Podcasts about irish constitution

A “subversion of the Irish Constitution” is how new Taoiseach Micheál Martin described the chaotic scenes in the Dáil on Wednesday. What caused the embarrassing behaviour? Who was to blame? And is this a taste of what we can expect for the next five years in Irish politics? Host: Kevin Doyle Guests: Tabitha Monahan & Eoin O'Malley See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Fine Gael leader Simon Harris has said what happened today was "unprecedented" and was "utterly farcical". Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin said what happened today was 'subversion of the Irish Constitution. For reaction Sinn Fein TD, Louise O'Reilly and Fine Gael MEP, Regina Doherty

Shownotes and Transcript Hermann Kelly, President of the Irish Freedom Party, shares insights on Irish politics and his background. He discusses growing up in Northern Ireland during the Troubles, his journey from theology to journalism to politics, working with Nigel Farage in the European Parliament, and the challenges of the political sphere. Hermann outlines the Irish Freedom Party's principles of national sovereignty, anti-EU influence, pro-life stance, and traditional family values, criticizing mainstream parties on immigration. He emphasizes the importance of controlled borders, work permits, and prioritizing Irish citizens' welfare. Hermann addresses media bias, advocating for social media and grassroots efforts to connect with voters and counter leftist narratives. His vision for the party focuses on restoring national sovereignty, protecting Irish culture, and prioritizing Irish citizens in policy decisions. Originally from the Bogside in Derry, Hermann's family have a small farm in Donegal since he was a young. After attending St Columb's College in Derry, he studied marine biology in Edinburgh before studying theology as a lay student at St. Patrick's College, Maynooth.  First a secondary school teacher he then became a journalist, writing for various national newspapers including the Irish Mail on Sunday and Irish Examiner.  He was formerly director of communications for the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy Group in the European Parliament, and his since come to work with The European Conservatives and Reformists Group.  He is a founding member of The Irish Freedom Party and its current president.   Connect with Hermann and The Irish Freedom Party... X/TWITTER        x.com/hermannkelly                            x.com/IrexitFreedom WEBSITE            irishfreedom.ie/ Interview recorded 10.7.24 Connect with Hearts of Oak... X/TWITTER        x.com/HeartsofOakUK WEBSITE            heartsofoak.org/ PODCASTS        heartsofoak.podbean.com/ SOCIAL MEDIA  heartsofoak.org/connect/ SHOP                  heartsofoak.org/shop/ *Special thanks to Bosch Fawstin for recording our intro/outro on this podcast. Check out his art theboschfawstinstore.blogspot.com and follow him on X/Twitter x.com/TheBoschFawstin Transcript (Hearts of Oak) I'm delighted to be joined by someone whose name I have seen a lot back in my time in my UKIP days, and that's Hermann Kelly. Hermann, thank you so much for your time today. (Hermann Kelly) Great. Thank you very much for the invite, Peter. Great to be here. It's good to have you discuss all things Irish politics. You can obviously follow Herman @HermannKelly on Twitter. And Hermann, journalist, former UKIP's European Media Supremo, head of comms at the EFDD group in the European Parliament, Nigel Farage's press secretary, and all the fun that came back in those times, of course, as president of the Irish Freedom Party, launched in 2018 as a common-sense political party in Ireland, because Ireland lacked those, and we'll get into all of that. But, Hermann, you were born in the bog side. Christmas Day, you were born in the bog side in Derry, London Derry, Stroke City, which which is over there in Northern Ireland. It's known as a very rough area, like the Shanklin Falls, maybe in Belfast. What was it like growing up in an area like the Belfast? Well, it was only rough when I was growing up. It was a very friendly place, a very safe place, incredibly low crime rate. It was only rough if you were a British soldier. So there's bullet holes at the side of our house, the front of our house, on the wall opposite our house. There was a high banking behind our house. IRA used it as a shooting spot. And as the British Army jeeps went past the army checkpoint, out the road, they would get shot at. I've seen that many times. But if you were a local, it was incredibly safe, very low crime rate. And it had my followers headmaster of a large primary school in Cregan and Derry just up the hill from ourselves. and that had 75% male unemployment, so it was quite financially poor. But it was very friendly, very safe. And I must say, it was also highest per capita, donations per capita of any city or any town in what was politically the UK. So people were very kind, very generous. I didn't find it rough at all. It's interesting. Me growing up in Carrickfergus, that was absolutely fine because a lot of police lived there. So actually, it was monoculture, completely Protestant. You found it absolutely fine growing up in somewhere completely Catholic with no police or no army. It's interesting. We both grew up actually fairly safe childhoods. Interesting. But at kind of opposite ends of the scale in terms of that sectarian divide. Yeah. I suppose for where we were, it was a kind of high trust, low friction society. That's the whole thing about not being a multicultural society of a kind of melting pot or a kind of constant friction of people bumping off each other, metaphorically rather than physically. I mean. I always remembered very safe and certainly with the neighbours, very good people as neighbours, very, very lucky. And it shows the whole, the importance of common belief, nationality, and how it can lead to a very low-friction, high-trust society, which is easy to live in. What was it you kind of aspired to growing up? Because you went, you studied theology, you've been in media and journalism and politics. Kind of growing up, what were your thoughts of what the future may be? Well, obviously you can see with my, let's say, circuitous route of career that I didn't really know what I wanted to be when I was 18. And I remembered the agony of what I was going to fill in in the UCAS form to go to university right up to the last minute. And I started at optometry and then marine biology and then theology. I had always a great interest, developed a great interest in philosophy and then from that then theology and but I always had an abiding love interest because I grew up in day during the troubles, oh we always we were brought up with great interest in politics, interest in history in culture and also a great respect for language studied Irish studying English and a bit of French as well but the importance of language and all those things melded together my abiding interest in politics and history and culture and faith etc all those things and then also my respect for language and from that I eventually found my way to become a journalist and then a director of communication so in one way it was very circuitous but then it was when you look back it looked like a very straight path but the interest in politics and a respect for language and literature kind of have always remained with me. Well so how did you end up working with UKIP with the EFDD group in the European Parliament, was it an interest just in politics European Parliament and then later on you connected with the chaos and the fun that was UKIP or did that come first how did that happen? Well. I was actually, well, I'd previously been a teacher, I was working in Dublin and I think i became a teacher. I liked this idea of influence, influence on society to make the world a better place. And so it became a teacher then I realized that, well, where's the power to change society? Really? It's concentrated in the press, in the media. So it became a journalist. And then I think by that stage I had maybe four, five children and someone said to me one time if you can say you're a consultant you can charge twice as much, well journalism in Ireland didn't pay very much so I then was working as a press officer for Libertas in the European election 2009 for deacon gamley who were then a Eurosceptic party pat across Europe and I was so I was then recommended on foot of this by Declan Gamley to Nigel Farage. But previous to this, I had written an article for economic recovery in Ireland. Ireland needs to leave the euro. And I think Nigel Farage had seen this. It went up on UKIP website because it's unusual for people to advocate that in Ireland. And so he heard my name. And after I was recommended by Declan Gamley, he gave my call I said here let's meet up and I worked for Nigel Farage in Ireland it was the Lisbon 2 campaign of 2010 was it and 2010 and I sorry summer 2009 I worked for three months and after that just in Ireland he said come over work for me he was happy with the briefing he got and says here come over work for me full-time over in Brussels so as Ireland was absolutely going down the tubes and all these journalists were losing their jobs and losing their houses I thought well it's a good opportunity to take a well-paid and steady job, you know for the family. Definitely. I remember applying to work over there and after 10 months, they finally approved it and it was far too late and I had to produce documentation that didn't exist in the UK. It was just chaos. But I always heard your name, Hermann Kelly, always mentioned, just as I kept hearing Gawain Tyler's name mentioned over in the UK. And it seemed to me these two were the ones that understood, had their finger on the pulse, certainly in terms of medium press. I must say, I had great fun with UKIP MEPs. Like, I was working for the group, so it would have been probably 47 MEPs, seven different nationalities, I think. EFD group initially was about 42 MEPs, seven different nationalities. But the whole thing is you're meeting new people and people from different countries, different cultures, different experiences of life, pretty well-educated, pretty intelligent people, the whole lot. So it was very stimulating. It was good fun. It was important. I was committed to the work I was doing. I was philosophically committed to it. So I wanted to do a good job. and you know what you develop good relations with the people I was working with, so a number of the MEPs Nigel Farage, Paul Nuttall later guys like Ray Finch that I was very good friends with these people and also a number of staff Jamie Linsworth, Orly Leloup was chief of staff, you know we also became good friends not just colleagues working together in a political party. I remember going going for an interview with orally uh back in the days but it was all I guess the thing I found whenever I'd met a lot of the MEPs was they were real people and you kind of come across politicians that are too polished and that's all they've wanted to do the UKIP MEPs that actually lived their lives and then were doing this because they wanted to do something for their country, that's kind of rare these days in politics and that's what I love, that real but also sometimes a little bit of chaos, I mean you must have had some sleepless nights. Well one previous, Mark Kreutzer, a previous press officer said getting all the UKIP MEPs together. Was like, what was it, like herding cats, like, Yeah, see, to go against the stream, to go against the crowd or the mob, you have to have a quite individualistic contrarian streak to swim against that tide. So you must have that already to be happy to say to the establishment and the vast majority of the easy, instead of taking the easy path, you're taking the harder path and you're going against the tide. So you must have that contrarian and also quite self-confident streak to be able to do that so yeah it's a strength and a weakness, it's a strength in that people actually believe what they say and say what they believe, but it's difficult get them all in one room and get them all going singing off the same hymn sheet as you might say like you know but some great characters. I remember being here out in the front of the European Parliament here in the beer factory and was with a lot of MEPs and staff and turning around to Jamie Leansworth who was Nigel Farage's secretary at the time or advisor and saying, God, we have some characters here, huh? That's an understatement. You've got guys like Godfrey Bloom, and Mike Hookham and all these different guys and Stuart Agnew and they're all very strong characters strong personalities but it was great fun as well and like you you get to like these people as well it was never a dull, never a dull moment no never a dull moment and some of the carry on in among the foreign MEPs as well I remember, you you had MEPs from like Greece and Latvia sorry Lithuania etc et cetera, and you meet them and hear, but their histories are very different. Their experiences of life were very different. So to hear them talking about the importance of national sovereignty against a kind of federalist EU state, etc. They all have it for their own reasons and find it in their own experience. But I certainly was very committed to the job. I did my very best. And certainly reaching for the referendum in 2015, we strove very, very hard. We worked very hard to get a referendum and we worked hard then to get a result. So it was very pleasing for me personally and not just professionally but also personally to get to achieve a referendum 2015 and get a result in the Brexit referendum of 2016, so I was my wife always used to give off to me you love your job as an accusation, I said yeah what's wrong with that I do Yeah it's true it's good to love it, I want to get on the Irish politics but just last thing is is what was it like to be up, you're in the belly of the beast, you're up against the system, you're saying that, actually where we are standing here representing the UK, we are against everything that this institution, this parliament really wants, which is ever closer union, ever closer ties, control. And we want to be free from that. What was that like? Because no other countries have had a breakaway, exit groups, but actually none of them have achieved anywhere near what UKIP achieved, so what was that like as the major grouping there who actually wanted to get out of there, you would have had a lot of commonality I guess with individual MEPs but maybe not with parties, so there must be tension as well Oh yeah certainly in the second term with the EFDD group we there was a marriage of convenience we had with the five-star party and that wasn't a marriage made in heaven believe me uh so we were very Eurosceptic believed in national sovereign they wanted to leave the European union and we were sold a bit of a pup that they were kind of anti-establishment kind of Eurosceptic well the leaders were pepe grillo a guy david casaleggio certainly were quite rebellious and Eurosceptic But the MEPs who they voted in, where a lot of them had done Rasmus schemes and stuff like that, they're all very university-educated. They weren't Euro-sceptic at all. And that was a very difficult time, yes. There was quite a few arguments there. But, you know what? Personally, I would always have different relations with various people, across the political spectrum here in Brussels. I would regard it as bad form to be, disliking people because of their political views. But certainly, politically, Yeah, we were treated pretty abysmally by the institutions of the European Parliament here, who certainly after Brexit were incredibly vindictive and actually went on a witch hunt of MEPs. And I know, for example, that Paul Nuttall, his life was made a nightmare with constant meetings by this finance department with false accusations. And basically the refusal, how they treated some people was just unbelievable. Like one guy broke his arm. I know, for example, that they refused to pay the medical bills of a number of MEPs, which were 100% genuine, just out of malice. And they said, but you have to pay? That's the rules. Take us to court if you want. It's our court. This is the kind of stuff that would happen. and they refused to pay the staff of some MEPs. Asked why, we're not going to do it. If you want to, take it to court if you want. Remember, we control the court as well. So this was the attitude. So it really showed that centralisation of power in the hands of a small number of unaccountable elite is a very dangerous and stupid idea. No completely. Right, I want to get on to Irish politics. And everything that you've taught about, I guess, has given you a wide grasp of what is happening across, your wide grasp of that political side and added to your journalism skills and background. So you've got the Irish Freedom Party and Ireland is, as I mentioned earlier, I grew up with Gareth Fitzgerald and Charlie Hockey in the 80s in Ireland. Ireland was a very different place, although it still was Irish. So that was the benefit of it. Well, that bit's changed. But, and we'll get into Immigrate, but the Irish Freedom Party, tell us kind of where that came from, the idea and what it stands for. Because there was no party in Ireland looking for a sovereign, independent Ireland. You had Sinn Féin, who were basically, they were... They're implementing British rule in Ireland, but also they were happy to advocate Brussels' rule. So they're opposed to UK influence in Ireland, but they were completely happy that the majority of the laws which run in Ireland actually come originally from Brussels by people who we didn't elect and who we can't get rid of. So I believe in nation and nation-state and democratic self-determination. I believe that Irish people are good enough to make their own laws, to decide their own destiny in this world. I'm opposed to subservience to the European Union. The big problem over here in Brussels with the EU itself is what you call qualified majority voting, where Ireland, we're 1% of the EU population. So that means that the votes are voted on, 99% of the votes are done by people who are not Irish, and these laws can be approved and imposed upon us, and there's absolutely nothing we can do about it because we have disqualified majority voting in most of the areas. Many people do not realise that in areas of EU competence, EU law is superior to the Irishlaw, Irish Supreme Court, and the Irish Constitution. And that, for me, certainly is not a constitutional or democratic. Like a constitutional republic. That is a province of Brussels. It's a subservient province of Brussels, and that's not what the people were promised 100 years ago. So how did the party launch? It's been there since 2018, and I've looked at the Irish political scene from afar, and there wasn't anything which was common sense and seen. One Taoiseach after another just destroying Ireland. Yeah, there's this cultural like, it's funny because I was, we're talking about where we're both from, like, so growing up in the Brandywale, in the Lomar Road in Derry during the Troubles, I was brought up for all intents and purposes was a cultural superiority complex, that we were brought up that Irish poetry, Irish dance, Irish games and language and literature was fantastic. It was the best in the world and the world needed plenty of us. Go forth and procreate. We're wonderful, right? It then come down south and the experience is cultural self-loathing, which is very strong among the media class and the political class. And it's, well, where does this come from? And it wasn't just but this cultural self-loathing is very deep in south of Ireland at the minute at something to which I'm very implacably opposed and now we're trying to change the ship of state around, you know what, Irish culture is good Irish nation it's important what's the only one one we have, that Irish democracy, we must, seek that we are in democratic control of our destiny in this world, not to have laws dictated to us by someone else who we didn't vote for and we can't get rid of. But it's to do with a lot of things as well. Our catch cry is that we want free people in a free country. So it's not just like we want democratic control in Ireland to leave the European Union. And that the government in Dublin is going to dictate our lives, is that personal freedom, personal responsibility are very important. They're vital. We're standing up for things like the importance of free speech, for the right to not have the state dictate to you what you most put inside your body as a basic human right. The right to private property, that the state does not control your life, Even an Irish state doesn't control your life. So standing up for, I would describe these the basic building blocks of a liberal society. Of, as I said, free people in a free country, free speech, right to bodily autonomy, private property, lower government, less government waste, less government spending, lower taxation, the people be able themselves to make the decisions which control their own lives. So we started the party five years ago. We just now have had our first councillor elected in those last local elections. Glenn Moore and Clon Bakken will be running a large slate of candidates in the general election, which is likely to come about in October or November of this year. And I'm myself I ran as a candidate in the Midlands Northwest for the European election there just passed I ended up I got there was a huge huge number of candidates, 27 candidates in total, there were 13 nationalist candidates after Peter Casey the former presidential candidate I got the the highest is the highest vote of any nationalist I ended up with 21,000 votes and 3% of the vote. Considering there were 13 nationalist candidates in the field, I did very well. And actually, the person who was presented themselves as kind of a little bit conservative, socially conservative, nationalist. Eurosceptic, what do you call him, Keir Malooly from the Independent Ireland Party. What did they do? They got elected. And the first thing he did was come over to Brussels and join Renew, which is the Federalist fanatic group, with a complete and utter betrayal by the party of all those voters who voted for him. So I only wish he had told the voters before the election that he was going to join the Federalist group in the European Parliament rather than after, because I think my vote would have increased dramatically. Well, Ireland are getting some of the policies, but Ireland seems to have been slow to move away from that. You had Fianna Gael, Fianna Fáil, you've always had them with a dose of Labour in there. Then obviously you've had the rise of Sinn Féin. But Ireland seems to have been slow to move away from that group of parties. And Sinn Féin have been around a long time as well. They're not a new party. Tell me what that's like in moving to new parties and getting the message out. It's a tough sell, actually, putting something new out in the Irish political sphere and getting the message out in the media. Absolutely, because historically, I was very slow to support new parties. Most of the successful political parties are split off from actually Sinn Féin from 1905 and onwards. We have Sinn Féin then split into Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael and then Plan the Public. I believe all the parties are a break off of Sinn Féin bar the Green Party, if that is correct. And Sinn Féin well for example but even Fianna Fáil used to be Fianna Fáil, the Republican Party, they believed in National Democratic since they pushed to join the Common Market in 1973 and then it was still Sinn Féin policy to leave the Common Market or the European Community, whatever you called it, certainly up until the late 80s so we're basically.... Look, the Proclamation of Independence in 1916 talked about the Irish people having the right, and even says, also in the Irish Constitution of 1937, about the sovereignty and independence of Ireland should be protected for the good of the Irish nation. And that's what we're seeking for. All we're looking to do is to be a normal, self-governing country where we make our own laws for the benefit of the Irish people. That's all. We're not looking for anything new, crazy, or fandangled thing. But Sinn Féin have changed dramatically. They're now a European Unionist party. I call them a Euro-Loyalist party. I'm sure they hate it, but I love it. You know the reasons why. Oh yeah, I call Sinn Féin immigration party. It does make me laugh that they hate it as well. The Sinn Féin immigration party is Brits out everybody else in. Drives them mad. I saw in your Wikipedia entry you'd used the term abort and import, which I also loved as well. I say the Sinn Féin immigration policy is Brits out to everybody else, and the Fine Gael immigration policy is abort and import. And it actually works perfectly in all the romance languages, French and Spanish Spanish, et cetera. It all works perfectly in those, because I was telling someone over here at dinner one evening, I said, oh, that's really good in French too. That's fantastic. I always use as few words as possible to pack as much power into as little space as possible. That's my job as a press officer, was always to take complex ideas and crunch them down or boil them down into some in as few words as possible with as much power and impact, both political and emotional impact on people as it can. So that's a typical few examples of Hermanism, so to speak, like to boil down complex ideas. The simple language, because my job as press officer was always to get words or formula words that people understand, they can easily understand, easily remember. I always scratch my head looking at Ireland originally used to be one of the strongest Catholic countries, most staunchly Christian Catholic countries in Europe. And yet you've had their political representatives have not gone along with any Catholic belief. You look at Sinn Féin, you look at the North SDLP, everything about them has been more the self-hatred woke agenda and nothing about what actually the church would teach. And I often wonder if I was going to mass each Sunday, actually politically, who would I vote for? Where Northern Ireland, the DUP, who generally were socially conservative. And for the Catholic side, there was no one socially conservative ever to vote for. Absolutely. Well, certainly, yeah, in the last 20 years, you had to, I think a large part of it was self-inflicted by Vatican II about the self-loathing that anything came before 1965 was bad, was supposed to be forgotten, to be rejected. And that the new year zero, so to speak, the second Vatican Council ended, I think, 1968 or 69, that everything after that was okay. And it's all Libby-friendly. That was great. great, but no, in the Irish context, even up in the North, which was normally more conservative, people were more, let's say, conscious and proud of being Christian and being Catholic, part of their identity, national identity, religious identity. Down south, completely the opposite, where people that, because the power of the media, that you had Sinn Féin, the Workers' Party in the 70s and 80s, a very... They started off as nationalists that became internationalists and then became very a Marxist party, basically very anti-Christian and I believe that had a very, the leader's effect on the culture of Ireland because there were so many of them got into the media and had a big big impact, but ourselves, we are happy and proud to, when we are not a kind of confessional party, you don't have to be a Catholic to join the Irish Freedom Party. But we've made it very clear from day one that we are a pro-life party and we are pro-family, that we believe we want to protect and augment the foundations of civilisation. So where cultural Marxism wants to destroy the nation state. National sovereignty, the nation state wants to destroy the family, even down to the distinctions of male and female. We want to counteract that. So we were against this trans ideology. We'll stand up for the distinction and common complementarity of man and a woman. We approve family. We want to encourage people to have children, to educate their children in their culture. It is then with education develops culture and a civilization. And we believe that we also believe in the nation state and in national democracy. So like, but all this stuff about. It's very hard to have a functioning successful civilization where the family is not at the centre of it and faith is a very important, Christian faith you acknowledge not only acknowledge Christian faith as a historical origin but also as a living thing in Ireland. And I must say that compared to the Libby Dibbies in Ireland, you'll find that a large swathe of nationalists, they're not practicing Catholics and Christians, they're certainly culturally so. And they're very proud of that. Because when they look around and they see that here we have, They have 10,000 abortions, 10,000 Irish children being killed in the womb last year in Ireland. Our birth rate is now 1.5, just over 1.5 children per woman. A few generations of that, the population of Ireland shrinks to filial. So we are in favour of liberty and of life. So we would like to encourage people to get married, to have children, to start a family. So we advocate as a pro-natalist, pro-family party, but also advocate policies like we have already. And they've successfully implemented in Hungary to adjust the tax system to help young couples to have kids. And that, for example, if a couple have three or four children, that they don't pay tax and that they don't encourage young couples to have children because no country has a future without children. And that's a basic fact because demographics is destiny. That is a universal truth all across the world and every time in every culture. So we want to encourage the people to have children and also then provide the basics all of them. So I was talking last night on a space and I was talking about the importance of, we are not looking for we're just looking for the ability for people to grow up in a safe environment, and then when they leave school that they have the ability to get a job. Find someone who's only got married to be able to buy a house because at the minute, because of mass immigration, high house prices, young people cannot buy a house and they're all emigrating. A massive problem in Ireland isn't just immigration into Ireland, it's also emigration. We are importing a huge number of people into Ireland. We don't know who, in many cases, we don't know who they are, where they're from, do they have a criminal record. That is detrimental to the security of our country because it leads to an increased crime rate, et cetera. At the same time, because our young people cannot, in many cases, find an apartment to rent, certainly not a house to buy, which they cannot afford anyway. So what are they doing? They're emigrating to Australia and Canada. And that's. Well that's the definition of a failed state isn't it, where you can even provide a job in a house for young people and they're emigrating so that is a failed state, so we as people actually are pretty upset how the country that they love being destroyed before their eyes and, but we will instead of personal darkness we would like to put out a light and do something about it, soI said, we're putting out candidates in the general election. We will keep on standing. Nigel Farage, he just got elected there during the week. It was his eighth time of standing for the Houses of Parliament. And I've only stood twice in the European election. That'd be my first time standing as a TD seat. So we're in the infancy of the Irish Freedom Party. But I am certain that in the years ahead, we will have a large impact. And we're already having an impact. because you saw there in that European election, Sinn Féin did very poorly. Their vote fell, now last October, their vote in the polls was 35%. It's now 18%. And in the European election, their vote fell by 12.5%. A general nationalist sway was 12.5%. So that vote, I would suspect, or I would argue, went from Sinn Féin to a smog spore of nationalist candidates. It was like a plunder boss into a mattress and that vote went everywhere to so many different national candidates, 3,000 here, 3,500 there, maybe 21,000 people like me, but that the. That Sinn Féin vote did not go to Fine Gael. It went to generalist nationalist candidates. So we're having an impact on the narrative, on the discussion of the EU migration pact, on the anti-free speech laws that they're trying to introduce in Ireland, about the whole thing about housing availability, etc. We're having an impact on the political discussion in Ireland already. Ready and I would hope and expect that that increases in the years going forward. I want to pick an immigration but let me just touch on the family, because when you look at Hungary and their pro-family and pro-life policies and there are parties you look at Italy and Greece and there are it's a pro-family nation still pro-family culture and a pro-life generally. But many parties, I know Reform will maybe talk a bit about pro-family, but pro-life, you know, that's up to the individual. But I can't imagine kids growing up thinking, you know, when I get older, someday I'd love to have an abortion. It shouldn't be the main option. There has to be a range of options of adoption, of other ideas. And it seems as though especially young girls are pushed down this avenue and this is the only option and I mean I got a lot of respect for you as a party, not only being pro-family but actually pro-life because that's a completely common sense response to what we are facing. Yeah well I was actually attended the rally for life, on in Dublin there on Saturday there's a very big crowd at it and there was a number of members and candidates for the Irish freedom party were there the Irish freedom party banner and the a number of national flags as well to show that we're proud to stand up for life and so well sure, how can you talk about human rights when you don't If you do not defend the right to life, if you don't defend the right to exist. How can you talk about the right to free speech, the right to private property, the right to this and that? It's a nonsense. And on the counter to that, if you accept that you can wipe out and destroy and butcher innocent human life, if you accept that principle, well, the next thing you're then on to logical consequence of accepting that principle. Is you're then you extended over time and you're then in favor of euthanasia of old people and then your euthanasia of people who are physically handicapped in some way or then people who are depressed and then you're straight on the 100% healthy people who there's nothing wrong with them and then you're straight on to murder, murder of innocent people who have I've never done anything wrong, and there's nothing wrong with them. So it's philosophically to accept the principle that it's okay to destroy human life. I will never accept it. Because you're on the slippery slope of a culture which advocates killing. Killing of its young, it's innocent. Then it's then killing old people, then sick people, and then healthy people. And that is that this two cities as Saint Augustine might say and the culture of life and the cultural death are extremely different and the consequences of a slight change in principle, like it's like coming up to a roundabout in a car and you're going around and you take one direction and as you follow out along that road that you've taken you can go in a very you end up in a very different destination if you take another turn off and you follow that path, for a number of miles. So be very careful. So that's why we've been very clear from day one that this is a pro-life party and we're also pro-family and we support a cultural life, not a culture of death. I want to finish on immigration because it's very strange for Ireland because Ireland have so much influence worldwide and the Irish culture is known throughout, probably because of the potato famine, because of that mass migration that's meant there is Irishness everywhere, certainly in the US and you travel all over Europe and wider and you'll certainly find Irish pubs, people flock to that. That desire and likability and connection and respect for Irish culture and intrigue, all of that, that kind of seemed to be disappearing. I'm surprised the mass immigration, but the change that's brought to Ireland, considering Irishness is known, despite Ireland being a tiny country, its impact culturally is very wide all over the world. But yet successive governments have allowed absolute mass immigration on a scale I don't think anyone else has seen in Europe for such a country that size. How has that affected voters and the public? Because if you keep voting the same way, you're just going to get the same change in Ireland and decimation of Irishness. All the main parties in Ireland, Fianna Fáil, Fianna Gael, Sinn Féin, Labour Party, all the left are all in favour of what pretty much amounts to open borders, mass immigration. Now the consequences of that at the moment is that the Irish population since 1995 has gone up by over 1.5 million people, gone from 3.5 to 5.3 million people. That's a 42% percent increase in a very short period of time. And Ireland actually is the fastest increasing we see in Europe. In the Western world, actually, Ireland has the fastest increase of population through immigration of any country in the world, bar none. So what is happening, I would describe it as the new colonization of Ireland, because the numbers coming in here is so large. Like when we started off the party five years ago, I believe 12% of the population were non-national. It's now 22%. So there's been a 10% increase in the non-national part of our population within five years. That's immense. And actually, Grip Media did an analysis of the rate of influx of immigration into Ireland. And they worked out that if the current rate continues, what has happened over the last five years, As that continues, Irish people will be a minority in their own country by the year 2050. And I don't know about you, but I certainly wasn't asked about that. I didn't give my consent. So we describe what's happened now as the colonization without consent. And all we're looking for is to be a normal country, which has borders, which controls for the good of its people, the numbers of people and the qualifications of the people who are coming in, that they make sure that one, do we need to and two, if you want to come in you have got to contribute to our society and so for example you've got skills that you can that you can contribute and you're not a kind of tax, like don't be coming in here looking for free housing, free welfare, free medical care, like you come in, you work you support yourself and when [I very much believe in the work permit system. You come in, you work, you pay tax. And after that, after picking up, working, being paid, getting experience, having a good time, you then go back to your country of origin or go on to the next country, wherever you like. But I believe that because taking in large numbers of unvetted males into the country makes Ireland a less secure place. And like, for example, in 2022, there were 12 women were murdered in Ireland. Five of those were murdered by non-nationals. So there's been a swathe of increase in rapes and sexual assault in Ireland, as has happened all across Europe, be it in Germany, be it in Italy, be it in Sweden and France. So we should stop being naive and thinking that, oh, but it will never happen in Ireland because everybody loves us. They may do, but the consequences of mass unvetted immigration into Ireland are not very positive for Ireland at the minute. So all we're looking for is to be a normal country which controls its borders for the good of its own people. Because we want our young people, as I said earlier, to be able to get a job, be able to find a house and live in a secure area without any fear. And that's what people see, the destruction of their country, the mass immigration, and of course the destruction of the family. How do you, I mean, someone who understands the media so well, how do you get your message out? You've got a block on the mainstream media. Is it looking for alternative media, going directly to individuals, to the voters? How do you kind of get around that block which exists in Ireland to stop your message of common sense getting out? Well, you're completely true. The mainstream media, and when I say mainstream, it's funny because in regards, for example, that issue of are people in favour of mass immigration, 75% of people in Ireland are completely opposed to more migration. They believe Ireland has more than had enough. So that is the mainstream position. It's the extreme leftist position of open borders. They are the extremists. They are the minority. But the thing is, these leftists do control the media. And so we find it very difficult if not impossible to get anything positive out in the Irish media, so we're using social media at the minute and during the European elections was a good boost because the local papers had to talk about us, talk to our candidates, the write-ups of the candidates was almost universally positive on local radio, there were debates, so we got the name and the candidates of the party out there in open debate. We were discussing our policies in a fair environment for the first time, but the national media blocked us completely. So basically, we're pretty much using social media and also boots on the ground to get out meeting people, canvassing is very, very important. Well, Hermann, I really do appreciate your time. Hermann Kelly, President of the Irish Freedom Party, bringing common sense and an option to the voters that traditionally up to now really have not had any. So Hermann, thank you so much for joining us and giving us an overview, not only of Irish Freedom Party, but the difficulty and issues you're facing there in Ireland. Thank you very much, Peter.

Welcome to a comprehensive exploration of the Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP)! These principles, enshrined in Part IV of the Constitution, serve as a blueprint for governance, embodying the aspirations of a just and equitable society. Let's dive into their historical origins, features, classifications, evolution, criticisms, and utility: Historical Context and Significance: Originating from the Irish Constitution, DPSP are hailed as the soul of our Constitution, guiding the State in legislative, executive, and administrative matters. Features of the Directive Principles: They offer constitutional guidance, serve as instruments of instruction, encompass a comprehensive program for socio-economic justice, are non-justiciable but aid in judicial review, and ensure parliamentary empowerment. Classification of Directive Principles: DPSP are categorized into socialistic, Gandhian, and liberal-intellectual principles, addressing economic, social, and political dimensions. Evolution of Directive Principles: Amendments have expanded and refined DPSP over time, reflecting changing societal needs and aspirations. Sanction behind Directive Principles: Though non-justiciable, DPSP impose a moral obligation on the State, guiding policy formulation and reflecting collective aspirations. Judicial Interpretation and Supreme Court Cases: The Supreme Court has interpreted and upheld DPSP's importance, ensuring their integration into the constitutional framework. Criticism and Utility of Directive Principles: While criticized for their non-justiciable nature, DPSP remain pivotal in governance, serving as an instrument of instruction, providing judicial guidance, complementing Fundamental Rights, and enabling scrutiny of government performance. In essence, DPSP serve as the moral compass of governance, guiding the State towards socio-economic justice and the welfare of its citizens. Despite being non-justiciable, their transformative potential and role in shaping a just society remain undeniable. Through judicial interpretation, DPSP have become integral to Indian constitutionalism, embodying the nation's commitment to justice, equality, and fraternity. #UPSC #IASprep #civilserviceexam #IASexamination #IASaspirants #UPSCjourney #IASexam #civilservice #IASgoals #UPSC2024 #IAS2024 #civilservant #IAScoaching #aUPSCmotivation #IASmotivation #UPSCpreparation #IASpreparation #UPSCguide #IASguide #UPSCtips #IAStips #UPSCbooks #IASbooks #UPSCexamstrategy #IASexamstrategy #UPSCmentorship #IASmentorship #UPSCcommunity #IAScommunity #UPSCpreparation #IASpreparation #UPSCguide #IASguide #UPSCtips #IAStips #UPSCbooks #IASbooks #UPSCexamstrategy #IASexamstrategy #UPSCmentorship #IASmentorship #UPSCcommunity #IAScommunity --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/theiascompanion/message

Last week the Irish people delivered a blow to the corrupt Irish government.  They voted an overwhelming No to a referendum that would have redefined family and women.  The proposed referenda altering the nation's constitution enjoyed the support of Ireland's elites, but the attempt to embed woke values in it has backfired. The Government asked voters to remove the word 'mother' from the Constitution and they answered with a resounding No.  They also rejected by a huge margin the attempt to foist the extremely nebulous term "durable relationships" on the Constitution. The government worked in conjunction with every political party and legacy media outlet to tell and coerce the people into accepting these changes. The people refused.  John Waters returns to Hearts of Oak to analyse why this referendum was proposed and what the rejection means, not only for the government but for the people of Ireland. John Waters is an Irish Thinker, Talker, and Writer. From the life of the spirit of society to the infinite reach of rock ‘n' roll; from the puzzle of the human ‘I' to the true nature of money; from the attempted murder of fatherhood to the slow death of the novel, he speaks and writes about the meaning of life in the modern world. He began part-time work as a journalist in 1981, with Hot Press, Ireland's leading rock ‘n' roll magazine and went full-time in 1984, when he moved from the Wild West to the capital, Dublin. As a journalist, magazine editor and columnist, he specialised from the start in raising unpopular issues of public importance, including the psychic cost of colonialism and the denial of rights to fathers under what is called family 'law'. He was a columnist with The Irish Times for 24 years when being Ireland's premier newspaper still meant something. He left in 2014 when this had come to mean diddly-squat, and drew the blinds fully on Irish journalism a year later. Since then, his articles have appeared in publications such as First Things, frontpagemag.com, The Spectator, and The Spectator USA. He has published ten books, the latest, Give Us Back the Bad Roads (2018), being a reflection on the cultural disintegration of Ireland since 1990, in the form of a letter to his late father. Connect with John... SUBSTACK              johnwaters.substack.com/ WEBSITE:                anti-corruptionireland.com/ Recorded 18.3.24 Connect with Hearts of Oak... WEBSITE            heartsofoak.org/ PODCASTS        heartsofoak.podbean.com/ SOCIAL MEDIA  heartsofoak.org/connect/ *Special thanks to Bosch Fawstin for recording our intro/outro on this podcast. Check out his art https://theboschfawstinstore.blogspot.com/ and follow him on X https://twitter.com/TheBoschFawstin?s=20  TRANSCRIPT (Hearts of Oak)   And it's wonderful to have John Waters join us once again from Ireland. John, thanks so much for your time today. (John Waters) Thank you, Peter.  Pleasure to be with you.  Great to have you on. It was ages ago, goodness, talking about immigration.  That was a good 18 months ago. Always good to have you on.  And people can follow you, on your Substack, johnwaters.substack.com. That's where they can get all your writings. You've got one of your latest ones, I think, Beware the Ides of March, part one.  Do you just want to mention that to give people a flavour of what they can find on  your Substack? Yeah, it's a short series.  I don't know.  I think it's going to be probably two, maybe three articles. I have several other things that are kind of related to it. It's really the story of what happened, what has been happening since four years ago really, as opposed to what they told us, what happened, what we've been talking about. It's essentially, this was not about your health.  It was about your wealth, and that's the message so I go through that in terms of its meanings. And in the first part which has just gone up last night; it's really about  the the way that the the predator class the richest of the rich in the world are  essentially. Coming to the end of their three-card trick which has been around now for 50 years. Which is the money systems that emerge after the untethering of currencies from the gold standard. And that's essentially been a balloon that's been expanding, expanding, expanding,  and it's about to blow.  They're trying to control that explosion. But essentially, their mission is to ensure that, not a drop of their wealth is spilt in  whatever happens, right? And that everybody else will lose everything, pretty much. They don't care about that.  In fact, that's part of their wish. And so it's that really what I'm kind of talking about and how that started. We now know that the beginnings of what is called COVID were nothing to do with a virus. There was a bulletin issued by Black Rock on the 15th of August 2019, Assumption  Day in the Christian calendar, which is the day that the body of our Blessed Virgin was assumed and received into heaven. But, the word assumption has lots of other meanings. I think there was a lot of that at play on that particular day when they were assuming the right to dictate to the world what its future should be. That was really the start of it. And then the COVID lockdowns and all of that flowed  inexorably. There's a lot of stuff we could go into, but we won't.  I don't think about vaccines and all the rest of it.  They're part of that story. But the central part was that this was completely fabricated and completely  engineered and it was a fundamental attack on human freedom in the west particularly. And has been largely successful so far but, now as I think we're going to talk about it, in Ireland there's beginning to be that little bit of a pushback. I'm hopeful now. Well, obviously I've really enjoyed your your writings on Substack. I don't have the patience for the writing, but you are a writer a journalist and that is  your bread and butter. People obviously can support you financially on Substack if they want to do that after reading your writings. Let's go into Ireland: we saw this referendum and it's interesting. We'll get into some of the comments on it, but really there were two parts of this  referendum and it was focusing on family and the woman's position or the mother's position. Do you want to just let us know how this referendum came about? OK, well, first of all, you've got to see it in its context, which is in a series of attacks  on the Irish Constitution going back. Going back, you could say 30 years.  It depends in the context of the European Union and the various referendums that we had about that, the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty, in which the Irish people were  basically told when they voted ‘no', that's the wrong answer. You're going to have to think again, and you're going to have to vote again. And they did, and it passed, because they were just bullied into doing it.  In the past decade or so, a dozen years, we've had three critical referendums  which attacked, the Irish Constitution which has a series of fundamental rights  articles right in the centre of it, articles 40 to 44. That's been informally called by judges over the years: the Irish Bill of Rights, which  is all the personal fundamental rights, all the rights that derive essentially from  natural law in the greater number of them. That, in other words, they're inalienable, imprescriptible, they are antecedent. They're not generated by the Constitution or indeed by the people. Certainly not by the government or anybody else. So, now there was an attack on Article 41 in 2012, which was purportedly to put in  children's rights into the Constitution. That was completely bogus because it was a successful attempt attempt to transfer  parental rights to the state. That's what it was when you look closely at it.  And I was fighting all these referendums. Then in 2015, we had the so-called gay marriage or the marriage referendum. Which essentially, people don't really get this; they talk about Ireland having legalised  gay marriage. No, no, we didn't. That's not what we did.  We actually destroyed marriage by putting gay marriage as an equivalent concept in  our constitution. And then there was the infamous Eighth Amendment referendum in 2018, which was  to take out an amendment which had been put in some 40 years before, 30 years before, in 1983, to guarantee, to, as it were, copper fasten the right to life of the  unborn child. And there's a very subtle point that needs to be made about this, not very subtle really, but legally it is, which is that this was an unlawful referendum because this was one of those inalienable, imprescriptible rights. Even though the article in which it was couched on was only introduced in 1983, and all it was, was a kind of a reminder, that these rights exist, because these rights already exist as unenumerated rights. And as a result of that the referendum was actually unlawful and should never have taken place, because the Irish people had no right to vote down the rights of a section of its own population. Which was the unborn children waiting to emerge into the world to live their lives in  peace and whatever would come their way in that life. But nevertheless, to have a law, to have essentially an illegal, unlawful law, quote unquote, created that prevented them from even entering this world. It seemed to me to be the greatest abomination that has ever happened in our country. So, this was a continuation of this.  There are different theories about what it was about. There were two amendments, as you said, Peter. The second one that you mentioned was the mother in the home. And this was a guarantee to women, to mothers, that they would be protected from  having to go out, if they wished, to go out into the workplace and work. And if they wanted to mind their children, then the state would take care of them. It's not specific, but nevertheless, it placed on the state a burden of responsibility to  give women this choice. Now, of course, the government and its allies, its proxies, try to say that it's really an  attack on women, that it says there are places in the home, this kind of caricaturing of  the wording and so on. In fact, it's nonsense because there's another article, Article 45, which explicitly  mentions the right of women to have occupations in the public domain and to go and work and earn a living for themselves. So, this was a complete caricature. And I think people understood that. The other one then was a redefinition of the family, which is Article 41. Again, all of this is 41, which defines the family, always has, as being based on  marriage. That has been the source of some dissension over the years, some controversy,  because more and more families were outside marriage, as it were. There were small F families, as it were, rather than a big F family, as arises in the  Constitution. And they claimed to be sorting this out.  But of course, they weren't sorting it out at all. When you actually catalogued the various categories of family who might theoretically benefit from such a change, none of them were benefiting at all. I went through this microscopically in the course of the campaign several times on videos and so on.  So, really what it was, was to leverage the progressive vote, I think. That was one object, to get people excited again. They were getting nostalgic for 2015 and 2018 because they were becoming more and more popular.  That was certainly one aspect. But, there were other aspects, which is that they were introducing into the  constitution, or supposedly, that along with marriage, that also would be included  something called durable relationships. And they refused or were unable to define what this meant. The result of it is that there were all kinds of proposals and suggestions that it might  well mean, for example, polygamy, that it might mean the word appear durable  appears in European law in the context of immigration. There was a very strong suspicion, which the government was unable to convincingly deny, that this was a measure that they needed to bring in in order to make way for  what they call family reunification, so that if one person gets into Ireland, they can  then apply to have their entire families brought in after them. That's already happening, by the way, without this. They say that something like an average of 20 people will follow anybody who gets in  and gets citizenship of Ireland. They bring something like an average of 20 people with them afterwards. So this was another aspect of it.  There were many, many theories posited about it. But one thing for sure was that the government was lying literally every day about it, trying to present this progressive veneer. And more and more, what was really I think staggering in the end in a certain sense,  was that the people not alone saw it in a marginal way, they saw it in an overwhelming way, this was the start, I mean I don't think a single person, myself included predicted that we would have a 70-30 or whatever it was roughly, 3-1 result. For now, I mean, that was really miraculous and I've said to people that it was actually a kind of loaves and fishes that it was greater than the sum of all its parts, greater than anything that we thought was possible. It was like a miracle that all of the votes just keep tumbling out, tumbling out, no, no, no, no, no. And I've been saying that that no actually represents much more than what it might  technically read as a response to the wording that was on the ballot paper, that it was  really, I think, the expression of something that we hadn't even suspected was there,  Because for four years now, the Irish people have labored under this tyranny of, you  know, really abuse of power by the government, by the police force, by the courts. And a real tyranny that is really, I think, looks like it's getting its feet under the table  for quite a long haul. And accompanied by that, there was what I call this concept, this climate of mutism,  whereby people weren't able any longer to discuss certain things in public for fear  that they would get into trouble, because this was very frequently happening. I mean, since the marriage referendum of 2015, Before that, for about a year, the LGBTgoons went on the streets and ensured that everybody got the message that we weren't allowed to talk about things that they had an interest in. And anybody who did was absolutely eviscerated, myself included, and was cancelled  or demonised or whatever. That has had a huge effect on Irish culture, a culture that used to be very  argumentative and garrulous, has now become almost paranoid, and kind of, you have this kind of culture of humming and hawing. If you get involved in a conversation with somebody and you say something that is  even maybe two or three steps removed from a controversial issue, they will immediately know it and clam up. This has been happening now in our culture right across the country. When you think about it, I've been saying in the last week that actually for all its  limitations, locations, the polling booth, that corner of the room in which the votes are being cast with the little table and the pencil and a little bit of a curtain in some  instances, but even not, there's a kind of a metaphorical curtain. And that became the one place in Ireland that you could overcome your mutism, that  you could put your mark on that paper and do it convincingly and in a firm hand. And I think that's really the meaning of it, that it was a no, no, no, no, no to just about everything that this government and its proxies have been trying to push over on  Ireland for the last few years, including the mass immigration, essential replacement  of the Irish population, including the vaccines, which really have killed now in Ireland something like 20,000 people over the past three years. I would say a conservative enough estimate not to mention the injuries of people; the many people who are ill now as a result of this and then of course we  have the utterly corrupt media refusing to discuss any of this and to put out all kinds  of misdirection concerning. John, can I just say, there's an interesting line in one of the articles on this. It said the scale of rejection spelled humiliation for the government, but also  opposition parties and advocacy groups who had united to support a yes, yes vote.  Tell us about that.  It's not just the government, well the government is made up obviously of the three  parties, the unholy alliance, of Fianna Fáil, Fianna Gael and, sorry, what was the  other? The Green Party.  Sorry, the Greens.  The Green Party are a fairly traditional element in Irish politics, not so much in the ideology, but in the idea of the small party, because they're They're the tail that wags the dog. They have all the ideological ideas.  The main parties have virtually no ideology whatsoever. Like they've been just catch-all parties for a century or whatever their  existence has been. But yes, that idea, you see, what we've noticed increasingly over the last, say, 10, 15  years, particularly I think since 2011, we had an election that year, which I think was a critical moment in Irish life, when in fact everything seemed to change. We didn't notice it at the time, but moving on from that, it became clear that  something radical had happened in the ruins of Irish culture, as it were, both  spellings actually. And so, as we moved out from that, it became clear that really there was no  opposition anymore. That all the parties were just different shades or different functions within a singular  Ideology. Like the so-called left parties were, it's not that they would be stating the thing. They would sort of, they would become almost like the military wing of the  mainstream parties, enforcing their diktats on the streets. If people went to protest about something outside the Houses of Parliament, the  Leinster House, these people would up and mount a counter protest against them  and call them all kinds of names. Like Nazis and white supremacists, all this nonsense, which has no place in Irish  culture whatsoever. It is a kind of a uni-party, as they say, is the recent term for it. But, my own belief is that actually this is a somewhat distraction in the sense that we  shouldn't anymore be looking at individual parties because, in fact, all of them are  captured from outside. And the World Economic Forum is basically dictating pretty much everything that  everybody thinks now. I mean, our so-called Taoiseach, God help us, I hate to call him that because it's  an honourable title. It's a sacred title to me.  And to have this appalling creep going swaggering around claiming that title for  himself, it seems it's one of the great obscenities of of modern Ireland. But he, Brad Kerr. He is a member of the World Economic Forum.  So is Martin, the leader of Fianna Fáil. They've been switching over the Taoiseach role for the last four years. Yeah, because that's quite strange. I mean, many of our viewers will not be from  Ireland and will be surprised at the confusion system you have where they just swap every so often, because the three of them are in cahoots. That's the completely new thing.  That's never happened before. But what it's about, you see, those two parties are the Civil War parties. Civil War back in 1922. Those parties grew out of it, and they became almost equivalent in popularity. They represented in some ways the divide of that Civil War. And for the best part of 100 years, they were like the main, they were the yin and yang. They were the Tweedledum and Tweedledee of the political system. And gradually, in the last 30, 40 years, the capacity of either of those parties to win  an overall majority has dwindled and basically disappeared, evaporated. So now they need smaller parties. And that's been true for about 30 years. And as I say, what actually happens then is that the smaller party, no matter how  small, if it's big enough to actually make the difference numerically, then it has the  power to take over certain areas of policy in which the big parties have no interest  whatsoever. And that's how you get things like migration, because they don't care about that. That's how you get social welfare policies, all that kind of stuff. This is kind of what's happened in the last, particularly since 2020, where there was a  complete unanimity. I could name, with the fingers of one hand, the people in the parliament, a total of over200 people in between the two houses, that who actually have stood up and actually in in any way acquitted themselves decently in the last four years. The rest have just been nodding donkeys and going along with this great tyranny against the Irish people and the contempt that Radcliffe and his cronies show for the Irish  people. Literally, almost like to the point of handing out straws and saying, suck it up, suck it  up, suck it up. And this is where we are now, that our democracy has been taken away, for sure. I mean, that last week was a really a bit of a boost but that was only  because they couldn't fix that. It was a referendum and they couldn't possibly predict what the turnout would be in  order to ready up the votes in advance but I have no doubt that they would be trying to rectify that they're giving votes now to in local elections which we have to every  immigrant who comes into Ireland so by the time that the Irish people get to the polls it'll all be over. These are people who don't even know how to spell the name of the country they're in many cases and this This is what's happening. The contempt these people have shown for our country is beyond belief. It is dizzying. It is nauseating. But the Irish people are told to shut up.  And of course, the media, without which none of this will be possible, by the way. I mean, if we had decent, honest media, they would be calling the government out  every day. But they're not. And so it remains to be seen now what effect this will have. I don't have any confidence that it's going to put any manners on this government  because they are beyond arrogant, beyond traitorous, beyond redemption in my view. But at the same time, there is a possibility that in the next elections, we have three  elections coming up now in the next year, in the next few months, actually, I would say,almost certainly. Well, we know for sure there's the European elections, European Parliament elections, and the local local elections are happening in June. Then there's a very strong probability that the general election will take place  sometime in the autumn because it has to happen before this time next year. And of course, the longer they leave it, the less flexibility and wiggle room they'll have in order because, events, dear boy, events can take over and they don't want to do, they don't like events, you know. I think what will be very interesting then is will something emerge in these elections, which would, if you like, will be a kind of an equivalent to that no box on toilet paper  in the form of independence, perhaps, or in the form of some form of new movement,  some actual spontaneous voice of the Irish people might well be something that could happen. I hope so. And I feel so as well. I think that this is the moment that it happened before, Peter, back in 2011, when  there was the really appalling events that happened in the wake of the economic  meltdown, when the troika of the IMF, the World Bank and the European  Commission, three entities, arrived as a kind of a coalition or a coalition. A kind of a joint policing visitation, shall we say, to basically take possession of Irish  economic sovereignty. And that was a great humiliation, a moment of extraordinary sorrow and grief and  rage in the Irish people. And that moment, I think, if you lit a match in Ireland at that time, the whole place  would have gone up. But, what happened then was a bogus movement started and pretended that it was  going to go and lead an alternative movement against these cretins, these cretinous  thugs and traitors who are the mainstream parties. And instead, then at the very last minute, they blocked the hallway, as Bob Dylan said, they stood in the doorway, they blocked up the hall, and nobody could go  through until the very last moment when they stepped aside. said they weren't going to run, and ushered in Mr. Enda Kenny, who became  possibly the greatest destroyer in Irish history since Oliver Cromwell. Yeah. When I grew up in the 80s with Gareth Fitzgerald and Charles Hawkey back  Fianna Gael, Fianna Fáil, there did seem to be a choice. And now it seems to be that there isn't really a choice for the voters and they've  come together. Is that a fair assessment of where Ireland are? Yes, 100%, Peter.  But, I think it's very important to, whereas we can go into the whole walk thing, as  these parties are now, fixated with woke, contaminated with it. They're saturated with this nonsense and really assiduously pushing it. But I always remind people that none of this is spontaneous, that woke is not a  spontaneous, naturalistic movement from the people or even any people. Of course, there are people pushing it, but they're just useful idiots. This has been, this is top-down, manipulation of an orchestration of our  democracies.  And it's happening everywhere now. These massive multibillionaires pumping money into this, into basically  destructive political elements, Antifa, the LGBT goons, and so on and so on. Terrorist groups, essentially. Let's not mess around. They're terrorist groups. And using these to batter down the democratic structures of Western countries. That's what's happening. And you see, the people that we are looking at who are the puppets. They're the quokka-wodgers, I call them. That's the name for them, actually, the quokka-wodgers, people who are simply like  wooden puppets of the puppet masters. They're filling space, placeholders. They're indistinguishable.  It doesn't matter.  I mean, rotating the role of Taoiseach is irrelevant because essentially, you  could just have a showroom dummy sitting on the chair for the full four years. It doesn't matter who it is, except the only difference it makes is that the quality of the dribble that emerges from the mouths of Martin and Varadkar is somewhat variegated  in the sense that, Varadkar is capable of saying the most disgusting things because  he has no knowledge of Ireland.  He's half Irish. He's an Irish mother and an Indian father. He has no love for Ireland whatsoever. He did a speech there the other day, apparently in America, where he was saying that  St. Patrick was a single male immigrant. Nobody, I think, at the meeting where he said it, had the temerity to point out to him  that actually St.Patrick was a victim of people traffickers. And that's exactly what's happening now.  He's their principal ally in the destruction of Ireland. Well, how does that fit? Because interesting comment about Varadkar's background,  his parents Indian.  We, of course, here in the UK and England, it's the same with Sunak. And then in Wales, you've just got the new first minister. I think was born in Zambia, I think, Africa. And then, of course, you've got in Scotland and in London, Pakistani heritage. You kind of look around.  And I think my issue is not necessarily that you've got that different background. My issue is the lack of integration and understanding of what it means to be this  culture and this community and a lack of understanding. I think that's where Varadkar seems to have torn up the rule book and what it means to be Irish and wants to rewrite it. Oh, well, they're actively saying now that really there's no such thing as Irish culture  and that, the people who live in Ireland, those people have been here for hundreds or maybe thousands of years. That they have no particular claim on this territory. Trade. This is something that the great Irish patriot, Wulff Tone, mourned about. He said, this country of ours is no sandbag. It's an ancient land honoured into antiquity by its valor, its piety, and its suffering. That's forgotten.  People like Varadkar don't know the first thing about this and care less. They're like Trudeau in Canada, a completely vacant space, empty-headed. Narcissists, egomaniacs psychopaths. They are. And they are and traitors like they are really doing things now. I did a stream last week; there was somebody in America in Utah, and I was saying  in the headline, I found myself saying this that what is happening cannot  possibly be happening. That's really the way all of us feel now that this is like just something surreal real, that is beyond comprehension, because it wasn't possible for us to forget, to predict. That a person could be elected into the office of Taoiseach, who would be  automatically a traitor, who would have no love for Ireland. It seemed to be axiomatic that in order to get there, you wanted to care, you had to  care and love Ireland. These people have no love for Ireland.  They are absolutely the enemies of Ireland now. You mentioned the two other referendums that happened or in effect on same-sex marriage and life or the lack of sanctity of life and those went through this this  hasn't. Does that mean there is a growing resentment with the government. Is it a growing opposition and desire for conservative values where kind of is that  coming from I know it's probably difficult to analyze it because this just happened a  week ago but what are your thoughts on that? It's difficult.  It's difficult because there are different explanations going around. I can only tell you what I believe, and it's based on just observation over a long time. I believe that it is. I've been saying,  for the last two years about Ireland in this context. That the Irishman, Paddy, as he's called, and we don't mind him being called that. You can imagine him sitting in the pub, in a beautiful sunny evening. The shadows of the setting sun coming across the bar. Oh, I'm dreaming that. I can have this picture in my mind, John. And he's got a dazzle, as we say, a dashing of beer, and he's sticking it away. And then there's a couple of young fellas there, and they start messing, pushing  around and maybe having a go at some of the women in the bar or whatever. And Paddy will sit there for a long time, and he'll sort of have a disapproving look  but he won't say anything, but there will be a moment and I call it: the kick the chair  moment. When he will just reef the chair from under him and he will get up and he'll get one of those guys and he'll have him slapped up against the wall and he will tell him the odds. That's the moment I think we've arrived at, that all of the contempt all of the hatred,  these people go on about introducing hate speech law there is nobody in Ireland that  is more hateful than the government towards its own people. 100 percent.  The most hateful government, I think, in the world at this point. They are abysmal.  They're appalling. So, this is the moment when I think people took that in. They took it in. They took it in.  We suck it up. OK. But then one day they said, no, no more. And that's what happened on Friday week, last Friday, Friday week. That's what happened because, you can push people so far. A lot of this has to do with Ireland's kind of inheritance of post-colonial self-hatred, whereby they can convince us that we're white supremacists, even though we  have no history of slavery or anything like that, except being slaves ourselves, our  ancestors being slaves. But there is, as Franz Fallon wrote about many years ago, back in the 50s, the  pathologies that infect a country that's been colonized are such as to weaken them in  a terrible way in the face of the possibility of independence, that they cannot stand  up for themselves. And you can see this now. I mean, all over Irish culture now on magazines, on hoardings, in television  advertisements, there's nothing but black faces. You would swear that Ireland was an African country. This is part of the gaslighting, that attack that has been mounted against the Irish  people. And people, Irish people, you see genuinely because they don't. They don't understand what's happening because the word racist is a kind of a spell  word, which is used, I call it like a, like it's like a cattle prod, and as soon as you say something, and a big space opens up around you because nobody wants to  be near somebody who's a racist. But in fact, we need to begin to understand that these are just words and sticks and  stones and so on. If we allow this to happen it means that we will lose our metaphysical home that our  children and our grandchildren will be homeless in the world that's what's going to  happen, because it's already clear from a lot of these people who are coming in that  they're shouting the odds and saying that basically Irish people just better get up and  leave their own country, because they're not welcome anymore. These are outsiders who've been here a wet weekend. They're being trained in this you asked me. I forgot to mention this thing Ireland has something like 35,000 NGOs 35,000  Wow  And and these people, in other words they're non-governmental organization. what's a non-government at mental organization? That's a government which works that's in organization which works for the government, but pretends not to. Ireland has been governed now to non-government mental organizations  and these people are bringing in these foreigners and they're training them. They're coaching them how to attack the Irish people, how to make a claim on Ireland. I read an article somebody sent me last week where some guy who came here from  Chechnya, and he was saying how great it was that you could come to Ireland and  become Irish within hours. Whereas, you could never become Japanese or Chinese, which, of course, is true. I mean, if I went to Japan, I think it would take about 10,000 years before a relation of mine might be Japanese. And rightly so. Rightly so.  There's nothing racist about that.  That's just the way things are. That's every country, including the African countries, want to uphold their own  ethnicity, integrity and nationhood. Why the hell can Ireland not do the same? It seems we can't.  And our own government telling us and our own media is telling us that we can't. Some background, there were 160 members in the Dáil of the Irish Parliament and  the government is 80. I was quite surprised at that, because you talk about a government wanting extra seats to get a bigger majority, but it seems though you look who's the opposition and you've got Sinn Féin and they are even more captured by the woke agenda than anyone. So you kind of look; it's kind of the government are rubbing it in people's  noses, because they don't actually need a majority or a big majority, because  everyone else seems to be fitting into this agenda. Yeah, that's a really important point, Peter.  It's really important because, you see, what happened in 2020 is really instructive. We had an election in 2020 in February.  I actually ran myself. The only time in my life I've ever run for an election because things were looking so  bad. I ran in the worst constituency in Ireland, actually, Dundee, which is the only  constituency which voted yes in this referendum. So, that'll just show you how demoralised I was, let's say. But, what happened then was that the government, outgoing government, was  basically hammered. Varadkar for government were hammered. There was a standoff for for several months when there was negotiations and then  something happened that was totally, not likely but each of the parties Fianna  Gael, and Fianna Fáil, in the previous election and for years, and decades,  before that has said that they would never ever ever coalesce with the other. Then they did. What we had then was from from from February through until late June of that year: we had Radcliffe running a kind of a caretaker government in the period when the  most draconian and radical and unprecedented laws were introduced into Irish  society. Nothing like them ever before, the COVID laws.  And then in July, Martin, they went into coalition then, and we had Martin, Fianna  Fáil and Fianna Gael in coalition doing the same thing, implementing the same  policies without question. And anybody who did question, as I did, and others, we got hammered and treated  like dirt in the courts, in the media, you name it. That's the thing; those parties, they know that no matter what happens, they can rig up the arithmetic. That there's nothing for further. There's nowhere as things stand unless you get a huge tranche of independents who  have the power to nullify whatever power these small parties will have. But you see, one of the factors involved here now, they don't have a this election for  the general election where they'll be able to get immigrants and Ukrainians and all these people to vote. But that's probably in a very short order, possibly by the next general election, they  will have organised that. And means that increasingly, just as in terms of the birth rate, Ireland is  already being overtaken. The population is already beginning to be, you know, you can see that the incoming  population is growing at a much faster rate than the Irish population, in the  indigenous population because we have European demographics. We had very briefly, some time ago. Surges after John Paul visited in 79 and so on. We had much higher birth rates than the rest of Europe, but not anymore. And so essentially what we're looking at right across Europe is a replacement  of population. Intimidation and the way you can really know this is that they've decided that  the word replacement is a hate word and and when they say that you're over the target because, whenever something becomes dead obvious they make  it quasi-illegal they make it into a crime. I've seen that. Can I ask it's it's weird because there's a positive and a negative I see. The negative is that there doesn't seem to be a vocal opposition to what is happening or a grouping that is standing for family, for the rights of women,  a pro-women party. And so there doesn't seem to be that on one side. But yet, on the other side, the people have rejected what they were told to vote  for, not only by the politicians, by every political party, but also by the media. Everything was telling them to do one thing and they've done something else  and yes, I mean that rebelliousness, I love, but I'm wondering in the  middle of that, there a group movement that can appear to begin to stand up,  because Ireland doesn't really have a populist movement; like we're seeing in  every European country. Except Britain and Ireland. We're left on the sidelines.  Yeah, yeah. Really there was never be this is ironic given that that Edmund Burke was an  Irishman. There's been no real conservative party. I mean, they've been called, Fine Gael and Fine Fáil were called conservative parties,  but they had no philosophy whatsoever. When Hardy came to Hardy, they switched to the woke side. There's no intellectual, interesting party that puts forward family-related policies, say like Viktor Orban does in Hungary or anything like that. It's purely a kind of reactive opposition. That's very, very dismaying because, we desperately need. One of the problems I think here, Peter, is ironically, that is a residual effect of the war against the Catholic Church, which has succeeded in, particularly the clerical abuse  scandals, have succeeded in making people very wary of speaking about, what you  might call Catholic issues, whether that's expressed in family or abortion or whatever. So, those issues tend to be leveraged by the leftist and liberal parties to actually agitate people so as they actually will go against whatever the church is recommending. That's been the pattern going right back in the last, certainly in the last decade or so,  that that was very strong in the referendums. You see that this is a real problem because, if you go on the media in Ireland, if you  would go on, if you would be let on, on the national broadcaster now, you would be  harangued and harassed if you were proposing. Nobody would say: “OK, well, what do you got to say?” And then: ”OK, well, I don't agree with that," but here's my position.” And that's gone. You're just harangued and you're sneered at, not necessarily just by the opposition  that's in the studio, but by the presenter, probably foremost among them. That's the way that these things have gone now. And you have all these newspapers campaigning, activists. They purport to be, I guess, in the referendum recently, they purported to be covering  it. But in fact, they were fighting for the yes side. And this has been the standard approach like that. They tell all these lies. I mean, like there's a very important lie that I want to just call out, which is the Tune  Babies Hooks lie, which happened about 10 years ago. Where there was allegations made that 800 babies had been killed by nuns in Tum and buried in a septic tank. There's been a commission of inquiry that has spent 10 years investigating this and  they have not found one skeleton, one bone of a child in a septic tank. Yet, the news has not gone around the world anything like to the extent that the first  story went round. And people still out there that I meet think it is absolutely gospel truth that nuns  killed 800 children and buried their bodies in a septic tank. That is a complete and utter lie. And they have failed after 10 years of trying.  And yet that issue was used, was leveraged in the 2018 referendum to defeat the voice of the church, to nullify what the church was saying on the abortion question, because the implication was, well, they don't care about children. This is what goes on in Ireland.  It is obscene.  It's utterly obscene. And one feels, distraught in the face of it. Grease stricken to see what has become possible in our beautiful country. Yeah, well the media or the virus and we've seen that time and time again. John I really do appreciate coming on. When I saw that result I was so happy, especially seeing the depression on Varadkar's  face that even brought more joy. I'd seen them pull back, and of course, they haven't given up, and they will come back I'm sure they will try and mix this type of thing part of their their manifesto  moving forward. But, it is a moment to celebrate, I think, in the pushback. Thanks so much for coming on and sharing it, John.  Thank you very much, Peter. Nice to talk to you

On this week's episode of The Van Maren Show, Jonathon interviews Irish political commentator Ben Scallan on the stunning rejection of a woke double referendum to amend the Irish Constitution's references to family, marriage, and motherhood, and the potential implications of the result on Ireland's political situation going forward. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Well, the big news over the weekend was the overwhelming 'No' vote in the referendum, meaning Irish people voted against amending the Irish Constitution. In this morning's Gift Grub, Michael D gathered the government to try to get to the bottom of the whole thing and give them a piece of his mind. Hit play now to hear the full episode.

On International Women's Day this year, March 8th, the Irish public will be asked to vote in two upcoming referendums. The first referendum concerns the definition of family as outlined in the Irish Constitution and proposes expanding the definition to recognise durable relationships. The second referendum proposes the removal of the reference to women's duties in the home, instead replacing it with language recognising care within the family. To explore all sides of the arguments on the yes and no side, Róisín Ingle is joined by former barrister and journalist Laura Perrins and visual artist Aideen Barry. Irish Times political correspondent Jennifer Bray is also here to set out what voters are being asked, what the changes will mean and what concerns have been raised regarding the amendments. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this interview, Niall engages in a discussion with Prof. Patricia Casey, a distinguished psychiatrist, academic, journalist, and conservative commentator on social issues. Together, they delve into the upcoming referendum on Article 41 and 41.2 of the Irish Constitution, which propose significant amendments regarding the concept of family and the role of women in the home.Drawing from a recent Amarach Research opinion poll commissioned by The Iona Institute, Prof. Casey sheds light on the prevailing sentiments among mothers regarding their preferences for staying at home with their children. The poll reveals that an overwhelming majority of mothers, approximately 69%, express a desire to stay at home if afforded the opportunity, despite societal expectations and economic pressures.Furthermore, the survey underscores a perceived undervaluation of the work performed by mothers within the home, with over 70% expressing feelings of being underappreciated by society. Prof. Casey emphasizes the importance of recognizing and respecting the choices made by mothers, advocating for policies that facilitate their ability to stay at home with their children if desired.Reflecting on the constitutional amendments proposed by the referendum, Prof. Casey criticizes the government's approach, arguing that the deletion of references to mothers and the home from the Constitution fails to uphold the promises of protection and support outlined in Article 41.2. She contends that policymakers should prioritize the well-being of mothers and families over economic interests, advocating for policies that empower mothers to make choices aligned with their preferences and values.Through insightful analysis and compelling commentary, Niall and Prof. Patricia Casey navigate the complexities of gender roles, societal expectations, and the evolving landscape of family dynamics in contemporary Ireland.Join Niall Boylan and Prof. Patricia Casey in this thought-provoking discussion as they examine the implications of the referendum and advocate for greater recognition of the invaluable contributions made by mothers within the home.

Please join us at patreon.com/tortoiseshack The vote on the two referendums on the Family and Care is not far away and while opinion polls suggest a landslide for Yes Yes, events of recent days (Ministers misrepresenting the amendments and FLAC's criticism of the Care aspect) have made enough noise to at least make people investigate what they're voting on. Joining us on the podcast is Constitutional Law expert and lecturer in the subject, Eoin Daly. If you have heard Eoin on with us before you know he "strives" to give clear and unvarnished information about the Irish Constitution, the role of the legislature and what it means in the real world.

In this interview, Niall discusses the upcoming referendum on Article 41 of the Irish Constitution with Ben Scallan, Senior Political Correspondent at Gript Media. Scheduled for March 8th, 2024, coinciding with International Women's Day, the referendum aims to amend Article 41.1.1 to redefine the concept of "family" as not solely based on marriage but on "marriage or another durable relationship."Ben Scallan provides insightful context for the discussion by highlighting the government's past rejection of expansive family reunification policies for asylum seekers due to concerns about strain on housing, healthcare, and other resources. He contrasts this with the current advocacy for broadening the definition of family in the referendum context.Through an analysis of historical context and present-day challenges, Niall and Ben explore the complexities and inconsistencies surrounding the proposed constitutional amendment, raising critical questions about its implications for immigration law and societal welfare.

In this episode, Niall explores the upcoming referendum on Article 41, posing a critical question to listeners: How will you vote—yes or no? Scheduled for March 8th, 2024, which coincides with International Women's Day, the referendum aims to amend Article 41.1.1 of the Irish Constitution.Currently, Article 41.1.1 recognizes the family "as the natural primary and fundamental unit group of Society," primarily founded on marriage. However, the proposed amendment seeks to redefine the family as "whether founded on marriage or on other durable relationships." Additionally, Article 41.2, which acknowledges the role of women within the home, will be removed and replaced with a broader statement recognizing caregiving within families.As Niall opens the lines to callers, opinions diverge. Few support for voting yes, arguing that updating the Constitution to include all types of families reflects the reality of modern Ireland. They emphasize the importance of inclusivity and equal recognition for diverse family structures.Conversely, others voice concerns about the proposed changes. While acknowledging the need to reflect contemporary realities, they caution against removing Article 41.2, which recognizes the significant contribution of women in caregiving roles. They fear that deleting this provision may devalue the traditional family structure and prioritize non-traditional arrangements.Join the discussion as Niall delves into the complexities of the referendum, encouraging listeners to weigh the implications and make an informed decision on voting day.

In March the country will go to the polls to decide on two amendments to the Irish Constitution, one relating to the provision of care and one relating to the definition of family. Joining Anton to discuss the issues involved are conservative commentator and former barrister, Laura Perrins, & Karen Kiernan, CEO of One Family.

Family carers in Clare claim that a yes vote in the upcoming referendum would provide a watershed moment for those who provide an essential service in this county. The vote will take place on March 8th and will seek to amend the Irish Constitution to recognise the contribution of carers in the home.

Heavily influenced by the Church, Article 43 of the Irish Constitution forbade divorce - a law that stood until 17th January, 1997, when a Judge granted a terminally ill husband the right to divorce the woman from whom he'd already separated so that he could marry his current partner.  This followed a contentious referendum in 1995, which had only narrowly favoured the legalisation of divorce. The campaign was heated, with dramatic predictions, divisive billboards, and fears of family breakdowns; but the decision ultimately paved the way for subsequent social reforms in the country, including the legalization of same-sex marriage in 2015 and the approval of abortion in 2018. In this episode, Arion, Rebecca and Olly contextualise this pivotal moment within the Northern Ireland peace process; revisit some of the ripe language employed in the impassioned referendum debates; and share divorce lawyers' anecdotes of quirky reasons for divorce filings in the nation… Further Reading: • ‘Ireland grants a divorce for the first time in the country's history': https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/ireland-grants-first-divorce-history-catholic-church • ‘Before Date Of New Law, Ireland Grants First Divorce' (The New York Times, 1997): https://www.nytimes.com/1997/01/18/world/before-date-of-new-law-ireland-grants-first-divorce.html • ‘IRELAND: REFERENDUM ON DIVORCE' (AP, 1995): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E7L4Z5qTc_k Love the show? Join

In this explosive and divisive episode, Niall delves into a pressing question: Should you have a Constitutional Right To A Home? This inquiry arises in the context of an upcoming referendum to vote on Article 39 and 43 of the Irish Constitution. Peter Dooley, an influential figure known for his role as Co-Founder of the Dublin Renters' Union, Co-Founder of the Stop The War Campaign, and Independent Political Candidate, joins Niall to discuss the implications of this critical issue.The episode begins by addressing a newly published study that links private renting to faster biological aging. Researchers from Essex University and Adelaide University have found that the stress associated with renting has a more significant impact on health than experiencing unemployment. This research underscores the potential epigenetic consequences of housing problems and advocates for housing as a target of health interventions.The program for government, jointly agreed upon by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and the Green Party, has committed to holding referendums on housing and extending the franchise to Irish citizens living outside the State. However, progress on a housing referendum has been hindered by disputes over recommendations for constitutional reform. The Housing Commission, responsible for developing options for this referendum, has yet to agree on a final wording or approve its report.The Irish Constitution explicitly protects the right to private property in Article 43 but makes no mention of a right to housing. It recognizes that the right to private property must be regulated in the interests of social justice and permits limitations on this right for the common good. The absence of a constitutional right to housing has sparked debate over the balance between property rights and the common good.Niall opens the lines to callers, resulting in a lively and diverse discussion. Some callers firmly believe that housing should be considered a fundamental right, essential for well-being and dignity. They argue that housing as a constitutional right would ensure equal access to shelter, prevent discrimination, and address homelessness through government policies like affordable housing initiatives and rent controls.In contrast, others contend that while housing is crucial, it should not be enshrined as a constitutional right. They argue that this could have unintended financial consequences and may lead to intergenerational dependence on the state for welfare and housing.As the episode concludes, Niall provides a recap of the main points raised by callers, offering listeners a comprehensive overview of the multifaceted issues surrounding housing rights and the ongoing debate in Ireland.

Garry Hughes is the chef at The Shelbourne, one of Dublins' finest and also oldest hotels, celebrating their 200th year in 2024. While the phrase hotel restaurant doesn't always conjure excitement, the Shelbourne under Gary's leadership has developed a culinary program that is exciting, creative, locally sourced, and most important—delicious.On this week's episode, we speak with Garry about the importance of work/life balance and the power of an eclair to change someone's life. We also talk to Gary about his own personal and professional journey and what it takes to run an operation as sprawling as The Shelbourne. The number of scones they bake every day will shock you!Dyed Green is a project of Bog & Thunder, whose mission is to highlight the best of Irish food and culture, through food tours, events, and media. Find out more at www.bogandthunder.com.Dyed Green is Powered by Simplecast.

Please join us at patreon.com/tortoiseshack In this Reboot Republic podcast, Rory and Tony are rejoined by Director of the global movement for a right to housing, The Shift and former UN Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate Housing, Leilani Farha. They discuss where the financialisation of housing is at globally, how the real estate funds are still devouring up our homes. We take on the idea that we need Build to Rent REITs to provide housing, and layout how we can ensure housing should be delivered as affordable and as a human right, and why we should put it in the Irish Constitution. Leilani outlines how governments have gotten into the business of producing homelessness. A great listen. Tickets:https://www.eventbrite.ie/e/tortoise-shack-live-tickets-698299581847?aff=erelexpmlt Barra Roantree on the Reality of Inequality Podcast:https://www.patreon.com/posts/patron-exclusive-89153383

In this episode we look at the creation of Irish Free State constitution which was brought into law on December 6th 1922. Here's the Radiolab episode on the Irish electoral system that I mention in the show:https://radiolab.org/podcast/tweak-vote Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Summer of 2023 is almost over and half of the world still can't define what a woman is. Ireland, in fact, is refusing to define what a woman is. On today's episode, we first discuss how a referendum to amend the Irish Constitution is being postponed because no one wants to define what a woman is. They're afraid the truth won't benefit their agenda. Then, we discuss how a trans-racially aware coffee shop in West Philadelphia, a supposed caffeinated haven for queer and trans people of color, was destroyed by a Marxist. Safe to say the revolution eats its own.  Now, West Philadelphia might sound extremely familiar and this is due to our previous journalistic investigation into Dr. Kermit Gosnell and his horrific killings of thousands of innocent children. Today, we share some clips from our movie, Gosnell: The Trial of America's Biggest Serial Killer, to remind you that the abortion fight is far from over. Additionally, the New York Times has backtracked on its own headlines and admitted two very important things: 1. California is in decline, and 2. how Capitalism essentially saved the honeybees. Lastly, to end on a lighter note, we share a profound poem for the end of summer. This is an episode you won't want to miss. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ap-scoop/message

In the middle of a housing crisis would it be effective to write the right to housing into the Irish Constitution? Kieran was joined by Financial Analyst, Karl Deeter and Assistant Professor in Social Policy in Maynooth University and author of ‘Gaffs', Dr. Rory Hearne to discuss...

We could be heading to the polls in 2023 to delete a clause from the Constitution which refers to “woman in the home”.It hoped the removal of the clause would address the issues of gender equality in Ireland. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Topics covered : Alcoholism, fatal fetal abnormality, abortion, induced labour, birth trauma. In this bonus episode I speak to the incredible Amy Dunne.In 2007, a 16 year old Amy was pregnant with a baby girl who had a fatal fetal abnormality. At the time, Amy was in the care of the HSE, so she told a social worker about her plan to travel for a termination after finding out the devastating news. And although she was supported by her family and by the baby's father, she was told by the HSE that it wouldn't be possible for her to travel which then led to her situation being a case in the High Court.In this conversation we speak about her childhood changing from idyllic to chaotic, the ups and down of her relationship with her mother and ultimately the unbreakable bond they share today, and how her strength and bravery ignited a social revolution to repeal the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution.We heard about her at the time as ‘Miss D' but today we hear from the woman herself and it's a raw and powerful listen.Today she lives in Drogheda with her teenage son Adam and she's estranged from her father. If you enjoyed this episode, please consider following the pod wherever you listen. You can now rate it on Spotify and leave a little comment on Apple too.Thanks a million! See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Mike Church Show-The Spirit Of St. Patrick LIVES In Ireland And The Irish Freedom Party with Michael Leahy LIVE from Kilfenora Ireland  SPECIAL GUEST MICHAEL LEAHY - New Chairman of the Irish Freedom Party Irish Freedom Party - https://www.irishfreedom.ie/member/michael-leahy/ About Michael Leahy: He has been involved in a variety of community and voluntary organisations in Clare for many years. He is a former chairman of the Clare Pro-Life Campaign and was actively involved in both the Nice and Lisbon treaty referenda in attempting to prevent the expansion of EU power. He has recently become extremely concerned at the loss of liberty and freedom of the Irish people at the hands of an ever-expanding state. He was a founder member of the Irish Freedom Party in 2019 and was elected vice chairman in 2020.   Michael Leahy is an Architect and Planner by profession. He set up practice in 1986 and has long experience of running a business and as an employer. He is the former President of the Ennis Chamber of Commerce and was a board member for Bord Pleanála from 2012 to 2017. He has strong involvement in the local community including charitable and cultural groups. Michael is passionate about rural regeneration and making it affordable for people to access the housing market. European Union  What We Represent: Irish Freedom is a national movement of the Irish people and a political party with the primary objective of re-establishing the national independence and sovereignty of Ireland and restoring its national democracy by leaving the European Union. You can imagine if Texas wanted to secede from the United States if wouldn't happen overnight so this is a long battle/fight. What We Support: The Irish Freedom Party supports all democratic endeavours to achieve the consent of the voters of Northern Ireland for a re-united and independent Ireland under the control of the Irish people and not that of either London or Brussels MOST of our laws are passed in Brussels. The Catholic Church used to be central to our society. We used to have 60% Mass attendance now it is less than 6% and 10-15% in more rural areas. 1937 the Irish Constitution  It was passed by a vote of the people 57%, it is largely Natural Law based. I can remember 20-25% inflation -  Our Readers And Listeners Keep Us In Print & On The Air! Click here to subscribe to The CRUSADE Channel's Founders Pass Member Service & Gain 24/7 Access to Our Premium, New Talk Radio Service. www.crusadechannel.com/go What Is The Crusade Channel? The CRUSADE Channel, The Last LIVE! Radio Station Standing begins our LIVE programming day with our all original CRUSADE Channel News hosted by award winning,  25 year news veteran Janet Huxley. Followed by LIVE! From London, “The Early Show with Fiorella Nash & Friends. With the morning drive time beginning we bring out the heavy artillery The Mike Church Show! The longest running, continual, long form radio talk show in the world at the tender age of 30 years young! Our broadcast day progresses into lunch, hang out with The Barrett Brief Show hosted by Rick Barrett “giving you the news of the day and the narrative that will follow”. Then Kennedy Hall and The Kennedy Profession drives your afternoon by “applying Natural Law to an unnatural world”!    The CRUSADE Channel also features Reconquest with Brother André Marie, The Fiorella Files Book Review Show, The Frontlines With Joe & Joe and your favorite radio classics like Suspense! and CBS Radio Mystery Theater. We've interviewed hundreds of guests, seen Brother Andre Marie notch his 200th broadcast of Reconquest; The Mike Church Show over 1500 episodes; launched an original LIVE! News Service; written and produced 4 Feature Length original dramas including The Last Confession of Sherlock Holmes and set sail on the coolest radio product ever, the 5 Minute Mysteries series! Combined with our best in the business LIVE!

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/law

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/gender-studies

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Camilla Fitzsimons is an activist and a member of the Dublin West Pro Choice group. She works at Maynooth University and is the author of Community Education and Neoliberalism. Sinéad Kennedy is the co-founder of The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth and an executive member of Together for Yes. She works at Maynooth University and is the co-editor of The Abortion Papers, Ireland. In this interview Fitzsimons and Kennedy discuss their new book Repealed: Ireland's Unfinished Fight for Reproductive Rights (Pluto Press, 2021), a celebration and analysis of a 35-year long grassroots movement that successfully overturned the ban on abortion in Ireland In 1983, the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution created defined legal protections for the “unborn” and led to the Republic of Ireland having one of the strictest abortion regimes in the world, at a time when the rest of western Europe was liberalizing abortion access. In 2018, this constitutional ban that equated the life of a woman to the life of a fertilised embryo was overturned and abortion was finally legalised. This victory for the Irish Repeal movement set the country alight with euphoria. But, for some, the celebrations were short-lived – the new legislation turned out to be one of the most conservative in Europe. People still travel overseas for abortions and services are not yet fully commissioned in Northern Ireland. Repealed traces the history of the origins of the Eighth Amendment, which was drawn up in fear of a tide of liberal reforms across Europe. It draws out the lessons learned from the groundbreaking campaign in 2018, which was the culmination of a 35-year-long reproductive rights movement and an inspiring example of modern grassroots activism. It tells the story of the “Repeal” campaign through the lens of the activists who are still fighting in a movement that is only just beginning. Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

This Reboot Republic podcast sets out the case for inserting the Right to Housing in the Irish Constitution, and why a Referendum is needed. It is part of Maynooth University Social Justice Week. The speakers include Fr Peter McVerry, Homelessness Campaigner, Orla O Connor, Director of the National Women's Council of Ireland, Niamh O Rourke, Inclusion Health Social Worker, James Rooney, Barrister and Adjunct Assistant Professor of Law, Trinity College Dublin, Ann Marie Flanagan, NWCI Disability Women's working group and Ellie Kisyombe, Co-Founder Our Table. It is introduced and chaired by Dr Rory Hearne, Dept Applied Social Studies Maynooth University & the campaign for a Right to Housing, Home for Good. Support this podcast and get access to loads of extra content at patreon.com/tortoiseshack

Stephanie Wolfe's kitchen renos are finished and Karen Johnson-Diamond is causing water damage in her house. Yet they STILL found time to record this episode of Scamtime.Hear all about the twists and turns of Marianne "Maire" Smyth and polka to the ponzi played by Jan LewanStephanie grew up with Polka!!! Karen doesn't know when the Irish Constitution was written! Things that will help this episode make sense;THE blog! That Johnathan Walton wrote and Bob's ex-wife foundThe Con  (Narrated by Whoopi Goldberg)Whoopi Goldberg was born Caryn Elaine JohnsonJan Lewandowski  The Polka KingPeople crowding around him like Beatles fans!!!The Polka King (2017 Movie with Jack Black)The Man Who Would Be Polka King (2009 Documentary)Hey! Why not REALLY give money to the Cystic Fibrosis CanadaThe Irish Constitution was written in 1937Scamtime Jingle: Paul Morgan-Donaldhttps://paulmorgandonald.com/Scamtime Art: Stephanie WolfeFind us on Twitter @scamtimeFind us on Instagram @fraud.broadsemail us at @thebroadgap@gmail.com

Tune in to episode #55 of Ethnic Ish N More with host’s NicoThaGreat as I chop it up my fellow Worthy Brothers of Jake Gaston Lodge #18 of the Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge of Missouri and it’s Jurisdiction.Hailing from St. Louis, Missouri, Jake Gaston Lodge #18 was founded on July 13, 1955 with Marion C. Walker as its first worshipful Master. Under the direction of the Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge of Missouri and Jurisdiction, we are led by Worshipful Master Vernun Hune, Senior Warden David Richard IV and Junior Warden John McIntosh.Prince Hall is recognized as the Father of Black Masonry in the United States. He made it possible for us to also be recognized and enjoy all privileges of Free and Accepted Masonry.Black Freemasonry began when Prince Hall and fourteen other free black men were initiated into Lodge No. 441, Irish Constitution, attached to the 38th Regiment of Foot, British Army Garrisoned at Castle William (now Fort Independence) Boston Harbor on March 6, 1775. The Master of the Lodge was Sergeant John Batt. Along with Prince Hall, the other newly made masons were Cyrus Johnson, Bueston Slinger, Prince Rees, John Canton, Peter Freeman, Benjamin Tiler, Duff Ruform, Thomas Santerson, Prince Rayden, Cato Speain, Boston Smith, Peter Best, Forten Howard and Richard Titley.Shoutout to our wonderful Sponsors Cash App. Donate at $Nicomar10 Famous Black Sports Players with #55Derrick Brooks (NFL), Tampa Bay BuccaneersTerrell Suggs (NFL), Baltimore Ravens Numerology Corner: Number 55 represents success, progress, fortune and luck. It should encourage people to use all the opportunities ahead, but also make them content during times they do not clearly see what their next step could be. Overall, number 55 is extremely positive and filled up with potential for great things.A discussion on Prince Hall Masonry, Myths, and More... Check out social media information for Jake Gaston Lodge #18Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/moark.goodfellasFollow Ethnic Ish N More and the Team on all social media platforms:Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/ethnicishnmoreInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/ethnicishnmore/Twitter: https://twitter.com/EthnicIshNMorewww.ethnicishnmore.comwww.mycitymymusic.comhttps://www.budtalkstl.com/https://www.thecannaeducationco.org/Host’sNicoThaGreat: https://www.instagram.com/nicothagreat357/Melanie Marie: https://www.instagram.com/misses_budtalkstl/Yeyo LaFlare: https://www.instagram.com/yeyo_laflare/

Should the reference of a woman’s place in the home be removed from the Irish constitution? The Citizens Assembly meet this weekend to discuss. What do you think? Andrea hears from listeners  Photo Leon Farrell/RollingNews.ie Listen and subscribe to Lunchtime Live on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts and Spotify.      Download, listen and subscribe on the Newstalk App.    You can also listen to Newstalk live on newstalk.com or on Alexa, by adding the Newstalk skill and asking: 'Alexa, play Newstalk'.

This week on the podcast I'm joined by Minister of State for Special Education and Inclusion, Josepha Madigan. Madigan is an Irish Fine Gael politician and qualified solicitor. She spent 20 years practising law and running her own firm before being elected to Dáil Eireann in 2016. She quickly established herself as a rising political figure within the Party and was just three weeks in office when the former Taoiseach Enda Kenny invited her to partake in Government formation talks. As a back-bench TD, she initiated a private members bill that ultimately reduced the divorce waiting time in Ireland from 4 years to 2. In 2017, she became the first female lawyer appointed to the Irish Cabinet where she served as the Minister for Culture, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. I caught up the Minister late last year. She tells me what it's like juggling family life with a demanding political career, the people who inspire her in politics and why Article 41.2 of the Irish Constitution (regarding the women's place in the home)needs to be removed to reflect a modern day Ireland. For all the latest updates from Your Best Self you can follow us on: *Instagram: @yourbestself_podcast *Facebook: @yourbestselfpodcast *Twitter: @Your_Best_Self_ Or you can follow Faye Rowlands on Twitter at @rowlands_faye

In this week's episode, Jerome is joined by three guests: Dr Jennifer Kavanagh of Waterford Institute of Technology, Sean Garvey of the Referendum Commission, and Sinn Féin TD for Dublin Mid-West Eoin Ó Broin. They discuss the background to, the workings of, and some of the possible future changes that might be expected to the 1937 Irish Constitution, Bunreacht na hÉireann. The role of the Referendum Commission is explained to students, and Deputy Ó Broin's proposal to include the Right to Housing in the Constitution is examined as a case study. As ever, the 'Listen-Along Guide' and numerous additional resources can be found on the 'Episode Notes' page for this episode at www.polsocpodcast.com/episode-11-notes/

Ailbhe Smyth is a feminist and civil rights activist who has dedicated her career to advancing women's rights in Ireland. In 2018, she co-led the Together for Yes campaign to successfully repeal one of the world's most restrictive bans on abortion. Ailbhe takes us back to her roots, telling us what it was like growing up in Ireland struggling with mental health and depression, how she navigated oppressive cultural gender expectations, and how she cultivated the confidence to lead a national campaign for reproductive rights.

This Reboot Republic discusses the recent proposal to hold a Referendum to insert a Right to Housing into the Irish Constitution. This is an issue that is close to Rory’s heart and something he has campaigned on for a number of years. He is joined in the podcast by fellow members of the Home for Good coalition, Wayne Stanley from the Simon Communities and Chairperson Home for Good, and Rebecca Keatinge, Managing Solicitor of the Mercy Law Centre. The wording of the proposed referendum is discussed, as is the what would getting a right to housing in the constitution achieve practically for ending homelessness, for Generation Rent, for homeowners, for housing policy and our housing system. We also discuss the significance of the cross party support for the Home for Good proposal for a Right to Housing Referendum at the Housing Committee for the Referendum, the question of separation of powers between the Oireachtas and Judiciary, what are the next stages to progress the Referendum, a civil society campaign and how can the public be convinced. This is an important issue, and this podcast has the key information on it. To find out more check out www.homeforgood.ie. Support Reboot Republic to continue to bring the voices and analysis from the frontline, experts and change makers - become a patron - sign up to patreon.com/tortoiseshack

The Irish Constitution states that "the State recognises the Family as the natural primary and fundamental unit group of society." So why are we denying the Right to Family Unification to Migrants and Refugees. Fiona Finn is CEO of Nasc, the Migrant and Refugee rights organisation and she joined us to talk about the Migrant experience, access to justice and rights and how we can all play a role in getting this new Dáil to look again at the Family Reunification Bill. For more on the work that Nasc do check out nascireland.org To help keep these podcasts going please join us on patreon.com/tortoiseshack

The Irish Constitution states that "the State recognises the Family as the natural primary and fundamental unit group of society." So why are we denying the Right to Family Unification to Migrants and Refugees. Fiona Finn is CEO of Nasc, the Migrant and Refugee rights organisation and she joined us to talk about the Migrant experience, access to justice and rights and how we can all play a role in getting this new Dáil to look again at the Family Reunification Bill. For more on the work that Nasc do check out nascireland.org To help keep these podcasts going please join us on patreon.com/tortoiseshack

Rory has worked with a group for the last 2 years and yesterday say the launch of their campaign to introduce the right to housing into the Irish Constitution, Home For Good. We were there to cover it. You will hear from Rory about the ambitions for the campaign and the reason it is something that is so vital. Then you will hear speeches by Independent Senator, Colette Kelleher, Mercy Law's Managing Solicitor, Rebecca Keatinge and former Barnardo's CEO, Fergus Finlay. Please visit homeforgood.ie for more information and follow @homeforgood_ on twitter.

Éamon de Valera led Ireland through the War of Independence and many view his actions around the Treaty debates as leading to the Civil War. He would go on to found one of the most successful political parties in Western Europe and establish the Irish Constitution through which he continues to cast a long shadow over modern Irish society. But who was he and how did he rise to power in the years before the Irish Revolution? David McCullagh - "De Valera: Rise" Ronan Fanning - "Éamon De Valera: A Will To Power" Tim Pat Coogan - "De Valera: Tall Fellow, Long Shadow" Social Media: Twitter: https://twitter.com/theirishnation Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TheIrishNationLives/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/theirishnationlives/ Soundcloud: https://soundcloud.com/theirishnationlives iTunes: https://itunes.apple.com/ie/podcast/the-irish-nation-lives Main Sources: Military Archives Atlas of the Irish Revolution Maurice Walsh - “Bitter Freedom” Charles Townshend -"The Republic"

This time last year there was a referendum in Ireland about abortion. The country voted to change its strict laws and make it legal up to 12 weeks. So Jane and the crew are taking the whole show to Dublin to talk about how the country's changed for women over the last 12 months. As well as examining how abortion provision is actually working, we'll discuss divorce because in a couple of weeks they'll be another referendum on that too. We'll also talk about the correct way to memorialise Magdalene Laundries, Mother and Baby Homes and Industrial Schools. Plus, there's a clause in the Irish Constitution about a woman's place in the home but many women argue it's outdated and patriarchal, so we'll tackle that subject too.There's so much to talk about. It'll be a lively, freewheeling discussion with our panellists Dr Rhona Mahony who is Executive Director of Women's Health in Ireland East; Susan Lohan who's a member of the Collaborative Forum on Mother and Baby Homes, and the author and essayist Sinéad Gleeson. And there's live music from singer and songwriter Ailbhe Reddy. We're live from the beautiful meeting room in the Royal Irish Academy in Dublin.

Father Jenkins comments on the recent vote in Ireland to repeal the amendment to the Irish Constitution prohibiting abortion and its implications for Ireland and the world. Also, a viewer who was baptised in the Novus Ordo wants to know if getting conditionally baptised now would be advisable, about resisting temptation, perfect contrition and more. Please visit wcbohio.com for more content.

Ireland voted in two ground-breaking referendums in the last five years. The same sex marriage referendum and Irish abortion referendum have changed the lives of many women in the country forever. And the campaigns continue. The Irish people are expected to go the ballot again to vote on removing a clause from the Irish Constitution that effectively says a woman's place is in the home. The Conversation has gone to Dublin Castle to meet a panel of successful and outspoken influencers, each a trailblazer in their field and responsible for pushing the boundaries of what women are allowed to have and achieve. They discuss life after the referendums, and what's next in the fight for equality in Ireland in front of a lively audience. Ailbhe Smyth is a veteran feminist activist who led the Repeal the 8th Campaign and founded ‘Marriage Equality' to fight for the rights of same sex couples to marry Stefanie Preissner is a best-selling author, screenwriter and playwright and the creator of Ireland's hit TV series ‘Can't Cope Won't Cope' Nicci Daly is an Irish Hockey star, Motorsport engineer and founder of ‘Formula Females', a campaign to promote women in motor racing Dil Wickremasinghe is a ground-breaking broadcaster in mainstream Irish media who publically called out sexism in the workplace in 2017 Presented by Kim Chakanetsa and produced by Sarah Kendal and Andrea Kennedy Image (L-R): Ailbhe Smyth (Credit: Paul McCarthy/GCN), Nicci Daly (Credit: Morgan Treacy/Inpho), Stefanie Preissner (Credit: Emily Quinn) and Dil Wickremasinghe (Credit: Dena Shearer)

On May 25th 2018, the people of Ireland voted overwhelmingly in favour of repealing the 8th amendment of the Irish Constitution – the article that had hitherto made it effectively impossible to legislate for abortion even in the most extreme of circumstances. Beatrice White takes us on the road to the historic result that attests to drastic transformation in Irish society that has taken place over just a few decades. Written by Beatrice White and read by Julia Lagoutte. Text version: www.greeneuropeanjournal.eu/the-road-to-repeal-how-ireland-said-yes/ Twitter: twitter.com/GreenEUJournal Facebook: facebook.com/greeneuropeanjournal

"Cleaning up after dogma" is the theme of this week's program. After celebrating the births, lives and irreverence of the late Tom Petty and Ursula K. LeGuin, we'll play an outrageous clip of evangelist Pat Robertson, whitewashing Saudi Arabian abuses. We'll report on two nationally significant FFRF court challenges and other FFRF news. In honor of the upcoming referendum in next week's Irish election to remove blasphemy laws from the Irish Constitution, we'll listen to Dan Barker's song "Beware of Dogma." Then we'll talk with Michael Nugent and Jane Donnelly of Atheist Ireland about their work to remove the archaic and ridiculous blasphemy law from the Irish Constitution.

Most Americans have seen footage of the obscene cheers of women and men in Ireland over the vote to repeal the 8th Amendment to the Irish Constitution which protected the right of the unborn simply to exist. Yes, they cheered for the legal right of women to have their own children exterminated. Mairead Enright of the Irish organization Lawyers for Choice perfectly captured the unholy essence of their response: “It’s feminist Christmas.” READ MORE…

This episode explores some of the issues around this referendum, and reflects on the law surrounding access to abortion both North and South of the border. On the 25th May the Republic of Ireland will vote in a referendum on whether or not to Repeal the eighth amendment of the Irish Constitution. The Eighth Amendment of the Constitution Act 1983 amended the Constitution by inserting a subsection recognising the equal right to life of the mother and the unborn. This episode explores some of the issues around this referendum, and reflects on the law surrounding access to abortion both North and South of the border. Participants Danielle Roberts, a PhD candidate from Ulster University, and a member of Alliance for Choice and the Together for Yes campaign, explains the laws around abortion in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Dr Paula Devine, from Queen's University, discusses her role as the coordinator of the annual Northern Ireland life and times survey, and explores public attitudes towards abortion within Northern Ireland. Students Eimear O'Donaghue and Hanorah Hardy talk about their  involvement in the Project Choice campaign in the Queen's Student Union. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eighth_Amendment_of_the_Constitution_of_Ireland   http://www.qubsu.org/change/Campaigns/ProjectChoice/   http://www.ark.ac.uk/nilt/   http://www.alliance4choice.com   https://www.togetherforyes.ie

Ireland was once known and loved as the land of saints and scholars. Stout in its Catholicism and justly proud of its traditions of literature, of art and of Guinness—along with a veritable factory of holy missionaries to places like Africa—Ireland has taken a slow tumble into chaos. The Irish have fled the church pews like rats from the Titanic in the last 30 years; Catholic leadership on the old sod has been badly hobbled by scandal and tepid leadership; and, corporately, the Irish media have been crafting an aggressively secularist narrative about the nature of the country and its venerable past. Very few people understand the “before and after” better than John Waters, my guest this week. He’s an author, playwright, rock journalist, and social critic who has decades of observational experience of his homeland—the recent history of which is less than encouraging, with its historic redefinition of marriage in 2015, and now, with the May 25, 2018 Referendum to repeal the 8th Amendment to the Irish Constitution, which guarantees the rights of all Irish citizens, including “the right to life of the unborn.” If this Article is repealed, the Ireland of old, marked with the glories I mention above, is over. Done for. I’m airing this interview to make it available to as many Irish listeners before the Referendum. Pray for Ireland.   In this interview, you will learn: The recent cultural and historical forces that have gotten Ireland to where she is today The deep meaning in Gaelic of the English word “unborn” How Ireland developed its current existential nihilism Signs of hope that Ireland can come back to her former glory Strategies for engaging a post-Christian culture with a new way of speaking the truth How therapeutic deism has replaced the Catholic Faith   Resources mentioned in this episode: Lapsed Agnostic By John Waters Beyond Consolation: How We Became Too Clever for God and Our Own Good  by John Waters Persuasive Pro-life: How to Talk About Our Culture’s Toughest Issue  by Trent Horn John Waters in First Things magazine.   The Patrick Coffin Show is 100% listener supported. Help us keep our show independent and unfiltered. Consider supporting our work with a one-time or recurring donation HERE.   Tweet to Patrick HERE Follow Patrick on Facebook HERE Check out the store HERE Sign up for our Inside Scoop newsletter with the best of The Patrick Coffin Show each week.

This episode is a discussion of constitutions, political norms and how constitutional clauses can have strange affects upon society. (Hint: Barnaby Joyce, Farms’n’Arms)   Comments Question & Complaints    twitter.com/SYRPodcast    facebook.com/spoilyourreign   spoilyourreign@gmail.com

On Wednesday 7th February the Commission for Studies organised a study day for the Irish Province of the Dominican Order on the issue of the referendum to amend the Irish Constitution which proposes to remove the right to life of the unborn. Five speakers addressed the study day: Fr. John Harris OP of the Studium presented the Thomistic understanding of human law. Prof. Gerry Whyte of Trinity College Dublin presented the profound legal ramifications of the proposed amendment. Ms. Maria Steen, a barrister at law and an accomplished journalist and social commentator presented the political background to the amendment and its disturbing effects on culture politically, socially and medically. Finally two brave mothers from Every Life Counts, Tracy and Vicky, shared their own personal stories as parents of children who were diagnosed with a terminal condition.  They put a very human face on the issues that we will have to preach about and give guidance on.  We invite you to listen to the talks and to reflect seriously on the issues involved and support the campaign to save the lives of babies by helping to defeat the referendum to repeal Article 4.3.3. of the Irish Constitution.  This forth talk is by Vicky from Every Life Counts (https://www.everylifecounts.ie)

On Wednesday 7th February the Commission for Studies organised a study day for the Irish Province of the Dominican Order on the issue of the referendum to amend the Irish Constitution which proposes to remove the right to life of the unborn. Five speakers addressed the study day: Fr. John Harris OP of the Studium presented the Thomistic understanding of human law. Prof. Gerry Whyte of Trinity College Dublin presented the profound legal ramifications of the proposed amendment. Ms. Maria Steen, a barrister at law and an accomplished journalist and social commentator presented the political background to the amendment and its disturbing effects on culture politically, socially and medically. Finally two brave mothers from Every Life Counts, Tracy and Vicky, shared their own personal stories as parents of children who were diagnosed with a terminal condition.  They put a very human face on the issues that we will have to preach about and give guidance on.  We invite you to listen to the talks and to reflect seriously on the issues involved and support the campaign to save the lives of babies by helping to defeat the referendum to repeal Article 4.3.3. of the Irish Constitution.  This third talk is by Tracy from Every Life Counts (https://www.everylifecounts.ie)

On Wednesday 7th February the Commission for Studies organised a study day for the Irish Province of the Dominican Order on the issue of the referendum to amend the Irish Constitution which proposes to remove the right to life of the unborn. Five speakers addressed the study day: Fr. John Harris OP of the Studium presented the Thomistic understanding of human law. Prof. Gerry Whyte of Trinity College Dublin presented the profound legal ramifications of the proposed amendment. Ms. Maria Steen, a barrister at law and an accomplished journalist and social commentator presented the political background to the amendment and its disturbing effects on culture politically, socially and medically. Finally two brave mothers from Every Life Counts, Tracy and Vicky, shared their own personal stories as parents of children who were diagnosed with a terminal condition.  They put a very human face on the issues that we will have to preach about and give guidance on.  We invite you to listen to the talks and to reflect seriously on the issues involved and support the campaign to save the lives of babies by helping to defeat the referendum to repeal Article 4.3.3. of the Irish Constitution.  The second talk is by Ms Maria Steen, presenting the political background to the amendment and its disturbing effects on culture politically, socially and medically.

On Wednesday 7th February the Commission for Studies organised a study day for the Irish Province of the Dominican Order on the issue of the referendum to amend the Irish Constitution which proposes to remove the right to life of the unborn. Five speakers addressed the study day: Fr. John Harris OP of the Studium presented the Thomistic understanding of human law. Prof. Gerry Whyte of Trinity College Dublin presented the profound legal ramifications of the proposed amendment. Ms. Maria Steen, a barrister at law and an accomplished journalist and social commentator presented the political background to the amendment and its disturbing effects on culture politically, socially and medically. Finally two brave mothers from Every Life Counts, Tracy and Vicky, shared their own personal stories as parents of children who were diagnosed with a terminal condition.  They put a very human face on the issues that we will have to preach about and give guidance on.  We invite you to listen to the talks and to reflect seriously on the issues involved and support the campaign to save the lives of babies by helping to defeat the referendum to repeal Article 4.3.3. of the Irish Constitution.  The first talk is by Prof. Gerry Whyte: "An examination of the proposals to amend Art.40.3.3"

Episode 12 focuses on the recent announcement that there will be a referendum held in Ireland next summer over the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution which surrounds the issue of abortion. I analyse the arguments made from both the pro life and pro choice side. I also explain my stance on abortion and whether I identify myself as pro life or pro choice. Plus, I provide opinions and commentary on the other seven referendums that have been scheduled to take place in Ireland over the next couple of years including if the Blasphemy Law should be removed and if the voting age in Ireland should be reduced to 16.

This week, Nicola O' Leary comes on the podcast to share her story of getting an abortion in the UK at 22. WHILE we were recording this podcast, the Citizen's Assembly were voting on what should be done with the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution, which gave equal right to mother and foetus. (Link below) **Important: There were some audio issues with this podcast - Nicola's mic stopped working. I managed to salvage her audio through my mic and normalise it to the best of my ability. It won't be as good quality at the normal podcasts but it was really important to me to publish this one. Thanks for understanding and hopefully I can get the mic fixed. Here's more information on abortion in Ireland and other things discussed in the podcast, for context. Abortion law in Ireland: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abortio... The Repeal The 8th Campaign': https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eighth_... The Reality of the 8th in Ireland: http://www.abortionrightscampaign.ie/... Death --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/storytimepodcast/message

This week, Nicola O' Leary comes on the podcast to share her story of getting an abortion in the UK at 22. WHILE we were recording this podcast, the Citizen's Assembly were voting on what should be done with the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution, which gave equal right to mother and foetus. (Link below) **Important: There were some audio issues with this podcast - Nicola's mic stopped working. I managed to salvage her audio through my mic and normalise it to the best of my ability. It won't be as good quality at the normal podcasts but it was really important to me to publish this one. Thanks for understanding and hopefully I can get the mic fixed. Here's more information on abortion in Ireland and other things discussed in the podcast, for context. Abortion law in Ireland: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abortio... The Repeal The 8th Campaign': https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eighth_... The Reality of the 8th in Ireland: http://www.abortionrightscampaign.ie/... Death

Presented and produced by Seán Delaney. This week I speak to Dr. Brian Fleming, a retired school principal and author of Irish Education 1922 - 2007: Cherishing all the Children? Among the topics discussed during our conversation were the following: Who he spoke to in writing the book Where the power lies in education today What can be done to reduce inequality in education How the insertion of a single word, “for” in the Irish Constitution shaped the government's role in education Provision for reducing disadvantage in the 1998 Education Act

Associate editor Julia Yost talks with Senator Rónán Mullen of the Irish Parliament about the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution. The Eighth Amendment, which guarantees the legal protection of unborn human life, is currently threatened by a repeal campaign. Learn about George Soros’s scheme to interfere in the affairs of a small Catholic country—and learn what Americans can do to help the pro-life cause in Ireland (hint: cherishlifeireland.org). Then, Julia gets editor Rusty Reno’s take on recent developments in Church, politics, sports, and fashion.

Niamh Uí Bhriain is a founder of the Life Institute, and previously of Youth Defence. We discussed the Roe v Wade decision of the US Supreme Court and the McGee v Attorney General decision of the Irish Supreme Court, and how they led to the Pro-Life Amendment Campaign  and ultimately the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution.

Niamh Uí Bhriain is a founder of the Life Institute, and previously of Youth Defence. We discussed the Roe v Wade decision of the US Supreme Court and the McGee v Attorney General decision of the Irish Supreme Court, and how they led to the Pro-Life Amendment Campaign  and ultimately the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution. The post Here's How 48 - Niamh Uí Bhriain of the Life Institute appeared first on Here's How.

When Stewart made a reservation at the historic Shelbourne Hotel in Dublin, he didn't fully appreciate just how historic the hotel is. It turns out that the Irish Constitution was drafted there, and he heard all about the process from the hotel’s unofficial historian, Denis O’Brien.