Podcasts about Alexis de Tocqueville

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Nearly two centuries ago, a French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville went on a trip around America and wrote up his findings in a book called Democracy in America. Many people still think it's the most insightful thing ever written about the country. John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, is one of them. Tocqueville found Americans' faith in freedom and self-improvement exhilariting—he was the first foreigner to foresee how this new society would change the world. On America's 250th birthday, John Prideaux sets out on a road trip of his own, following Tocqueville's footsteps from New York to Michigan to Washington, to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville endures in Trump's America.Launching in June Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+.If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Radio Free 501c brought to you by Rogue Tulips Consulting and USAE News!Episode 331: Association Relevance - Will you be missed?Host: Cecilia Sepp, CAE, ACNP, LPEC, Principal, Rogue Tulips ConsultingGuest: Christine Saunders, President and Founder, HalmyreAre associations still relevant? I like to think so, and my guest, Christine, definitely does. We talk about why there is still a place for associations, how associations can adapt in the changing marketplace, and why associations need to overcome the barriers created by our structures. We also bond over de Tocqueville and how his insights still resonant today. If you are worried that your association may be in danger, this conversation will steer you into a positive future. What do you think associations should do to stay relevant? Share a comment!

In a culture shaped by distraction, anxiety, and constant noise, how do we focus on what matters most?In this special episode, we're sharing a conversation from a recent Trinity Forum event featuring Ben Sasse—former U.S. Senator, university president, husband, and father. Following a terminal cancer diagnosis, Ben has embraced a new vocation: helping us think more clearly about the questions that matter most, and the things that endure. In this conversation with Cherie Harder, our Trinity Forum president who's known him since their undergrad days at Harvard, Ben joins a room full of family, friends, and colleagues to reflect on mortality, friendship, family, faith, and the kind of attention required for a flourishing life.What follows is a lightly edited version of that conversation. If you'd like to watch the full video of the interview, you can find a link to the YouTube livestream here.Recommended Trinity Forum ReadingsDemocracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville (with an introduction by Ben Sasse)Brave New World by Aldous Huxley The Federalist PapersThe Origins of Totalitarianism by Hannah ArendtHere are Cherie and Ben from the live recording at National Community Church in Washington, DC: 

Radio Free 501c brought to you by Rogue Tulips Consulting and USAE News!Episode 331: Association Relevance - Will you be missed?Host: Cecilia Sepp, CAE, ACNP, LPEC, Principal, Rogue Tulips ConsultingGuest: Christine Saunders, President and Founder, HalmyreAre associations still relevant? I like to think so, and my guest, Christine, definitely does. We talk about why there is still a place for associations, how associations can adapt in the changing marketplace, and why associations need to overcome the barriers created by our structures. We also bond over de Tocqueville and how his insights still resonant today. If you are worried that your association may be in danger, this conversation will steer you into a positive future. What do you think associations should do to stay relevant? Share a comment!

Cormac McCarthy is often caricatured as a conservative writer, and maybe there's something to that, but that claim gets reductionistic fast. In this episode, I explore Chapter 7 of Patrick O'Connor's Cormac McCarthy, Philosophy and the Physics of the Damned, “A Maelstrom of Doing and Undoing: McCarthy's Political Imaginary,” and think through McCarthy as a political writer whose work can't be easily mapped onto our usual categories.Rather than giving us a clean ideology, McCarthy forces us to sit with the tension between order and chaos, law and lawlessness, community and exclusion, freedom and violence. I reflect on Blood Meridian, The Orchard Keeper, The Stonemason, Tocqueville, technocracy, fragile dwellings, and the strange dignity of making a world even as it comes undone.This is McCarthy's politics: not a platform, not nostalgia, not utopia, but tragic attention to the people and places buried beneath the official story of progress.

Europa está redactando en silencio la ley que decidirá quién aparece primero en tu pantalla y quién desaparece. No es una hipótesis ni una conspiración. Es un proceso legislativo con fechas, artículos y responsables que culmina el 19 de diciembre de 2026.La Directiva Audiovisual europea obliga a las plataformas a priorizar el contenido de las cadenas públicas en el algoritmo de recomendación. TVE, RAI, France Télévisions arriba. Los creadores independientes, abajo. Y el ecosistema que genera 7.000 millones de euros y 200.000 empleos en Europa apenas ha dicho nada.En este episodio analizo cómo funciona la maquinaria paso a paso, quién la empuja y por qué, qué tienen que ver Australia y Canadá con todo esto, y por qué el silencio de los propios creadores es la parte más inquietante de la historia.Étienne de La Boétie lo llamó servidumbre voluntaria. Tocqueville lo describió como un poder que no necesita censurar porque consigue que prefieras no hablar. Hoy lo vemos en directo. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Le jury du Prix littéraire Montaigne de Bordeaux, organisé par la ville de Bordeaux et l'Académie du vin de Bordeaux a choisi de décerner le Prix 2026 à Françoise Mélonio pour son ouvrage "Tocqueville" aux éditions Gallimard. Entretien avec Jean Petaux.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

#Nightlight #RTTBROS The Fire in the Pulpits"Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people." — Proverbs 14:34 (KJV)Back in the 1830s, a sharp French philosopher named Alexis de Tocqueville made the long voyage across the Atlantic to figure out what made this young American experiment tick. He was genuinely curious, not cynical, and he looked everywhere you'd expect a philosopher to look. He examined the harbors, the rivers, the rich farmland stretching to the horizon, and that remarkable Constitution. None of it fully answered his question.Then he walked into the churches.He wrote what he found, and his words still stop me cold: "I sought for the greatness and genius of America in her commodious harbors and her ample rivers, and it was not there... in her fertile fields and boundless forests, and it was not there... in her democratic Congress and her matchless Constitution, and it was not there. Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness did I understand the secret of her genius and power. America is great because she is good, and if America ever ceases to be good, she will cease to be great."Friend, history is just HIS story, and that observation from an outside observer says something we desperately need to hear today.Now here's where I have to be careful, because I've made this mistake myself more times than I care to admit. A pulpit aflame with righteousness is not the same thing as a pulpit that beats people over the head with their failures. I spent some of my early ministry years thinking my job was to make people feel the full weight of their sin and then stand back and watch them straighten up. Too soon old and too late smart on that one.The truth is, we're called to speak the truth in love, as Paul puts it in Ephesians 4:15. Not truth without love, which becomes a hammer. And not love without truth, which becomes mush. When we're talking to a friend caught in something that's destroying them, the goal isn't to look down from some pedestal. It's to get level with them, eye to eye, one beggar showing another beggar where to find bread.That's the fire Tocqueville saw. Not rage. Not condemnation. Righteousness that loved people enough to tell them the truth.Lord, relight that fire in us today. Not just in pulpits, but in living rooms and workplaces and coffee shops, wherever Your people open their mouths. Give us the courage to speak truth and the grace to speak it with love. In Jesus' name, Amen.#Faith #Revival #ChristianLiving #RTTBROS #Nightlight #BiblicalWisdom #DailyDevotion #PracticalBiblicalWisdomBe sure to like, share, follow, and subscribe. It helps get the word out.https://linktr.ee/rttbros

250 lat temu powstały Stany Zjednoczone. Do młodego podówczas kraju przyjechał na początku lat 30. XIX w. francuski dyletant i potomek arystokratycznej rodziny Alexis de Tocqueville, by w 1835 r. opublikować traktat „O demokracji w Ameryce” – który może i ma nieco mniej lat, niźli USA, ale prawie dwa wieki. Nieważne: pozostaje najlepszym studium amerykańskiego charakteru, sposobu rządzenia tym krajem i niebezpieczeństw, jakie się z nim wiążą.Do rozmowy o Ameryce i Tocqueville'u zaprosiłem Jana Tokarskiego, autora biografii i jego, i jego myśli, która ukazała się ostatnio nakładem „Przeglądu Politycznego”, laureata Nagrody im. Marcina Króla. Nagrywaliśmy tę rozmowę na początku lutego, gdy cała Ameryka żyła aktami Epsteina. Co zdarzyło się potem – o tym też dobrze się myśli w towarzystwie Alexisa de Tocqueville'a.Podcastu „Czas odzyskany” możesz posłuchać na platformach Spotify, Apple Podcasts oraz YouTube. This podcast uses the following third-party services for analysis: Podtrac - https://analytics.podtrac.com/privacy-policy-gdrp

Did Russell Kirk accurately predict the revival of conservatism in late 20th-century America and England? Not really, but his discussion of the goals of conservatism remain lovely. Join us as we discuss the need for conservative leaders to encourage spiritual revival, encourage leadership, reshape education, provide a purpose to the common man, and stabilize the economy. Follow us on X!Give us your opinions here!

Carmen opens the Monday Mailbag to answer a question from a listener who is tired and confused from all the technological and cultural changes around her.  How do you keep from being overwhelmed?  She also comments on the yesterdays Rededicate 250 event in Washington.  Political scientist Daniel Bennett looks at our nation's fatigue and meloncholy even though we have such abundance.  He reflects on what Alexis de Tocqueville observed when he visited the US back in the 1800's.   The Reconnect with Carmen and all Faith Radio are made possible by your support. Give now: Click here

Bestuurskundige Paul Frissen ziet ons land al een tijd heen en weer schommelen tussen populisme en technocratisch beheer. En dat is heel iets anders dan het beoefenen van de kunst van politiek in een land van minderheden en pluralisme in opvattingen en overtuigingen. Zijn nieuwe boek analyseert hoe dat komt en hoe de beoefening van die kunst de ruimte kan terugvinden die zij verdient. Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger praten met Frissen over zijn boek De neutrale staat, pleidooi voor conservatief pluralisme. *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** De staat moet ons beschermen tegen de revolutionaire tijdgeest, zegt Paul Frissen. Hij moet daarin zelf geen politieke voorkeur aan de dag leggen maar vooral het pluralisme behoeden en behouden. Pluralisme is immers een levendig en uitdagend karakteristiek van de Nederlandse cultuur en politiek: "Iedereen is hier ergens minderheid." Daarom moet de staat het pluralisme dat al die vormen van eigenheid beschermt en ruimte geeft helpen bewaren. De staat zelf moet daarbij neutraal blijven. Meer verkeersregelaar of scheidsrechter. De spelregels met gezag handhaven, zonder te bepalen wat de inhoud en de uitkomst van het spel moet zijn. Want het strafrecht en het geweldsmonopolie van de staat zijn machtige wapens die alleen zorgvuldig en terughoudend ingezet mogen worden. Anders is voor je het weet de rechtsstaat verloren. Populisten vinden dit soort evenwicht en ingetogenheid maar onzin, noteert Frissen. Radicalen willen alles en wel nu. "Sentimenten die meteen bevredigd moeten worden." Populistische stromingen – of ze nu radicaal-rechts zijn of radicaal-links - zijn revolutionair van aard. Zij gaan uit van een welhaast onvermijdelijke apocalyps die het bedrijven van politiek juist onmogelijk maakt. Bij de een is dat een dreigende beschavingsondergang door 'omvolking', bij een ander is dat de planetaire verwoesting door klimaatcatastrofes. Allebei weigeren ze stil te staan bij de politieke matiging van het pluralisme. Dat is volgens hen 'het systeem', gestuurd door 'de elite' die zich tegen hun revolutionaire omwenteling verzet. Als de wereld op instorten staat, legitimeert dat voor radicalen ongeremd gedrag en beleid dat het alledaagse maatschappelijk verkeer moet verstoren. Denk aan de eis van 'noodwetten'. De ‘spontanité' van de Franse revolutie zien we nu terug in fakkeloptochten en het besmeuren van kunstwerken; ruiten ingooien; online bedreigingen; trekker-parades. Erupties in groepsverband van individuele emoties, die voortdurend gevoed moeten worden. Maar een échte oplossing is ook weer niet de bedoeling, blijkt uit bijvoorbeeld PVV-gedrag. Er moet voor hen vooral géén afgewogen migratiebeleid komen. Dat arbeidsmigratie een politieke keuze is en migratie ons niet hoeft te overkomen als een soort natuurverschijnsel, moet buiten beeld blijven. En ook al is het radicale aspect aan de linkerzijde minder dominant, bijvoorbeeld bij Extinction Rebellion ziet Frissen die romantische beleving van identiteit en ondergangsstemming eveneens. Het antwoord uit beleidspartijen rond 'het midden' blijft meestal steken in technocratisch beheer, klaagt hij. Het koesteren van pluralisme is daar verstatelijkt in plaats van een krachtbron. In de verzuiling waren verschillen de maatschappelijke basis. De behoefte aan gelijkheid - in kansen, voorzieningen en posities - bracht vanaf de jaren ‘60 en ‘70 uniformering. Verschillen werden een probleem dat via diagnostisering, monitoring, protocollen en compensatiemechanismen beheersbaar kon worden gemaakt. Wat Alexis de Tocqueville zo fraai 'mild despotisme' noemde. Beheersing en de technocratie van regelstelsels werd essentieel, dat hadden Michel Foucault en Jürgen Habermas goed gezien. Frissen toont zich geïnspireerd door de Franse denker Claude Lefort, die erop wijst dat niet beheersing en technocratisch management, maar creatieve botsingen de essentie van de democratie vormen. Dat technocratie en de gedachte dat deze door wetenschappelijke kennis, feiten en inzichten gestuurd kan worden nogal feilbaar is, zagen we in bij Covid-19. Opvallend was nu juist hoe wendbaar en flexibel het improviseren in de samenleving ook toen uiteindelijk weer bleek te zijn. Zelfs bij grote verschillen in aanpak tussen verschillende landen in Europa liep het overal uit op ‘doormodderen’ en improviseren. Wie pluralisme meer ruimte wil geven, krijgt van Frissen huiswerk mee. Afschaffen van regels? Met het behoud van protocollen en steeds meer toezicht leidt dat tot niets. De rechter op de stoel van de politiek zetten - denk aan een Constitutioneel Hof of aan het Urgenda- arrest – leidt tot nog meer detailsturing, governance voorschriften en protocollen. In de kern gaat het volgens Frissen om de bereidheid verschil te accepteren. "De participatiesamenleving was een interessante gedachte. Maar alleen als je dan wel variëteit accepteert. En niet meteen Kamervragen gaat stellen als scholen of ouderenzorg in Maastricht anders te werk gaan dan op Walcheren." Hij verzucht: "Maakbaarheid wás een linkse zaak ooit, maar die lijkt inmiddels overal te zijn doorgedrongen.” *** Verder luisteren 323 - Paul Frissen en het gevaarlijke verlangen naar de integrale oplossing 210 - Herman Tjeenk Willink over het verval van de democratische rechtsorde 474 – Parlementair historicus Joop van den Berg: “De democratie is in groot gevaar. Je moet niet denken: het loopt wel los" 226 - In het oog van de orkaan: Roel in 't Veld over wat er mis is met politiek en bestuur 445 - Chaos en onrecht in het sociale stelsel 152 - De 19e-eeuwse wortels van FvD en PVV 60 - Coen Brummer & Daniël Boomsma: De canon van het sociaal-liberalisme 34 - 140 jaar Anti-Revolutionaire Partij 385 - Jan de Koning en het verschil tussen een greppel en de laatste gracht 300 - Ethische politiek: het bijzondere Nederland met zijn 'moreel hoogstaande opvattingen' 296 - Doe effe normaal man! De macht der gewoonte in de Nederlandse politiek 57 - Alexis de Tocqueville 70 - 'Voorzitter, het is Kafka!' - Leven en werk van Franz Kafka *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:28:01 – Deel 2 01:03:46 – Deel 3 01:22:43 – EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Camille Peugny est sociologue et auteur du livre Le triomphe des égoïsmes. Il y a des chercheurs qui vous donnent des concepts nouveaux pour regarder ce que vous voyez déjà tous les jours, et Camille est clairement de ceux-là.Dans cet épisode, nous parlons de la différence entre individualisme et égoïsme, et pourquoi cette distinction change tout. L'individualisme, ça fait un siècle que les sciences sociales le documentent. L'égoïsme, c'est autre chose : c'est la croyance que les individus sont seuls responsables de leur parcours, de leur succès comme de leur échec. Et quand cette croyance se diffuse à grande échelle parmi les classes moyennes supérieures, elle devient une contrainte sociale qui nuit à la cohésion de tout le pays.J'ai questionné Camille sur comment on en est arrivé là, sur le rôle du capitalisme de plateforme dans la marchandisation du lien social, sur la conscience sociale triangulaire qui pousse les classes populaires à voter contre leurs propres intérêts, sur les femmes de ménage contraintes de devenir les auto-entrepreneuses de leur propre précarité, et sur la bombe à retardement des héritages qui va creuser un fossé béant entre ceux qui maîtrisent l'avenir et les autres.Ce qui m'a frappé dans cet épisode, c'est que Camille ne fait pas de la sociologie pour accabler les gens. Il fait de la sociologie pour rappeler une évidence qu'on a collectivement perdu de vue : on est membre d'un tout, et nos actes ont des conséquences sur les autres.Citations marquantes"Quand l'État social se retire, ce qui reste des relations sociales, c'est l'égoïsme comme contrainte sociale généralisée.""Ces classes populaires sont contraintes de devenir les auto-entrepreneuses de leur propre précarité.""Je suis égoïste lorsque j'agis en pensant uniquement à mon intérêt, en sachant pertinemment que cela détériore la situation d'autres personnes, et je l'assume au nom d'une croyance en mon mérite individuel.""On veut tous un village autour de soi, mais pas grand monde veut être un villageois.""Il manque un discours politique crédible qui parvient à articuler les différentes demandes qui s'expriment dans la société française vers un autre horizon que celui de cette compétition acharnée, permanente."Idées centrales discutées L'égoïsme n'est pas moral, il est sociologique L'égoïsme n'est pas une question de mauvaises personnes. C'est une contrainte que la société fabrique à travers la concurrence généralisée. On est tous tour à tour altruistes et égoïstes selon les circonstances. Ce qui a changé, c'est le système qui pousse structurellement vers l'un des deux. Pourquoi ça compte : ça déplace la responsabilité de l'individu vers le système, ce qui change radicalement la façon dont on peut agir. Timestamp approximatif : 00:05:20 à 00:06:30La marchandisation du lien social On a financiarisé des gestes qui créaient du ciment social : aller chercher quelqu'un à l'aéroport, déménager ensemble, garder les enfants d'un voisin. En monétisant ces moments, on a supprimé les occasions de se sentir interdépendants. L'État-providence a joué le même rôle paradoxal : en nous protégeant, il nous a permis de nous émanciper des solidarités traditionnelles. Pourquoi ça compte : on ne voit pas que ce qu'on appelle "liberté" est parfois la destruction silencieuse du tissu social. Timestamp approximatif : 00:10:20 à 00:14:00Le virage à droite des classes moyennes supérieures Il y a 40 ans, les cadres votaient plutôt à gauche parce qu'ils venaient des classes populaires. Aujourd'hui, ils sont de plus en plus issus de classes moyennes supérieures et ont intégré le logiciel néolibéral : mérite individuel, responsabilité personnelle, concurrence. 60 % des cadres expliquent désormais les inégalités par le mérite individuel, contre une majorité qui les attribuait aux hasards de la naissance il y a quinze ans. Pourquoi ça compte : ce glissement idéologique a des conséquences électorales directes et durables. Timestamp approximatif : 00:30:00 à 00:34:00La conscience sociale triangulaire Avant, les classes populaires voyaient le monde en deux blocs : "nous les petits" contre "eux les riches". Aujourd'hui la vision est devenue ternaire : il y a un troisième pôle, "eux les assistés", qui polarise la colère vers le bas plutôt que vers le haut. C'est ce qui explique en partie le vote RN parmi des gens qui ne sont pas les premiers bénéficiaires du programme. Pourquoi ça compte : comprendre ce mécanisme est indispensable pour comprendre la politique française actuelle. Timestamp approximatif : 00:35:00 à 00:37:00La bombe des héritages D'ici 2035, 9000 milliards d'euros vont être transmis en France par les premières générations du baby-boom. Couplé à une polarisation du marché du travail entre emplois très qualifiés et emplois précaires, et à un marché immobilier inaccessible sans apport familial, cela va creuser une fracture massive entre héritiers et non-héritiers. Ce n'est pas seulement une question d'argent : c'est une question de qui peut se projeter dans l'avenir et qui vit dans l'angoisse du lendemain. Pourquoi ça compte : la prochaine grande ligne de fracture sociale ne sera pas le diplôme, ce sera l'héritage. Timestamp approximatif : 00:57:37 à 01:01:00Questions posées dans l'interviewParmi tous les sujets possibles en sociologie, pourquoi avoir choisi l'égoïsme ?Est-ce que tu te considères toi-même comme un égoïste ?Comment définir concrètement l'égoïsme pour quelqu'un qui se dit très généreux ?Est-ce qu'on peut être égoïste sans le savoir ? Commander sur Uber Eats sans penser au livreur sous la pluie, c'est de l'égoïsme ?On veut tous un village, mais personne ne veut être villageois : est-ce qu'on n'a pas simplement marchandisé le lien social ?Quelle est la vraie différence entre individualisme et égoïsme ?Pourquoi te concentres-tu sur les classes moyennes supérieures plutôt que sur les 1 % les plus riches ?Est-ce que tu as observé des différences selon le genre ou selon l'âge dans les comportements égoïstes ?Pour les classes populaires, cet égoïsme est-il une résignation ou une rationalité de survie ?Comment fait-on machine arrière, individuellement et collectivement ?Références citées dans l'épisodeOuvrages et auteursLe triomphe des égoïsmes de Camille Peugny (l'invité) — livre au cœur de l'épisodeÉmile Durkheim — cité pour sa théorisation sociologique de l'altruisme et du suicide altruiste (00:03:30)Alexis de Tocqueville — cité pour son concept d'individualisme lié à la démocratie (00:04:10)Robert Castel, Les Métamorphoses de la question sociale (1995) — cité pour sa réflexion sur le retrait de l'État social et le "struggle for life" (00:13:30)Olivier Schwartz — cité pour le concept de "conscience sociale triangulaire" (00:35:50)Zeeman (sociologue allemand du tournant du XXe siècle) — cité pour son analyse des classes moyennes comme vecteur de diffusion des valeurs (00:28:30)Scarlett Saldmann — citée pour le concept de "tournant personnel du capitalisme" (00:39:20)Pierre Bourdieu — cité pour son analyse des élites entre grand patron et intellectuel (00:48:40)Nicolas Dubout — cité pour son livre sur la différence entre classes populaires (angoisse du lendemain) et héritiers (maîtrise de l'avenir) (01:06:40)Mélanie Prouvée (nom cité avec doute) — citée pour un livre récent sur la fiscalité des héritages (01:02:20)Entrez rêveurs, sortez managez — livre sur les écoles de commerce, auteur journaliste (00:37:50)Zoé Boucherie — doctorante citée pour ses travaux sur le rapport au risque climatique des classes supérieures (00:16:30)Luc Ruban — politiste cité pour une enquête montrant que 20 % des enseignants votent RN (00:48:50)Références politiques et économiquesFondation Jean Jaurès — source du chiffre de 9000 milliards d'euros d'héritages d'ici 2035 (00:57:50)INSEE, enquête emploi — source des données sur l'origine sociale des classes moyennes supérieures (00:32:50)Législatives françaises de 2024 / dissolution — cité pour illustrer le glissement idéologique des élites économiques (00:50:40)Antoine Fouché — invité précédent du podcast, cité pour ses analyses sur l'immobilier et la fiscalité (00:34:20) Timestamps clés (optimisés YouTube)00:00:00 - Introduction Présentation de l'épisode et de Camille Peugny, sociologue auteur du Triomphe des égoïsmes.00:01:45 - Pourquoi l'égoïsme plutôt que l'individualisme ? Camille explique pourquoi le concept d'individualisme ne suffisait plus pour décrire ce qu'il observait dans la société française. L'égoïsme est un mot moralement chargé, mais Durkheim l'a déjà fait avec l'altruisme. Ce qui change ici, c'est l'idée que les comportements égoïstes ne font pas que se replier sur soi : ils agissent activement sur la société.00:05:20 - "Est-ce que tu es toi-même un égoïste ?" Réponse désarmante : on est tous tour à tour altruistes ou égoïstes. Ce qui compte, c'est que la société fabrique de l'égoïsme via la concurrence généralisée. Le sous-titre du livre "une nouvelle contrainte sociale" est là pour ça.00:08:00 - La définition précise de l'égoïsme Une phrase courte et tranchante : agir en pensant uniquement à son intérêt en sachant que ça détériore le sort d'autrui, et l'assumer au nom d'une croyance en son mérite individuel.00:10:20 - On a marchandisé le lien social L'exemple de l'aéroport, du déménagement, de la nounou : on a financiarisé des gestes qui créaient de l'interdépendance. Réponse de Camille via Robert Castel : l'État-providence lui-même a été un vecteur d'individualisation paradoxal.00:16:00 - Le déni climatique des classes supérieures Elles ne nient pas le problème. Elles le lisent à travers le logiciel néolibéral : tri des déchets, vélo, "le progrès technique va nous sauver". Pas de remise en cause systémique.00:27:10 - Pourquoi les classes moyennes supérieures sont au cœur du livre Elles diffusent les valeurs, elles votent plus que les autres, et leurs attitudes ont radicalement changé en 40 ans. De gauche héritée à droite assumée.00:33:55 - Le virage à droite des cadres : 4 raisons Première raison : leur origine sociale s'est élevée, elles ont perdu le souvenir des valeurs populaires. Deuxième raison : les écoles de commerce diffusent un logiciel individualisant. Troisième raison : le monde du travail s'est individualisé (compétences, coaching, entrepreneuriat de soi).00:35:00 - La conscience sociale triangulaire Le concept d'Olivier Schwartz : avant "nous" contre "eux les riches", aujourd'hui "nous", "eux les riches" ET "eux les assistés". Ce troisième pôle capte la colère et oriente le vote vers le bas plutôt que vers le haut. C'est redoutable.00:41:30 - Les classes populaires, auto-entrepreneuses de leur précarité L'exemple des femmes de ménage : carrières entières faites de petits jobs précaires, travail non déclaré, calculs de court terme qui se retournent contre elles à la retraite. Ce n'est pas de la paresse, c'est de la survie.00:46:20 - Les jeunes sont-ils vraiment plus individualistes ? Non. Les données ne montrent pas de clivage entre jeunes et vieux, mais entre diplômés et non-diplômés. Un jeune cadre de 23 ans ressemble plus à un cadre de 50 ans qu'à un jeune décrocheur de son âge.00:53:50 - L'enquête sur les femmes de ménage Une commande syndicale de la CFDT pour comprendre pourquoi l'action collective est si difficile dans ce secteur. Surprise : ces femmes ne veulent pas de plannings complets 35h. Elles préfèrent gérer elles-mêmes, à court terme. Elles se vivent comme leur propre patronne. Et elles finissent au minimum vieillesse.00:58:45 - 9000 milliards d'euros d'héritages d'ici 2035 Le chiffre qui fait froid dans le dos. Couplé à la polarisation de l'emploi et au marché immobilier inaccessible, c'est une fracture béante entre ceux qui héritent et les autres. Une "usine à frustrations, à ressentiments et à colère profonde."01:07:00 - Ce qui donne envie du futur Réponse sincère et un peu hésitante de Camille : les générations futures sont plus éduquées, plus exigeantes. La matière sociale est malléable. Le Covid a prouvé qu'on peut applaudir des éboueurs. Rien n'est jamais écrit. Suggestion d'autres épisodes à écouter : #377 Pourquoi l'avenir appartient aux sociétés solidaires? Avec Pablo Servigne (partie 1) (https://audmns.com/WMxgIMf) Vlan #28 Créer un mouvement communautaire mondial à partir d'un hashtag avec Youmna ChamCham (https://audmns.com/OZTndPj) L'individualisme nous tue-t-il a petit feu? partie 1 avec Hugo Paul (https://audmns.com/ntXDwdf)Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Een Franse tiener stortte zich met heel zijn enthousiasme, idealisme en aristocratische ponteneur 250 jaar geleden in de onafhankelijkheidsstrijd in Amerika. Hij werd – al in die tijd - een soort popster en kreeg de bijnaam 'held van twee werelden'. Het was het ongebruikelijke begin van een ongekend avontuurlijk leven tijdens revolutie, omwenteling en strijd voor democratie en mensenrechten. Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de La Fayette - een onvervalst Hollywood-epos waardig. Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger vertellen het verhaal over de meest vereerde Europeaan in de rebelse dertien koloniën. *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** Hij leefde van 1757 tot 1834. Een weeskind uit een adellijke, puissant rijke en krijgshaftige dynastie in Auvergne. Hij kende iedereen en speelde waar hij opdook een hoofdrol in meeslepende gebeurtenissen. Als politicus, generaal, diplomaat, filosoof en bemiddelaar. Hij was een tijdgenoot van al die fascinerende mensen van Verlichting, Romantiek en revolutiejaren. Napoleon, Goethe, Germaine de Staël, Beethoven, de Humboldts en natuurlijk de founding fathers van Amerika. Op13 juni 1777 kwam het door Lafayette zelf betaalde oorlogsschip Victoire aan bij de kust van South Carolina. Zijn wapens, het kruit en onmetelijke rijkdom waren welkome geschenken. Maar wat moesten de Amerikaanse opstandelingen met die jongen vol esprit, maar zonder kennis van de Engelse taal? In enkele maanden veroverde hij de harten van de Amerikanen, misschien wel juist omdat zo'n uiterst elitaire, aristocratische persoonlijkheid zo’n enorm contrast vormde met de dagelijkse besognes en contacten in Philadelphia. En hij maakte indruk doordat hij oprecht was. Hij maakte alle ontberingen aan het front en in de ijzige winter van Valley Forge mee als trouwe adjudant van George Washington. "Ik ben hier om te leren, niet om lesjes uit te delen," zei hij bescheiden. Washington stuurde de 20-jarige terug naar Parijs om als influencer ook Franse harten én beurzen te laten kloppen voor vrijheid en democratie. Ook daarin bleek hij een succès fou. Terug aan de zijde van zijn idool Washington commandeerde Lafayette de troepen en speelde een hoofdrol bij de definitieve overwinning op de Britten bij Yorktown in 1781. In Parijs werd hij bejubeld. Hij onderhandelde mee aan de vrede waarmee koning George III zijn Amerikaanse imperium moest vrijlaten. Terug in het vrije Amerika trok hij door alle nieuwe 13 staten, als een popster gefêteerd. Geen wonder dat hij terug in Frankrijk een leidende aanjager werd van een verlicht koninklijk bewind en meer burgerlijke vrijheden. De ochtend na de bestorming van de Bastille werd hij benoemd tot commandant van de Nationale Garde en moest rust en orde en een correct functioneerde overheid garanderen. Hij schreef wereldgeschiedenis. Uit zijn pen kwam de Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen – de Verklaring van de rechten van de mens en de burger - het fundament voor de formulering van mensenrechten sindsdien. Zijn coauteur was vriend voor het leven Thomas Jefferson. De radicalisering en uiteindelijk 'la Terreur' van de Revolutie hadden voor Lafayette's familie vreselijke gevolgen. Hij poogde te vluchten naar Amerika, maar werd opgepakt en zat jaren vast als gijzelaar in een Habsburgs kasteel in Slowakije. Napoleon kocht hem vrij, maar dat betekende allerminst dat hij voor zijn steeds dictatorialer wordende bewind. Lafayettte was de rest van zijn leven een principieel, vurig tegenstander van autoritair bewind, ook van de niet al te democratische koningen na l'Empereur. Het scheelde overigens maar weinig of hij was in 1830 zelf staatshoofd geworden. Amerika was hem nimmer vergeten. Ter viering van 50 jaar onafhankelijkheid, nu 200 jaar geleden, maakte hij een tournee langs alle 24 staten van toen. Het werd een triomf, met zijn verjaardagsfeest op het Witte Huis. Hij sprak als icoon van de vrijheid het Congres toe. En hij bezocht nog weer eens zijn vriend Jefferson, toen 81 jaar oud. Bij zijn dood in 1834 werd nationale rouw afgekondigd in heel de Verenigde Staten. President John Quincy Adams zei in zijn grafrede: “Lafayette staat hoog op de lijst van de pure en onzelfzuchtige weldoeners van de mensheid.” *** Verder kijken Filmtrailer Lafayette (1961) Tekenfilm: Lafayette, de Franse tiener die Amerika maakte Deel 1 Deel 2 Guns and Ships - Hamilton (Original Cast 2016 - Live) *** Verder luisteren 281 - Fourth of July: Amerika reisgids voor politieke junkies 382 - 250 jaar Verenigde Staten: de Boston Tea Party 519 - Thomas Jefferson, de revolutionaire schrijver van de Onafhankelijkheidsverklaring 459 – Rolmodel George Washington 397 - Benjamin Franklin, zijner majesteits meest loyale rebel 190 - Napoleon, 200 jaar na zijn dood: zijn betekenis voor Nederland en Europa 580 - Lenteboekenspecial met Germaine de Staël 57 - PG Kroeger over Alexis de Tocqueville 513 – Tanks rollen door Washington DC, 250 jaar US Army 570 - 250 jaar VS: leiderschap in het Amerikaanse Huis van Afgevaardigden 494 - Trumps aanval op de geschiedenis en de geest van Amerika 473 - 2025. 200 jaar John Quincy Adams president 475 – Trumps rolmodel Andrew Jackson 520 - De radicaaldemocratische erfenis van Pieter Vreede *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:26:28 – Deel 2 00:53:30 – Jean-Marc van Tol + Deel 3 01:13:35 – EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Vad händer när föreställningarna lossnar från verkligheten? Göran Rosenberg återvänder till Baudrillards tankar om hyperverklighet och till myten Amerika. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radios app. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna.Vad håller samman detta Amerika, var en fråga jag ofta fick anledning att ställa mig under mina år som TV-korrespondent i USA. Amerika var det ord jag använde om det USA som inte riktigt gick att ta på, den svårfångade idén om vad som menas med att vara amerikan, om vad slags samhälle Amerikas Förenta stater var tänkt att vara eller bli. Hur gick de högstämda orden från det amerikanska grundandet ihop med en ofta nog så brutal social och ekonomisk verklighet? Hur kunde den amerikanska drömmen om individuell frihet och framgång leva vidare i ett samhälle stöpt i slaveri, raslagar, folkfördrivning och inbördeskrig?Det vilade något overkligt över det amerikanska projektet, för ett slags projekt var det, ett helt nyskapat samhälle med en riktning, ett mål och en mening. Någon skulle säga att overkligheten var själva styrkan. Förmågan hos det amerikanska projektet att gång efter annan mana fram bilden av en framtid där vars och ens ambitioner och livsdrömmar skulle förverkligas – om inte idag så i morgon, om inte för dig själv så för dina barn. Det var ett samhälle som inte hölls samman av ett gemensamt förflutet, som i den gamla världen, utan av en gemensam framtid i den nya. Amerika var löftet om att om och om igen kunna lämna det som varit och börja livet på nytt.Det var ett löfte som i längden bara kunde hållas vid liv av en idé stark nog att med jämna mellanrum besegra verkligheten, eller åtminstone den handfasta erfarenheten av svikna förväntningar och personliga misslyckanden, i ett Amerika där risken för bådadera tidvis var större än någon annanstans, och den sociala rörligheten, dvs möjligheten att ta sig från en samhällsklass till en annan, lägre än i de flesta europeiska länder.Vilket i sin tur krävde att idén om Amerika måste ges ny luft under vingarna så snart den riskerade att störta mot marken – vilket hade hänt gång efter annan i den amerikanska historien. När jag i mitten av 1980-talet kom till USA hade det just hänt igen, i självtvivlen efter Vietnamkrigets politiska och militära nederlag, och Nixon-erans moraliska moras, och de stora orden i den amerikanska idén syntes mera verklighetsfrämmande än någonsin.Men det var också då här åren som idén fick sin senaste – och kanske sista –livräddande injektion. Och det var inte helt förvånande en tidigare Hollywoodskådespelare, Ronald Reagan, som levererade den. Amerika, sa han, var fortfarande den skinande stad på berget, det nya Jerusalem, som de protestantiska invandrarna från England, puritanerna, hade sett framför sig när de i början av 1600-talet landsteg i den nya världen. Amerika var fortfarande en dröm värd att tro på.Under mina år i USA var det inte svårt att se hur högt höjd över den sociala och ekonomiska verkligheten idén var för de flesta amerikaner, men jag kunde också se hur starkt dess grepp fortfarande kunde vara om människors fantasier och drömmar. Jag minns särskilt ett valmöte med Ronald Reagan på hösten 1986 i Orange County, Kalifornien, med en publik till stor del bestående av människor som nyss hade kommit hit med den amerikanska framgångsdrömmen på näthinnan.Och när presidenten till sist klev in på scenen och med sin välmodulerade röst än en gång tog de stora amerikanska orden i sin mun, och folkjublet steg mot luften, slog det mig på nytt i hur hög grad idén eller drömmen har varit beroende av ledare med den retoriska förmågan att göra myt av den amerikanska verkligheten.”Behöver Amerika en magiker för att hålla sina myter vid liv? Eller en kejsare som med jämna mellanrum förmår övertyga folket om att kostymen är verklig?”, undrade jag i en bok skriven efter mina år i USA.En bok som redan då gjorde ett starkt intryck på mig, var Jean Baudrillards Amerika. Den franske filosofen och sociologen hade där satt sina högst egna ord på den konstellation av idé och verklighet, modernitet och primitivitet, magiskt tänkande och jordnära realism, rotlöshet och målmedvetenhet, religiositet och materialism, som så påtagligt skilde Amerika från snart sagt alla andra samhällen i vår tid. Hyperrealitet eller hyperverklighet är det begrepp som Baudrillard myntar för att beskriva ett tillstånd där gränsen mellan fantasi och verklighet hade suddats ut, där människors föreställningar om verkligheten till stor del formas i en värld av mediala bilder och tecken. kan framstå som mera verklig än den verklighet vi erfar med våra sinnen.I viss mån gäller väl det här oss alla. Ingen av oss lever i verkligheten som den är utan i våra mer eller mindre erfarenhetsbaserade föreställningar om den. Men vad Baudrillard på sitt omisskännliga sätt sätter ord på är ett säreget amerikanskt tillstånd där föreställningarna alltför lätt lossar från erfarenheterna, och människor får svårt att skilja verklighet från dröm, sant från falskt, äkta från oäkta. Ungefär som en sekt – instängd i sina mer eller mindre verklighetsfrämmande föreställningar om världen. Varför är sekterna i Amerika så mäktiga och dynamiska? frågar sig Baudrillard.Och hans svar är att de sekter som i Amerika trodde sig ha grundat det nya Jerusalem hade bevarat, som han skriver, ”sitt ursprungs praktiska religiösa svärmeri och sin moraliska besatthet.””Mängden enskilda sekter får inte bedra oss, fortsätter han, det viktiga är att hela Amerika är engagerat i sektens moraliska institution, i dess omedelbara krav på saliggörande, dess begär efter rättfärdiggörande, och utan tvekan också dess vanvett och delirium.”Jag hade ju själv sett detta sekternas Amerika växa sig starkt under Reagans 80-tal, med extatiska teve-predikanter som i gigantiska megakyrkor lovade ett nytt, moraliskt renat, kristet Amerika. Jag hann också se hur deras löften och fantasier trängde in i politiken och undan för undan förvandlade det republikanska partiet till ett slags sekt det också. När Donald Trump 2016 gick till val på att göra Amerika stort igen så var det sektens språk han talade och det var som sektledare han skulle komma att dyrkas av de tiotals miljoner amerikaner som blint slöt upp bakom honom.Likt en sentida Tocqueville reste Baudrillard till 1980-talets Amerika för att spana efter mänsklighetens framtid. 40 år senare, med Donald Trumps Amerika framför ögonen, började hans iakttagelser framstå som närmast profetiska.”Det primitiva”, skriver Baudrillard, ”har trängt in i den självförhärligande och omänskliga karaktären hos ett universum som kraftigt överskrider sitt moraliska, sociala eller ekologiska förnuft”.Jag ser alla de understrykningar jag gjorde när jag läste Baudrillards Amerika för första gången och jag får god lust att stryka under samma meningar igen, bara hårdare, och med ännu större förundran över träffsäkerheten i dem.Göran RosenbergförfattareLitteraturJean Baudrillard: Amerika. Översättning: Johan Öberg. Bokförlaget Faethon, 2026.

In this wide-ranging conversation, Georgetown Professor Joshua Mitchell explains why America remains a deeply Hebraic, covenantal nation — and why the current culture war is best understood as a distorted continuation of the Reformation.From the Plato-Aristotle divide to Luther's turn to history, from Tocqueville's warnings to the spiritual economy of stain and redemption, Mitchell offers a profound diagnosis of where American Christianity stands today. Watch until the end for a hopeful (yet challenging) path forward.CHAPTERS(00:00 Introduction & The Article That Sparked a National Conversation)(04:20 The Great Schism: Plato vs Aristotle & East vs West)(11:45 Why the Catholic Church Chose Aristotle — And Its Consequences)(18:50 The Reformation: Luther's Historical Dialectic vs Calvin's Covenantal Path)(27:15 America as a New Israel — The Hebraic Soul of the Nation)(35:40 Identity Politics as Deformed Puritanism)(44:10 Evangelicals, Conservatives & the Path Forward for Reformation Christians)  JOSHUA MITCHELL LINKS:

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

Ep 059 – Nonfiction. Author Zaakir Tameez discusses his book, “Charles Sumner: Conscience of a Nation.”‘A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and Reconstruction.Charles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law.'Subscribe to the War Books podcast here:YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@warbookspodcastApple: https://apple.co/3FP4ULbSpotify: https://spoti.fi/3kP9scZFollow the show here:Twitter: https://twitter.com/warbookspodcastFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/warbookspodcastInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/warbookspodcast/

“Politics is the systematic organisation of hatreds.” — Henry Adams, quoted by Don Watson America is celebrating its 250th anniversary this July. In The Shortest History of the United States, Australian writer Don Watson has squeezed these 250 years into 60,000 words. Beginning with Mad King George, he ends with Mad King Donald. In between: the Puritan North, the plantation South, the miracle of the Constitution, the nightmare of slavery, the Civil War, the Gilded Age, two world wars, and the long arc from republic to empire that Americans have never quite admitted to themselves. Watson argues that America is a profoundly idea-driven place — unlike any other country on earth. The Bible and the Enlightenment documents of the revolution set the bar impossibly high. The Declaration of Independence, the preamble to the Constitution, the Gettysburg Address, the Second Inaugural: these are documents of aspiration that no group of people could ever live up to. Which is precisely why the American moral minefield has never been cleared. The greatest American politicians — Lincoln, FDR — are those who managed to cobble together the most improbable coalitions. The most profound American contradiction — building a country of liberty on the backs of 600 slaves — is one they were always aware of but could never move on from, because the republic couldn't survive without the South. The republic always came first. Even Calhoun, ardently pro-slavery, said he would hang any man who tried to split it. Is Trump different? Watson doesn't think so — not fundamentally. Trump is a chip off the old American block: a huckster, a Roy Cohn-formed Queens opportunist, playing the same game of racial pot-stirring and imperial presidency that has always lurked beneath the surface. The US was founded out of the overthrow of a mad, tyrannical king. From one mad king to another. Six words. The shortest history of America. Five Takeaways •       Eden with Savages to Remove: Watson begins in Australia, where he lives, to establish a point of contrast. Every new-world country has an appalling history of violence toward indigenous peoples. But America is different in one key respect: it found extraordinary land. Lewis and Clark head west and discover the Great Plains, cross the Rockies, see the great rivers, and return to the Mississippi. There is always somewhere to push west. It's Eden — with some savages to remove, who are easily accounted for in biblical terms. This is the first and most consequential American story: a cornucopia that licensed everything that came after. •       The Bar Was Set Impossibly High: America is exceptional in being an idea-driven place. The Bible is there. The Enlightenment documents are there: the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the Gettysburg Address, the Second Inaugural. These are documents of incredible aspiration that no group of people is ever going to live up to. “A more perfect union” drives them on and damns them simultaneously. Watson's formulation: America is a moral minefield precisely because it set the bar so high. Every infraction of that rhetorical overlay becomes a scandal. Tocqueville grasped it in the 1830s, having barely left the East Coast. His observations are more relevant now than when he wrote them — which means either he was a genius, or America hasn't fundamentally changed in two hundred years. Probably both. •       The Republic Always Came First: A crucial distinction Watson draws: the Civil War was not fought to preserve democracy. It was fought to preserve the republic. Even Calhoun — ardently pro-slavery — said he would hang any man who tried to split it. Manifest destiny, Watson argues, lies latent within the founding: Jefferson and Madison both said the republic couldn't survive without pushing west. West takes you to the Pacific, and beyond. It's an empire from way back — but one that has never recognised itself as an imperial power. And a republic, Watson notes, that has always been an elected monarchy: the powers of the American executive exceed those of any existing European monarchy, and can be expanded, as recent events demonstrate, pretty much at will. •       Trump Is a Chip off the Old Block: The question: is Trump different, or has he always existed? Watson's answer: he's a profoundly American individual, a huckster shaped by Roy Cohn and Queens, who is playing an old game. The US was founded out of the overthrow of a mad, tyrannical king. The “no kings” rallies of recent times are interesting precisely because the struggle against a monarchical presidency has been perpetual. Watson's Gatsby comparison: Trump is Gatsby without the romance — born to be a huckster, not a dreamer. Henry Adams wrote in the 1880s that politics is the systematic organisation of hatreds. That has not changed. Nor has the deep-sea-fish quality of ordinary American life, insulated from the world beyond its own provincial borders. •       Mark Twain, FDR, and the Miracle of Cohesion: Watson's favourite American: Mark Twain. Beautiful voice. The irony. Huckleberry Finn as a seminal novel. Anti-imperialist in the end. Got his politics pretty much right. Among presidents: FDR, who saved and modernised the United States, who believed political leaders can't afford to stand still — you have to stay ahead of the regressive and self-interested forces. Watson's broader verdict: American history is a miracle of cohesion. You can read it as wild turbulence, or you can marvel that it holds together at all. Filaments of goodwill. Recognition of the necessity of holding together. Always threatening to fall apart. Never quite does. About the Guest Don Watson is an Australian author and screenwriter, former speechwriter to Prime Minister Paul Keating. He is the author of The Shortest History of the United States (The Experiment, 2026), American Journeys, Recollections of a Bleeding Heart, and many other books. He lives in Melbourne. References: •       The Shortest History of the United States by Don Watson (The Experiment, 2026). •       Democracy: A Novel by Henry Adams (1880) — “Politics is the systematic organisation of hatreds.” •       Democracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville (1835) — still the most quoted work on how American democracy works. •       Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents by Isabel Wilkerson — the argument that American political life is a caste system. •       Episode 2871: Beverly Gage on This Land Is Your Land — road-tripping through America for the 250th anniversary. About Keen ...

Episode 1 in the series marking the 250th Anniversary of the USA in this second quarter 2026. Martin Diamond channels Alexis de Tocqueville in raging against the grade-inflation machine back before IA, before much of the grade inflation crap got off the ground. We're making a fair use, transformative reading and discussion of Martin Diamond's 1970 "Reading in an Age of Mass Democracy", which is in a section called "'Enclaves of Excellence' and the Study of Politics" as essay number 16, made available by AEI in Washington DC in 1992 in a volume they called "As Far as Republican Principles Will Admit: Essays by Martin Diamond, " edited by William A. Schambra. Diamond would be another one of my intellectual grandfathers, as he mentored, among others, the Chair of my dissertation committee at The Claremont Colleges, Ralph Rossum, who was on the podcast back in 2022 and was the Salvatori Professor of American Constitutionalism at Claremont McKenna College (where Diamond had taught when it was called Claremont Men's College). Diamond had been a product of the University of Chicago as had been Rossum and another one of my committee members, Joseph M. Bessette. Martin Diamond never finished college but talked his way into a masters and Ph.D. at the University of Chicago by his post war-time self-education. Amazing. The Republican Professor is a pro-as-far-as-Republican-Principles-will-admit, anti-age-of-mediocrity, anti-grade-inflation-plantation podcast. The Republican Professor is produced and hosted by Dr. Lucas J. Mather, Ph.D.

Description Recorded at the 2026 Great Hearts National Symposium on February 25, 2026, this edited episode features Christopher Perrin's keynote speech exploring the history, meaning, and renewal of classical education, asking a foundational question: what exactly are we trying to recover? Drawing from sources as diverse as Augustine, Herodotus, Tocqueville, and C.S. Lewis, he traces the transmission of the liberal arts from ancient Greece and Rome through Christendom and into early America. Along the way, Perrin reflects on the gradual fragmentation of this tradition in the modern era, illustrated through the story of the Adams family and the rise of progressive education. Perrin challenges educators to embrace the humility at the heart of true learning—that the more we know, the more we recognize our ignorance—and to see themselves as perpetual students. The episode also highlights the remarkable resurgence of classical education today, describing it as a reawakening of seeds long buried but now beginning to flourish. Perrin emphasizes that education is not merely a science or technique, but the transmission of a living tradition aimed at forming wisdom, virtue, and love. Listeners will come away with a renewed sense of purpose, encouraged to tend the “fire” of learning and to participate faithfully in handing down a rich inheritance to the next generation.Special thanks to the Great Hearts Institute. Episode OutlineWhy the question “What is classical education?” is harder than it sounds (and why it matters for renewal)The paradox of learning: the more you know, the more you know you don't know “Begin with the end”: death, wisdom, and the purpose of education Tradition as “handing down”: language, culture, and education as inheritance Athens and Rome: Greek paideia, Roman educatio, and the liberal arts as a transmitted curriculumThe Church and Christendom: incorporating Greco-Roman learning, theology as “queen,” and widening accessEngland to early America: grammar schools, Boston Latin, Harvard, and the rise of popular literacy The Adams family as an educational case study: formation, thinning, and the modern fracture Progressive education: what changed, what was gained, and why education can't be reduced to a quantitative scienceThe modern renewal: early schools (1979–1981), today's ecosystem, and the need for teacher formation at scaleFinal exhortation: preserve humility, avoid pride, resist false dichotomies, and tend the “fire” of wonder in schoolsKey Topics & TakeawaysClassical education is a tradition before it is a “renewal.” A renewal only makes sense if we can name what is being renewed.Teachers must be perpetual students. The classical teacher models humility—seeking wisdom while resisting the pretense of having arrived.Education is measured by ultimate aims. Human life is fleeting; education gains its meaning from what it prepares us for—virtue, wisdom, piety, and a life rightly ordered.Tradition is unavoidable. Even rejecting tradition requires using language and capacities that were first handed down as a tradition.The liberal arts are an inheritance with a genealogy. From Greek and Roman culture through Christian adaptation, the arts endure because they correspond to human nature.Modern fragmentation reshaped education's purpose. When technology and “force” become central categories, education shifts from transmitting culture to preparing for flux.Progressive vs. classical is not a simple binary. Many educational “heresies” are partial truths held out of balance (false dichotomies distort practice).The renewal must be sustained by love, not mere critique. A movement fueled only by opposition cannot endure—formation requires positive vision and shared goods.Classical education belongs to humanity. It is deeply shaped by Christianity, but not owned exclusively by Christians; it welcomes seekers and strangers.Questions & DiscussionWhy do you think “classical education” is so difficult to define clearly?Name what you most often hear from parents or colleagues when they ask what “classical” means. Try writing a two-sentence definition that includes both aim (why) and means (how), then compare with others.How does the “perpetual student” posture change the way you teach?Where are you tempted to project certainty or expertise instead of wonder and humility? Identify one practice that would help your faculty model learning (shared reading, teacher seminar, public “I don't know yet”).What is education for when you “begin with the end” (mortality in view)?How does remembering death sharpen what matters in curriculum and school culture? If you had to prioritize one outcome—wisdom, virtue, piety, civic responsibility—what would you choose and why?What can we learn from the Adams family arc—formation to fracture?In your own experience, where do you see education becoming “garments that no longer fit”? Does your school respond by adapting the form—or by recovering the measure of the human person?What kind of “renewal energy” actually sustains a school long-term?Where does your community rely on critique of modern schooling rather than a positive vision? Identify one “beauty practice” (music, poetry, liturgy, feast, shared reading) that could rekindle joy and friendship.Suggested Reading & ResourcesThe Liberal Arts Tradition by Kevin Clark, DLS, and Ravi Scott JainAn Introduction to Classical Education: A Guide for Parents by Christopher A. Perrin, MDiv, PhDHumanitasAn Essay Toward Education by W. H. H. KaneFrom Dawn to Decadence by Jacques Barzun Democracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville The Education of Henry Adams by Henry AdamsThe Value of the Classics by Andrew West (ed.)Address to Young Men on Reading Greek Literature by Basil of CaesareaGreat Hearts Institute  Classical Academic PressClassicalUClassicalU Course: The Liberal Arts TraditionClassicalU Course: Classical Education History and IntroductionClassicalU Course:

“You can face your history and still love your country. This is my attempt at doing that.” — Beverly GageWhen the Yale Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Beverly Gage finished her almost nine-hundred-page biography of J. Edgar Hoover, she needed a little break before starting her next book on Ronald Reagan. So she got in her old Subaru and spent six months on the road driving across America to prepare for the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. The result of these thirteen separate road trips is This Land Is Your Land: A Road Trip Through US History. Gage's Subaru broke down constantly. So, from time to time, did her health. But the American history she uncovered is anything but broken down.Historians, Gage argues, don't think enough about geography. Visiting the homes of the first four US Presidents from Virginia, she saw how closely America's slaveholding elite actually lived. Driving through the small towns on the Erie Canal, she found the corridor where abolitionism, women's rights, temperance, and reform Christianity were all born. At Disneyland, the final chapter in her road trip, she went to the Abraham Lincoln stage show and imagined Main Street USA as Walt Disney's parable about US history. The gap between the imagined America and the real one (yes, there is a real one, she insists) is where true history lives.Gage's thesis is that there is a third road — too much of a backstreet these days — between American pride and shame in its history. Her book maps that path. You can face up to your history, she argues, and still love your country. In a moment when inane triumphalism and apocalyptic despair dominate America's sense of itself, Gage's quiet historical reflection feels like the rarest of national commodities. Ben Franklin wondered in 1787 if the sun was rising or setting on America. Two hundred and fifty years later, Beverly Gage got in her Subaru and went on the road to find out. Five Takeaways•       Out of the Library and Into the Subaru: Gage won the Pulitzer Prize for her eight-hundred-page biography of J. Edgar Hoover. Her next book is on Ronald Reagan. Between the two, she needed a break. So she got in her unreliable Subaru and drove across America in thirteen trips, covering six months on the road, to prepare for the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. The Subaru broke down constantly. The history she found was worth it.•       Historians Don't Think Enough About Geography: Visiting the homes of the first four presidents from Virginia, Gage saw how closely the slaveholding elite actually lived — neighbours, not just names in a textbook. Driving the Erie Canal in upstate New York, she found the corridor where abolitionism, women's rights, temperance, and reform Christianity were all born in a handful of small towns. Frederick Douglass and Susan B. Anthony were neighbours. History on the ground is different from history in books.•       Disneyland Is a Parable About American History: When Walt Disney opened Disneyland in 1955, Main Street USA reached back to his own childhood in the age of William McKinley. Frontierland told the heroic story of the American past. Tomorrowland celebrated Cold War technological optimism. Most visitors don't think about this. Gage does. She went to the Abraham Lincoln stage show. The gap between the imagined America and the real one is where the history lives.•       The Third Road: Between Pride and Shame: Gage encountered Americans who said: celebrate the country, I want nothing to do with that. She encountered others who said: only say the good stuff. She wanted to live in the tension between them. You can face your history and still love your country. That's the thesis of the book, and the argument for how to approach 250 years of American history in a moment when both triumphalism and despair are on offer.•       Upstate New York Was Where Americans Reimagined Themselves: Gage's favourite chapter. In the 1840s and 1850s along the Erie Canal, Frederick Douglass and Susan B. Anthony were actually neighbours. They were writing their own constitutions and rethinking the Declaration of Independence. Douglass gave his famous “What to the slave is the Fourth of July?” speech in Rochester. They were in it together. If you want to find the third road, this is where to start. About the GuestBeverly Gage is the John Lewis Gaddis Professor of History and American Studies at Yale. She is the author of G-Man: J. Edgar Hoover and the Making of the American Century, which won the Pulitzer Prize for Biography, and This Land Is Your Land: A Road Trip Through US History. She is currently at work on a biography of Ronald Reagan.References:•       This Land Is Your Land: A Road Trip Through US History by Beverly Gage.•       G-Man: J. Edgar Hoover and the Making of the American Century by Beverly Gage — the Pulitzer-winning biography.•       Episode 2859: Stop, Don't Do That — Peter Edelman on Bobby Kennedy and the heart of America. The companion conversation.About Keen On AmericaNobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States — hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,800 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting.WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple PodcastsSpotify Chapters:(00:31) - Introduction: out of the library, into the Subaru (01:57) - Why a road trip? The 250th anniversary approaches (04:18) - Growing up in suburban Philadelphia, displaced (05:32) - Goldberger becomes Gage: a father's anglicised name (07:46) - This Land Is Your Land: Woody Guthrie as frame (08:18) - Historians don't think enough about geography (11:27) - The places most people have never heard of (13:42) - Disneyland and the parable of American history (15:49) - Lafayette, Tocqueville, and the great travel tradition (17:25) - Thirteen trips, six months on the road (20:22) - Crisis, catastrophe, and the opportunity for change (23:21) - The apocalyptic temptation: from left and right (25:13) - Civil rights cities that fell on hard times (31:36) - The third road: between pride and shame (33:35) - Upstate New York: Douglass, Anthony, and the neighbours who reimagined A...

Luis Guillermo Vélez ha sido superintendente de sociedades y viceministro de defensa. Es host del podcast Deja Vu (https://open.spotify.com/episode/16hRE5yfq2zt5TJr7MHwzV?si=ce4d4843570249d7)Libros mencionados:Democracia en América - Alexis de Tocqueville 15% de descuento en cafe fresco Pergamino yendo a pergamino.co con el código ATEMPORAL. Capítulos:00:00 intro1:06 Tecnocracia y los especialistas en hacienda10:28 Historia familiar y la política con William Jaramillo18:37 Los límites del ejecutivo en el Frente Nacional27:09 La tradición legal como protección del Estado colombiano28:10 El papel de los conservadores de Antioquia34:20 El proceso de paz durante el gobierno de Belisario Betancur41:06 La ruptura del Frente Nacional bajo la presidencia de Barco54:06 La importancia de la Constitución del 91 y el Estado de derecho1:14:06 Elementos fundamentales de la Constitución y el contexto de los 901:20:01 La sucesión política y la elección de 19941:26:16 Experiencia en el Ministerio de Defensa y la relación con Estados Unidos1:41:12 Análisis sobre la amenaza de las FARC al poder central1:49:17 Transición ministerial y la llegada de Andrés Pastrana1:53:44 Continuidad de los procesos de paz y la transformación del paísRecibe mi newsletter: https://acevedoandres.com/newsletter/Apoyar Atemporal en Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/Atemporalpodcast

Notre Dame's Tocqueville professor of political science, Vincent Phillip Munoz (Phil to his freinds and colleagues), joins this special episode which finds all three of your regular bartenders in the same room for once while on the road in Austin, Texas. Phil is one of the leading scholars of religious liberty in the U.S., and […]

Notre Dame's Tocqueville professor of political science, Vincent Phillip Munoz (Phil to his freinds and colleagues), joins this special episode which finds all three of your regular bartenders in the same room for once while on the road in Austin, Texas. Phil is one of the leading scholars of religious liberty in the U.S., and after a progress report on the Iran War (we're still winning), and a prolonged look at the Supreme Court oral arguments in Trump v. Barbara, the birthright citizenship case heard this week, we pick Phil's brain about the status of school prayer, and whether a restoration of organized prayer in public schools has a prayer of happening, taking as our cue Gerry Bradley's recent and provocative First Things article, "How To Bring Back School Prayer."From there we briefly (but alas because we were out of sufficient time) but inadequately treat Phil's terrifically concise CRB essay "Ancient and Modern: How Straussians Interpret the Founding," mostly to annoy John Yoo—and we succeeded!

How do we conserve liberty in a society? Is it by curtailing the dangers of democratization? By using religious and social institutions as a bulwark? By increasing technological capabilities? Find out this and more as we discuss Thomas Babington Macaulay, James Fenimore Cooper, Alexis de Tocqueville, Elon Musk, J.D. Vance, Josh Hawley, and more!Follow us on X! Give us your opinions here!

In this episode of the Planet MicroCap Podcast, I spoke with John Petrides, Portfolio Manager at Tocqueville Asset Management. We take a step back and examine the broader market landscape—from record concentration in mega-cap tech to the evolving AI investment thesis and the growing geopolitical and fiscal risks shaping today's capital markets. We discuss why the S&P 500's historic concentration may be creating hidden risks for passive investors, how the AI story is shifting from infrastructure providers to real-world adopters across industries, and why geopolitical flashpoints like Taiwan could represent the market's most significant systemic risk. We also explore the implications of rising U.S. deficits and higher interest rates for fixed income investors, and why the growing valuation gap between large-cap tech and the rest of the market may be setting the stage for renewed opportunity in small and micro-cap stocks—particularly those with strong balance sheets and exposure to hard assets like energy and critical minerals. We mention several companies and sectors during this conversation, and I'm not a shareholder in any of them. For more information about Tocqueville Asset Management, please visit: https://tocqueville.com/ Chapters: 00:00 Introduction and Market Landscape Overview 01:00 Market Surprises Since Spring 2023 02:09 Impact of AI Spending and Geopolitical Risks 03:10 Market Concentration and Sector Valuations 04:07 Opportunities in Healthcare and Small Caps 05:08 Portfolio Construction Amid Macro Uncertainty 06:05 International Diversification and Valuation Dispersion 07:02 Market Narrative Cycles and Signal Filtering 07:59 Long-Term Investing Principles and Market History 09:03 Market Structure and Price Discovery Risks 10:07 Key Market Mispricings and Sector Disconnects 11:06 Government Involvement and Sector Evaluation 12:04 Opportunities in Undervalued Sectors and Small Caps 13:02 Discipline and Focus in Rapid Information Environments 13:56 Fundamental Signals for Microcap Investment 15:07 Institutional Ownership and Market Movements 16:05 Impact of Government Actions on Market Sectors 17:04 Risks in Geopolitics and Long-Term Bonds 18:00 Microcap Market Inefficiencies and Opportunities 18:59 Market Disconnects and Investor Attention 19:57 AI Spending and Geopolitical Risks Revisited 20:53 Valuation Opportunities in Low-Margin Businesses 21:54 Underappreciated Risks: Taiwan and Capital Flows 23:06 Macro Trends and CapEx Quality Concerns 24:04 Microchip Supply Chain and Geopolitical Tensions 25:02 Interest Rates, Deficits, and Fiscal Risks 26:03 Active Bond Strategies and Long-Term Risks 26:59 Underestimated Geopolitical and Market Risks 27:46 AI CapEx and Cost Structure Risks 29:05 Microcap Liquidity and Institutional Flows 30:06 Signals of Institutional Interest in Microcaps 31:03 Fundamental Analysis for Microcap Selection 31:59 Emerging Themes in Microcap Space 32:49 Building Resilient Portfolios in Volatile Markets 34:10 Sector Opportunities in Rare Earths and Energy 34:52 Market Discipline and Investor Focus 35:52 Staying True to Investment Principles 37:04 Lessons from Market Crises and Capital Preservation 38:04 Aligning Portfolio with Investor Goals 39:00 Key Principles for Navigating Market Uncertainty 40:05 Final Thoughts and Contact Information Planet Microcap hosts the highest quality in-person microcap events in North America. The mission is to bring the best microcap investors, companies, and allocators together to gather, connect, and grow.; visit https://planetmicrocap.com/ to learn more about our Las Vegas and Toronto events. The purpose of this conversation is for informational and educational purposes only and should not be construed as a recommendation to purchase or sell any security. Planet MicroCap Holdings LLC and MicroCapClub LLC are not registered investment advisors. Planet MicroCap Holdings LLC, MicroCapClub LLC, its partners, contractors, members, subscribers, guests, and affiliates may or may not hold positions in one or more of the securities mentioned on this program and may trade in such securities at any time. Do your own due diligence and seek counsel from a registered investment advisor before trading in any security.

This week Dave and Jeff are joined in the vomitorium by Dave's former colleague and long-lost friend Dr. Bob Stacey. Bob is headmaster and instructor in government at the St. Augustine school in Jackson, TN. The menu today includes a discussion of Alexis de Tocqueville's famous work Democracy in America, specifically a portion of Vol. II.1.15. Should everyone be allowed to study Greek and Latin? Can the pursuit of literature, art and music thrive in the hurly-burly of a representative democracy? Is it the case that in "democratic centuries", as Tocqueville says, "the education of the greatest number [of citizens] be scientific, commercial, and industrial rather than literary"? These and other questions occupy the host and guest for a happy 60 minutes or so, along with occasional digressions on presidential politics, the delights of gift shops, and more. Don't miss it! Also, tune in to sign up for your chance to win the new Hackett Complete Works of Aristotle, in 2 volumes.

In this episode, host Mickey Desai speaks with Steve Dubb, the senior editor of economic justice for Nonprofit Quarterly. They discuss the concept of civil society, its historical origins, and the unique role that nonprofits play in fostering civic engagement and community-driven problem-solving. Key topics covered include: Alexis de Tocqueville's observations on the vibrant civil society in early America compared to more statist systems in Europe The definition of civil society as the space between the family and the state where social meaning is contested and constructed How the weakening of labor unions and the rise of McCarthyism impacted the strength of civil society in the U.S. The ways nonprofits can serve as "third spaces" for community members to come together as equals and address local issues The challenges nonprofits face in balancing community responsiveness with the need to raise funds from wealthier donors The potential for cooperatives and other member-owned organizations to embody the spirit of civil society We welcome support of the Nonprofit SnapCast via Patreon. We welcome your questions and feedback via The Nonprofit SnapCast website. Learn more about Nonprofit Snapshot's consulting services.

X: @MDH_GFU @americasrt1776 @ileaderssummit @NatashaSrdoc @JoelAnandUSA @supertalk Join America's Roundtable radio co-hosts Natasha Srdoc and Joel Anand Samy with Professor Mark David Hall who joined the faculty of the Robertson School of Government at Regent University in 2023. In this special feature leading up to the commencement of America's 250th anniversary celebrations on July 4, 2026, America's Roundtable will present leading voices on the American Founding and highlight the principles which fueled American exceptionalism. America's Roundtable is honored to partner with Freedom 250, an initiative launched by President Trump on December 18, 2025, in leading our nation's 250th anniversary celebrations. America's Roundtable, joined by America's top scholars and a group of senior executives from the publishing industry, are creating an Official Publication - a book and online educational project which will highlight the American Founding, key events and influential leaders who shaped our nation. The book project will share inspiring stories which present a people's commitment to liberty and a strong resilience in advancing freedom within its borders and beyond its shores. Dr. Hall's video featured by The White House: The Story of America: The Faith of Our Founders https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SgaVjksOo70 Bio | Dr. Mark Hall Dr. Hall is widely regarded as a leading student of religious liberty and church-state relations in America. Hall serves as an expert witness for the U.S. Department of Justice and prior to Regent, he was the Herbert Hoover Distinguished Professor of Politics at George Fox University. Dr. Hall earned a B.A. in Political Science from Wheaton College (IL) and a Ph.D. in Government from the University of Virginia. Dr. Hall has written, edited, or co-edited a dozen books, including Who's Afraid of Christian Nationalism: Why Christian Nationalism is Not an Existential Threat to America or the Church (by Fidelis Books in 2024); Proclaim Liberty Through All the Land: How Christianity Has Advanced Freedom and Equality for All Americans (by Fidelis, 2023); Did America Have a Christian Founding?: Separating Modern Myth from Historical Truth (by Nelson Books, 2019); Great Christian Jurists in American History (Cambridge University Press, 2019); Faith and the Founders of the American Republic (Oxford University Press, 2014); and Roger Sherman and the Creation of the American Republic (Oxford University Press, 2013). He has also penned more than 150 book chapters, journal articles, reviews, and other pieces. americasrt.com https://summitleadersusa.com/ | https://jerusalemleaderssummit.com/ America's Roundtable on Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/americas-roundtable/id1518878472 X: @MDH_GFU @americasrt1776 @ileaderssummit @NatashaSrdoc @JoelAnandUSA @supertalk America's Roundtable is co-hosted by Natasha Srdoc and Joel Anand Samy, co-founders of International Leaders Summit and the Jerusalem Leaders Summit. America's Roundtable radio program focuses on America's economy, healthcare reform, rule of law, security and trade, and its strategic partnership with rule of law nations around the world. The radio program features high-ranking US administration officials, cabinet members, members of Congress, state government officials, distinguished diplomats, business and media leaders and influential thinkers from around the world. Tune into America's Roundtable Radio program from Washington, DC via live streaming on Saturday mornings via 68 radio stations at 7:30 A.M. (ET) on Lanser Broadcasting Corporation covering the Michigan and the Midwest market, and at 7:30 A.M. (CT) on SuperTalk Mississippi — SuperTalk.FM reaching listeners in every county within the State of Mississippi, and neighboring states in the South including Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana and Tennessee. Tune into WTON in Central Virginia on Sunday mornings at 6:00 A.M. (ET). Listen to America's Roundtable on digital platforms including Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, Google and other key online platforms. Listen live, Saturdays at 7:30 A.M. (CT) on SuperTalk | https://www.supertalk.fm

John McGinnis, law professor at Northwestern University and author of Why Democracy Needs the Rich, examines constitutional design, democratic stability, and the accelerating force of artificial intelligence. Drawing on the Federalist Papers, Tocqueville, and public choice theory, he argues that a realistic understanding of politics is essential to preserving both liberty and effective state capacity. McGinnis traces his intellectual formation to a "hard-headed realism" learned early in life and later reinforced by the American founding. At the center of his thinking is a practical constitutional question: how to build sufficient state capacity while preventing its abuse. He emphasizes the importance of an entrenched constitution that is difficult to amend, arguing that stability enables long-term planning and protects society from short-term political passions. Several themes shape the discussion: Public choice and political incentives. Politics does not operate in a purely public-spirited way; concentrated interests often organize more effectively than diffuse ones. Understanding this dynamic is essential for evaluating policy debates. Historical perspective as stabilizer. Many contemporary political phenomena appear unprecedented but are not. From Andrew Jackson to the present, democratic politics has repeatedly unsettled elites while preserving constitutional continuity. Technology as the dominant variable. McGinnis argues that AI will overshadow most current political disputes. As a general cognitive tool, it will be embedded across sectors, reshaping law, education, national security, and economic organization. Comparative advantage in an AI world. As machines assume cognitive tasks, human value will shift toward persuasion, judgment, and relational skills. Professionals must rethink where they add distinctive value. Education under acceleration. The coexistence of AI-enabled and AI-restricted learning may become necessary to preserve independent thinking while leveraging technological capability. The civic role of the wealthy. In Why Democracy Needs the Rich, McGinnis contends that wealthy individuals diversify democratic discourse, counterbalance concentrated interests, support minority rights movements, and fund public goods such as universities and museums. Their independence allows them to take risks others cannot. The episode also addresses rising student anxiety, the erosion of historical literacy, and the long-term question of meaning in a world where work may change substantially. McGinnis maintains that constitutional stability, plural centers of influence, and technological leadership remain central to American resilience. This conversation offers a grounded framework for thinking about democracy, incentives, and technological acceleration. It situates current debates within a longer historical arc while identifying AI as the structural force most likely to define the next decade. Get John's new book, Why Democracy Needs the Rich, here: https://tinyurl.com/msk9fd4k Claim your free gift: Free gift #1 McKinsey & BCG winning resume www.FIRMSconsulting.com/resumePDF Free gift #2 Breakthrough Decisions Guide with 25 AI Prompts www.FIRMSconsulting.com/decisions Free gift #3 Five Reasons Why People Ignore Somebody www.FIRMSconsulting.com/owntheroom Free gift #4 Access episode 1 from Build a Consulting Firm, Level 1 www.FIRMSconsulting.com/build Free gift #5 The Overall Approach used in well-managed strategy studies www.FIRMSconsulting.com/OverallApproach Free gift #6 Get a copy of Nine Leaders in Action, a book we co-authored with some of our clients: www.FIRMSconsulting.com/gift

This week on The Last Gay Conservative Podcast, we connect three seemingly unrelated stories that reveal the same dangerous pattern: performance replacing governance.• American politicians campaigning in Munich• A Senate candidate's radical past rebranded mid-campaign• Congress fumbling the Farm Bill• A federal judge redefining what counts as a constitutional burdenDifferent arenas. Same instinct: control optics, adjust definitions, avoid friction.When diplomacy becomes content, campaigns become cosplay, and courts start redefining thresholds, the guardrails don't collapse loudly — they move quietly.This episode breaks down:✔ Why international political theater carries real geopolitical risk✔ The danger of “wolf in sheep's clothing” candidates✔ What's really inside the new Farm Bill✔ How subtle judicial redefinitions shift power✔ Why performance culture erodes accountabilityThis isn't about outrage. It's about incentive structures.

In Davos last month, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney lamented what he called “the end of a pleasant fiction.” That notion has is hard to fathom yet impossible to ignore. For decades, the United States did not merely wield power. It framed power in moral terms. Legitimacy. Integrity. Rules. Whether we always lived up to those words is one question. Whether we still speak them with credibility is another. In this solo reflection, Corey Nathan explores what it means when America is no longer the country that lends moral language to the world order, but the country other nations feel compelled to hedge against. From Tocqueville's warning about democratic withdrawal to Jonathan Rauch's analysis of patrimonialism, from Lincoln's humility to the theological posture of the National Prayer Breakfast, this episode wrestles with a turning point. If the pleasant fiction is over, what replaces it? Calls to Action ✅ If this conversation resonates, consider sharing it with someone who believes connection across difference still matters. ✅ Subscribe to Corey's Substack: coreysnathan.substack.com ✅ Leave a review on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen: ratethispodcast.com/goodfaithpolitics ✅ Subscribe to Talkin' Politics & Religion Without Killin' Each Other on your favorite podcast platform. ✅ Watch the full conversation and subscribe on YouTube: youtube.com/@politicsandreligion What This Episode Explores The End of a Moral Vocabulary For generations, American power was framed in moral language. Integrity and legitimacy were not just strategic tools but aspirations. Today, that language lands differently, not as calling card but as indictment. From Moral Order to Patrimonialism Drawing on the work of Jonathan Rauch, this episode examines what happens when public power begins to resemble personal property. Loyalty replaces rules. Access depends on fealty. Markets and institutions begin to read the room rather than uphold neutral principles. The National Prayer Breakfast and Theological Posture A prayer breakfast is meant to orient upward in humility. When reverence bends inward, the shift is not merely stylistic. It is theological. Tocqueville's Warning Democracy's danger may not arrive as sudden tyranny but as gradual withdrawal. Citizens retreat into private grievance. Moral discipline erodes. Individualism curdles into narcissism. The Comforting Assumption About Ourselves Nearly every white pastor today believes they would have stood with Martin Luther King Jr. The question is not whether that belief is sincere. The question is whether it would have been true. The Choice Before Citizens The world is already adjusting. Allies hedge. Middle powers collaborate. The question now belongs to citizens, not prime ministers. Withdrawal is understandable. It is not inevitable. Why This Matters Now The loss at stake is not only status but trust. If the pleasant fiction required tending, then its collapse requires responsibility. Renewal, if it comes, will not arrive through taunts or spectacle. It will be decided by habits, by courage, by whether citizens retreat or step forward. Connect on Social Media Corey is @coreysnathan on all the socials... Substack LinkedIn Facebook Instagram Twitter Threads Bluesky TikTok Thanks to our Sponsors and Partners Thanks to Pew Research Center for making today's conversation possible. Gratitude as well to Village Square for coming alongside us in this work and helping foster better civic dialogue. Links and additional resources: Pew Research Center: pewresearch.org The Village Square: villagesquare.us Meza Wealth Management: mezawealth.com Proud members of The Democracy Group Final Thought The question is not who we would like to identify with in the story. The question is where our words, positions, and actions actually place us. Go talk some politics and religion. Step forward. With gentleness and respect.

"How can you not be a populist in this day and age?" — Hélène LandemoreIn February 2020, The New Yorker profiled a Yale professor making the case for citizen rule. Six years later, that political scientist, Hélène Landemore, has a new book entitled Politics Without Politicians arguing that politics should be "an amateur sport instead of an expert's job" and that randomly selected citizen assemblies should replace representative democracy. Landemore calls it "jury duty on steroids."Landemore draws on her experience observing France's Citizens' Conventions on both climate and end-of-life issues to now direct Connecticut's first state-level citizen assembly. We discuss why the Greeks used lotteries instead of elections, what G.K. Chesterton meant by imagining democracy as a "jolly hostess," and why she has sympathy for the anti-Federalists who lost the argument about the best form of American government to Madison. When I ask if she's comfortable being called a populist, she doesn't flinch: "If the choice is between populist and elitist, I don't know how you can not be a populist." From the Damon Wells'58 Professor of Political Science at Yale, this might sound a tad suicidal. At least professionally. But Landemore's jolly argument for a politics without politicians is the type of message that will win elections in our populist age.About the GuestHélène Landemore is the Damon Wells'58 Professor of Political Science at Yale University. She is the author of Politics Without Politicians: The Case for Citizen Rule (2026) and Open Democracy: Reinventing Popular Rule for the Twenty-First Century (2020).ReferencesThinkers discussed:●      G.K. Chesterton was the British essayist who defined democracy as an "attempt, like that of a jolly hostess, to bring the shy people out"—a vision Landemore finds more inspiring than technical definitions about elite selection.●      James Madison and the Federalists designed a republic meant to filter popular passions through elected representatives; Landemore has sympathy for their anti-Federalist opponents who wanted legislatures that looked like "a mini-portrait of the people."●      Alexis de Tocqueville warned about the dangers of trusting ordinary people—a caution Landemore pushes back against, arguing that voters respond to the limited choices they're given.●      Max Weber wrote "Politics as a Vocation" (1919), arguing that politics requires a special calling; Landemore questions whether it should be a profession at all.●      Jean-Jacques Rousseau and his concept of the general will has been blamed for totalitarian impulses; Landemore rejects the comparison, insisting her vision preserves liberal constitutional frameworks.●      Joseph Schumpeter defined democracy as "a method for elite selection"—precisely the technocratic framing Landemore wants to overturn.Citizen assembly experiments mentioned:●      The Irish Citizens' Assembly on abortion (2016-2017) is often cited as proof that randomly selected citizens can deliberate on divisive issues and reach workable conclusions.●      The French Citizens' Convention on End-of-Life (2022-2023) found common ground between pro- and anti-euthanasia factions by focusing on palliative care—a case Landemore observed firsthand.●      The French Citizens' Convention for Climate (2019-2020) brought 150 randomly selected citizens together to propose climate policy; participants were paid 84-95 Euros per day.●      The Connecticut citizen assembly on local public services, planned for summer 2026, will be the first state-level citizen assembly in the United States. Landemore is directing its design.Also mentioned:●      Zephyr Teachout is the left-wing populist who called Landemore a "reluctant populist."●      Oliver Hart (Harvard) and Luigi Zingales (Chicago) are economists working with Landemore to apply the citizen assembly model to corporate governance reform.●      The Council of 500 was the Athenian deliberative body whose members were selected by lottery, with a rotating chair appointed daily.●      John Stuart Mill is the liberal theorist whose emphasis on minority rights raises the question of whether Landemore's majoritarianism is illiberal. She says no.About Keen On AmericaNobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States—hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,800 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting.WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple PodcastsSpotifyChapters:(00:00) - Chapter 1 (00:00) - Six years from New Yorker profile to book (01:14) - Politics as amateur sport (02:08) - What the Greeks got right (04:03) - Citizen assemblies: jury duty on steroids (06:21) - The Yale professor who speaks for ordinary people (07:11) - Rousseau and the age of innocence (08:41) - The gerontocracy problem (09:33) - Do we need a communitarian impulse? (11:30) - Experts on tap, not on top (15:15) - The reluctant populist (17:01) - Can we trust ordinary people? (19:11) - How it works at scale (23:14) - Why professional politicians are failing (26:15) - Max Weber and politics as vocation (29:08) - Leaders who emerge organically (30:04) - Rejecting Madison and the Federalists (32:26) - Finding common intere...

In the December 1, 2025, print edition of the Wall Street Journal, there was this headline on page R25: "These 10 books changed the way Americans thought about work." Carol Hymowitz, the author, wrote: "It began with Benjamin Franklin, who couldn't stop working or writing about work throughout his 84-year long life." Carol Hymowitz has been associated with the Wall Street Journal since she got her master's degree in journalism at Columbia University. Other books she featured in this article about work include Tocqueville, Frederick Douglass, Upton Sinclair, John Steinbeck, Dale Carnegie, and C. Wright Mills, plus others. We wanted to know how she chose these 10 books about work, so we had a chat. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the December 1, 2025, print edition of the Wall Street Journal, there was this headline on page R25: "These 10 books changed the way Americans thought about work." Carol Hymowitz, the author, wrote: "It began with Benjamin Franklin, who couldn't stop working or writing about work throughout his 84-year long life." Carol Hymowitz has been associated with the Wall Street Journal since she got her master's degree in journalism at Columbia University. Other books she featured in this article about work include Tocqueville, Frederick Douglass, Upton Sinclair, John Steinbeck, Dale Carnegie, and C. Wright Mills, plus others. We wanted to know how she chose these 10 books about work, so we had a chat. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

My guest is Robyn Curnow, a native South African who spent over two decades at CNN, where she hosted CNN's Newsroom, and anchored The International Desk with Robyn Curnow. Prior to that, she served as the network's Africa correspondent out of Johannesburg and covered Europe out of CNN's London Bureau. If you don't recognize her name, I bet you'll recognize her distinctive voice because you likely saw her interviews with some of the most prominent people of our lifetimes, including Nelson Mandela, Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Michelle Obama, Oprah Winfrey, and Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Robyn has covered news stories as diverse and dynamic as Africa's HIV/AIDS epidemic, the rise of Boko Haram, the 2010 World Cup, and the murder of Jammal Khashoggi. This work earned her and her colleagues multiple Emmy nominations, the Royal Television Society Award, and the duPont-Columbia Award. On her new podcast, Searching for America—which I love—Robyn explores our society and culture through the eyes of a new-comer. Like a modern-day de Tocqueville, she offers a sincerely interested outsider's perspective on the quirks of American life, including the Halloween Industrial complex, the obsession with high school graduation and college acceptance, turducken, and—most importantly—our collective love of Dolly Parton. She lives in Atlanta where she and I serve on a school board together. Rate and Review Reasonably Happy: https://ratethispodcast.com/paulopod Read Paul's Substack essays here: https://words.paulollinger.com/ Listen to Searching for America here: https://open.spotify.com/show/3j83wBMdUQnOcQTfK2pg9I

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit andrewsullivan.substack.comMark used to be the political director for ABC News and a senior political analyst at TIME magazine. Alongside John Heilemann, he co-managed Bloomberg Politics, co-hosted the shows “With All Due Respect” and “The Circus,” and co-authored Game Change and Double Down: Game Change 2012. Last year he launched the interactive live-video platform 2WAY, where he serves as editor-in-chief and hosts “The Morning Meeting” and “2WAY Tonight.” He also hosts “Next Up with Mark Halperin” on Megyn Kelly's MK Media platform.For two clips of our convo — on the bygone era of bipartisanship, and Bill Clinton's staggering talent — head to our YouTube page.Other topics: Mark's dad who worked for Kissinger, LBJ, and Nixon; debating the insularity of DC: liberal media bias; the Bork hearings; Gingrich; Limbaugh; Gennifer Flowers and Bill's affairs; Perot's breakthrough; press coverage of Dubya; his speech on stem-cell research; 9/11 and the Iraq War; the unitary executive; the unifying rhetoric of Bush and Obama; the partisan bent of Obama's stimulus; the ACA campaign; Trump at CPAC at 2011; Obama's humor and the WHCD with Trump; the crucial role of The Apprentice; the killer issue of immigration in 2016; Hillary's ineptitude; the Comey factor; the difficulty of covering Trump; the negative incentives of social media; Russiagate; the b******t Bragg case; the press failure on Biden's fitness; “cheap fakes”; the shock and awe of Trump 2.0; executive orders and tariffs; his assault on institutions; the pardon machine; the Gaza deal; the Republicans standing up to Trump over Epstein; Newsom as the Dem frontrunner; Josh Shapiro; Death By Lightning; Tocqueville; and “Drain the Swamp” from the swampiest president ever.Browse the Dishcast archive for an episode you might enjoy. Coming up: Michel Paradis on Eisenhower, Shadi Hamid in defense of US interventionism, Simon Rogoff on the narcissism of pols, Jason Willick on trade and conservatism, Vivek Ramaswamy on the right, George Packer on his Orwell-inspired novel, and Arthur Brooks on the science of happiness. As always, please send any guest recs, dissents, and other comments to dish@andrewsullivan.com.

00:01:09 — Vietnam's Biometric Gold Panic Knight warns that Vietnam freezing bank accounts for lack of biometric ID previews the coming merger of digital ID and financial control in the U.S. 00:08:31 — Trump's Impossible Ear Injury Knight breaks down why Trump's supposed “ear wound” is anatomically impossible, framing the event as staged political theater rather than an assassination attempt. 00:14:24 — Tucker Selling a Fake Event Knight argues that Tucker Carlson is amplifying a fabricated assassination narrative built on anonymous digital submissions and intelligence-style manipulation. 01:21:47 — Tocqueville vs. Welfare State Knight contrasts America's original charity system with today's centralized welfare bureaucracy, arguing government has replaced real compassion with dependency. 01:32:06 — Big Pharma's Ozempic Price Trap Knight warns that slashed prices on Ozempic are a long-term strategy to hook the public on obesity drugs and convert food-based illness into pharmaceutical profit. 01:47:24 — Lab-Grown “Post-Cow” Milk Corporations and foreign biotech groups push synthetic milk as a food replacement, which Knight frames as a technocratic rewrite of the human diet. 02:10:00 — Food Sickness Feeds Pharma Profits Richardson explains how Big Food engineers chronic illness and Big Pharma monetizes the resulting disease, forming a self-reinforcing profit machine. 02:12:11 — Flexner Report Destroyed Natural Medicine They trace modern medicine's anti-nutrition bias to the Rockefeller/Carnegie-backed Flexner Report, which eliminated natural treatments and standardized pharma-based care. 02:22:35 — The Laetrile Origin Story Richardson recounts how early natural cancer successes were buried by medical institutions and federal agencies to protect pharmaceutical monopolies. 02:53:47 — Steve McQueen Cover-Up Richardson claims McQueen's cancer was gone after metabolic therapy, but a mysterious hospital intervention killed him—then media blamed Laetrile to preserve Big Pharma narratives. Money should have intrinsic value AND transactional privacy: Go to https://davidknight.gold/ for great deals on physical gold/silverFor 10% off Gerald Celente's prescient Trends Journal, go to https://trendsjournal.com/ and enter the code KNIGHTFind out more about the show and where you can watch it at TheDavidKnightShow.com If you would like to support the show and our family please consider subscribing monthly here: SubscribeStar https://www.subscribestar.com/the-david-knight-showOr you can send a donation throughMail: David Knight POB 994 Kodak, TN 37764Zelle: @DavidKnightShow@protonmail.comCash App at: $davidknightshowBTC to: bc1qkuec29hkuye4xse9unh7nptvu3y9qmv24vanh7Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-david-knight-show--2653468/support.