Podcasts about Bogside

For this episode I'm joined once again by author and ex-solider, Jon Trigg to speak about his new book “Death In Derry” which tells the story of the Derry IRA and it's perpetual leader, Martin McGuinness.Jon joined us last year when he released “Death In The Fields”, his excellent book on the East Tyrone IRA, for what was one of my personal favorite interviews.Jon tells us about Derry's significance in Irish history as well as “the troubles” period itself. We discuss Martin McGuinness' roots and his rise power including Chief of Staff. Jon discusses the battle of the Bogside, Bloody Sunday as well as the army's early days in the city and how it's relationship with the locals changed over time.We discuss the types of attacks and operation carried out by the Provos in the city, the various “own-goals” that the IRA inflicted on itself, the role of the SAS in the city/county, the various notorious informers or “touts” that severely damaged the group's capabilities, how the conflict wound down and eventually ended and much more.PLEASE HELP OUT THE SHOW IF YOU CAN SPARE IT.. THANK YOUhttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/goodlistenerpodcast CONTACT THE SHOW: thegoodlistenerpodcast@gmail.com BUY THE BOOK ⬇️⬇️ https://www.irishacademicpress.ie/product/death-in-derry/TIMESTAMPS00:00 Reaction to previous book & interview (East Tyrone) 1:30 Derry's significance in Irish history 8:30 Martin McGuinness & pre-troubles Derry 15:20 BATTLE OF THE BOGSIDE 22:05 British army come to Derry  41:50 “Wild West” early days and Commercial b*mbing campaign  56:20 BLOODY SUNDAY1:06:30 Operation Motorman & Claudy b*mbs 1:15:50 Poster boys 1:35:20 THE SAS 1:44:25 DET shooting 1981 1:51:48 Why the “cell structure” didn't suit Derry as much as Belfast 1:56:23 Events damaging the Derry IRA's image 2:13:50 Successful SAS ambushes 2:23:40 Raymond Gilmour, Willie Carlin & Frank Hegarty2:34:40 WAS MARTIN MCGUINNESS AN INFORMER 2:42:25 Loyalist activity in Derry 2:48:20 The End2:58:10 Thoughts on Say Nothing tv series 3:04:17 Future Belfast Brigade books

Forest Isaac Jones is an award-winning author of non-fiction and essays, specializing in the study of Irish History, the US Civil Rights Movement and Northern Ireland. His latest essay, ‘The Civil Rights Connection Between The USA and Northern Ireland' was awarded honorable mention in the category of nonfiction essay by Writer's Digest in their 93rd annual writing competition. In this interview, he discusses his new book Good Trouble: The Selma, Alabama and Derry, Northern Ireland Connection 1963-1972 (First Hill Books, 2025). Good Trouble investigates the strong connection between the Black Civil Rights Movement in the United States and the Catholic Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland – specifically the influence of the Montgomery to Selma march on the 1969 Belfast to Derry march through oral history, based on numerous interviews of events leading up to both marches and afterwards. This is close to the author's heart as both of his parents marched to integrate lunch counters and movie theatres in Salisbury, North Carolina, in 1963 as college students. His mother was at the 1963 March to Washington where Martin Luther King gave his ‘I Have a Dream' speech. Jones travelled to Dublin, Belfast and Derry to conduct interviews for the book. In all, he did fifteen interviews with people who were involved in the movement in Northern Ireland (including Billy McVeigh – featured in the BAFTA winning documentary, Once Upon A Time In Northern Ireland) and in the United States (including Richard Smiley and Dr. Sheyann Webb-Christburg – both were at Bloody Sunday in Alabama and on the Selma to Montgomery march among others). Jones was also able to talk with Eamonn McCann, who took part in the Belfast to Derry march in 1969. Unlike most books on Northern Ireland, this goes into detail about the connection and the influence between the two movements. Also, most focus on Bloody Sunday and not the pivotal incidents at Burntollet Bridge and the Battle of the Bogside. Building off of unprecedented access and interviews with participants in both movements, Jones crafts a gripping and moving account of these pivotal years for both countries. Aidan Beatty is a lecturer in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Forest Isaac Jones is an award-winning author of non-fiction and essays, specializing in the study of Irish History, the US Civil Rights Movement and Northern Ireland. His latest essay, ‘The Civil Rights Connection Between The USA and Northern Ireland' was awarded honorable mention in the category of nonfiction essay by Writer's Digest in their 93rd annual writing competition. In this interview, he discusses his new book Good Trouble: The Selma, Alabama and Derry, Northern Ireland Connection 1963-1972 (First Hill Books, 2025). Good Trouble investigates the strong connection between the Black Civil Rights Movement in the United States and the Catholic Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland – specifically the influence of the Montgomery to Selma march on the 1969 Belfast to Derry march through oral history, based on numerous interviews of events leading up to both marches and afterwards. This is close to the author's heart as both of his parents marched to integrate lunch counters and movie theatres in Salisbury, North Carolina, in 1963 as college students. His mother was at the 1963 March to Washington where Martin Luther King gave his ‘I Have a Dream' speech. Jones travelled to Dublin, Belfast and Derry to conduct interviews for the book. In all, he did fifteen interviews with people who were involved in the movement in Northern Ireland (including Billy McVeigh – featured in the BAFTA winning documentary, Once Upon A Time In Northern Ireland) and in the United States (including Richard Smiley and Dr. Sheyann Webb-Christburg – both were at Bloody Sunday in Alabama and on the Selma to Montgomery march among others). Jones was also able to talk with Eamonn McCann, who took part in the Belfast to Derry march in 1969. Unlike most books on Northern Ireland, this goes into detail about the connection and the influence between the two movements. Also, most focus on Bloody Sunday and not the pivotal incidents at Burntollet Bridge and the Battle of the Bogside. Building off of unprecedented access and interviews with participants in both movements, Jones crafts a gripping and moving account of these pivotal years for both countries. Aidan Beatty is a lecturer in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Forest Isaac Jones is an award-winning author of non-fiction and essays, specializing in the study of Irish History, the US Civil Rights Movement and Northern Ireland. His latest essay, ‘The Civil Rights Connection Between The USA and Northern Ireland' was awarded honorable mention in the category of nonfiction essay by Writer's Digest in their 93rd annual writing competition. In this interview, he discusses his new book Good Trouble: The Selma, Alabama and Derry, Northern Ireland Connection 1963-1972 (First Hill Books, 2025). Good Trouble investigates the strong connection between the Black Civil Rights Movement in the United States and the Catholic Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland – specifically the influence of the Montgomery to Selma march on the 1969 Belfast to Derry march through oral history, based on numerous interviews of events leading up to both marches and afterwards. This is close to the author's heart as both of his parents marched to integrate lunch counters and movie theatres in Salisbury, North Carolina, in 1963 as college students. His mother was at the 1963 March to Washington where Martin Luther King gave his ‘I Have a Dream' speech. Jones travelled to Dublin, Belfast and Derry to conduct interviews for the book. In all, he did fifteen interviews with people who were involved in the movement in Northern Ireland (including Billy McVeigh – featured in the BAFTA winning documentary, Once Upon A Time In Northern Ireland) and in the United States (including Richard Smiley and Dr. Sheyann Webb-Christburg – both were at Bloody Sunday in Alabama and on the Selma to Montgomery march among others). Jones was also able to talk with Eamonn McCann, who took part in the Belfast to Derry march in 1969. Unlike most books on Northern Ireland, this goes into detail about the connection and the influence between the two movements. Also, most focus on Bloody Sunday and not the pivotal incidents at Burntollet Bridge and the Battle of the Bogside. Building off of unprecedented access and interviews with participants in both movements, Jones crafts a gripping and moving account of these pivotal years for both countries. Aidan Beatty is a lecturer in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Forest Isaac Jones is an award-winning author of non-fiction and essays, specializing in the study of Irish History, the US Civil Rights Movement and Northern Ireland. His latest essay, ‘The Civil Rights Connection Between The USA and Northern Ireland' was awarded honorable mention in the category of nonfiction essay by Writer's Digest in their 93rd annual writing competition. In this interview, he discusses his new book Good Trouble: The Selma, Alabama and Derry, Northern Ireland Connection 1963-1972 (First Hill Books, 2025). Good Trouble investigates the strong connection between the Black Civil Rights Movement in the United States and the Catholic Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland – specifically the influence of the Montgomery to Selma march on the 1969 Belfast to Derry march through oral history, based on numerous interviews of events leading up to both marches and afterwards. This is close to the author's heart as both of his parents marched to integrate lunch counters and movie theatres in Salisbury, North Carolina, in 1963 as college students. His mother was at the 1963 March to Washington where Martin Luther King gave his ‘I Have a Dream' speech. Jones travelled to Dublin, Belfast and Derry to conduct interviews for the book. In all, he did fifteen interviews with people who were involved in the movement in Northern Ireland (including Billy McVeigh – featured in the BAFTA winning documentary, Once Upon A Time In Northern Ireland) and in the United States (including Richard Smiley and Dr. Sheyann Webb-Christburg – both were at Bloody Sunday in Alabama and on the Selma to Montgomery march among others). Jones was also able to talk with Eamonn McCann, who took part in the Belfast to Derry march in 1969. Unlike most books on Northern Ireland, this goes into detail about the connection and the influence between the two movements. Also, most focus on Bloody Sunday and not the pivotal incidents at Burntollet Bridge and the Battle of the Bogside. Building off of unprecedented access and interviews with participants in both movements, Jones crafts a gripping and moving account of these pivotal years for both countries. Aidan Beatty is a lecturer in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Forest Isaac Jones is an award-winning author of non-fiction and essays, specializing in the study of Irish History, the US Civil Rights Movement and Northern Ireland. His latest essay, ‘The Civil Rights Connection Between The USA and Northern Ireland' was awarded honorable mention in the category of nonfiction essay by Writer's Digest in their 93rd annual writing competition. In this interview, he discusses his new book Good Trouble: The Selma, Alabama and Derry, Northern Ireland Connection 1963-1972 (First Hill Books, 2025). Good Trouble investigates the strong connection between the Black Civil Rights Movement in the United States and the Catholic Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland – specifically the influence of the Montgomery to Selma march on the 1969 Belfast to Derry march through oral history, based on numerous interviews of events leading up to both marches and afterwards. This is close to the author's heart as both of his parents marched to integrate lunch counters and movie theatres in Salisbury, North Carolina, in 1963 as college students. His mother was at the 1963 March to Washington where Martin Luther King gave his ‘I Have a Dream' speech. Jones travelled to Dublin, Belfast and Derry to conduct interviews for the book. In all, he did fifteen interviews with people who were involved in the movement in Northern Ireland (including Billy McVeigh – featured in the BAFTA winning documentary, Once Upon A Time In Northern Ireland) and in the United States (including Richard Smiley and Dr. Sheyann Webb-Christburg – both were at Bloody Sunday in Alabama and on the Selma to Montgomery march among others). Jones was also able to talk with Eamonn McCann, who took part in the Belfast to Derry march in 1969. Unlike most books on Northern Ireland, this goes into detail about the connection and the influence between the two movements. Also, most focus on Bloody Sunday and not the pivotal incidents at Burntollet Bridge and the Battle of the Bogside. Building off of unprecedented access and interviews with participants in both movements, Jones crafts a gripping and moving account of these pivotal years for both countries. Aidan Beatty is a lecturer in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

Forest Isaac Jones is an award-winning author of non-fiction and essays, specializing in the study of Irish History, the US Civil Rights Movement and Northern Ireland. His latest essay, ‘The Civil Rights Connection Between The USA and Northern Ireland' was awarded honorable mention in the category of nonfiction essay by Writer's Digest in their 93rd annual writing competition. In this interview, he discusses his new book Good Trouble: The Selma, Alabama and Derry, Northern Ireland Connection 1963-1972 (First Hill Books, 2025). Good Trouble investigates the strong connection between the Black Civil Rights Movement in the United States and the Catholic Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland – specifically the influence of the Montgomery to Selma march on the 1969 Belfast to Derry march through oral history, based on numerous interviews of events leading up to both marches and afterwards. This is close to the author's heart as both of his parents marched to integrate lunch counters and movie theatres in Salisbury, North Carolina, in 1963 as college students. His mother was at the 1963 March to Washington where Martin Luther King gave his ‘I Have a Dream' speech. Jones travelled to Dublin, Belfast and Derry to conduct interviews for the book. In all, he did fifteen interviews with people who were involved in the movement in Northern Ireland (including Billy McVeigh – featured in the BAFTA winning documentary, Once Upon A Time In Northern Ireland) and in the United States (including Richard Smiley and Dr. Sheyann Webb-Christburg – both were at Bloody Sunday in Alabama and on the Selma to Montgomery march among others). Jones was also able to talk with Eamonn McCann, who took part in the Belfast to Derry march in 1969. Unlike most books on Northern Ireland, this goes into detail about the connection and the influence between the two movements. Also, most focus on Bloody Sunday and not the pivotal incidents at Burntollet Bridge and the Battle of the Bogside. Building off of unprecedented access and interviews with participants in both movements, Jones crafts a gripping and moving account of these pivotal years for both countries. Aidan Beatty is a lecturer in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The British government has taken steps to halt the prosecution of soldiers responsible for the deaths of civilians in Northern Ireland, most of whom had no connection to paramilitary activities. These killings were part of a ruthless dirty war that commenced in 1970 when Brigadier Frank Kitson, a counter-insurgency specialist, was sent to Northern Ireland. Kitson had spent decades in Britain's colonies refining old, and developing new, techniques which he applied in Northern Ireland. He became the architect of a clandestine war, waged against Nationalists while ignoring Loyalist atrocities. Kitson and his colleagues were responsible for: - The establishment of the clandestine Military Reaction Force (MRF) which carried out assassinations on the streets of Belfast of suspected IRA members; - They unleashed the most violent elements of the Parachute Regiment [1 Para] to terrorise Nationalist communities which, they adjudged, were providing support for the Official and Provisional IRA; - Spreading black propaganda designed to undermine Republican but not Loyalist paramilitary groups; - Deployed psychological warfare techniques, involving the torture of internees; - Sent Kitson's 'Private Army' - Support Company of 1 Para - to Derry where they perpetrated the Bloody Sunday massacre. The British Widgery and Saville inquiries did not hold Kitson and his elite troops accountable for Bloody Sunday. Kitson's Irish War lays bare the evidence they discounted: Kitson's role in the events leading up to and surrounding that massacre; evidence from a deserter from 1 Para who joined the IRA; a deceitful MI5 agent; a courageous whistle blower whom the British state tried to discredit, and much more, all of which points to a motive for the attack on the Bogside. This book unlocks the some of the key secrets of the Dirty War that the British government is still determined to cover-up. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

The British government has taken steps to halt the prosecution of soldiers responsible for the deaths of civilians in Northern Ireland, most of whom had no connection to paramilitary activities. These killings were part of a ruthless dirty war that commenced in 1970 when Brigadier Frank Kitson, a counter-insurgency specialist, was sent to Northern Ireland. Kitson had spent decades in Britain's colonies refining old, and developing new, techniques which he applied in Northern Ireland. He became the architect of a clandestine war, waged against Nationalists while ignoring Loyalist atrocities. Kitson and his colleagues were responsible for: - The establishment of the clandestine Military Reaction Force (MRF) which carried out assassinations on the streets of Belfast of suspected IRA members; - They unleashed the most violent elements of the Parachute Regiment [1 Para] to terrorise Nationalist communities which, they adjudged, were providing support for the Official and Provisional IRA; - Spreading black propaganda designed to undermine Republican but not Loyalist paramilitary groups; - Deployed psychological warfare techniques, involving the torture of internees; - Sent Kitson's 'Private Army' - Support Company of 1 Para - to Derry where they perpetrated the Bloody Sunday massacre. The British Widgery and Saville inquiries did not hold Kitson and his elite troops accountable for Bloody Sunday. Kitson's Irish War lays bare the evidence they discounted: Kitson's role in the events leading up to and surrounding that massacre; evidence from a deserter from 1 Para who joined the IRA; a deceitful MI5 agent; a courageous whistle blower whom the British state tried to discredit, and much more, all of which points to a motive for the attack on the Bogside. This book unlocks the some of the key secrets of the Dirty War that the British government is still determined to cover-up. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

The British government has taken steps to halt the prosecution of soldiers responsible for the deaths of civilians in Northern Ireland, most of whom had no connection to paramilitary activities. These killings were part of a ruthless dirty war that commenced in 1970 when Brigadier Frank Kitson, a counter-insurgency specialist, was sent to Northern Ireland. Kitson had spent decades in Britain's colonies refining old, and developing new, techniques which he applied in Northern Ireland. He became the architect of a clandestine war, waged against Nationalists while ignoring Loyalist atrocities. Kitson and his colleagues were responsible for: - The establishment of the clandestine Military Reaction Force (MRF) which carried out assassinations on the streets of Belfast of suspected IRA members; - They unleashed the most violent elements of the Parachute Regiment [1 Para] to terrorise Nationalist communities which, they adjudged, were providing support for the Official and Provisional IRA; - Spreading black propaganda designed to undermine Republican but not Loyalist paramilitary groups; - Deployed psychological warfare techniques, involving the torture of internees; - Sent Kitson's 'Private Army' - Support Company of 1 Para - to Derry where they perpetrated the Bloody Sunday massacre. The British Widgery and Saville inquiries did not hold Kitson and his elite troops accountable for Bloody Sunday. Kitson's Irish War lays bare the evidence they discounted: Kitson's role in the events leading up to and surrounding that massacre; evidence from a deserter from 1 Para who joined the IRA; a deceitful MI5 agent; a courageous whistle blower whom the British state tried to discredit, and much more, all of which points to a motive for the attack on the Bogside. This book unlocks the some of the key secrets of the Dirty War that the British government is still determined to cover-up. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

The British government has taken steps to halt the prosecution of soldiers responsible for the deaths of civilians in Northern Ireland, most of whom had no connection to paramilitary activities. These killings were part of a ruthless dirty war that commenced in 1970 when Brigadier Frank Kitson, a counter-insurgency specialist, was sent to Northern Ireland. Kitson had spent decades in Britain's colonies refining old, and developing new, techniques which he applied in Northern Ireland. He became the architect of a clandestine war, waged against Nationalists while ignoring Loyalist atrocities. Kitson and his colleagues were responsible for: - The establishment of the clandestine Military Reaction Force (MRF) which carried out assassinations on the streets of Belfast of suspected IRA members; - They unleashed the most violent elements of the Parachute Regiment [1 Para] to terrorise Nationalist communities which, they adjudged, were providing support for the Official and Provisional IRA; - Spreading black propaganda designed to undermine Republican but not Loyalist paramilitary groups; - Deployed psychological warfare techniques, involving the torture of internees; - Sent Kitson's 'Private Army' - Support Company of 1 Para - to Derry where they perpetrated the Bloody Sunday massacre. The British Widgery and Saville inquiries did not hold Kitson and his elite troops accountable for Bloody Sunday. Kitson's Irish War lays bare the evidence they discounted: Kitson's role in the events leading up to and surrounding that massacre; evidence from a deserter from 1 Para who joined the IRA; a deceitful MI5 agent; a courageous whistle blower whom the British state tried to discredit, and much more, all of which points to a motive for the attack on the Bogside. This book unlocks the some of the key secrets of the Dirty War that the British government is still determined to cover-up. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Brain Drain Episode 46 with Toby Batchelor & Forde Brookfield

In this episode, we explore the Battle of the Bogside, a pivotal three-day riot in Derry, Northern Ireland, from August 12 to 14, 1969, which marked a significant turning point in the civil rights movement amid the Troubles. The conflict, rooted in deep-seated sectarian divisions and systemic discrimination, drew international attention to the plight of the Catholic minority and set in motion direct British government involvement in Northern Irish affairs. Ultimately, this event not only spotlighted the quest for equality but also foreshadowed the escalating violence that would follow in subsequent years.

En Irlande du Nord, la loi très controversée sur les Troubles devrait être abrogée. La loi Héritage et réconciliation, adoptée en septembre de l'année dernière, vise à mettre un terme à toutes les enquêtes futures sur les meurtres non élucidés commis pendant ces Troubles. Le roi Charles III a récemment promis la révocation de cette loi, une promesse qui ravive l'espoir des familles des victimes de ce conflit sanglant, qui aura duré 30 ans et fait 3 500 morts.  De notre envoyée spéciale à Derry,En 1972, Bogside, à Derry, fût le théâtre du tragique Bloody Sunday, manifestation qui s'était soldée par la mort de 14 personnes. Le petit frère de Jean Hegarty faisait partie des victimes. Il s'appelait Kevin : « Il avait 17 ans, c'était un garçon relativement calme et timide. Il avait commencé un travail comme apprenti boucher, explique-t-elle, dans le quartier de Bogside, il participait à certaines des émeutes, là, sur William Street, quand il a été abattu, juste en face d'ici ! Il rampait vers un endroit sûr, quand on lui a tiré dessus, dans le dos. Il a atteint la porte de l'appartement, mais quand ils l'ont fait rentrer, il était mort. »Plus de 25 ans après la signature de l'accord de paix de 1998, 1 200 décès font toujours l'objet d'une enquête policière. Or, la loi Legacy Act a été dénoncée par ses opposants comme une « amnistie » : elle accordait en effet une forme d'immunité aux auteurs de crimes commis pendant cette période. À lire aussiL'Irlande du Nord commémore 25 ans d'une paix fragileC'est dans ce contexte qu'ouvre un tout nouveau musée : le Derry Peacemakers Museum, le musée des artisans de la paix de Derry. Michael Cooper en est le chef de projet. D'après lui, cette loi n'œuvrait pas pour la paix : « Ça empêchait les familles des personnes tuées pendant le conflit de demander justice, de quel côté que ce soit, mais dans le cas des habitants d'ici, ils ont perdu des proches à cause des forces de britanniques, ça allait toujours entraîner un déni de justice ! Donc, je dirais que les proches des victimes ici sont très, très satisfaits que la loi Héritage soit révoquée et remplacée. » L'attente et l'espoir de ce qui pourrait remplacer la loi Legacy ActÀ 5 minutes à pied du nouveau musée, un autre, celui de Free Derry ! Le conservateur, Adrian Kerr, confie : « C'était l'une des très rares choses qui nous a tous unis ces dernières années, tout le monde ici s'opposait [à cette loi]. Même si nous voulons vraiment voir cette loi disparaître, il n'y a pas une grande confiance dans ce que le gouvernement britannique va faire pour la remplacer. Donc, attendons de voir ! »Pour Jean Hegarty, seul le temps dira si les travaillistes au pouvoir tiendront parole : « En vérité, je ne sais pas vraiment ce que signifie cette révocation… Je ne sais pas ce que cela signifiera pour notre famille, pour Kevin, pour les familles du Bloody Sunday et les autres. Je vais devoir attendre et voir ce que ça va donner ! »La balle est désormais dans le camp de Westminster, qui doit décider de la date exacte à laquelle la loi disparaîtra. Il semblerait que ce n'est qu'à ce moment-là que l'Irlande retirera officiellement la procédure judiciaire qu'elle avait entamée contre le Royaume-Uni.À lire aussiIrlande du Nord: la difficile destruction des murs de la paix à Belfast

En Irlande du Nord, la loi très controversée sur les Troubles devrait être abrogée. La loi Héritage et réconciliation, adoptée en septembre de l'année dernière, vise à mettre un terme à toutes les enquêtes futures sur les meurtres non élucidés commis pendant ces Troubles. Le roi Charles III a récemment promis la révocation de cette loi, une promesse qui ravive l'espoir des familles des victimes de ce conflit sanglant, qui aura duré 30 ans et fait 3 500 morts.  De notre envoyée spéciale à Derry,En 1972, Bogside, à Derry, fût le théâtre du tragique Bloody Sunday, manifestation qui s'était soldée par la mort de 14 personnes. Le petit frère de Jean Hegarty faisait partie des victimes. Il s'appelait Kevin : « Il avait 17 ans, c'était un garçon relativement calme et timide. Il avait commencé un travail comme apprenti boucher, explique-t-elle, dans le quartier de Bogside, il participait à certaines des émeutes, là, sur William Street, quand il a été abattu, juste en face d'ici ! Il rampait vers un endroit sûr, quand on lui a tiré dessus, dans le dos. Il a atteint la porte de l'appartement, mais quand ils l'ont fait rentrer, il était mort. »Plus de 25 ans après la signature de l'accord de paix de 1998, 1 200 décès font toujours l'objet d'une enquête policière. Or, la loi Legacy Act a été dénoncée par ses opposants comme une « amnistie » : elle accordait en effet une forme d'immunité aux auteurs de crimes commis pendant cette période. À lire aussiL'Irlande du Nord commémore 25 ans d'une paix fragileC'est dans ce contexte qu'ouvre un tout nouveau musée : le Derry Peacemakers Museum, le musée des artisans de la paix de Derry. Michael Cooper en est le chef de projet. D'après lui, cette loi n'œuvrait pas pour la paix : « Ça empêchait les familles des personnes tuées pendant le conflit de demander justice, de quel côté que ce soit, mais dans le cas des habitants d'ici, ils ont perdu des proches à cause des forces de britanniques, ça allait toujours entraîner un déni de justice ! Donc, je dirais que les proches des victimes ici sont très, très satisfaits que la loi Héritage soit révoquée et remplacée. » L'attente et l'espoir de ce qui pourrait remplacer la loi Legacy ActÀ 5 minutes à pied du nouveau musée, un autre, celui de Free Derry ! Le conservateur, Adrian Kerr, confie : « C'était l'une des très rares choses qui nous a tous unis ces dernières années, tout le monde ici s'opposait [à cette loi]. Même si nous voulons vraiment voir cette loi disparaître, il n'y a pas une grande confiance dans ce que le gouvernement britannique va faire pour la remplacer. Donc, attendons de voir ! »Pour Jean Hegarty, seul le temps dira si les travaillistes au pouvoir tiendront parole : « En vérité, je ne sais pas vraiment ce que signifie cette révocation… Je ne sais pas ce que cela signifiera pour notre famille, pour Kevin, pour les familles du Bloody Sunday et les autres. Je vais devoir attendre et voir ce que ça va donner ! »La balle est désormais dans le camp de Westminster, qui doit décider de la date exacte à laquelle la loi disparaîtra. Il semblerait que ce n'est qu'à ce moment-là que l'Irlande retirera officiellement la procédure judiciaire qu'elle avait entamée contre le Royaume-Uni.À lire aussiIrlande du Nord: la difficile destruction des murs de la paix à Belfast

Shownotes and Transcript Hermann Kelly, President of the Irish Freedom Party, shares insights on Irish politics and his background. He discusses growing up in Northern Ireland during the Troubles, his journey from theology to journalism to politics, working with Nigel Farage in the European Parliament, and the challenges of the political sphere. Hermann outlines the Irish Freedom Party's principles of national sovereignty, anti-EU influence, pro-life stance, and traditional family values, criticizing mainstream parties on immigration. He emphasizes the importance of controlled borders, work permits, and prioritizing Irish citizens' welfare. Hermann addresses media bias, advocating for social media and grassroots efforts to connect with voters and counter leftist narratives. His vision for the party focuses on restoring national sovereignty, protecting Irish culture, and prioritizing Irish citizens in policy decisions. Originally from the Bogside in Derry, Hermann's family have a small farm in Donegal since he was a young. After attending St Columb's College in Derry, he studied marine biology in Edinburgh before studying theology as a lay student at St. Patrick's College, Maynooth.  First a secondary school teacher he then became a journalist, writing for various national newspapers including the Irish Mail on Sunday and Irish Examiner.  He was formerly director of communications for the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy Group in the European Parliament, and his since come to work with The European Conservatives and Reformists Group.  He is a founding member of The Irish Freedom Party and its current president.   Connect with Hermann and The Irish Freedom Party... X/TWITTER        x.com/hermannkelly                            x.com/IrexitFreedom WEBSITE            irishfreedom.ie/ Interview recorded 10.7.24 Connect with Hearts of Oak... X/TWITTER        x.com/HeartsofOakUK WEBSITE            heartsofoak.org/ PODCASTS        heartsofoak.podbean.com/ SOCIAL MEDIA  heartsofoak.org/connect/ SHOP                  heartsofoak.org/shop/ *Special thanks to Bosch Fawstin for recording our intro/outro on this podcast. Check out his art theboschfawstinstore.blogspot.com and follow him on X/Twitter x.com/TheBoschFawstin Transcript (Hearts of Oak) I'm delighted to be joined by someone whose name I have seen a lot back in my time in my UKIP days, and that's Hermann Kelly. Hermann, thank you so much for your time today. (Hermann Kelly) Great. Thank you very much for the invite, Peter. Great to be here. It's good to have you discuss all things Irish politics. You can obviously follow Herman @HermannKelly on Twitter. And Hermann, journalist, former UKIP's European Media Supremo, head of comms at the EFDD group in the European Parliament, Nigel Farage's press secretary, and all the fun that came back in those times, of course, as president of the Irish Freedom Party, launched in 2018 as a common-sense political party in Ireland, because Ireland lacked those, and we'll get into all of that. But, Hermann, you were born in the bog side. Christmas Day, you were born in the bog side in Derry, London Derry, Stroke City, which which is over there in Northern Ireland. It's known as a very rough area, like the Shanklin Falls, maybe in Belfast. What was it like growing up in an area like the Belfast? Well, it was only rough when I was growing up. It was a very friendly place, a very safe place, incredibly low crime rate. It was only rough if you were a British soldier. So there's bullet holes at the side of our house, the front of our house, on the wall opposite our house. There was a high banking behind our house. IRA used it as a shooting spot. And as the British Army jeeps went past the army checkpoint, out the road, they would get shot at. I've seen that many times. But if you were a local, it was incredibly safe, very low crime rate. And it had my followers headmaster of a large primary school in Cregan and Derry just up the hill from ourselves. and that had 75% male unemployment, so it was quite financially poor. But it was very friendly, very safe. And I must say, it was also highest per capita, donations per capita of any city or any town in what was politically the UK. So people were very kind, very generous. I didn't find it rough at all. It's interesting. Me growing up in Carrickfergus, that was absolutely fine because a lot of police lived there. So actually, it was monoculture, completely Protestant. You found it absolutely fine growing up in somewhere completely Catholic with no police or no army. It's interesting. We both grew up actually fairly safe childhoods. Interesting. But at kind of opposite ends of the scale in terms of that sectarian divide. Yeah. I suppose for where we were, it was a kind of high trust, low friction society. That's the whole thing about not being a multicultural society of a kind of melting pot or a kind of constant friction of people bumping off each other, metaphorically rather than physically. I mean. I always remembered very safe and certainly with the neighbours, very good people as neighbours, very, very lucky. And it shows the whole, the importance of common belief, nationality, and how it can lead to a very low-friction, high-trust society, which is easy to live in. What was it you kind of aspired to growing up? Because you went, you studied theology, you've been in media and journalism and politics. Kind of growing up, what were your thoughts of what the future may be? Well, obviously you can see with my, let's say, circuitous route of career that I didn't really know what I wanted to be when I was 18. And I remembered the agony of what I was going to fill in in the UCAS form to go to university right up to the last minute. And I started at optometry and then marine biology and then theology. I had always a great interest, developed a great interest in philosophy and then from that then theology and but I always had an abiding love interest because I grew up in day during the troubles, oh we always we were brought up with great interest in politics, interest in history in culture and also a great respect for language studied Irish studying English and a bit of French as well but the importance of language and all those things melded together my abiding interest in politics and history and culture and faith etc all those things and then also my respect for language and from that I eventually found my way to become a journalist and then a director of communication so in one way it was very circuitous but then it was when you look back it looked like a very straight path but the interest in politics and a respect for language and literature kind of have always remained with me. Well so how did you end up working with UKIP with the EFDD group in the European Parliament, was it an interest just in politics European Parliament and then later on you connected with the chaos and the fun that was UKIP or did that come first how did that happen? Well. I was actually, well, I'd previously been a teacher, I was working in Dublin and I think i became a teacher. I liked this idea of influence, influence on society to make the world a better place. And so it became a teacher then I realized that, well, where's the power to change society? Really? It's concentrated in the press, in the media. So it became a journalist. And then I think by that stage I had maybe four, five children and someone said to me one time if you can say you're a consultant you can charge twice as much, well journalism in Ireland didn't pay very much so I then was working as a press officer for Libertas in the European election 2009 for deacon gamley who were then a Eurosceptic party pat across Europe and I was so I was then recommended on foot of this by Declan Gamley to Nigel Farage. But previous to this, I had written an article for economic recovery in Ireland. Ireland needs to leave the euro. And I think Nigel Farage had seen this. It went up on UKIP website because it's unusual for people to advocate that in Ireland. And so he heard my name. And after I was recommended by Declan Gamley, he gave my call I said here let's meet up and I worked for Nigel Farage in Ireland it was the Lisbon 2 campaign of 2010 was it and 2010 and I sorry summer 2009 I worked for three months and after that just in Ireland he said come over work for me he was happy with the briefing he got and says here come over work for me full-time over in Brussels so as Ireland was absolutely going down the tubes and all these journalists were losing their jobs and losing their houses I thought well it's a good opportunity to take a well-paid and steady job, you know for the family. Definitely. I remember applying to work over there and after 10 months, they finally approved it and it was far too late and I had to produce documentation that didn't exist in the UK. It was just chaos. But I always heard your name, Hermann Kelly, always mentioned, just as I kept hearing Gawain Tyler's name mentioned over in the UK. And it seemed to me these two were the ones that understood, had their finger on the pulse, certainly in terms of medium press. I must say, I had great fun with UKIP MEPs. Like, I was working for the group, so it would have been probably 47 MEPs, seven different nationalities, I think. EFD group initially was about 42 MEPs, seven different nationalities. But the whole thing is you're meeting new people and people from different countries, different cultures, different experiences of life, pretty well-educated, pretty intelligent people, the whole lot. So it was very stimulating. It was good fun. It was important. I was committed to the work I was doing. I was philosophically committed to it. So I wanted to do a good job. and you know what you develop good relations with the people I was working with, so a number of the MEPs Nigel Farage, Paul Nuttall later guys like Ray Finch that I was very good friends with these people and also a number of staff Jamie Linsworth, Orly Leloup was chief of staff, you know we also became good friends not just colleagues working together in a political party. I remember going going for an interview with orally uh back in the days but it was all I guess the thing I found whenever I'd met a lot of the MEPs was they were real people and you kind of come across politicians that are too polished and that's all they've wanted to do the UKIP MEPs that actually lived their lives and then were doing this because they wanted to do something for their country, that's kind of rare these days in politics and that's what I love, that real but also sometimes a little bit of chaos, I mean you must have had some sleepless nights. Well one previous, Mark Kreutzer, a previous press officer said getting all the UKIP MEPs together. Was like, what was it, like herding cats, like, Yeah, see, to go against the stream, to go against the crowd or the mob, you have to have a quite individualistic contrarian streak to swim against that tide. So you must have that already to be happy to say to the establishment and the vast majority of the easy, instead of taking the easy path, you're taking the harder path and you're going against the tide. So you must have that contrarian and also quite self-confident streak to be able to do that so yeah it's a strength and a weakness, it's a strength in that people actually believe what they say and say what they believe, but it's difficult get them all in one room and get them all going singing off the same hymn sheet as you might say like you know but some great characters. I remember being here out in the front of the European Parliament here in the beer factory and was with a lot of MEPs and staff and turning around to Jamie Leansworth who was Nigel Farage's secretary at the time or advisor and saying, God, we have some characters here, huh? That's an understatement. You've got guys like Godfrey Bloom, and Mike Hookham and all these different guys and Stuart Agnew and they're all very strong characters strong personalities but it was great fun as well and like you you get to like these people as well it was never a dull, never a dull moment no never a dull moment and some of the carry on in among the foreign MEPs as well I remember, you you had MEPs from like Greece and Latvia sorry Lithuania etc et cetera, and you meet them and hear, but their histories are very different. Their experiences of life were very different. So to hear them talking about the importance of national sovereignty against a kind of federalist EU state, etc. They all have it for their own reasons and find it in their own experience. But I certainly was very committed to the job. I did my very best. And certainly reaching for the referendum in 2015, we strove very, very hard. We worked very hard to get a referendum and we worked hard then to get a result. So it was very pleasing for me personally and not just professionally but also personally to get to achieve a referendum 2015 and get a result in the Brexit referendum of 2016, so I was my wife always used to give off to me you love your job as an accusation, I said yeah what's wrong with that I do Yeah it's true it's good to love it, I want to get on the Irish politics but just last thing is is what was it like to be up, you're in the belly of the beast, you're up against the system, you're saying that, actually where we are standing here representing the UK, we are against everything that this institution, this parliament really wants, which is ever closer union, ever closer ties, control. And we want to be free from that. What was that like? Because no other countries have had a breakaway, exit groups, but actually none of them have achieved anywhere near what UKIP achieved, so what was that like as the major grouping there who actually wanted to get out of there, you would have had a lot of commonality I guess with individual MEPs but maybe not with parties, so there must be tension as well Oh yeah certainly in the second term with the EFDD group we there was a marriage of convenience we had with the five-star party and that wasn't a marriage made in heaven believe me uh so we were very Eurosceptic believed in national sovereign they wanted to leave the European union and we were sold a bit of a pup that they were kind of anti-establishment kind of Eurosceptic well the leaders were pepe grillo a guy david casaleggio certainly were quite rebellious and Eurosceptic But the MEPs who they voted in, where a lot of them had done Rasmus schemes and stuff like that, they're all very university-educated. They weren't Euro-sceptic at all. And that was a very difficult time, yes. There was quite a few arguments there. But, you know what? Personally, I would always have different relations with various people, across the political spectrum here in Brussels. I would regard it as bad form to be, disliking people because of their political views. But certainly, politically, Yeah, we were treated pretty abysmally by the institutions of the European Parliament here, who certainly after Brexit were incredibly vindictive and actually went on a witch hunt of MEPs. And I know, for example, that Paul Nuttall, his life was made a nightmare with constant meetings by this finance department with false accusations. And basically the refusal, how they treated some people was just unbelievable. Like one guy broke his arm. I know, for example, that they refused to pay the medical bills of a number of MEPs, which were 100% genuine, just out of malice. And they said, but you have to pay? That's the rules. Take us to court if you want. It's our court. This is the kind of stuff that would happen. and they refused to pay the staff of some MEPs. Asked why, we're not going to do it. If you want to, take it to court if you want. Remember, we control the court as well. So this was the attitude. So it really showed that centralisation of power in the hands of a small number of unaccountable elite is a very dangerous and stupid idea. No completely. Right, I want to get on to Irish politics. And everything that you've taught about, I guess, has given you a wide grasp of what is happening across, your wide grasp of that political side and added to your journalism skills and background. So you've got the Irish Freedom Party and Ireland is, as I mentioned earlier, I grew up with Gareth Fitzgerald and Charlie Hockey in the 80s in Ireland. Ireland was a very different place, although it still was Irish. So that was the benefit of it. Well, that bit's changed. But, and we'll get into Immigrate, but the Irish Freedom Party, tell us kind of where that came from, the idea and what it stands for. Because there was no party in Ireland looking for a sovereign, independent Ireland. You had Sinn Féin, who were basically, they were... They're implementing British rule in Ireland, but also they were happy to advocate Brussels' rule. So they're opposed to UK influence in Ireland, but they were completely happy that the majority of the laws which run in Ireland actually come originally from Brussels by people who we didn't elect and who we can't get rid of. So I believe in nation and nation-state and democratic self-determination. I believe that Irish people are good enough to make their own laws, to decide their own destiny in this world. I'm opposed to subservience to the European Union. The big problem over here in Brussels with the EU itself is what you call qualified majority voting, where Ireland, we're 1% of the EU population. So that means that the votes are voted on, 99% of the votes are done by people who are not Irish, and these laws can be approved and imposed upon us, and there's absolutely nothing we can do about it because we have disqualified majority voting in most of the areas. Many people do not realise that in areas of EU competence, EU law is superior to the Irishlaw, Irish Supreme Court, and the Irish Constitution. And that, for me, certainly is not a constitutional or democratic. Like a constitutional republic. That is a province of Brussels. It's a subservient province of Brussels, and that's not what the people were promised 100 years ago. So how did the party launch? It's been there since 2018, and I've looked at the Irish political scene from afar, and there wasn't anything which was common sense and seen. One Taoiseach after another just destroying Ireland. Yeah, there's this cultural like, it's funny because I was, we're talking about where we're both from, like, so growing up in the Brandywale, in the Lomar Road in Derry during the Troubles, I was brought up for all intents and purposes was a cultural superiority complex, that we were brought up that Irish poetry, Irish dance, Irish games and language and literature was fantastic. It was the best in the world and the world needed plenty of us. Go forth and procreate. We're wonderful, right? It then come down south and the experience is cultural self-loathing, which is very strong among the media class and the political class. And it's, well, where does this come from? And it wasn't just but this cultural self-loathing is very deep in south of Ireland at the minute at something to which I'm very implacably opposed and now we're trying to change the ship of state around, you know what, Irish culture is good Irish nation it's important what's the only one one we have, that Irish democracy, we must, seek that we are in democratic control of our destiny in this world, not to have laws dictated to us by someone else who we didn't vote for and we can't get rid of. But it's to do with a lot of things as well. Our catch cry is that we want free people in a free country. So it's not just like we want democratic control in Ireland to leave the European Union. And that the government in Dublin is going to dictate our lives, is that personal freedom, personal responsibility are very important. They're vital. We're standing up for things like the importance of free speech, for the right to not have the state dictate to you what you most put inside your body as a basic human right. The right to private property, that the state does not control your life, Even an Irish state doesn't control your life. So standing up for, I would describe these the basic building blocks of a liberal society. Of, as I said, free people in a free country, free speech, right to bodily autonomy, private property, lower government, less government waste, less government spending, lower taxation, the people be able themselves to make the decisions which control their own lives. So we started the party five years ago. We just now have had our first councillor elected in those last local elections. Glenn Moore and Clon Bakken will be running a large slate of candidates in the general election, which is likely to come about in October or November of this year. And I'm myself I ran as a candidate in the Midlands Northwest for the European election there just passed I ended up I got there was a huge huge number of candidates, 27 candidates in total, there were 13 nationalist candidates after Peter Casey the former presidential candidate I got the the highest is the highest vote of any nationalist I ended up with 21,000 votes and 3% of the vote. Considering there were 13 nationalist candidates in the field, I did very well. And actually, the person who was presented themselves as kind of a little bit conservative, socially conservative, nationalist. Eurosceptic, what do you call him, Keir Malooly from the Independent Ireland Party. What did they do? They got elected. And the first thing he did was come over to Brussels and join Renew, which is the Federalist fanatic group, with a complete and utter betrayal by the party of all those voters who voted for him. So I only wish he had told the voters before the election that he was going to join the Federalist group in the European Parliament rather than after, because I think my vote would have increased dramatically. Well, Ireland are getting some of the policies, but Ireland seems to have been slow to move away from that. You had Fianna Gael, Fianna Fáil, you've always had them with a dose of Labour in there. Then obviously you've had the rise of Sinn Féin. But Ireland seems to have been slow to move away from that group of parties. And Sinn Féin have been around a long time as well. They're not a new party. Tell me what that's like in moving to new parties and getting the message out. It's a tough sell, actually, putting something new out in the Irish political sphere and getting the message out in the media. Absolutely, because historically, I was very slow to support new parties. Most of the successful political parties are split off from actually Sinn Féin from 1905 and onwards. We have Sinn Féin then split into Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael and then Plan the Public. I believe all the parties are a break off of Sinn Féin bar the Green Party, if that is correct. And Sinn Féin well for example but even Fianna Fáil used to be Fianna Fáil, the Republican Party, they believed in National Democratic since they pushed to join the Common Market in 1973 and then it was still Sinn Féin policy to leave the Common Market or the European Community, whatever you called it, certainly up until the late 80s so we're basically.... Look, the Proclamation of Independence in 1916 talked about the Irish people having the right, and even says, also in the Irish Constitution of 1937, about the sovereignty and independence of Ireland should be protected for the good of the Irish nation. And that's what we're seeking for. All we're looking to do is to be a normal, self-governing country where we make our own laws for the benefit of the Irish people. That's all. We're not looking for anything new, crazy, or fandangled thing. But Sinn Féin have changed dramatically. They're now a European Unionist party. I call them a Euro-Loyalist party. I'm sure they hate it, but I love it. You know the reasons why. Oh yeah, I call Sinn Féin immigration party. It does make me laugh that they hate it as well. The Sinn Féin immigration party is Brits out everybody else in. Drives them mad. I saw in your Wikipedia entry you'd used the term abort and import, which I also loved as well. I say the Sinn Féin immigration policy is Brits out to everybody else, and the Fine Gael immigration policy is abort and import. And it actually works perfectly in all the romance languages, French and Spanish Spanish, et cetera. It all works perfectly in those, because I was telling someone over here at dinner one evening, I said, oh, that's really good in French too. That's fantastic. I always use as few words as possible to pack as much power into as little space as possible. That's my job as a press officer, was always to take complex ideas and crunch them down or boil them down into some in as few words as possible with as much power and impact, both political and emotional impact on people as it can. So that's a typical few examples of Hermanism, so to speak, like to boil down complex ideas. The simple language, because my job as press officer was always to get words or formula words that people understand, they can easily understand, easily remember. I always scratch my head looking at Ireland originally used to be one of the strongest Catholic countries, most staunchly Christian Catholic countries in Europe. And yet you've had their political representatives have not gone along with any Catholic belief. You look at Sinn Féin, you look at the North SDLP, everything about them has been more the self-hatred woke agenda and nothing about what actually the church would teach. And I often wonder if I was going to mass each Sunday, actually politically, who would I vote for? Where Northern Ireland, the DUP, who generally were socially conservative. And for the Catholic side, there was no one socially conservative ever to vote for. Absolutely. Well, certainly, yeah, in the last 20 years, you had to, I think a large part of it was self-inflicted by Vatican II about the self-loathing that anything came before 1965 was bad, was supposed to be forgotten, to be rejected. And that the new year zero, so to speak, the second Vatican Council ended, I think, 1968 or 69, that everything after that was okay. And it's all Libby-friendly. That was great. great, but no, in the Irish context, even up in the North, which was normally more conservative, people were more, let's say, conscious and proud of being Christian and being Catholic, part of their identity, national identity, religious identity. Down south, completely the opposite, where people that, because the power of the media, that you had Sinn Féin, the Workers' Party in the 70s and 80s, a very... They started off as nationalists that became internationalists and then became very a Marxist party, basically very anti-Christian and I believe that had a very, the leader's effect on the culture of Ireland because there were so many of them got into the media and had a big big impact, but ourselves, we are happy and proud to, when we are not a kind of confessional party, you don't have to be a Catholic to join the Irish Freedom Party. But we've made it very clear from day one that we are a pro-life party and we are pro-family, that we believe we want to protect and augment the foundations of civilisation. So where cultural Marxism wants to destroy the nation state. National sovereignty, the nation state wants to destroy the family, even down to the distinctions of male and female. We want to counteract that. So we were against this trans ideology. We'll stand up for the distinction and common complementarity of man and a woman. We approve family. We want to encourage people to have children, to educate their children in their culture. It is then with education develops culture and a civilization. And we believe that we also believe in the nation state and in national democracy. So like, but all this stuff about. It's very hard to have a functioning successful civilization where the family is not at the centre of it and faith is a very important, Christian faith you acknowledge not only acknowledge Christian faith as a historical origin but also as a living thing in Ireland. And I must say that compared to the Libby Dibbies in Ireland, you'll find that a large swathe of nationalists, they're not practicing Catholics and Christians, they're certainly culturally so. And they're very proud of that. Because when they look around and they see that here we have, They have 10,000 abortions, 10,000 Irish children being killed in the womb last year in Ireland. Our birth rate is now 1.5, just over 1.5 children per woman. A few generations of that, the population of Ireland shrinks to filial. So we are in favour of liberty and of life. So we would like to encourage people to get married, to have children, to start a family. So we advocate as a pro-natalist, pro-family party, but also advocate policies like we have already. And they've successfully implemented in Hungary to adjust the tax system to help young couples to have kids. And that, for example, if a couple have three or four children, that they don't pay tax and that they don't encourage young couples to have children because no country has a future without children. And that's a basic fact because demographics is destiny. That is a universal truth all across the world and every time in every culture. So we want to encourage the people to have children and also then provide the basics all of them. So I was talking last night on a space and I was talking about the importance of, we are not looking for we're just looking for the ability for people to grow up in a safe environment, and then when they leave school that they have the ability to get a job. Find someone who's only got married to be able to buy a house because at the minute, because of mass immigration, high house prices, young people cannot buy a house and they're all emigrating. A massive problem in Ireland isn't just immigration into Ireland, it's also emigration. We are importing a huge number of people into Ireland. We don't know who, in many cases, we don't know who they are, where they're from, do they have a criminal record. That is detrimental to the security of our country because it leads to an increased crime rate, et cetera. At the same time, because our young people cannot, in many cases, find an apartment to rent, certainly not a house to buy, which they cannot afford anyway. So what are they doing? They're emigrating to Australia and Canada. And that's. Well that's the definition of a failed state isn't it, where you can even provide a job in a house for young people and they're emigrating so that is a failed state, so we as people actually are pretty upset how the country that they love being destroyed before their eyes and, but we will instead of personal darkness we would like to put out a light and do something about it, soI said, we're putting out candidates in the general election. We will keep on standing. Nigel Farage, he just got elected there during the week. It was his eighth time of standing for the Houses of Parliament. And I've only stood twice in the European election. That'd be my first time standing as a TD seat. So we're in the infancy of the Irish Freedom Party. But I am certain that in the years ahead, we will have a large impact. And we're already having an impact. because you saw there in that European election, Sinn Féin did very poorly. Their vote fell, now last October, their vote in the polls was 35%. It's now 18%. And in the European election, their vote fell by 12.5%. A general nationalist sway was 12.5%. So that vote, I would suspect, or I would argue, went from Sinn Féin to a smog spore of nationalist candidates. It was like a plunder boss into a mattress and that vote went everywhere to so many different national candidates, 3,000 here, 3,500 there, maybe 21,000 people like me, but that the. That Sinn Féin vote did not go to Fine Gael. It went to generalist nationalist candidates. So we're having an impact on the narrative, on the discussion of the EU migration pact, on the anti-free speech laws that they're trying to introduce in Ireland, about the whole thing about housing availability, etc. We're having an impact on the political discussion in Ireland already. Ready and I would hope and expect that that increases in the years going forward. I want to pick an immigration but let me just touch on the family, because when you look at Hungary and their pro-family and pro-life policies and there are parties you look at Italy and Greece and there are it's a pro-family nation still pro-family culture and a pro-life generally. But many parties, I know Reform will maybe talk a bit about pro-family, but pro-life, you know, that's up to the individual. But I can't imagine kids growing up thinking, you know, when I get older, someday I'd love to have an abortion. It shouldn't be the main option. There has to be a range of options of adoption, of other ideas. And it seems as though especially young girls are pushed down this avenue and this is the only option and I mean I got a lot of respect for you as a party, not only being pro-family but actually pro-life because that's a completely common sense response to what we are facing. Yeah well I was actually attended the rally for life, on in Dublin there on Saturday there's a very big crowd at it and there was a number of members and candidates for the Irish freedom party were there the Irish freedom party banner and the a number of national flags as well to show that we're proud to stand up for life and so well sure, how can you talk about human rights when you don't If you do not defend the right to life, if you don't defend the right to exist. How can you talk about the right to free speech, the right to private property, the right to this and that? It's a nonsense. And on the counter to that, if you accept that you can wipe out and destroy and butcher innocent human life, if you accept that principle, well, the next thing you're then on to logical consequence of accepting that principle. Is you're then you extended over time and you're then in favor of euthanasia of old people and then your euthanasia of people who are physically handicapped in some way or then people who are depressed and then you're straight on the 100% healthy people who there's nothing wrong with them and then you're straight on to murder, murder of innocent people who have I've never done anything wrong, and there's nothing wrong with them. So it's philosophically to accept the principle that it's okay to destroy human life. I will never accept it. Because you're on the slippery slope of a culture which advocates killing. Killing of its young, it's innocent. Then it's then killing old people, then sick people, and then healthy people. And that is that this two cities as Saint Augustine might say and the culture of life and the cultural death are extremely different and the consequences of a slight change in principle, like it's like coming up to a roundabout in a car and you're going around and you take one direction and as you follow out along that road that you've taken you can go in a very you end up in a very different destination if you take another turn off and you follow that path, for a number of miles. So be very careful. So that's why we've been very clear from day one that this is a pro-life party and we're also pro-family and we support a cultural life, not a culture of death. I want to finish on immigration because it's very strange for Ireland because Ireland have so much influence worldwide and the Irish culture is known throughout, probably because of the potato famine, because of that mass migration that's meant there is Irishness everywhere, certainly in the US and you travel all over Europe and wider and you'll certainly find Irish pubs, people flock to that. That desire and likability and connection and respect for Irish culture and intrigue, all of that, that kind of seemed to be disappearing. I'm surprised the mass immigration, but the change that's brought to Ireland, considering Irishness is known, despite Ireland being a tiny country, its impact culturally is very wide all over the world. But yet successive governments have allowed absolute mass immigration on a scale I don't think anyone else has seen in Europe for such a country that size. How has that affected voters and the public? Because if you keep voting the same way, you're just going to get the same change in Ireland and decimation of Irishness. All the main parties in Ireland, Fianna Fáil, Fianna Gael, Sinn Féin, Labour Party, all the left are all in favour of what pretty much amounts to open borders, mass immigration. Now the consequences of that at the moment is that the Irish population since 1995 has gone up by over 1.5 million people, gone from 3.5 to 5.3 million people. That's a 42% percent increase in a very short period of time. And Ireland actually is the fastest increasing we see in Europe. In the Western world, actually, Ireland has the fastest increase of population through immigration of any country in the world, bar none. So what is happening, I would describe it as the new colonization of Ireland, because the numbers coming in here is so large. Like when we started off the party five years ago, I believe 12% of the population were non-national. It's now 22%. So there's been a 10% increase in the non-national part of our population within five years. That's immense. And actually, Grip Media did an analysis of the rate of influx of immigration into Ireland. And they worked out that if the current rate continues, what has happened over the last five years, As that continues, Irish people will be a minority in their own country by the year 2050. And I don't know about you, but I certainly wasn't asked about that. I didn't give my consent. So we describe what's happened now as the colonization without consent. And all we're looking for is to be a normal country, which has borders, which controls for the good of its people, the numbers of people and the qualifications of the people who are coming in, that they make sure that one, do we need to and two, if you want to come in you have got to contribute to our society and so for example you've got skills that you can that you can contribute and you're not a kind of tax, like don't be coming in here looking for free housing, free welfare, free medical care, like you come in, you work you support yourself and when [I very much believe in the work permit system. You come in, you work, you pay tax. And after that, after picking up, working, being paid, getting experience, having a good time, you then go back to your country of origin or go on to the next country, wherever you like. But I believe that because taking in large numbers of unvetted males into the country makes Ireland a less secure place. And like, for example, in 2022, there were 12 women were murdered in Ireland. Five of those were murdered by non-nationals. So there's been a swathe of increase in rapes and sexual assault in Ireland, as has happened all across Europe, be it in Germany, be it in Italy, be it in Sweden and France. So we should stop being naive and thinking that, oh, but it will never happen in Ireland because everybody loves us. They may do, but the consequences of mass unvetted immigration into Ireland are not very positive for Ireland at the minute. So all we're looking for is to be a normal country which controls its borders for the good of its own people. Because we want our young people, as I said earlier, to be able to get a job, be able to find a house and live in a secure area without any fear. And that's what people see, the destruction of their country, the mass immigration, and of course the destruction of the family. How do you, I mean, someone who understands the media so well, how do you get your message out? You've got a block on the mainstream media. Is it looking for alternative media, going directly to individuals, to the voters? How do you kind of get around that block which exists in Ireland to stop your message of common sense getting out? Well, you're completely true. The mainstream media, and when I say mainstream, it's funny because in regards, for example, that issue of are people in favour of mass immigration, 75% of people in Ireland are completely opposed to more migration. They believe Ireland has more than had enough. So that is the mainstream position. It's the extreme leftist position of open borders. They are the extremists. They are the minority. But the thing is, these leftists do control the media. And so we find it very difficult if not impossible to get anything positive out in the Irish media, so we're using social media at the minute and during the European elections was a good boost because the local papers had to talk about us, talk to our candidates, the write-ups of the candidates was almost universally positive on local radio, there were debates, so we got the name and the candidates of the party out there in open debate. We were discussing our policies in a fair environment for the first time, but the national media blocked us completely. So basically, we're pretty much using social media and also boots on the ground to get out meeting people, canvassing is very, very important. Well, Hermann, I really do appreciate your time. Hermann Kelly, President of the Irish Freedom Party, bringing common sense and an option to the voters that traditionally up to now really have not had any. So Hermann, thank you so much for joining us and giving us an overview, not only of Irish Freedom Party, but the difficulty and issues you're facing there in Ireland. Thank you very much, Peter.

#onderoad torna virtualmente in Irlanda del Nord. La casa di George Best a Belfast. I murales di Falls Road a Belfast e quelli di Bogside a Derry. L'Oceano Atlantico e la Causeway Coastal Route. Tre libri da mettersi in valigia per saperne di più... Se poi in Irlanda del Nord volete andarci di persona Radio Popolare vi ci porta dal 10 al 15 giugno (qui le info https://www.viaggiemiraggi.org/.../viaggio-a-belfast-con.../ ). #NordIRELAND #GeorgeBest #fallsroad #Bogside #causewaycoastalroute

Richard Moore grew up in Derry and as a young child experienced life in pre-troubles Northern Ireland before the eruption of a conflict that had been brewing for years. Richard tells us about his memories of the British army as they first came to N.I following the Battle of the Bogside and how they were originally welcomed by the community and how the murders of Bloody Sunday marked a turning point in his relationship with the British army.Richard speaks about the day he was shot in the eye at close range by a rubber bullet fired by a British soldier who Richard has since meet with and befriended.He shares with us how his blinding has affected his life and the lives of those closest to him.Richard's own podcast : https://open.spotify.com/show/1UssIdNvUOe6r3kwAfIqJA?si=L28W2DIsQ0a-euL65wHujQTIMESTAMPS00:00 Richard's background, growing up in Derry 10:30 How did young Richard view the army & the rioters?14:25 BLOODY SUNDAY 28:10 THE DAY RICHARD LOST WAS BLINDED BY A RUBBER-BULLET 34:40 How did Richard's family take the news 38:50 Any desire for revenge?44:00 Ever used as political point-scoring ?45:25 MEETING THE SOLDIER WHO BLINDED HIM mosaic: Exploring Jewish Issuesmosaic is Jewish Federation of Palm Beach County's news magazine show, exploring Jewish...Listen on: Apple Podcasts Spotify MurderLustJoin Ava & Amber as they explore the dark side of humanity with unfiltered,...Listen on: Apple Podcasts Spotify

In the late 1960s, Northern Ireland erupted into major violence, marking the opening phase of The Troubles. Over three decades, this conflict would claim thousands of lives and continues to dominate life in Ireland today.In my new exclusive supporters series, I am joined by Dr. Brian Hanley to explore how and why The Troubles began. This fascinating history begins in the 1920s when Northern Ireland was forged amid intense violence. Over six episodes, the series explores the rising tensions of the 1960s when Nationalists demanded equality and how seminal events such as the Battle of the Bogside and Bloody Sunday proved to be pivotal moments in our history.Episode 1 is exclusively available for supporters at https://www.patreon/irishpodcast. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/irishhistory. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Julieann Campbell's uncle John "Jackie" Duddy was 17 years old when he was shot dead while running away by British soldiers during Bloody Sunday 1972. Julieann's urge to find out whatever she could about the killing of the uncle that she never got to meet for her family would eventually led her to write an outstanding book called 'On Bloody Sunday".I asked Julieann about impact that Bloody Sunday and her uncle's killing had on the family, the civil rights movement in N.I up until that point, the significance of the Battle of the Bogside and the Ballymurphy massacre which preceded the terrible events of January 30th 1972.PLEASE SUBSCRIBE, LEAVE A RATING & SHARE TO HELP THE SHOW CONTINUE TO GROWhttps://www.amazon.com/Bloody-Sunday-History-Aftermath-People-ebook/dp/B093ZMTL78TIMESTAMPS00:00 Family connection to Bloody Sunday07:05 Civil Rights movement 10:45 Battle of the Bogside & Ballymurphy massacre 18:05 BLOODY SUNDAY 33:15 Bloody Sunday as a recruiting tool for the IRA34:55 Inquests/Inquiries into Bloody Sunday & SOLDIER F upcoming trial 

La puntata di oggi di #onderoad è dedicata al viaggio in Irlanda del Nord con gli ascoltatori di Radio Popolare (13-18 giugno). I murales di #Bogside e quello delle ragazze di Derry Girls a #derry. Le scogliere e l'oceano lungo la #giantscauseway. Le ostriche del St George's Market di #belfast... Qui dettagli e prezzi: https://www.viaggiemiraggi.org/.../viaggio-a-belfast-con.../

This episode of the podcast explores some of the most peculiar films shot in Dublin over many decades. From Fu Manchu to the Bogside, we're looking at times directors turned Dublin into somewhere else.

È il 1969 e in Irlanda del Nord scoppiano i “disordini”.A Belfast, gruppi lealisti di matrice protestante attaccano i quartieri cattolici provocando la fuga di migliaia di famiglie dalle loro case. Anche i Phillips, una famiglia cattolica di Belfast, assiste impotente al precipitare degli eventi. Cosa è più giusto fare… Fuggire o rimanere?La situazione intanto precipita anche a Derry, dove una marcia per i diritti civili si conclude in modo drammatico. Un evento che segnerà profondamente la vita di due sorelle cattoliche di nome Dolours e Marian Price.Produzione, post-produzione e sound design: Samuele Sciarrillo Supervisione storica: Riccardo Michelucci In questo episodio hanno partecipato: Michael Phillips, Irene Phillips (doppiaggio: Silvia Rossini) e Jacqueline Phillips (doppiaggio: Nadia Scarlato)Ispirato al LIBRO:"A Belfast boy. Dai Troubles nell'Irlanda del Nord alla nuova vita in Italia. La mia storia tra i fuochi dell'IRA e il carcere" (2020); Michael Phillips (Autore), Silvia Agogeri (Traduttore); Homeless Bookhttps://www.homelessbook.it/autore/phillips-michael/14882FONTI STORICHE:La Storia segreta dell'IRA (2005); di Ed Moloney (Autore), S. G. Fichera (Traduttore); Baldini Castoldi Dalai.Non dire niente. Un caso di omicidio e tradimento nell'Irlanda del Nord (2021); di Patrick Radden Keefe (Autore), Manuela Faimali (Traduttore); MondadoriGuerra, Pace e Brexit – Il lungo viaggio dell'Irlanda; R. Michelucci (Autore); OdoyaSpotlight On The Troubles: A Secret History (2019) - BBC Northern IrelandINSERTI AUDIO:Margaret Thatcher on Terrorism (12 Ottobre 1984) – C-SPAN (pubblicato sul canale youtube thatcheritescot il 31 agosto 2013); Gerry Adams historic speech to Sinn Féin Ard Fheis (20 Novembre 2017) – Sinn Fèin (pubblicato sul relativo canale youtube di Sinn Fèin il 20 novembre 2017); Bloody Sunday - A Derry Diary - David Cameron's Apology (15 Giugno 2010) – Besom Production (pubblicato sul canale relativo youtube il 20 giugno 2015); Five Steps To Genuine Revival by Ian Paisley (1976) - Sermonaudio; pubblicato sul canale youtube Sacred Song il 3 febbraio 2014); Reverend Ian Paisley: The price of Peace (24 Gennaio 1974) – ThamesTV (pubblicato sul relativo canale youtube il 14 agosto 2018); Ian Paisley denounces the Pope as the Antichrist at the European Parliament in 1988 - Broadcast (New Zealand, pubblicato sul canale youtube nh6central il 1 aprile 2012); I Have a Dream speech by Martin Luther King .Jr (28 August 1963) - Rare Facts (pubblicato sul relative canale youtube il 7 novembre 2017); A film clip from the Belfast to Derry 'Long March' (gennaio 1969) – South Antrim Sinn Fèin (pubblicato sul relativo canale youtube il 6 gennaio 2019); Eyewitness - The Burning of Bombay Street (August 1969) - Sinn Fèin (pubblicato sul relativo canale youtube il 18 agosto 2019); Battle of Bogside (1969) – History Pod (pubblicato sul relativo canale youtube il 12 agosto 2019).Sigla e musiche addizionali su licenza di Epidemic Sound.

On Sunday, 30 January 1972, British soldiers killed 13 people taking part in a civil rights demonstration in the Bogside area of Derry. A 14th victim died four months later. The Indo Daily remembers those who lost their lives and looks at how events of the day unfolded, and how it would be almost four decades before the families of those victims would receive an apology. Host: Siobhán Maguire. Guest: Martina Devlin. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Ghosts of Riots Past: The Troubled Conflict in Derry Through The Eyes of a Volunteer First Aider by Jude Morrow Set against a backdrop of the late 1960s Bogside, Martha Bradley is inspired to join the Order of Malta Ambulance Corps at the age of fifteen, following a family tragedy that changes her life […] The post Chris Voss Podcast – The Ghosts of Riots Past: The Troubled Conflict in Derry Through The Eyes of a Volunteer First Aider by Jude Morrow appeared first on Chris Voss Official Website.

Irlandia Północna w latach 80 ubiegłego wieku. Od ponad 10 lat sytuacja w kraju przypominała wojnę domową. Na wyspach nazywają to Troubles. Robert Gerard Sands, znany jako Bobby Sands bojownik Prowizorycznej Irlandzkiej Armii Republikańskiej tzw. Provos, po jednym z zamachów bombowych w Belfaście został skazany na 14 lat. Karę odbywał w więzieniu Crumlin Road a następnie w The Maze. Warunki w więzieniu były okropne a strażnicy brutalni, szczególnie wobec nacjonalistów. Republikańscy więźniowie często organizowali protesty. Przywódcą, najsłynniejszego – strajku głodowego był właśnie Bobby Sands. Strajk miał fatalne zakończenie. Sands po 66 dniach głodówki zmarł. Życie straciło jeszcze kolejnych 9 strajkujących. Ale Sands to nie tylko bojownik o wolność. Był muzykiem, grał na basie. Pisał również piosenki. Przynajmniej 4 napisał odsiadując wyrok. Wśród nich „Back Home in Derry” – wrócić do Derry. Piosenka opisuje podróż irlandzkich rebeliantów do kolonii karnej w ramach tzw. penal transportation. 60 skazańców zmierza do Zatoki Botanicznej. Więźniowie płynął 5 tygodni w opłakanych warunkach, a potem czeka ich ciężka egzystencja z dala od rodzin, na ziemi Van Diemena. Piosenka została uznana za rebeliancką. A melodię Bobby Sands pożyczył właśnie od Gordona Lightfoota i jego Wraku Edmunda Fitzgeralda. Nie wiemy dlaczego autor w refrenie tęskni do Derry. Nie urodził się tam nie mieszkał. Ale może chciał podkreślić rebeliancki charakter utworu odnosząc się do miasta symbolu. A Derry na taki symbol nadawało się wyśmienicie. To drugie co do wielkości miasto Irlandii Północnej. W XVI wieku miasto opanowali angielscy najeźdźcy. Pierwotnej nazwie Derry Anglicy dodali człon London. Do dziś nazwa LondonDerry jest nazwą oficjalną. Stanowi pewien wyróżnik, używają jej unioniści, Republikanie mówią po prostu Derry. Ale Derry to przede wszystkim symbol The Troubles, konfliktu miedzy unionistami a republikanami, trwającego w Irlandii Północnej od końca lat 60 do 90. Właśnie w Derry, bitwą pod Bogside, zaczęła się ta swoista wojna domowa, tak to możemy nazwać. Konflikt pochłonął ponad 3500 ofiar. The Troubles zmieniło na wiele lat obraz miasta. I o tym następna piosenka. Phil Coulter, irlandzki songwriter, słynął w latach 60 XX wieku z pisania przebojowych piosenek rozrywkowych. Jego piosenki odnosiły sukcesy na Eurowizji. We wczesnych latach 70 pracował z zespołem The Dubliners, wtedy bliżej zetknął się z irlandzkim folkiem. Luke Kelly namówił go aby zaczął pisać piosenki „folkowe” opatrzone poważniejszymi tekstami. Pierwszym sukcesem była „Free The People”, ale tę piosenkę autor uznał za zbyt patetyczną. Następna, powstawała prawie rok, ale okazała się majstersztykiem. Phil opisał w niej dzieciństwo i młodość spędzone w rodzinnym Derry. I zestawił ten obraz z miastem zrujnowanym prze Troubles, miastem przypominającym koszary, obwieszonym drutami kolczastymi, miastem w którym po ulicach snuł się niepokojący zapach gazu, miastem pełnym patroli wojskowych. Piosence nadał tytuł „The Town I Loved So Well” (miasto, które tak bardzo kochałem). Piosenkę w 1973 na Albumie Dublinersów Plain and Simple zaśpiewał Luke Kelly. I to wykonanie, pełne uczucia, autor uznał za doskonałe. Nie tylko autor. Piosenka stała się niemal natychmiast irlandzkim standardem. A jej sukces jest tym większy, że dziś „The Town I Loved So Well” jest śpiewana w pubach zarówno katolickich jak i protestanckich. Audycja zawiera utwory: „The Town I Loved So Well” (w tle) w wykonaniu Jin-Sung Lee, muzyka: Phil Coulter, aranżacja na gitarę: Sin-young Ahn „Back Home in Derry” w wykonaniu Christy'ego Moore'a, słowa: Bobby Sands muzyka: na podstawie „The Wreck of The Edmund Fitzgerald” Gordona Lightfoota „ The Town I Loved So Well” w wykonaniu The Dubliners, słowa i muzyka: Phil Coulter Sail Ho

The Ghosts of Riots Past: The Troubled Conflict in Derry Through The Eyes of a Volunteer First Aider by Jude Morrow "In The Ghosts of Riots Past, Morrow presents an insightful, imagined memoir - a unique account of Free Derry history from the perspective of a Knights of Malta First-Aider. The blend of fiction founded in fact makes this writing a powerful tool for anyone seeking to understand the human story around key events in the Bogside's political history.' Sue Divin, author of novels Truth Be Told and Carnegie Shortlisted Guard Your Heart. “The Ghosts of Riots Past provides a richly evocative look at some of Derry's darkest moments, where not only do we see the horrors that were inflicted upon this city but the courage, warmth and strength of our people. An imagined memoir, shining a light on the contribution of the often-overlooked Knights of Malta first aid volunteers, this is a story of humanity and bravery, deftly interwoven with the wonderful Derry dark humour. This is an important contribution to our city's narrative”. Claire Allan - Bestselling Author of 'Her Name Was Rose, 'Apple of My Eye', and 'The Nurse'. ‘An evocative, richly detailed retelling of some of the most pivotal moments in the city's history from a new perspective. Reflecting the courage and personal sacrifices of the city's Order of Malta volunteers, among others, First-Aider Martha is a wonderfully realised character brought to life with real warmth and skill. A huge achievement.' Brian McGilloway - Sunday Times and New York Times bestselling author of DS Lucy Black thrillers and Inspector Devlin mysteries Set against a backdrop of the late 1960s Bogside, Martha Bradley is inspired to join the Order of Malta Ambulance Corps at the age of fifteen, following a family tragedy that changes her life forever. This prompted her family to move to the legendary Rossville Flats that dominated the skyline of the Bogside. The teenage first-aiders begin their service by attending sports fixtures, fairs, and religious services, to suddenly administering first aid in a most forbidding active war zone with live ammunition. Martha's journey with the Order of Malta places her at The Battle of The Bogside, the daily clashes between the Free Derry residents and the security forces, Bloody Sunday, and Operation Motorman, whilst guarding a secret of her own from her unit and her family. Even though we all wore the same thing, white coats and kit bags, everybody wore them and carried themselves a wee bit differently. I would learn everybody's mannerisms, walks, and small details. I became so close to my unit that I could tell them all apart, even when wearing my gas mask during a riot, outside, and in the dark. I feel it quite symbolic that we wore white coats, almost like we were ghosts. We were the ghosts of riots past, the ghosts of riots present, and the ghosts of riots yet to come. The Ghosts of Riots Past captures the nostalgic perspective of the troubles in Free Derry (1969-1972), the togetherness of the first-aiders, and the spirit of Christian charity and courage of the Order of Malta Ambulance Corps. Also included at the back as appendices are the authentic stories of the Order of Malta First Aiders from the Free Derry era detailing their personal experiences of The Battle of The Bogside, Bloody Sunday, Operation Motorman, and the daily disturbances they heroically dealt with during that time.

Join the Bogside crew as we discuss the PVP Alpha that was dropped by Wisdom Gaming last week, as well as discuss Fight Klub meta for this weekend's Baby Cup Tournament! DFK Fight Klub: https://discord.gg/4jFjqZNxkF Tournament Registration: https://t.co/44gw3IptPs #defikingdoms #pvp #play2earn #crypto #gamefi #rpg

Join the Bogside crew as we talk everything #defikingdoms including an AMA recap, Fight Klub tourney, leaving #harmony and Serendale 2.0! Links from the episode: DFK Fight Klub: https://discord.gg/hqxaXQ7M6g ADFK Fight Klub Stream: https://youtu.be/dWhx-FVexPM SgtFilthyMcNasty & Jakxicles talkin lore: https://youtu.be/Nh5FrzhMDa8 Jakxicles Tweet: https://twitter.com/jakxiclesdfk/status/1570495198635098112?s=46&t=KZIfZUnKkfWewdpPNJzhPA

Von Byzanz nach Derry über Kopenhagen nach Glasgow! Wir gehen ähnlich offensiv nach vorne wie die Sportgemeinde und der Effzeh! Das einzige was zählt? Grün oder Blau! Diese shownotes: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/blue-versus-green-rocking-the-byzantine-empire-113325928/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_the_Bogside#:~:text=The%20Battle%20of%20the%20Bogside,Constabulary%20(RUC)%20and%20loyalists.

The Battle of the Bogside began in Derry, Northern Ireland, marking one of the first major conflicts of The ...

The Bogside crew is back talking everything DFK, recapping recent AMAs, and dropping a ton of alpha! #defikingdoms #play2earn

The Civil Rights marches become intense in Northern Ireland John Hume and others turn to Politics and the Marchers are attacked by Paratroopers in Ballymurphy and the Bogside

Lynn Lynagh and Gabriel O'Brien from REA in Meath and Louth assessed the housing markets in their respective counties. Chelsea Farrell underwent emergency surgery recently for a problem she's been living with for years and which doesn't get talked about much either. Sinead Burke delivered another keen observation of life, Harry Toye reflected on life growing up in the Bogside while Eoghan Bailey told us about the new Inclusion Louth. Oh and its Mamma Mia with Gerry all week.. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

#defikingdoms #crystalvale #perilousjourney @DfkPesq, @dfk_franz & @GuyKid88 talk through Crystalvale, DFK roadmap, and growth speculation. 0:00 - Say hi to Matty, Franz & Guy 1:00 - Tavern speculation 3:30 - Low budget editing 3:50 - Roadmap theories 4:40 - Higher level quests 8:30 - Pets 12:00 - AVAX Subnet 17:00 - Bridging Jewel & Garden strategy 22:00 - Outposts 23:00 - Crystalvale Growth Speculation 27:00 - Sidequest plug - Shortstories 29:00 - Axie comparison of growth We're part of the ADFK community, come join us in Discord and be part of the conversation: https://discord.gg/4nyxnVHe https://dfk-adventures.herokuapp.com/

#DefiKingdoms #DFK Mattyesq, c9n & GuyKid talk through The Perilous Journery and the importance of sub classes once combat rolls out. DFK_Franz also joins the pod for this episode. We're part of the ADFK community, come join us in Discord and be part of the conversation: https://discord.gg/4nyxnVHe https://dfk-adventures.herokuapp.com/

#defikingdoms #perilousjourney #crystalvale ADFK Hero Matcher: https://dfk-adventures.herokuapp.com/... DFKing: https://dfking.co/

Join Raph, 9dorft and Mr. Zipper as they discuss the pj, combat, buying and selling heroes, and the new grant program. Website: https://dfk-adventures.herokuapp.com/ Discord: https://discord.gg/ScgbUksr Support the podcast network, Bogside chat: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC4BT7ftcDnoLB6vPxZ-n7qg Music by Mike Daigle: https://soundcloud.com/mikedaiglemusic/defi-kingdoms-cover-epic-rock-orchestra --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/raph1234/support

Raph and 9dorf discuss the DFK day notes #bullish. 9dorf had a chance to bump elbows with Tosh and Professor Tango! Raph and 9dorf discuss the upcoming hero journey to Crytalvale and the new BATTLE SYSTEM. 0:00 Intro 3:46 QOTD 5:10 Dev Dive 23:00 Perilous journey 41:00 Combat Corner Website: https://dfk-adventures.herokuapp.com/ Discord: https://discord.gg/ScgbUksr Support the podcast network, Bogside chat: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC4BT7ftcDnoLB6vPxZ-n7qg Music by Mike Daigle: https://soundcloud.com/mikedaiglemusic/defi-kingdoms-cover-epic-rock-orchestra --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/raph1234/support

For one generation of Americans, civil and sectarian violence in Northern Ireland was brought into our homes through regular reporting on the nightly news. For a younger generation, it was brought home in the powerful lyrics of the band known as U2.  Tom Kelly and Kevin Hasson of the Bogside Artists are creating street art and murals that remember that era in Northern Ireland's history. Tom Kelly and Kevin Hasson are artists and members of The Bogside Artists, best-known for their outdoor murals called “The People's Gallery” in the Bogside neighborhood of Derry.  Kelly's brother William, now deceased, was the third member of The Bogside Artists.  Kelly is a native of Derry, Northern Ireland.  He leads a Celtic Christian community in the heart of the Bogside that provides spiritual support for those affected by the “Troubles.”  He views art as a powerful tool to bring Protestants and Catholics together, using it to assuage religious conflict long before the cultural elite of Northern Ireland recognized its cathartic and healing power.  Coming from a family talented in visual and musical arts, Kevin Hasson's art has been influenced by his extensive travels.  Apart from his work with the Bogside Artists, he painted many murals across Germany during his twelve-year residency in Frankfurt.  Hasson's boyhood experiences as a member of The International Voluntary Service in Calcutta, India helped him realize the ubiquity of social injustice and its roots. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Il 30 gennaio del 2022 vi è stato un anniversario importante: 50 anni dal Bloody Sunday, il Massacro di Bogside, la domenica insanguinata d'Irlanda.. vediamo insieme la storia nord irlandese e cosa accadde mezzo secolo fa!Per offrirmi un caffè virtuale e sostenere il podcast: https://ko-fi.com/europagrandtourTrovi la trascrizione della puntata e oltre alle fonti, foto e eventuali approfondimenti su: https://www.europagrandtour.comDella stessa autrice: il podcast Storia D'Europa, https://www.storiadeuropa.com

Half a century ago on January 30 1972, British soldiers shot dead 14 unarmed protesters during a civil rights march in the Bogside area of Derry, Northern Ireland. The soldiers were from the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment ("1 Para"), the same battalion implicated in the Ballymurphy massacre just months before. It took decades of campaigning and two huge inquests by the UK Government to accept sole wrongdoing and apologise for the atrocity.In this episode, James chats to Julieann Campbell, the spokesperson for the Bloody Sunday family whose uncle Jackie Daddy, 17, was the first fatality of the massacre. Julieann has written a new book, ‘On Bloody Sunday: A New History Of The Day And Its Aftermath – By The People Who Were There', to mark the 50th anniversary of one of the darkest days of The Troubles.WARNING: Some listeners may find the content of this episode upsetting or distressing.If you'd like to learn more, we have hundreds of history documentaries, ad free podcasts and audiobooks at History Hithttps://access.historyhit.com/?utm_source=audio&utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=Podcast+Campaign&utm_id=PodcastTo download, go to Android or Apple store:https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.historyhit&hl=en_GB&gl=UShttps://apps.apple.com/gb/app/history-hit/id1303668247If you're enjoying this podcast and looking for more fascinating Warfare content then subscribe to our Warfare newsletter. Follow the link here:https://www.historyhit.com/sign-up-to-history-hit/?utm_source=timelinenewsletter&utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=Timeline+Podcast+Campaign See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Carole is in the Bogside area of Derry, where events have been taking place to mark 50 years since Bloody Sunday.

Ce weekend a lieu la commémoration du Bloody Sunday. En effet, 50 ans se sont écoulés depuis le massacre de Bogside, survenu dans la banlieue de la ville de Derry. Rebondissant sur cet événement important de l'histoire irlandaise, Punchline Politique contextualise cet événement à l'aide du titre “Sunday Bloody Sunday” du groupe irlandais U2. Bonne écoute ! Présentation : Romain Gaussin Vous souhaitez nous rejoindre sur Facebook ? C'est ici : https://www.facebook.com/20MPC/.  Suivez le podcast ! Il est désormais sur Twitter : @20MPC_podcast Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Danny Quigley completed 10 Ironman triathlons in 10 days in August 2021 in memory of his late father Colm Quigley. In this episode we hear all about the challenge over the 10 days, Danny tells us about his mindset throughout, his nutrition complications and adaptions, injuries, treatment, emotions and support. An unbelievable challenge that has instilled hope and inspiration in so many who witnessed this amazing feat of human performance physically and mentally. Danny completed this challenge in memory of his father and to raise funds for suicide awareness charity pieta house and mental health charity Bogside and brandy well health forum. You can still donate to the go fund me which is linked below. The fundraiser is currently at a staggering £96,000 and the aim is to hit £100,000 so if you are in a position to donate it would be greatly appreciated by Danny. https://www.gofundme.com/f/dannyquigley10?fbclid=IwAR1Wwqsj4PHEyNqDL0eiFK0dWY_ZXGjYwJvVGXDajJMk48a0yIfTQMSKH44

iRadio in the Afternoon with Dave & Fionnuala Weekdays from 3 to 6PMLIVE From DERRY Wednesday 18th August to Friday 20th August 2021 See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Près de 50 ans après le « Bloody Sunday » de Derry, lors duquel 14 personnes ont été tuées, la justice britannique a abandonné au début du mois de juillet les charges contre le soldat F, accusé de deux meurtres et six tentatives. Une énorme déception pour la petite ville d'Irlande du Nord. De notre correspondante à Dublin, Au musée de Derry Libre, des tas d'affiches et de vidéo racontent ces semaines de tension de janvier 1972. « Quatorze personnes ont été tuées le jour du Bloody Sunday. Ces gens ont tué la ville avec. Ils ont eu un impact énorme sur la ville et ses habitants », raconte John Kelly. Ce dimanche 30 janvier 1972, les catholiques organisent une marche pour les droits civiques. L'armée britannique ouvre le feu, faisant 14 morts dont 7 mineurs, et 14 blessés. John Kelly voit son frère mourir d'une balle dans le ventre. « C'est le soldat F qui a abattu Michael. Nous avions beaucoup d'espoir quant aux poursuites, mais on nous a fait comprendre que les charges pourraient être abandonnées. Les dépositions des soldats de 72 ne peuvent pas être utilisées contre eux parce qu'ils n'avaient pas d'avocat avec eux. Je suis déçu et en colère à l'idée que le soldat F ne paiera pas pour ses assassinats. » Justice La campagne pour faire condamner le soldat F, dont il est interdit de donner le nom, a commencé en 1992. « Et ce que nous souhaitons, actuellement, c'est la justice, à laquelle mon frère a droit, à laquelle nous avons droit. Plus vite elle sera rendue, mieux ce sera : de nombreux proches sont décédés, ma mère et mon père sont morts… Et ce n'est pas que pour nous, affirme encoreJohn Kelly. C'est pour l'ensemble de la société. Derry, l'Irlande, le monde. La justice ne sera rendue que quand elle sera visible. » Le septuagénaire, qui n'a jamais quitté la ville, travaille aujourd'hui au musée de Derry Libre, pour entretenir le devoir de mémoire. Autour du Bogside, sous la fresque d'une colombe de la paix multicolore, Joe, 70 ans, et Daniel, né après le Bloody Sunday, suivent les développements judiciaires. « Nous sommes très forts pour critiquer les autres pays et leurs manquements à la justice. Mais notre justice à nous, elle est où ? Le gouvernement britannique ne veut pas. Malheureusement, et ça me brise le cœur de dire ça, mais ces familles n'obtiendront jamais justice », pense Daniel. « Je suis né en 1977, mais j'ai entendu toutes les histoires, des gens qui ont perdu des proches… Les Britanniques ont commis des meurtres en toute impunité. C'est un scandale », fulmine Joe. Une majorité de catholiques habite la ville, aussi appelée Londonderry par les protestants. La question de la justice dépasse les clivages religieux, estime Jane Buckley, née à Derry et autrice d'un roman sur les Troubles. « Nous avons tous besoin de faire notre deuil. Quiconque ayant commis des atrocités pendant la guerre civile doit payer et les familles doivent être reconnues victimes. C'est interminable… Nous en avons assez. La ville en a assez. Le pays en a assez. » Les familles ont fait appel, la justice doit rendre sa décision en octobre prochain.

Celtic Soul Podcast Episode 77 with More than 90 Minutes, Editor Andrew Milne chatting to Declan McLaughlin about life, music, politics and his hometown of Derry.Declan is a singer/songwriter from Derry, home now is the Bogside but he spent many years touring America with his band The Whole Tribes Sings. His music is influenced on what he has seen going on around him in Derry and on his travels. His music has brought him around the World from Libya to Liverpool and from New York to Newry and beyond.Not a football fan yet he relates to the Celtic not the players or the manager but the Fan Base because of the community it represents and the actions, politics and social conscious of many of the Celtic Support and he talks about his experience of going to watch a Celtic game at 7am at a packed Irish pub in New York when the rest of the city was only waking up.Declan is proud of his home town and that shines through out the conversation and in his music. Declan can claim heavyweights of Irish music including Christy Moore and Damien Dempsey as fans and he can't wait to get back to playing live again and we can't wait to get to sit down, sip a pint and listen to him.Follow Andrew Milne on Twitter @AndrewMilne12Follow Declan McLaughlin on Twitter @decmclaughlinFollow Celtic Soul Podcast @celtic_amPlayout Song performed by Declan McLaughlin https://open.spotify.com/artist/6dE0g29KTFuo0qHa5YBe8o?si=JLJW4H4GR9yFls-Oj2TQywdeclanmclaughlin.bandcamp.comEpisode Sponsors Celtic FansMore than 90 Minutes Issue 115 Print Edition & Digital Edition is now on sale Click Link to buy Print or Digital Edition https://celticfanzine.com/product-category/new-issue/More than 90 Minutes Celtic Fanzine Subscription Detailshttps://celticfanzine.com/product-category/monthly-print-subscription/Merchandise & T-Shirtshttps://celticfanzine.com/shop/If your business or CSC like the Podcast and would like to become a sponsor please email us at info@celticfanzine.com. You can also contact us through the website or message us on social media. Further ListeningAll Podcasts available on all Platforms or click link belowhttps://celticfanzine.com/podcasts/Follow Us FB https://www.facebook.com/Mt90MTwitter @celticfanzineInsta celticfanzineLinkedIn More than 90 Minutes Episode 77 was Produced by Ronan McQuillan Twitter @RojoEnemiesIf you would like to support our Independent Celtic Fan Media Platform you can become a Member, Subscribe, Buy or Donate for the Price of a Pint. Your Support helps us continue to produce Daily News & Articles, Weekly Newsletter, Podcasts, Fanzines, Video Content & Live Shows.https://celticfanzine.com/join-us/https://celticfanzine.com/product-category/monthly-print-subscriptionhttps://celticfanzine.com/shop/https://celticfanzine.com/donations-page/ See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

The TDGs are now well and truly waterlogged as their visit to Derry continues. Where better to shelter from the downpour than their favourite Derry Bookshop? What wonders await them? In these brand new premises. Amongst the straining shelves they encounter Jenni Doherty - owner, curator and as Derry a girl as her Donegal roots will allow - I wonder if she's read any good books lately…Jenni’s shop for information and orders https://uk.bookshop.org/shop/LittleAcornsBookstoreFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/LittleAcornsBookstore/Twitter: https://twitter.com/littleacornsbks?lang=enInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/explore/locations/876849599/little-acorns-bookstore-derry?hl=enClive Limpkin - Battle of the Bogside https://www.zissou.com/clivelimpkin(also available at Little Acorns Bookstore) https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-foyle-west-52656318Paddy Coyle - https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-foyle-west-53470946The Deceived - Lisa McGee https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2020/jul/31/lisa-mcgee-derry-girls-the-deceived-channel-5Derry Girls Mugs https://www.facebook.com/LittleAcornsBookstore/photos/one-of-my-favourite-ever-derry-girls-is-the-fabulously-funny-feisty-ann-mcgee-of/1884419691568391/Tom Hanks and his typewriter collection - https://www.thethings.com/heres-why-tom-hanks-collects-typewriters/For more information about the podcast, visit: www.thebiglight.com/talkingderrygirlsKeep up to date with us on Twitter: @TBLderrygirlsCheck out our Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/talkingderrygirlsWATCH Derry Girls on Channel 4: https://www.channel4.com On RTE (in Ireland): https://www.rte.ie/Series 1 & 2 available on Netflix outside UK: https://www.whats-on-netflix.com/news/derry-girls-season-2-coming-to-netflix-in-august-2019/ See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

An Irish Army Captain goes on holidays – a strange kind of holiday. To a city where he knows there is likely to be ‘trouble'. He arrives as a three-day street battle, now known as 'the Battle of the Bogside', begins. And it changes everything (Ep1/9)Companion TV documentary to this series, also titled GunPlot, is now available via the RTÉ TV Player (Worldwide)Credits:GunPlot was written, recorded and produced by Ronan Kelly and Nicoline Greer.Sound Design by Damian ChennellsProduction assistance from the RTÉ Documentary On One Team.Special thanks to all our contributors, and to the RTÉ Design, Marketing, Online and Creative Audio departments.For further information, and articles by Anna Joyce to accompany each episode, visit www.rte.ie/gunplot See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

An Irish Army Captain goes on holidays – a strange kind of holiday. To a city where he knows there is likely to be ‘trouble'. He arrives as a three-day street battle, now known as 'the Battle of the Bogside', begins. And it changes everything (Ep1/8). Released weekly from Monday April 12, 2021. To listen/subscribe to this entire series, search for ‘GunPlot' from wherever you get your podcasts.Companion TV documentary to this series airs Wednesday Apr 28th @9.30pm on RTÉ One.Credits:GunPlot was written, recorded and produced by Ronan Kelly and Nicoline Greer.Sound Design by Damian ChennellsProduction assistance from the RTÉ Documentary On One Team.Special thanks to all our contributors, and to the RTÉ Design, Marketing, Online and Creative Audio departments.For further information, and articles by Anna Joyce to accompany each episode, visit www.rte.ie/gunplot See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

An Irish Army Captain goes on holidays – a strange kind of holiday. To a city where he knows there is likely to be ‘trouble’. He arrives as a three-day street battle, now known as 'the Battle of the Bogside', begins. And it changes everything (Ep1/8). Released weekly.To continue listening to this series, please subscribe to the 'GunPlot' podcast feed (Available from wherever you get your podcasts).Companion TV documentary to this series airs Wednesday Apr 28th @9.30pm on RTÉ One.Credits:GunPlot was written, recorded and produced by Ronan Kelly and Nicoline Greer.Sound Design by Damian ChennellsProduction assistance from the RTÉ Documentary On One Team.Special thanks to all our contributors, and to the RTÉ Design, Marketing, Online and Creative Audio departments.For further information, and articles by Anna Joyce to accompany each episode, visit www.rte.ie/gunplot See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Alan Tait joins us in this episode to chat about his career to date and his youth at Irvine Golf Club at Bogside.  We wanted to know whether he feels the Amateur game has changed much since he played on the youth circuit in Scotland.  Having gained his European Tour Card in 1997 Alan reflects on this period of his life and what it was like to play golf at Carnoustie with a young Tiger Woods and at the time current Masters Champion Ben Crenshaw.  Having worked for the BBC we wanted to know what event was his favourite to cover commentary at and also get an insight into his current involvement in GolPhin, which is the leading UK company for kids equipment. 

tip of the hat to ol Ireland, we discover the roots of "the Troubles" w/ Jordan Olds from Two Minutes to Late Night!     https://cavemancoffeeco.com/ and enter DMD20 for 20%  off god tier caffeine  https://beerbong.com and enter DMD20 for 20% off extreme party gear https://patreon.com/deathmetaldetectives to support go  big research: https://www.instagram.com/andycamels/?hl=en big production: https://www.instagram.com/thatbrianwebb/ big idiots: https://www.instagram.com/loydhavemercy666/?hl=en https://www.instagram.com/smellsliketeenkris/?hl=en   youtube for the live show AND 5 minute album reviews: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCwd7dd2Q-0bWVbmuxjGDkNg

When you want to know, where to go, what to do, to be seen, to make a difference, you come here, to iIrish: the Truth & the Pulse of the Irish   Hello Everyone! Welcome back to iIrish; Songs, Stories & Shenanigans. This is Podcast 19, The Pulse of the Irish, full of news and events.   So let’s get talking: It appears we’ve avoided another shutdown, for another week or who knows. The expected surge of COVID over the Thanksgiving holiday did not occur. Most credible experts attribute it to most people acting responsibly, wearing masks, keeping their distance etc. Even tho 4.9 million people traveled, that’s way down from the 50 million that usually do the extended Thanksgiving weekend. Many here in the US on Visas couldn’t risk going home, in case they couldn’t get back. I remember the mad Dash in March as bands here for their St. Patrick’s Day tours and celebrations had to cut off and head home, smartly realizing that they may not be able to go home at all if they didn’t get out before the lockdowns were mandated. Plus, Ireland has closed its borders again. You won’t go home and isolate for 2 weeks if you are only going home for 5 days. The same is true in reverse. I have tried to help a band or three with US visa apps, wanting to come here for their annual Christmas Tours. The embassies in Ireland are closed. Closed means no processing, and therefore, no visas being approved. Even approved ones are sitting on desks idly waiting the resumption of service.   I fear the same will be true over Christmas. Christmas is family, tradition, certainly, and home. So if you know of someone isolated on this side of the Atlantic, Irish or not, offer them a virtual Christmas invitation if you can. We all need somebody … Somebody like you.   Just for a minute, we’re going to move from the Present to the Past, and then jingle all the way forward: Let’s take a look at On This Day in Irish History: On the 21 December 1971 - Heinrich Boll, author of Irish Journal (1957) and Nobel Laureate (1972), born in Cologne. On the 22 December 1969 -Irish activist and leader Bernadette Devlin was sentenced to six months imprisonment for her activities during the Battle of the Bogside. On the 22 December 1989 - was the Death of Samuel Beckett, playwright and winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature (1969).   On the 27 December 1591 - was the escape of Red Hugh O’Donnell from Dublin Castle, where he was imprisoned since his kidnapping in 1587 at the age of fifteen. He would go on to lead the September 1607 Flight of the Earls, Irish leaders who left Ireland to escape what they believed would be English arrest warrants. Hugh O'Neill, 2nd Earl of Tyrone, and Rory O'Donnell, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell, and about ninety followers, left Ulster for Spain. Some made it that far, some chose other destinations. The Flight of the Earls exile was a watershed event in Irish history, symbolizing the end of the Irish Gaelic Chieftain life prevalent up to that point. Many believed this opened the gate to the Planation of Ulster. There are several songs called Flight of the Earls, but you have probably heard of the one made famous by the Wolfe Tones, and written by Liam Reilly. It is not related to this event, but references “Another Bloody Flight of Earls” We've got nothin' left to stay for, We had no more left to say And there isn't any work for us to do So fare well ye boys and girls, Another bloody Flight of Earls Our best asset is our best export, too   Wiki says that the 400th anniversary of the Flight of the Earls was marked on 14 September 2007, throughout Donegal, with a regatta of tall ships, fireworks, lectures, and conferences. There is a permanent marker in Draperstown, Northern Ireland and at the "Flight of the Earls Centre" in the Martello tower at Rathmullan. Also on the 27 December, in 1904 -The original Abbey Theatre in Dublin opened, with Yeats ‘ Baile’ s Strand and Lady Gregory’s Spreading the News. On the 29 December 1937 - The Constitution of Ireland came into effect, drafted by Eamon De Valera. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This week Jason, Scott and Joe are without the cheeky girls Marty and Harper. Regardless the lads discuss the Motherwell win at Celtic Park, the arrival of Shane Duffy, the Europa League draw and of course the usual digressions. Enjoy! Hail Hail!!

This week Jason, Scott and Joe are without the cheeky girls Marty and Harper. Regardless the lads discuss the Motherwell win at Celtic Park, the arrival of Shane Duffy, the Europa League draw and of course the usual digressions. Enjoy! Hail Hail!!

John Hume was arguably one of Ireland's greatest people. An Irish nationalist politician from Northern Ireland, widely regarded as one of the most important figures in the recent political history of Ireland, as one of the architects of the Northern Ireland peace process. In this conversation, I speak to Jude Sharvin a Belfast native and life long admirer of Hume, about the legacy Hume leaves behind and how a humble boy from the Bogside of Derry ended decades of violence and brought new life to the North. Book of Condolences: https://www.derrystrabane.com/Book-of-Condolences-for-John-Hume Check out Patreon page for all the extra podcasts & videos: www.patreon.com/hellostevo Support the Mater Foundation: www.facebook.com/donate/266068794…752653078169648/ Check out the YOUTUBE CHANNEL: bit.ly/2C79aHU E-mail the show: hellostevopodcast@gmail.com Instagram, TikTok & Twitter: @hellostevo Facebook: Stephen Mullan Comedy

This week we remembered John Hume and heard from journalists in Beirut after a devastating explosion: US Senator George Mitchell, Niall O'Dowd (Founder of irishcentral.com), Aengus Cox & guests live from the Bogside in Derry, journalist Luna Safwan in Beirut and Bel Trew.

The Battle of the Bogside drew the British army onto the streets of Northern Ireland on August 14 [1969]; they would remain for more than thirty years. Margo Shea in Derry City. Margo Shea is Wilson’s guest on Delmarva Today. She is associate professor of history at Salem State University in Salem, Massachusetts. The subtitle of Shea’s book is Memory and Political Struggle in Northern Ireland and it certainly is that. But it is much, much more. Derry City is a civil rights book that chronicles the struggle of Irish Catholics for equality and justice against institutional, political, and cultural bigotry as Northern Ireland defines its own identity. The struggle for equality and justice outlined by Shea, in this excellent book, not only draws parallels to our own civil rights movement of the 1960’s but resonates strongly in the resurgent movement for equal justice playing out in US streets today.

We hit Montague PEI to sit down with Bogside Brewing's owner Dave McGuire and Brewer Mark Patriquin to chat about the origins of the brewery, the advantages of a broad taplist, and more!Follow Bogside on Instagram and Facebook!Our amazing sponsor is Bishop's Cellar! They're so awesome! Spend your beer money there! THE STOREFRONT IS BAAAAAAAACK!!!!!!SIGN UP FOR THE NEWSLETTERS SO YOU DON'T MISS OUT ON TASTY INFO!!!Keep tabs on their social media pages for updated web order info, changing store hours, and pickup/delivery availability. Now that they're back we gotta love em even more!Find out what's in store, on tap, and shop online!Sign up for the Behind the Taps Newsletter!Make sure to subscribe on iTunes, and rate and review to help other people find us!We can always be found here:​TwitterInstagramFacebookClip and Share your favourite moments from the podcast using ReCast!Want to help support the 902 BrewCast? You can donate here [NOTE: This is in USD]. Your ears are all we ask for, but we appreciate your support towards helping improve the podcast and keeping it running! Thanks!

........August ‘69, the north imploded, the Battle of the Bogside and the attack on the Lower Falls, 8 Dead in Belfast and Free Derry created, our lives were never the same again!

Episode One of our LOI Legends series on Team 33 is with former Derry City player Liam Coyle. We chat about growing up on the Bogside during the troubles, his father who played in the 1958 World Cup, Derry's treble-winning season and the injury which almost - and did for a period - end his career.

........6 months after the Battle of the Bogside and the burning of Bombay St & the onslaught on the Lower Falls, the British Army had settled in but major decisions were needed, what the British Govt did next would have repercussions for the next 40 yrs! Easter 1970 heralded the first major battles between nationalists and the British Army, Ballymurphy was the battle ground, it was the point of no return!

In this edition of the King's College Podcast, Dr. Rachel Kerr meets the artists who contributed to the exhibition entitled Art, Conflict & Remembering: The Murals of the Bogside Artists, held from 28 January to 30 February 2020 at The Exchange, Bush House. This powerful exhibition tells the story of the Troubles through the twelve large-scale murals of The People’s Gallery in Derry/Londonderry, Northern Ireland. Created and curated by King's College Visiting Research Fellow Dr. Adrienne Dengerink Chaplin, in close co-operation with the Bogside Artists, the exhibition draws attention to the non-sectarian Civil Rights movement in the late 1960s and raises awareness of the lasting effects of The Troubles on the day-to-day lives of ordinary people.

In this episode, I talk about (kinda) about the Bogside Massacre (Bloody Sunday) and the non-related McDonald's 'Bloody Sundae' that was limited to participating McDonald's Portugal locations. Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/3ECa6BjIWD5Y4Cdm9m7jS2 PocketCasts: https://pca.st/10lbnhd5 Google Podcasts: https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly9hbmNob3IuZm0vcy9mMmExOTk0L3BvZGNhc3QvcnNz RadioPublic: https://radiopublic.com/son-of-the-law-WRpe3e Breaker: https://www.breaker.audio/son-of-the-law --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Vor fünfzig Jahren erhoben sich die Katholiken der nordirischen Stadt Derry gegen die protestantische Polizei. Erstmals griff die britische Armee in Nordirland ein. Dreissig Jahre lang dauerten die blutigen Konsequenzen an. Und heute bedroht der Brexit das fragile Zusammenleben auf der Insel Irland. Es war ein bunter, linker Haufen, der im August 1969 die Krawalle in Derry organisierte, die als «The Battle of the Bogside» in die Geschichte eingingen. Einer der Hauptakteure erinnert sich im Gespräch, es habe Spass gemacht. Seither ist viel Blut geflossen in Nordirland. Erst das Karfreitagsabkommen von 1998 brachte eine beschränkte Normalisierung und liess die Grenze zur Republik Irland verschwinden. Doch mit der Brexit-Debatte rückt just diese Grenze wieder in den Mittelpunkt, weil sie zur EU-Aussengrenze zu werden droht - mit Schlagbäumen und Kontrollen. Der Brexit bedroht die fragile Ruhe, die zögerliche Normalisierung in Nordirland. Könnte der britische Austritt aus der EU zur irischen Wiedervereinigung führen oder flammt der alte Konflikt wieder auf? Alles sei in Bewegung geraten, sagen Mitstreiter und Beobachter dieser komplexen Gemengelage. Ihre Meinungen darüber, wo dieser Weg enden wird, liegen teils weit auseinander.

Vor fünfzig Jahren erhoben sich die Katholiken der nordirischen Stadt Derry gegen die protestantische Polizei. Erstmals griff die britische Armee in Nordirland ein. Dreissig Jahre lang dauerten die blutigen Konsequenzen an. Und heute bedroht der Brexit das fragile Zusammenleben auf der Insel Irland. Es war ein bunter, linker Haufen, der im August 1969 die Krawalle in Derry organisierte, die als «The Battle of the Bogside» in die Geschichte eingingen. Einer der Hauptakteure erinnert sich im Gespräch, es habe Spass gemacht. Seither ist viel Blut geflossen in Nordirland. Erst das Karfreitagsabkommen von 1998 brachte eine beschränkte Normalisierung und liess die Grenze zur Republik Irland verschwinden. Doch mit der Brexit-Debatte rückt just diese Grenze wieder in den Mittelpunkt, weil sie zur EU-Aussengrenze zu werden droht - mit Schlagbäumen und Kontrollen. Der Brexit bedroht die fragile Ruhe, die zögerliche Normalisierung in Nordirland. Könnte der britische Austritt aus der EU zur irischen Wiedervereinigung führen oder flammt der alte Konflikt wieder auf? Alles sei in Bewegung geraten, sagen Mitstreiter und Beobachter dieser komplexen Gemengelage. Ihre Meinungen darüber, wo dieser Weg enden wird, liegen teils weit auseinander.

"TOM KELLY was born into abject poverty in Derry, Northern Ireland and into a staunch Catholic family and community. He sought meaning and new life by travelling, especially to Dublin and also London - where he was questioned by Special Branch and sent back to Derry. There, a remarkable conversion to Jesus led to Tom becoming an evangelist within his community in the middle of a low-level civil war. Tom recalls what The Troubles were like, the times when he witnessed to masked-gunmen at IRA check-points, the death-threats he's received and how he went on to start up the Wellspring Church with a simple five letter word GRACE. Tom is also part of The Bogside Artists, whose work is now recognised world-wide but ignored by Derry Council. Parts 1 and 2 of this trilogy of programmes on the Bogside Artists are also accessible via Flame CCR's LISTEN AGAIN".

John talks to the Bogside Artists (murals on the walls in Derry, Ireland) at Greenbelt and in Derry about their work towards peace in Northern ireland, including memories of Bloody Sunday

John talks to the Bogside Artists (murals on the walls in Derry, Ireland) in Derry about their work in recent years and the discussion drifts towards New World Order. Two of the Flame team add their insights into this topic of which we should all be well aware.

Jacqueline Maley travels to the Emerald Isle to reconnect with her Irish roots and instead earns unlikely celebrity status.

Friends Ruby and Ann were young women living in the Bogside. They recall how their quiet streets became places of conflict. ’68 is a new BBC Radio Foyle series marking the 50th anniversary of the start of the Troubles. Most historians agree that if the start of the Troubles can be traced to one time and place, it is the civil rights march on Duke Street in Londonderry on the 5th October 1968. The demonstration had been banned by the government and when it went ahead police turned water cannon on the protestors and beat them with batons. Footage was beamed around the world – and in the space of a few hours life in Northern Ireland changed utterly. To mark its 50th anniversary, BBC Radio Foyle captures eye-witness accounts from people who were on the march, those who were opposed, and those who remember conditions and the atmosphere in Derry in the weeks beforehand. Each episode tells a different story from a different perspective, providing an invaluable oral history archive of this key moment in our shared history.

LA BATTAGLIA DI BOGSIDE raccontata da Riccardo Michelucci

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this presentation are solely those of the interviewer/interviewee and do not in any way represent the views of the Holywell Trust, its partners or their funders. Gerry McDaid in his youth was a promising boxing talent from the Bogside in Derry. Before he was about to represent his country at under 19 level an accident in the home cost him a promising boxing career. He tells Eamonn Baker about his personal conflict and recounts stories from his point of view of the conflict in his estate during the early parts of the Northern Ireland Conflict. Never miss an episode of the Holywell Trust Podcast or the Holywell Trust Testimony series. Subscribe to us on Apple Podcasts https://itunes.apple.com/gb/podcast/holywell-podcast/id1229484179?mt=2 Follow us on Soundcloud https://soundcloud.com/user-743120821 And you can now listen to the Holywell Trust Podcast and Testimony series on Stitcher Radio http://www.stitcher.com/podcast/dee-curran/holywell-podcast Please feel free to comment on our Apple Podcasts, Stitcher and Soundcloud pages and don’t forget to rate the programme. Thanks for listening and sharing the links.

Om det forna imperiets svåra vägval efter Brexit. Hör röster från ett kungligt skepp, en nordirländsk åker och skotska gator om ett Storbritannien som riskerar att bli allt mindre. Den brittiska unionens bygge är för många ett glamoröst exempel på hur olika nationer under år hundrade lyckas stå enade under ett och samma styre. Men efter att Storbritannien röstade för att lämna den europeiska unionen har nya krav om en skotsk självständighet, och debatten om en irländsk union har lyfts upp till nya höjder. Kan Storbritannien bli Lill-Britannien? Vid den sicksackande gränsen mellan Nordirland och den irländska republiken åker Konflikts Nathalie Rothschild med bonden Robert Moore, som visar var en möjlig hård Brexit kan slå hårdast. Just gränsfrågan skapar känslor av ovisshet, till exempel hos Dermot O'Hara som aktivt jobbar för att behålla den osynlig, och för turistguiden Paul Doherty som vi träffar under en guidad tour i Bogside där blodig söndagen skedde. I Belfast träffar vi företagare David Hoey som tycker inte att Brexit kommer negativt påverka internationellhandel, medan 21-årige Amy Murphy på Hammer Youth Club bryr sig inte om allt det; hon är bara glad att som katolik kunna bo och trivas i det protestantiska området The Shankhill. Till Edinburgh åker Konflikts programledare Firas Jonblat för att hitta det brittiska i Skottland, och ber taxiföraren Mike om hjälp med att hitta det. Det blir skeppet Britannia som var under 44 år drottningen Elisabeths hem på vattnet. Där träffar han James McGregor som är stolt över att han liksom skeppet kommer från Glasgow, medan Eilidh McKenzie bakom kassan i souvenirbutik är stolt över att vara just brittisk. Londonbor Katen Patel är engelsman och tycker att det som är bra med Skottland får ofta en brittisk identitet som till exempel Harry Potter. I Edinburgh slottet träffar vi guiden Jan Horne som är stolt över sin skotska identitet. Hennes kollega Tim Coates som kommer från Nordirland säger att han är irländsk trotts att han har ett brittiskt pass. Så var finns det brittiska i Skottland? Professor emeritus David McCrone som har forskat i identitetsfrågan säger att det brittiska är ett smältande isberg, och kvar finns bara i England. En av de viktiga frågor under Brexit-kampanjen var internationell handel, och tanken är att med ett Storbritannien fritt från EU begränsande handelsregler så kommer landet att återuppliva gamla globala partnerskap, något som Chandrika Kaul, expert i brittiska imperiets historia på St. Andrews universitetet i Skottland avfärdar som en ren illusion när Konflikts producent Jesper Lindau ringer henne. I studio för att prata mer om ämnet sitter Magdalena Frennhoff-Larsen, statsvetare och specialist på Brexit på Westminister University, och Sveriges Radio korrespondent i Storbritannien, Staffan Sonning. Producent: Jesper Lindau jesper.lindau@sverigesradio.se Programledare: Firas Jonblat firas.jonblat@sverigesradio.se

Matthew Bannister on The Conservative politician Lord Parkinson. He masterminded the 1983 election victory but was forced to resign when his affair with his secretary was revealed. Bill Mitchell, who lived and breathed the Yorkshire Dales, editing the Dalesman magazine and writing hundreds of books. Paddy Doherty, the Irish Republican activist who played a leading role in Derry's 1969 Battle of the Bogside. Henry Worsley, the former SAS soldier and explorer who died whilst attempting the first solo unaided crossing of Antarctica. And Dr Gladys-Marie Fry, the folklorist who chronicled the African American experience.