DDPD has not fully implemented, and sporadic violence and clashes between different armed groups continue to pose challenges to lasting peace in the region.Now, hostilities are flaring and the Janjaweed have started to torment the ethnic africans all over again. (commercial at 12:24)to contact me:bobbycapucci@portonmail.comsource:China, Myanmar and now Darfur ... the horror of genocide is here again (msn.com)This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/5003294/advertisement

James has visited Sudan and describes it as a country that had a deep impact on him. He was shocked to learn from Sudanese friends in the UK that Darfur is back in the news, as reminders of what some called the 21st century's first genocide circulate. More Tea, Vicar? this week considers a Christian perspective on the concept of impunity, defined as “exemption from punishment or freedom from the injurious consequences of an action” as the Janjaweed step up their campaign of terror against vulnerable and displaced peoples. Outside of Jesus we are always creating division, we are always building walls; Hadrian's Wall, the Berlin Wall, the Great Wall of China. The reason why dividing walls appear is because we don't feel safe in other people's presence. But with Jesus, it is safe to have no dividing wall. With impunity, we hide what makes us unsafe - Jesus wants us to bring it into the light so we can live alongside each other for our greater calling.

I primi incontri a Khartoum nel gennaio 2022, poi le esercitazioni, le forniture logistiche, di spionaggio informatico e, forse, il carburante alle Forze di supporto rapido, ex janjaweed, del generale Hemetti, conosciuti per le atrocità commesse in Darfur. Obiettivo: contrastare il traffico illegale di migranti. Ci racconta i retroscena Massimo Alberizzi, giornalista de Il Fatto Quotidiano e di AfricaExpressSenegal: il leader dell'opposizione populista, Osmane Sonko, a rischio ineleggibilità per guai giudiziari. E nel paese, da sempre stabile, si levano proteste e scontri di piazza. Da Dakar, il racconto di Marco SimoncelliCamerun: terzo giornalista ucciso nell'Ovest da inizio 2023. I separatisti anglofoni si scusano: "scambio di persona". Di Raffaello Zordan

The Sudan war is bloody and brutal. Two great warlords slug it out for dominion. Chances that one or other can win outright are slim. General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the commander of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), and Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, popularly known as Hemedti, the leader of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), compete with one another to exert control over Sudan. The NCF has a detailed blog on the subject. However, Next Century Foundation Secretary General gives his more personal take on the reasons for this latest in the long series of Sudan wars.Support the showReflections and observations from William Morris, Secretary General of the Next Century Foundation

Op een paar landen na, kun je zeggen dat vrede, veiligheid en welvaart Afrika nooit hebben bereikt. Een groot deel van het continent heeft de boot gemist, wat in het Westen leidt tot een gevoel van machteloosheid, en daarmee onverschilligheid. Aan het drama in Soedan kunnen we simpelweg niets doen. Maar het gevolg, een enorme vluchtelingenstroom, is weldegelijk ons probleem.  Zuid-Soedan heeft bemiddeling aangeboden, en hoopt op verlenging van de huidige wapenstilstand, die nog geen moment is nageleefd. De VN houdt rekening met 800.000 vluchtelingen, waarvan een groot deel zal proberen naar Europa en Amerika te komen. Ze vluchten niet voor een burgeroorlog, maar omdat twee rivaliserende krijgsheren met hun legers elkaar bestrijden. Daarbij zijn vele honderden krijgers en burgers omgekomen, en vele duizenden gewond. Maar op de achtergrond speelt de haat mee tussen etnische groepen, met de Arabieren als meerderheid, en volkeren als de Fur, Beja, Nubiërs en Fallata als minderheid. Er zijn meer dan 500 stammen, die ruim 400 talen spreken.  De genocide op minstens 300.000 burgers in de opstandige westelijke provincie Darfoer, twintig jaar geleden, werd uitgevoerd door een huurlingenleger van Arabieren, de Janjaweed – je zou kunnen zeggen: een soort Wagnergroep – ingezet door de toenmalige president Al-Bashir. Inmiddels noemen zij zich de Rapid Support Force en vormen het leger dat vecht tegen het regeringsleger.  De meeste buitenlanders zijn inmiddels geëvacueerd, maar Rusland heeft nog vier militaire transportvliegtuigen gestuurd om 200 burgers op te pikken. Omdat het vliegveld van Khartoem voortdurend onder vuur ligt, zijn de reddingsoperaties levensgevaarlijk. Ook de haven, Port Soedan, is onveilig.  Maar het meest tragische is en blijft dat de burgers er niets aan kunnen doen. Het overkomt ze, en ze zijn machteloos. Jan Pronk, oud-VN-gezant in Soedan, sprak bij BNR de hoop uit dat China zich als serieuze bemiddelaar opwerpt. Prima idee, want dat land heeft goede betrekkingen met een aantal Afrikaanse landen. Maar ook Xi Jinping kan de krijgsheren niet dwingen. Meest urgente vraag voor ons: wat doen we met die nieuwe stroom vluchtelingen? Want die komt eraan.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Op een paar landen na, kun je zeggen dat vrede, veiligheid en welvaart Afrika nooit hebben bereikt. Een groot deel van het continent heeft de boot gemist, wat in het Westen leidt tot een gevoel van machteloosheid, en daarmee onverschilligheid. Aan het drama in Soedan kunnen we simpelweg niets doen. Maar het gevolg, een enorme vluchtelingenstroom, is weldegelijk ons probleem.  Zuid-Soedan heeft bemiddeling aangeboden, en hoopt op verlenging van de huidige wapenstilstand, die nog geen moment is nageleefd. De VN houdt rekening met 800.000 vluchtelingen, waarvan een groot deel zal proberen naar Europa en Amerika te komen. Ze vluchten niet voor een burgeroorlog, maar omdat twee rivaliserende krijgsheren met hun legers elkaar bestrijden. Daarbij zijn vele honderden krijgers en burgers omgekomen, en vele duizenden gewond. Maar op de achtergrond speelt de haat mee tussen etnische groepen, met de Arabieren als meerderheid, en volkeren als de Fur, Beja, Nubiërs en Fallata als minderheid. Er zijn meer dan 500 stammen, die ruim 400 talen spreken.  De genocide op minstens 300.000 burgers in de opstandige westelijke provincie Darfoer, twintig jaar geleden, werd uitgevoerd door een huurlingenleger van Arabieren, de Janjaweed – je zou kunnen zeggen: een soort Wagnergroep – ingezet door de toenmalige president Al-Bashir. Inmiddels noemen zij zich de Rapid Support Force en vormen het leger dat vecht tegen het regeringsleger.  De meeste buitenlanders zijn inmiddels geëvacueerd, maar Rusland heeft nog vier militaire transportvliegtuigen gestuurd om 200 burgers op te pikken. Omdat het vliegveld van Khartoem voortdurend onder vuur ligt, zijn de reddingsoperaties levensgevaarlijk. Ook de haven, Port Soedan, is onveilig.  Maar het meest tragische is en blijft dat de burgers er niets aan kunnen doen. Het overkomt ze, en ze zijn machteloos. Jan Pronk, oud-VN-gezant in Soedan, sprak bij BNR de hoop uit dat China zich als serieuze bemiddelaar opwerpt. Prima idee, want dat land heeft goede betrekkingen met een aantal Afrikaanse landen. Maar ook Xi Jinping kan de krijgsheren niet dwingen. Meest urgente vraag voor ons: wat doen we met die nieuwe stroom vluchtelingen? Want die komt eraan.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On this edition of Straight Talk Africa, host Haydé Adams discusses the International Criminal Court trial of Ali Kushayb, the alleged Janjaweed leader accused of committing war crimes during Sudan's conflict in Darfur that began in 2003. Plus, we look at the challenges some African countries face as prices for food and energy skyrocket due to Russia's war in Ukraine.

On this edition of Straight Talk Africa, host Haydé Adams discusses the International Criminal Court trial of Ali Kushayb, the alleged Janjaweed leader accused of committing war crimes during Sudan's conflict in Darfur that began in 2003. Plus, we look at the challenges some African countries face as prices for food and energy skyrocket due to Russia's war in Ukraine.

On this edition of Straight Talk Africa, host Haydé Adams discusses the International Criminal Court trial of Ali Kushayb, the alleged Janjaweed leader accused of committing war crimes during Sudan's conflict in Darfur that began in 2003. Plus, we look at the challenges some African countries face as prices for food and energy skyrocket due to Russia's war in Ukraine.

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Het is een vergeten conflict: de situatie in de West-Soedanese regio Darfur, waar begin deze eeuw een genocide plaatsvond. Na ruim vijftien jaar lukte het Afrika-correspondent Koert Lindijer eindelijk weer naar het gebied te reizen. Hij zag een regio die wordt getroffen door klimaatverandering en een bevolking die is lamgeslagen door politieke tegenslag. Toch is er hoop: jongeren komen steeds meer in opstand.Gast: Koert LindijerPresentatie: Floor BoonProductie: Weike van KoolwijkMontage: Ruben PestMeer lezen over de situatie in Darfur? https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2022/02/10/niemand-heeft-nog-de-controle-in-darfur-a4087281 En over hoe de verzetscomités invloed proberen te krijgen in Soedan? ​​https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2022/01/31/hoe-meer-bloed-er-vloeit-in-soedan-hoe-sterker-de-geest-van-de-revolutie-a4083822Zie het privacybeleid op https://art19.com/privacy en de privacyverklaring van Californië op https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

*Please note: this podcast series contains graphic audio content that some may find difficult to listen to. Discretion advised.*  The theme for Holocaust Memorial Day this year is 'One Day'.  Every day this week, we are marking the event with a daily podcast, read by Carol Jempson, a member of the Isle of Man Jewish Community. Carol shares the stories and experiences of real people, recalling One Day in history that changed their lives. Today, a challenging story from Darfur, as one woman shares her family's experiences under the brutal regime of the government supported militia Janjaweed; but she also shares the hope she has for the future, having found some solace and safety - and a determination to change. In her own words: "If we all speak in one voice, we can compel the international community to act to end the genocide in Darfur, and the suffering of women elsewhere in the world.”

We hear about the start of the war in Darfur, through the eyes of a teenage boy whose life was changed when the Sudanese military allied to a local militia, the Janjaweed, laid waste to villages across the region, killing and raping as they went. We hear from a survivor of Norway's worst day of terror, when a far-right extremist, Anders Breivik, launched a bomb attack on government offices and attacked a summer camp. Plus a story from our archives from a British army officer during World War Two who witnessed the end of Italy's colonial rule in East Africa during a final battle in the Ethiopian town of Gondar. From Brazil, the women's rights activist whose story of abuse inflicted by her husband inspired the country's first legislation recognising different forms of domestic violence in 2006. Lastly, the story of how the family of the artist Vincent Van Gogh worked to get him recognised as a great painter after he died penniless in 1890. Photo: A young Darfurian refugee walks past a Sudan Liberation Army Land Rover filled with teenage rebel fighters on October 14 2004 in the violent North Darfur region of Sudan. (Photo by Benjamin Lowy/Getty Images)

In the early 2000s, rebels in Sudan's Darfur region took up arms against the government. In response, the Khartoum regime launched a scorched earth campaign along ethnic lines. The Sudanese military allied to a local militia, the Janjaweed, laid waste to villages across the region, killing and raping as they went. Some 300,000 people are believed to have been killed in the conflict, more than 2 million displaced from their homes. We hear the story of Debay Manees, a young boy at the time, who's life was changed by the war. Photo: A young Darfurian refugee walks past a Sudan Liberation Army Land Rover filled with teenage rebel fighters on October 14 2004 in the violent North Darfur region of Sudan. (Photo by Benjamin Lowy/Getty Images)

Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, on Thursday declared that his Eastern Security Network, ESN, will operate without the support of Southeast governors.Kanu said ESN revolved around the people and not Southeast governors or politicians. The IPOB leader made the claims while disregarding Southeast governors who are not involved with the security outfit.He spoke through the Publicity Secretary of IPOB, Emma Powerful.A statement by Powerful reads partly: “Now that the southeast govs have distanced themselves from the eastern security network, how can it work successfully without their support?“We never expected the governors to support Eastern Security Network. The governors are part of our problem because of their selfish interests. They are the ones benefitting under the current one Nigeria slavery.“But the truth remains that their dissociation from the security outfit is of no significance or consequence. ESN is the people's movement. It doesn't revolve around any governor or misguided political criminal masquerading as an elite.“ESN is formidable, and can effectively operate without the involvement of any governor. The security outfit will flourish without the support of the governors in our land. I don't think we can trust them. IPOB is the largest mass movement on the face of the earth. What would make it possible for any sane mind to think that a bunch of criminals numbering a total of 11 will stop such a global phenomenon even with the help of their Janjaweed masters in the Sahel.”Simultaneously, a Coalition of South East groups has condemned the alleged threat to governors of the region following their viewpoint on the Eastern Security Network (ESN).In a statement yesterday in Abuja, the coalition praised the governors for their “show of patriotism” by openly denouncing Kanu's actions and calling on the people of the region not to succumb to his evil plans.Those that signed the statement include the Coordinator of South East Mothers' Forum, Mrs. Achike Ezeife; Coordinator of Ndigbo Progressive Youth Vanguard, Uche Ude; Grace Ejike of South East Market Women Vanguard and Andy Okoro of South East Youth Network.

This essay is part of "On China's New Silk Road," a podcast by the Global Reporting Centre that tracks China's global ambitions. Over nine episodes, Mary Kay Magistad, a former China correspondent for The World, partners with local journalists on five continents to uncover the effects of the most sweeping global infrastructure initiative in history. The conflict between Ethiopia’s central government and local government forces in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region has sparked a humanitarian crisis with tens of thousands of refugees. It has threatened to destabilize a wider region in which China is heavily invested — a sobering reminder that grand plans, like China’s Belt & Road Initiative (BRI), are only as good as ground truths allow them to be.Despite all of Ethiopia’s success in recent years as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, ethnic and political rivalries are fierce and deep. And they haven’t gone away just because China has invested heavily there over the past two decades, or because Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for ending a war with neighboring Eritrea. “We want the Horn of Africa to become a treasury of peace and progress,” Abiy said in his Nobel lecture in December 2019. “Indeed, we want the Horn of Africa to become the 'Horn of Plenty' for the rest of the continent.” The Horn of Africa, which includes Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea and Ethiopia, has long been an area of strategic focus for world superpowers. It’s where the Gulf of Aden meets the Red Sea, in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait opposite Yemen, a strategic waterway for oil that leads all the way to the Suez Canal. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union and the United States fought proxy wars in Ethiopia and Somalia. Now, both the United States and China have military bases in the tiny coastal country of Djibouti, at a narrow part of the Strait.Much of China’s Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) involves building a belt of land routes and a maritime Silk Road of sea routes around the world, for both economic and strategic purposes. China’s many investments in Djibouti and Ethiopia include a railway that connects them and is also meant to connect Tigray’s capital of Mekelle to Djibouti.Chinese investment has helped transform Ethiopia from one of the world’s poorest and most famine-prone countries to a model for the region of what’s possible — both in terms of rapid progress and self-sabotage of that progress.Chinese investment has helped transform Ethiopia from one of the world’s poorest and most famine-prone countries to a model for the region of what’s possible — both in terms of rapid progress and self-sabotage of that progress.Long before Chinese investment started in earnest in the early 2000s, Ethiopia’s central government fought long wars with Tigray and Eritrea, then both northern Ethiopian regions. The war with Eritrea stretched over 30 years; the war with Tigray lasted 17. Both wars ended in 1991, when Eritrea declared independence and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) took over the central government. Tigrayans stayed in power until political protests elevated Abiy to the prime minister in 2018.Related: China's new Silk Road runs through cyberspace, worrying rivals and privacy advocatesTPLF leaders have not gracefully accepted being shunted aside, despite Tigrayans making up just 6% of Ethiopia’s population. When Abiy started replacing Tigrayns in government, the TPLF left the unity party, retreated to Tigray, and conducted an election in September, in defiance of a government decision to postpone elections due to COVID-19.Tigray’s regional militia is both well-armed and sizable with as many as 250,000 armed fighters. Its recent attack on a national government military base sparked the current conflict, which includes aerial bombing by the central government, in areas where Chinese companies have spent years building infrastructure. While in power, Ethiopia’s Tigrayan prime ministers invited in Chinese investment to build desperately needed roads, dams, industrial parks and more throughout much of Ethiopia, at a time when many Western investors saw Ethiopia as too risky.“China was courageous enough to get involved in such a market,” says Ethiopian economist Getachew Alemu. “So it really helped us.  We used to have a huge backlog of demand for infrastructure, but we didn’t have the finance to finance it and push our economy forward. So, Chinese capital came as a savior for us.” Related: Opening the door to Chinese investment comes with risks for Southeast Asian nationsChina counts the billions of dollars invested in or lent to Ethiopia as part of China’s BRI. By the Chinese government’s calculation, some 140 countries have signed on in some way, including 44 African countries, drawing closer to China over the past two decades under the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation.“Always standing on an equal footing, China respects African countries’ own decision-making rights, and lets African economies go into global markets through the Chinese market,” wrote Wei Jianguo, a former Chinese vice-minister of commerce in the Chinese Communist Party-run newspaper, The Global Times.Wei counts China’s successes in Africa over the past two decades: building 3,750 miles of railways and roads, and “almost 20 ports, more than 80 large-scale power facilities…more than 130 hospitals and medical centers and more than 170 schools, which have brought significant progress to Africa’s economic and social development.” China’s approach in Africa has received mixed reviews from Africans. The African survey group Afrobarometer found in a survey in 36 African countries in 2014-15, that 63% of Africans surveyed had a favorable view of China. And some African leaders prefer Chinese loans because Chinese lenders aren’t particular, like the World Bank and IMF are, about human rights conditions, corruption levels and whether a project can generate enough economic growth to repay the loan. The Chinese-built African Union complex in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Credit: Courtesy of Mary Kay Magistad But Chinese loans often have higher interest rates and shorter repayment schedules. By contrast, Abiy has equated loans from the IMF and World Bank as being like borrowing from your mother. Ethiopia now owes an estimated $16 billion to Chinese lenders, roughly half of Ethiopia’s total debt. Abiy has called for debt forgiveness for the world’s poorest countries, from all international lenders. Related: China's new Silk Road traverses Kazakhstan. But some Kazakhs are skeptical of Chinese influence. Zambia, too, has struggled to repay its debt. It missed a Eurobond payment, becoming the first African country to default during the COVID-19 pandemic, amid reports that Chinese lenders were pressing to take control of at least one copper mine if Zambia couldn’t repay its debt to China. And then there’s Sudan, where China’s arms-for-oil approach in the early 2000s contributed to mass killings in Darfur, in what the US government later called a genocide, with an estimated 400,000 people killed and thousands more displaced. “In Sudan, in the early 2000s, this was the showcase country, that Chinese oil investment would bring peace, that Chinese infrastructure would develop the country,” says Luke Patey, author of “The New Kings of Crude: China, India and the Global Struggle for Oil in Sudan and South Sudan. ... And what happened — not the Chinese fault, of course, but the Chinese didn’t solve it — there was a civil war, multiple civil wars. Sudan hasn’t developed. Now you have the Janjaweed that were militias in Darfur, displacing and killing civilian populations. They’re now in charge of the country to a large degree. So there wasn’t a happy ending to China’s investments in Sudan.”Whether and when there will be a happier way forward in Ethiopia is now an open question. Here, too, China didn’t cause the conflict, and Chinese interests are squarely behind a peaceful and stable Horn of Africa, so China can move the commodities and other resources it needs from Africa.But one thing China has learned on its new Silk Road is that even the most careful strategic planning only gets you so far. Much is beyond China’s control. And in response to China’s global ambitions, more global players have started their own outreach, with loans and investments, with more countries exercising more agency in deciding who to partner with and how.“They have a lot more confidence than they did before,” says Parag Khanna, a global strategy adviser and author of books including “The Future is Asian.” “And the more the global system becomes a geopolitical marketplace of multiple competing powers, the more agency these smaller countries can actually have.”So for all its imperfections, the Belt & Road Initiative may actually leave as its legacy a more multi-polar world, with states having more infrastructure, more investment, and more options than before, allowing them to better make their own decisions about what kind of future they want, and how to get there. To borrow a phrase China’s leaders like to use: that certainly could be considered a win-win. On China’s New Silk Road podcast is a production of the Global Reporting Centre. Full episodes and transcripts are available here.

In this segment of By Any Means Necessary hosts Sean Blackmon and Jacquie Luqman are joined by Dimah Mahmoud, an academic, political strategist and cofounder of The Nubia Initiative, to discuss the renewed conflict in Darfur as the Sudanese government announces it is sending in troops to quell rising violence, the continued involvement of members of the notorious Janjaweed militia with the current Sudanese government and military, and how the US government and the Gulf state monarchies are enabling some of the most brutal jihadist elements as they carry out atrocities in Darfur.

In this episode of By Any Means Necessary hosts Sean Blackmon and Jacquie Luqman are joined by Trudy Goldberg, chair of National Jobs For All Network Coalition and Professor Emerita of Social Policy at Adelphi University, to talk about ongoing negotiations in Congress over a new coronavirus stimulus package, Republican attempts to stuff the bill with billions in military spending, and how the fundamental orientation of US society towards profit practically prohibits an effective response to the COVID-19 pandemic.In the second segment, Sean and Jacquie are joined by Heather Benno, an attorney and the founder of Immigrant Justice Solutions, a community legal defense organization based in Washington, DC, to talk about the Trump administration's latest attempt to eliminate DACA, how the inability of the US judiciary to ensure Trump's compliance exposes the practical limits of the 'system of checks and balances,' and why immigration reform remains a political pipe dream despite its overwhelming popularity. In the third segment Sean and Jacquie are joined by Dimah Mamoud, an academic, political strategist and cofounder of The Nubia Initiative, to discuss the renewal of conflict in Darfur as the Sudanese government announces it's sending in troops to quell rising violence, the continued involvement of members of the notorious Janjaweed militia with the current Sudanese government and military, and how the US government and the Gulf state monarchies are enabling some of the most brutal jihadist elements as they carry out atrocities in Darfur.Later in the show, Sean and Jacquie are joined by Danny Haiphong, co-author of “American Exceptionalism and American Innocence: A People's History of Fake News―From the Revolutionary War to the War on Terror,” to talk about the unconstitutional new restrictions the Department of Homeland Security is forcing detained protesters to accept in Portland, the wave of anti-China propaganda inundating the airwaves as both parties seek to maintain global military and economic hegemony, and his recent interview with two-time NBA All-Star David West which revealed how NBA players are refusing to allow the Movement for Black Lives to be weaponized against the Chinese people.

Parties to South Sudan’s revitalized peace agreement miss the regional deadline to dissolve and reconstitute parliament; the new governor of Western Equatoria State prioritizes the restoration of peace and stability in the region; and Sudan's transitional government sends more troops to Darfur following a weekend attack by suspected Janjaweed militia.

After more than a decade evading charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur, a Sudanese suspect, Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-al-Rahman, widely known as Ali Kushayb, finally appeared in court. On Monday, the 70-year-old could be seen via video link from an International Criminal Court (ICC) detention center, where he had been transferred last week after surrendering himself in the Central African Republic.The prosecution in The Hague spent 30 minutes reading out more than 50 charges against Kushayb, an alleged senior leader of the Janjaweed, a government-supported Arab militia responsible for atrocities in the Darfur region of western Sudan.The conflict, which the United States later called a genocide against Indigenous Africans, left an estimated 300,00 people dead and more than 2 million displaced. In his initial pretrial appearance, Kushayb dismissed the charges as “untrue,” signaling what would become a lengthy, drawn-out trial.Still, for some Darfuris, Kushayb’s arrest is a sign that justice, long-elusive, could be on the horizon.Related: Sudanese women seek justice one year after pro-democracy crackdown“I was very happy because Ali Kushayb surrender[ing] himself to ICC is an important step to satisfy the victims of genocide."Mutasim Ali, Darfuri activist living in Washington, DC“I was very happy because Ali Kushayb surrender[ing] himself to ICC is an important step to satisfy the victims of genocide,” said Mutasim Ali, a 33-year-old activist who recently graduated from George Washington University with a degree in comparative law. Ali was 16 years old when the conflict in Darfur broke out in 2003, disrupting his otherwise peaceful rural childhood.“When the war broke out, my family and I were separated because the village was destroyed by the Sudanese government — the militia.”His village, Daba Neira, lies in the mountainous Jebel Marra region, which for years was besieged by government-linked militias and “scorched-earth” attacks, according to Amnesty International.“They’re now living in displaced person camps in North Darfur State,” said Ali, who fled Sudan in 2007 after being arrested for criticizing the government.Sudan at a crossroadsKushayb’s arrest comes at a transformative moment in Sudan, where a transitional, civilian-led government is tasked with moving the country toward democracy after 30 years of dictatorship under Omar al-Bashir, who was ousted last year following months of massive protests. While the government has made social and political breakthroughs in a short time —  recovering billions in stolen assets, expanding religious freedoms and normalizing relations with the US — it has been slow to deliver justice to victims of the Bashir regime.Related: A year after revolution, Sudan celebrates but still faces squeeze of sanctionsThat’s especially true in Darfur, which has yet to feel the promise of transformation.“For me, the situation in Darfur is still in bad condition,” said Yahia Shogar, a doctor working in West Darfur, who is part of the rapid response team trying to curb the spread of the coronavirus.  As Sudan struggles to fight the coronavirus with limited resources, Kushayb’s arrest has renewed attention to the unique challenges in Darfur, where thousands remain in displacement camps supported mostly by international humanitarian aid.Insecurity and violence persist, propelled by intercommunal clashes and attacks on civilians by armed militias.“These conflicts have a direct correlation with health impact. Sometimes we have no way to reach areas far from us." Yahia Shogar, doctor, West Darfur, Sudan“These conflicts have a direct correlation with health impact. Sometimes, we have no way to reach areas far from us,” said Shogar, who notes there is also distrust toward the transitional government. Some members are linked to crimes in Darfur, notably Mohamed Hamdan "Hemeti" Dagolo, deputy head of the sovereign council — and former Janjaweed leader.“People deny there’s coronavirus in Sudan or in Darfur,” said Shogar, who contracted COVID-19 himself.“People say that it’s a political issue,” he continued, explaining he and other medical professionals are trying to educate distrustful communities. Related: Coronavirus exposes Sudan's broken health care system“The change that is happening in [other parts of] Sudan is not seen in Darfur,” said Ali, the student.Sitting in his apartment in Washington, DC, where Black Lives Matter protests have erupted in recent weeks, Ali compares the experience of black Americans to what is happening at home.“They way they are being treated from slavery until this day. That’s exactly how the people of Darfur are being treated,” he explained. He worries that unless the problems in Darfur are addressed, the situation could become “explosive” — especially given the continued proliferation of arms in the region, and the anticipated drawdown of United Nations peacekeepers.Attempts at peaceSudan’s new government is now responsible for making peace with rebel movements on the country’s margins, including South Kordofan, Blue Nile — and Darfur.“Our main problem in Sudan is to address the root cause of the political problems. That is what we Darfuris demand."Nimir Abdelrahman, chief negotiator for the Sudan Liberation Movement Transitional Council, a Darfuri rebel group“Our main problem in Sudan is to address the root cause of the political problems. That is what we Darfuris demand,” said Nimir Abdelrahman, a chief negotiator for the Sudan Liberation Movement Transitional Council, a Darfuri rebel group. This week, Darfuri armed and unarmed rebel groups are negotiating with the Sudanese government in neighboring Juba, South Sudan, with hopes of reaching a peace deal by June 20, which will officially end the conflict in Darfur.“The security situation in Darfur has deteriorated, it is very bad,” Abdelrahman said. “We are trying for the Darfur [groups] and the government forces to establish a joint military command to help the people on the ground.”Other Darfuri demands include disarming armed militias responsible for attacking civilians and bringing justice to all those responsible for crimes in Darfur.“The government in Khartoum should hand over those wanted by the International Criminal Court,” said Abdelrahman. “For those who are not indicted — we agree to establish a Darfur criminal court.”There are four remaining Sudanese suspects wanted by the ICC for crimes in Darfur, including former President Bashir, who is currently in Kober prison in Khartoum.  It’s unclear whether those suspects will be extradited to the ICC, or tried jointly in Sudan.

This is my second episode on the Bible and Immigration and is an interview with my friend and colleague Thomas Madut. Thomas was one of the "Lost Boys of Sudan" who fled from the Janjaweed fighters who wrecked devastation throughout south Sudan in the mid-1990's. Thomas is an extraordinary marathon runner and ranked 46th in the Boston Marathon just a few years ago. Thomas is a Trio Student Success Adviser and a Peer Mentor Coordinator here at Dakota Wesleyan University. I interviewed him about his experience of transformation from the refugee camps of Ethiopia and Kenya to the plains of South Dakota. We discussed the biblical texts commanding compassion for foreigners. It was fun to see Thomas' eyes light up as he realized the important place immigrants, orphans and widows have in God's heart of compassion. They are the persons God especially cares for because they lack the typical structures of societal support and provision. https://www.openbible.info/topics/foreigners

This is the audio recording of our forum, on the 12th of July 2019, on Democracy and Revolution in Sudan with Namaa al-Mahdi and Stephen Wood. See this article https://www.workersliberty.org/story/2019-06-19/sudan-uprising-regroups Checkout our website for future events, articles, publications, other audio and video, to find out more and get involved: www.workersliberty.org "One cannot know for sure what Russia felt like in 1917 as the tsar was being toppled, or France in 1871 in the heady, idealistic days of the short-lived Paris Commune. But it must have felt something like Khartoum in April 2019." David Pilling, Financial Times Incredible things are happening in Sudan. In early June, the Transitional Military Council, which took power after the downfall of the Sudanese tyrant Bashir after 30 years of brutal oppression, itself turned brutally on the Sudanese rebels who had maintained a sit-in outside their military headquarters in Khartoum. The repression used the notorious paramilitaries of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). 180 were killed. Bodies were dumped into the Nile, weighted down by breeze blocks to try and disguise evidence. Many more have been wounded, arrested and detained in public offices guarded by the Janjaweed forces. Women and men have been raped, many are missing. The Sudanese revolution had united those across ethnicities who had been oppressed by the Bashir regime. Prominent amongst them had been new unions formed in most industries and services and brought together in the Sudanese Professional Association (SPA). The struggle of civil resistance continues. In response to the military massacres, there was a 3 day general strike and road blocks have been set up by the rebels to impede the now heavily armed murderous RSF militias. The Sudanese revolution needs our solidarity.

On today's episode: if you blinked, you could have missed the ABC story this week that a group of men called incels are undergoing extreme plastic surgery in a bid to look more attractive. Incels are involuntary celibates and while the name might sound harmless and trivial this group, its philosophy and how it functions is far more disturbing than it is novel. And it’s been three weeks since the Janjaweed, Sudan’s infamous militia, embarked on a brutal campaign to disperse and suppress a popular uprising against deposed president Omar al-Bashir’s military government. But this revolution has failed to gain the media attention it deserves. Sudanese activists say that if you want to help Sudan, you must amplify the voices of those suffering its horrors. We want to use this segment to do just that. LINKS:Feel-good four: Richest man in HK donates $14.4M: https://www.businessinsider.com.au/hong-kong-billionaire-li-ka-shing-pledges-college-tuition-2019-6?r=US&IR=TJapanese medical students outperform male counterparts: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/19/women-outperform-men-after-japan-medical-school-stops-rigging-exam-scoresAustin community solving homelessness: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vgSOD1KX_gARefugee woman cooks for hungry children: https://www.sbs.com.au/news/insight/meet-the-former-refugee-who-cooks-for-hundreds-of-hungry-kids-each-weekIncels:ABC: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-06-16/incels-plastic-surgery-for-face-improvement-misogyny-remains/11205336Vox Online: https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/2019/4/16/18287446/incel-definition-redditThe Cut: https://www.thecut.com/2019/05/incel-plastic-surgery.htmlSudan:The Patriot Act: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2S3cBp4ucEUWhere to Dontate: https://lifehacker.com/how-to-help-the-people-of-sudan-1835663327?IR=TNesrine Malik's Article: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jun/16/sudan-sudanese-people-killing-rape-revolution

This segment of our two-part interview with Dahlia Al Roubi was recorded on Tuesday, June 4th, the day after the current government crackdown began against protestors in Khartoum. As of this episode roughly 100 people have been killed by government forces, with reports that scores of bodies have been dumped into the Nile. As of June 6th, Sudan’s membership in the African Union has been revoked. Sudan’s military council has suspended talks with protestors and unilaterally called for elections to be held within 9 months. The forces spearheading this apparent massacre appear to be the RSF or “Rapid Support Forces”, led by Mohamed "Hemeti" Hamdan Dagalo. The RSF are a re-branded iteration of the Janjaweed militias that were charged with carrying out the genocide in Sudan’s Darfur region. They’ve since been absorbed into the Sudanese military structure and given the stamp of governmental legitimacy, but they are essentially trained for one purpose and it appears that this purpose has now been turned on the protestors and the people of Khartoum. Incidentally the RSF forces are also being used as mercenaries by the Saudis in their war on Yemen.

For this first part of a two-part conversation, we talk to Sudanese activist Dahlia Al Roubi about the what it was like growing up under the regime of recently deposed dictator Omar Al Bashir, how the current revolution swept Sudan, starting in December of last year, the challenges of weighing the purity of revolutionary principles against the practical constraints of time and competing interests, and about the role of women who took a leading role in the street protests but who now appear to be left out of the negotiations. Dahlia and I recorded this first part of our interview on May 21st, before the current wave of violence was unleashed by the transitional  military government on protestors and civilians in Khartoum. However we decided to include this conversation to claim some small space in the historical record, a space for what the Sudanese people were aspiring to as recently as Sunday evening. And we’re including it as a reminder that Syria also had this moment, and Egypt as well, and that while violence and a return to despotism might define the moment it’s important to ask ourselves where Western governments positioned themselves during the  grassroots efforts to push these countries towards freedom. Part two of our discussion provides a short update about the violence that has been unleashed by government forces in recent days, in particularly the RSF (Rapid Support Forces) formerly known as the Janjaweed.

This is a bonus podcast that we recorded with Francis Bok. He is the author of the book "Escape From Slavery". He is a survivor of the Sudanese civil war during which he was captured by the Janjaweed when he was 7 years old. After enduring 10 years of slavery he escaped to Egypt and from there he made his way to America. Since then he's met with President George W Bush, Condoleeza Rice, Colin Powell and many others. He's served in the government of the newly created South Sudan. He's spoken at many universities all over the world. He is now a prominent anti-slavery and human trafficking activist. We had ZERO tangents in this podcast!! Yeah it's intense. InshaAllah we will return mid June with episode 43 after Ramadan! Ramadan Mubarak to all of our Muslim listeners! We will still be active on IG and probably YouTube. PLH to everyone. Enjoy!