Podcasts about Democratic Party

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, WREC's Ben Ferguson fills in for Mark. Political violence is a rising trend driven by radical left extremists radicalized by the Democratic Party. Democrats, including leaders like Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, are using  inflammatory rhetoric—labeling Republicans as fascists, Nazis, and threats to America—to incite people against opponents like President Trump and Charlie Kirk.  We are witnessing a hardcore desensitizing to the idea you can kill anyone you think is a threat to what you believe in.  Also, the media echo's the Democrat Party. They won't tell you the real story of what happened to Kirk. Some in the media are even claiming that nobody on the left is cheering Kirk's death.  ABC's Matt Gutman gushed over Tyler Robinson, the alleged assassin, and his transgender romance. He called Robison's text's touching and intimate. The texts read like a psycho covering for his transgender lover.  In a normal world Gutman would have been fired. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

What happens when a razor-sharp elected official and a relentlessly curious host sit down to discuss what it takes to make lasting change? This week, JVN is joined by the unstoppable Congresswoman Jasmine Crockett — U.S. Representative from Texas, lawyer, lay it on the line truth-teller, and rising voice in the Democratic Party. Together, they unpack how to maximize our impact by understanding our political systems, tackle the messy reality of party politics, and hypothesize where Democrats are headed next. They also dive into Rep. Crockett's background as a public defender and evaluate the difference between committing a crime and having a criminal mindset, how racism shows up in redistricting battles from Texas to California, and yes — Rep. Crockett breaks down her now-iconic “bleach blonde bad built butch body” clapback.  Full Getting Better Video Episodes now available on YouTube.  Follow Congresswoman Crockett on Instagram @repjasmine  Follow us on Instagram @gettingbetterwithjvn  Follow Jonathan on Instagram @jvn BIO: Congresswoman Jasmine Crockett represents portions of Dallas and Tarrant Counties, with the cities of Dallas, Grand Prairie, DeSoto, Cedar Hill, Lancaster, Duncanville, Glenn Heights, Hutchins, Wilmer, Arlington, Ovilla, and Seagoville. Senior Producer, Chris McClure Producer, Editor & Engineer is Nathanael McClure Production support from Anne Currie and Chad Hall Our theme music is also composed by Nathanael McClure. Check out the JVN Patreon for exclusive BTS content, extra interviews, and much much more - check it out here: www.patreon.com/jvn  Curious about bringing your brand to life on the show? Email podcastadsales@sonymusic.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The political landscape in Albuquerque has reached a fascinating tipping point, as revealed by exclusive polling data that might just predict the outcome of the upcoming mayoral race. The numbers tell a compelling story: incumbent Mayor Tim Keller faces serious headwinds with his unfavorability at 52% and a striking 60% of voters saying it's time for someone new.Crime and homelessness dominate voter concerns, together capturing over 60% of what residents identify as their top issues. Despite this, the race has become increasingly nationalized, setting up what might be the most consequential dynamic of the election – will voters prioritize their frustrations with local leadership, or will their feelings about Donald Trump ultimately determine their choice?The polling creates a fascinating tension. While Keller leads with 34% support to challenger Darren White's 21%, the high undecided number (30%) suggests significant voter uncertainty. What makes this particularly intriguing is the direct comparison between Trump's 62% unfavorability in Albuquerque and Keller's 60% "time for someone new" rating. This sets up an election that transcends typical local politics, becoming instead a test case for whether voters can separate their national partisan loyalties from their local concerns.Additional polling for the New Mexico governor's race shows Secretary Deb Haaland with a commanding lead among Democrats, even winning moderate Democrats by a significant margin. This reflects national polling trends highlighted by Harry Enten showing socialism's growing popularity within the Democratic Party – a jump from +7 points in 2010 to +36 points today, helping explain why progressive candidates often outperform expectations in primaries.For political observers watching these races unfold, the central question becomes whether New Mexico voters will prioritize local issues like crime and homelessness or vote based on national partisan identities. The answer could reshape politics in the state for years to come. Follow our coverage as we continue tracking the numbers that matter most in determining who will lead Albuquerque and New Mexico into the future.Website: https://www.nodoubtaboutitpodcast.com/Twitter: @nodoubtpodcastFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/NoDoubtAboutItPod/Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/markronchettinm/?igshid=NTc4MTIwNjQ2YQ%3D%3D

The assassination of Charlie Kirk marked the latest escalation of politically motivated violence, and it may be a breaking point for the country. After the murder of Democratic lawmakers in Minnesota and the attempts on President Donald Trump's life last year, the U.S. seems to be returning to the dark days of half a century ago when politically motivated violence was almost routine. President Trump and his allies put the blame on the radical left and have threatened a crackdown.   On this episode of Free Expression, Gerry Baker discusses the deteriorating political atmosphere with Democratic Rep. Seth Moulton of Massachusetts, who details his own experiences dealing with political threats. They also discuss the prospects for a government shutdown and the changes the Democratic Party needs to make if it is to re-earn the trust of American voters.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Democrats are annoying, but the entire party including the voters are being painted with a pretty broad brush right now. The DNC and national leadership might make me furious, but the Democratic Party is still the alternative to the Republican Party in this broken two party system. So if you're pro-democracy, pro-rule of law, pro-constitution, and you're watching the country fall apart right now, then we can't pretend it doesn't matter how the Democrats are doing. We have to be supporting the Democrats who are doing good work, and challenging the Democrats who aren't. We need to be pressuring leadership, particularly Congressional leadership, to get it together and realize we're fighting for our lives here. Which is why we're joined today by Heather Williams, President of the DLCC, the part of the Democratic Party responsible for getting Democrats elected to state legislatures, and unlike our federal leadership, she and her team know exactly what they stand for and how to win. As always, if you find worth in what we do, please consider SUBSCRIBING to PoliticsGirl Premium. You'll get this podcast ad free, along with a bunch of other perks, like the rants directly to your inbox and the knowledge that you're making this kind of highly researched, factual information possible. If that interests you, please go to https://www.politicsgirl.com/premium and subscribe today!! Thank you so much!  xoPG As always, please RATE and SUBSCRIBE so we can grow the show, open the dialogue, and inspire change moving forward! All show links here!: https://linktr.ee/politicsgirl   Guest Link:  https://dlcc.org/   This episode is sponsored by… https://mudwtr.com code: politicsgirl https://joindeleteme.com/politicsgirl code: politicsgirl https://honeylove.com/politicsgirl https://quince.com/politicsgirl

Jody Hamilton guest hosts for Stephanie today as she is recovering from a COVID booster shot. Jody and crew discuss the desperate attempt of Republicans to blame anyone and everyone else for the shooting of Charlie Kirk even though the shooter was one of their own. Guests - David Shuster and Charlie Pierce.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Donald Trump orders the National Parks to remove references to slavery from museums. The school shooter in Evergreen Colorado was a white supremacist. Charlie Kirk murder is the pretext for a major crackdown on liberal speech. Donald filed a massive defamation suit against the New York Times today. Pam Bondi threatened charges against an Office Depot employee who refused to print Charlie Kirk flyers. Grok and The Economist confirm most political violence is right-wing. Transtifa? Donald said “we have to beat the hell” out of “radical left lunatics”. Brian Kilmeade called for lethal injection for homeless mentally ill people. Heroes of Democracy: Cory Booker, Tim Walz, and more! With Jody Hamilton, David Ferguson, music by The Metal Byrds, Brad Brooks, and more!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Part 2 of this episode of "Fireside Chat," hosts Off JaWaggon and Taylor engage in a candid discussion about current political strategies, with a particular focus on gerrymandering and its implications for democracy. They explore the tactics used by political parties to influence election outcomes through redistricting and debate the ethical considerations involved. The conversation also touches on broader political themes, including the role of mental health in addressing gun violence and the potential for progressive movements within the Democratic Party. Throughout the episode, the hosts provide insightful commentary on the challenges and opportunities facing the political landscape today.

You're listening to American Ground Radio with Louis R. Avallone and Stephen Parr. This is the full show for September 15, 2025. 0:30 On today's episode, we reflect on the tragic killing of Charlie Kirk, founder of Turning Point USA, and the intense media reaction that followed. Vice President JD Vance calls out institutions of the left for continuing to lie and justify Charlie Kirk's death. Plus we cover the Top 3 Things You Need to Know. The State of Missouri has finished redrawing congressional lines in the mostly conservative state. The FBI arrested two men in Utah for attempting to blow up a news vehicle. An ICE Officer was seriously wounded after being struck and dragged by a car driven by an illegal alien. 12:30 Get Performlyte from Victory Nutrition International for 20% off. Go to vni.life/agr and use the promo code AGR20. 13:30 We discuss the dangerous lure of notoriety, how fame and validation can influence some perpetrators, and the moral responsibility society bears in addressing these cultural pressures. And we ask the American Mamas if they've seen the Netflix documentary Unknown Number: The High School Catfish. If you'd to ask our American Mamas a question, go to our website, AmericanGroundRadio.com/mamas and click on the Ask the Mamas button. 23:00 We break down Governor Kathy Hochul’s endorsement of self-described democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani for New York City mayor. What does Hochul's endorsement mean for the Democratic Party’s direction, free markets, and the city’s ongoing struggles with crime, taxes, and urban flight? We Dig Deep into the latest 2026 college free speech rankings from the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression—released just days before Charlie Kirk’s assassination. 32:30 Get Prodovite from Victory Nutrition International for 20% off. Go to vni.life/agr and use the promo code AGR20. 33:30 Firings continue over people celebrating the the death of Charlie Kirk's assassination in social media posts. Is that a violation of their First Amendment right? Plus, Charlie Kirk's death was an act of pure evil. The result of people being called to God is a Bright Spot. Many Americans have returned to church or sought faith for the first time in years after the tragedy. We share some suggestions on how to choose a new church. 40:30 President Trump announces a second strike on boats carrying drugs into U.S. waters. And we finish off with a 9-year-old aspiring neurosurgeon who will make you say, "Whoa!" Follow us: americangroundradio.com Facebook: facebook.com / AmericanGroundRadio Instagram: instagram.com/americangroundradio Links: Missouri Republicans Pass Map To Send ‘Additional MAGA Republican To Congress’ FBI Arrests Two After Bomb Found Under News Vehicle Near Utah Site Of Charlie Kirk Assassination Illegal Immigrant Shot And Killed After Wounding ICE Agent In Chicago 'Really hit me hard': Supporters remember Charlie Kirk at Kennedy Center prayer vigil Speaker Johnson, RFK Jr., other GOPers mourn loss of Charlie Kirk at touching DC vigil: ‘Leaders of the nation have been shaken’ Vance to host Charlie Kirk Show in honor of his close friend See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On today's podcast: 1) An appeals court blocked the White House from removing Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook from her post for now, allowing her to continue working while her lawsuit challenging President Trump’s move to dismiss her proceeds. The court's 2-1 ruling came just hours before the start of the Fed's meeting to vote on interest rates, and President Donald Trump could still ask the Supreme Court to step in.2) President Trump is bringing a $15 billion defamation and libel lawsuit against The New York Times, according to a post on Truth Social. The suit is being brought in Florida, Trump says. The president accuses the publication of becoming a “mouthpiece” for the Democratic Party, citing its endorsement of former presidential candidate Kamala Harris among other concerns.3) The Securities and Exchange Commission is "prioritizing" a proposal to reduce the frequency of corporate earnings reports after President Trump called for an end to quarterly reports. Trump said companies should report on a "Six (6) Month Basis" instead of quarterly, which he claims will save money and allow managers to focus on running their companies. Critics argue that shifting away from quarterly reporting could be a "gigantic step backward" and increase uncertainty and volatility on earnings results.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

(0:00) Introducing Tulsi Gabbard, US Director of National Intelligence (1:21) The Russiagate Hoax Conspiracy and the dangers of highly politicized intelligence agencies (17:31) Russian interference in 2016, cleaning up intelligence agencies, increasing accountability (25:54) How Tulsi is received in her home state of Hawaii after switching parties, the drastic change of the Democratic Party (30:16) Thoughts on bombing Iran, what impacts her views on foreign policy and war (35:15) The impact of designating drug cartels as terrorist orgs, safety at the Southern Border, China Thanks to our partners for making this happen! Solana: https://solana.com/ OKX: https://www.okx.com/ Google Cloud: https://cloud.google.com/ IREN: https://iren.com/ Oracle: https://www.oracle.com/ Circle: https://www.circle.com/ BVNK: https://www.bvnk.com/ Polymarket: https://www.polymarket.com/ Follow Tulsi: https://x.com/tulsigabbard Follow the besties: https://x.com/chamath https://x.com/Jason https://x.com/DavidSacks https://x.com/friedberg Follow on X: https://x.com/theallinpod Follow on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/theallinpod Follow on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@theallinpod Follow on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/allinpod Intro Music Credit: https://rb.gy/tppkzl https://x.com/yung_spielburg Intro Video Credit: https://x.com/TheZachEffect

In this episode, Stephanie explores the complexities of political discourse and the impact of rhetoric on societal violence after the violent death of Trump ally Charlie Kirk. Steph and crew discuss the challenges of navigating a polarized world while advocating for justice, equality, and democracy. Guest - The Rude Pundit.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Ann Coulter- Charlie Kirk's Assassination is the Latest Chapter in a Long Legacy of Leftwing Violence in America.     Charlie Kirk's assassin has been arrested. A father has had to turn in his radicalized son. It's the latest chapter in a long legacy of leftwing political violence in America.   View Post Unsafe with Ann Coulter Kirk Killer Caught and the Legacy of Leftist Violence September 12, 2025 Hosted by Ann Coulter Ann Coulter's Ricochet channel-  https://ricochet.com/series/unsafe-with-ann-coulter/ To listen to Ann Coulter on Podcast Addict visit- https://podcastaddict.com/podcast/unsafe-with-ann-coulter/5612702 UNSAFE with Ann Coulter   UNSAFE with Ann CoulterTop of Form   Ann Coulter, author of 13 New York Times bestsellers, chats about politics, religion, war, crime, history, sex, race, soccer (even real sports!) — all the things we're told it's impolite to raise in polite company. Coulter's UNSAFE podcast is the Rapid Response Team to the Democratic Party and its subsidiaries, the New York Times, the Washington Post, MSNBC, CNN, et al — as well as 90 percent of the Republican Party. Listen here first – and be 3 days ahead of all the cable news channel hosts, who will undoubtedly be listening too. Subscribe to Ann's Substack: anncoulter.substack.com. Listen to UNSAFE with Ann Coulter, along with more than 40 other original podcasts, at Ricochet.com. No paid subscription required.

The Lincoln Project's Rick Wilson parses the right’s escalating rhetoric of revenge for Charlie Kirk’s death. Former chair of the Wisconsin Democrats Ben Wikler discusses how the Democratic Party effectively builds to counter the GOP.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

As the investigation of Charlie Kirk's alleged assassin continues, "The View" co-hosts weigh in on Utah Gov. Spencer Cox's attempt to turn down the tone of political rhetoric but question if his calls of unity are being drowned out by Pres. Trump.Then, the co-hosts share their favorite moments from the 2025 Emmys.Former US Sen. Joe Manchin discusses the surge in political violence in America, why he left the Democratic Party and the message behind his new book, "Dead Center."The co-hosts weigh in on the trend of women "dating down" to be treated better by their partner. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Today on Lever Time, David Sirota speaks with Robert Reich, former Labor Secretary and economics professor, about what he's learned from working in multiple presidential administrations, where he believes that American politics went wrong, and what the Democratic Party needs to do to save itself — and the country.Click here for more of this interview, in which Reich explains how the Baby Boomer generation failed America.You can check out Reich's new memoir, Coming Up Short: A Memoir of My America, here. Get ad-free episodes, bonus content and extended interviews by becoming a member at levernews.com/join.To leave a tip for The Lever, click here. It helps us do this kind of independent journalism.

John Catsimatidis, Red Apple Media Owner & Operator, joins Sid for his weekly Monday morning hit to talk about the political climate in New York. He expresses concerns about the possible shift of New York City and State towards socialism, highlighting Governor Kathy Hochul's endorsement of Zohran Mamdani and pressure from the Socialist Party. Catsimatidis shares his conversation with President Trump, who shows interest in saving New York and suggests that Andrew Cuomo has the best chance of achieving that goal. The discussion also covers Trump's strained relationship with Curtis Sliwa and the need for voter registration among common-sense New Yorkers. Catsimatidis emphasizes the importance of standing up for common sense within the Democratic Party. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

As more information on the murder of Charlie Kirk emerges we have learned that his alleged assassin was living with a transwomen. This is far from the first time a leftist obsessed with trans-ideology has murdered conservative Christians. Kevin Dolan of the Exit Group joins me to discuss the rise of tranissaries as the foot soldiers for the Democratic Party and how the Trump Administration plans to respond. Follow on: Apple: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-auron-macintyre-show/id1657770114 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/3S6z4LBs8Fi7COupy7YYuM?si=4d9662cb34d148af Substack: https://auronmacintyre.substack.com/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/AuronMacintyre Gab: https://gab.com/AuronMacIntyre YouTube:https://www.youtube.com/c/AuronMacIntyre Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/c-390155 Odysee: https://odysee.com/@AuronMacIntyre:f Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/auronmacintyre/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Charlie Kirk's assassination continues to reverberate around the country as many Americans speculate on why this happened and ask if the country is more divided than ever. Host of The Guy Benson Show on FOX News Radio, Guy Benson, and Outkick Columnist and Host of the Getting Hammered podcast, Mary Katharine Ham, step in for Dana to discuss Charlie's impact on American politics, his legacy, and the emotional response to his death.  Guy and Mary Katharine highlight New York Governor Kathy Hochul's endorsement of New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani and weigh in on why extreme candidates could lead to enormous problems for the future of the Democratic Party.   I Wish Someone Had Told Me: Mary Katharine notes that despite the darkness the country has experienced over the past few weeks, Charlie Kirk's message for faith lives on.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Tyler Robinson, the 22-year-old suspect in the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, is not cooperating with investigators, Utah's governor said. As officials continue to search for a motive, we're learning more about the alleged gunman. CBS News' Carter Evans reports. In a rematch of last season's Super Bowl, the Philadelphia Eagles beat the Kansas City Chiefs on Sunday to keep the Chiefs winless to start their season. The NFL Today host James Brown breaks down the rematch and other highlights from around the NFL. HBO's medical drama, "The Pitt" beat out heavily-favored Apple TV's "Severance" for outstanding drama series at the Emmy Awards. Meanwhile, Apple TV's "The Studio" walked away with 13 awards and broke the Emmy record for the most wins by a comedy in a single season.The 2025 Emmy Awards delivered red carpet fashion, candid moments and first-time nominees alongside veteran stars. "CBS Mornings" co-host Gayle King caught up with some of the stars. Ballet star Misty Copeland joins "CBS Mornings" to discuss her new children's book "Bunheads, Act Two: The Dance of Courage." The sequel to her bestseller introduces readers to the ballet "Don Quixote" and inspires young dancers to persevere through setbacks. David Begnaud introduces the team behind CBS News Atlanta as the station launches its first newscasts. Built in just 12 weeks, the newsroom combines startup energy, immersive technology, and a mission to serve the community with heart. To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Don Lemon sits down with activist Cameron Kasky for a wide-ranging conversation on some of the biggest issues shaping America right now. From the fight against oligarchy, to the crisis in Israel and Gaza, to the generational and gender divides within Gen Z, no topic is off the table. They also take a hard look at the Democratic Party's missteps, and what Democrats must do if they want to move forward, inspire voters, and meet the urgency of this moment. Thoughtful, sharp, and unfiltered, this is a conversation you won't want to miss. This episode is brought to you by BetterHelp. Give online therapy a try at betterhelp.com/donlemon and get on your way to being your best self. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

September 14, 2025; 7am: On Saturday night, the President took credit for Memphis' reported drop in crime while reiterating the National Guard will be deployed to the city. The Governor of Tennessee supports this decision, but Memphis Mayor Paul Young and some local politicians argue it won't be a long-term fix. Additionally, new reporting outlines the Pentagon's plan to send a thousand troops on a policing mission in Louisiana's “urban centers.” Former Congressman and Commanding General for the Illinois National Guard, Major General William Enyart, and Former Acting Assistant Attorney General for National Security at the U.S. Department of Justice, Mary McCord, join “The Weekend” to discuss.For more, follow us on social media:Bluesky: @theweekendmsnbc.bsky.socialInstagram: @theweekendmsnbcTikTok: @theweekendmsnbcTo listen to this show and other MSNBC podcasts without ads, sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts.

You might know a street hustler; the street-corner, three-card monte, watch-the-pea-under-the-shell kind. The hustle that isn't about building something, but who is about getting over. That kind of hustling is what you do when you know, deep in your gut you don't have skills. And if you have achieved without skills, you know that you don't actually deserve what you have, and you're one wrong move away from everyone else figuring it out.This is the Democratic Party's core operating principle. They've achieved cultural power—a dominance in media, academia, and tech—but they have the nervous energy of an imposter who snuck into a gala and is now desperately trying to mimic the guests, terrified the bouncer will finally check their credentials.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

September 13, 2025; 7am: As the public awaits more information about the motive of Charlie Kirk's murder, Democrats and an increasing number of Republicans are wondering if FBI director Kash Patel is fit for the job. Recent reports say senior DOJ officials think his handling of this case has “eroded public confidence” in the agency. Retired FBI Special Agent Rob D'Amico and Senior Washington Columnist for Politico, Rachael Bade, join “The Weekend” to discuss.For more, follow us on social media:Bluesky: @theweekendmsnbc.bsky.socialInstagram: @theweekendmsnbcTikTok: @theweekendmsnbcTo listen to this show and other MSNBC podcasts without ads, sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts.

This episode dives headfirst into the tumultuous landscape of political discourse and the alarming rise of disinformation and violence in America. Stephanie Miller examines the recent, tragic events surrounding the shooting of Charlie Kirk and the ensuing media firestorm. She focuses on the pivotal role both mainstream and independent media play in shaping public perception and dissects how the rhetoric of political leaders fuels distrust in our institutions and the cascading effects this has on our society. The discussion will be a profound exploration of accountability, the elusive nature of truth, and the urgent necessity for unity during these fraught times. Tune in for a powerful and timely conversation with guests former prosecutor Glenn Kirschner and comedy duo Frangela!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

The left-wing surge of the U.S. working class during the Great Depression of the 1930s compelled the Democratic Party to prioritize serving the working class more than it had before or would again. It was called the New Deal. In response, the US employer class, angry that taxes on corporations and the rich were used to fund government programs for the people, turned to the Republican Party after World War II ended in 1945 and directed it to roll back the New Deal, reducing or eliminating all it had accomplished. Because the New Deal made the great mistake of leaving profits in the hands of employers, the employers used those profits to provide Republicans with the means to defeat the Democrats and roll back the New Deal. In response, the Democrats sought funding, finding it in the hands of many donors who had supported the Republicans. For many years, the U.S. was led by one party or the other: the GOP rolled back the New Deal faster, while the Democrats did so more slowly—one ruling class, two parties to serve it. The 2008 Great Recession ended the cozy system, as both parties had to protect the privileges of the corporations and the rich, even as the US empire and economy declined. As the mass of people suffered and neither the GOP nor the Democrats stopped it, people became desperate and elected Trump out of rage and hysteria. He did not and will not solve the fundamental problems any more than his predecessors did. For that, a genuinely new and different political party is needed — one that puts the American Working People First, the American majority. The program concludes with suggestions on how such a new party could truly transform the country and address its most pressing problems.   The d@w Team Economic Update with Richard D. Wolff is a DemocracyatWork.info Inc. production. We make it a point to provide the show free of ads and rely on viewer support to continue doing so.  You can support our work by joining our Patreon community:  https://www.patreon.com/democracyatwork Or you can go to our website: https://www.democracyatwork.info/donate     Every donation counts and helps us provide a larger audience with the information they need to better understand the events around the world they can't get anywhere else.  We want to thank our devoted community of supporters who help make this show and others we produce possible each week. We kindly ask you to also support the work we do by encouraging others to subscribe to our YouTube channel and website: www.democracyatwork.info

Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin has a plan for the U.S. Democratic Party. She's promoting what she calls a “war plan” to revive the middle class as a way for her party to not only challenge President Donald Trump—and win the future for America. She joins host Ravi Agrawal to game out how to put her vision into action.  Plus, One Thing from Ravi on the Russian drones fired into Polish airspace earlier this week. Council on Foreign Relations: A New Vision for America's National Security Julian E. Zelizer: Why Democrats Should Proceed to the Center With Caution Matthew Duss: Democrats Should Reclaim the Anti-War Mantle From Trump Christian Caryl: Russia Just Attacked NATO. Again. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

VDH and Jack react to the assassination of Charlie Kirk, remember 9/11, look at race and crime, examine the Democratic Party's hatred of capitalism and its shift towards socialism, consider calls to let New York City should be allowed to sink under a prospective Mamdani mayorship, and more.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

James and Al dissect the potential of a government shutdown, weigh its political effects on our economy and politics, and call out the partisanship of the SCOTUS in the wake of Trump's multiple appointees.  Then, they welcome WaPo's David Lynch to break down the pernicious effects of globalization, why it was a good idea, and why it is currently failing our people.  They also explore possible solutions to the decline of manufacturing, emphasize the importance of job training, and look at the role that a new government led by the Democratic Party could pursue to restore hope and jobs while strengthening our international relationships. This episode was recorded before the events at Utah Valley University. Email your questions to James and Al at politicswarroom@gmail.com or tweet them to @politicon.  Make sure to include your city– we love to hear where you're from! Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial  More from James and Al: Get text updates from Politics War Room and Politicon. Watch Politics War Room & James Carville Explains on YouTube @PoliticsWarRoomOfficial James Carville & Al Hunt have launched the Politics War Room Substack Get updates and some great behind-the-scenes content from the documentary CARVILLE: WINNING IS EVERYTHING, STUPID by following James on X @jamescarville and his new TikTok @realjamescarville Check Out Andrew Zucker's New Politicon Podcast: The Golden Age Get More From This Week's Guest:  David J. Lynch: Twitter | WaPo | National Press Foundation | Author  Please Support Our Sponsors: Naked Wines: To get 6 bottles of wine for $39.99, head to nakedwines.com/warroom and use code WARROOM for both the code and password.  Zbiotics: Get back into action after a night out with 15% off your first order of Zbiotics when you go to zbiotics.com/pwr and use code: PWR

Air Date 9/11/2025 I've always learned the high-level understanding that the Nazis were partly able to come to power because the opposition at the time was too caught up with infighting to create a coherent resistance. With hindsight, it's easy to lament how badly they miscalculated the circumstances but living through the modern day and watching the Democratic Party struggle gives even more clarity to how that kind of inability to get organized in the face of existential threats to democracy can happen. Be part of the show! Leave us a message or text at 202-999-3991, message us on Signal at the handle bestoftheleft.01, or email Jay@BestOfTheLeft.com Full Show Notes Check out our new show, SOLVED! on YouTube! BestOfTheLeft.com/Support (Members Get Bonus Shows + No Ads!) Join our Discord community! KEY POINTS KP 1: Where Is the Party?: Time for Democratic Leaders to ‘Fight with Both Hands' or ‘Step Aside' - Velshi - Air Date 8-30-25 KP 2: This Guy, This Line - The Rational National - Air Date 9-2-25 KP 3: How Elites Destroyed the Democratic Party in the US and Fuelled Populism | The Bottom Line - Al Jazeera English -Air Date 8-31-25 KP 4: Desperate Kyle Begs and Pleads With Democrats - The Kyle Kulinski Show - Air Date 8-28-25 KP 5: Ritchie Torres Talks Zionism, LGBT, The Bronx - The Adam Friedland Show - Air Date 8-27-25 KP 6: Journalist Exposes Dark Money on the Left - UNFTR Media - Air Date 8-30-25 (00:50:07) NOTE FROM THE EDITOR On the murder of Charlie Kirk DEEPER DIVES (01:04:12) SECTION A: DARK MONEY AND THE INFLUENCER WAR (02:01:36) SECTION B: AIPAC, ISRAEL, AND COMPLICITY (02:46:14) SECTION C: MOSTLY WEAK BUT SIGNS OF LIFE SHOW IMAGE CREDITS Description: A graphic illustration depicting a donkey colored in red and blue, with stars, looking in shock at its shadow on the ground. Credit: “Democratic Donkey Vector and Icon” by Vectorportal.com | CC BY 4.0   Produced by Jay! Tomlinson Visit us at BestOfTheLeft.com Listen Anywhere! BestOfTheLeft.com/Listen Listen Anywhere! Follow BotL: Bluesky | Mastodon | Threads | X Like at Facebook.com/BestOfTheLeft Contact me directly at Jay@BestOfTheLeft.com

Stephanie Miller dives into the recent shooting of Charlie Kirk, exploring how incendiary rhetoric and the growing acceptance of extremism can lead to tragic outcomes. She emphasizes the urgent need for accountability from political leaders and the public. It stresses that regardless of political affiliation, a unified response is essential to combat violence and safeguard American democracy. This isn't just a political discussion; it's a plea for civility and a stark reminder of the devastating human cost of our nation's political divisions. With guests Dr. Redlener and former assistant director for counterintelligence at the FBI Frank Figluzzi.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Subscribe to Bad Faith on Patreon to instantly unlock our full premium episode library: http://patreon.com/badfaithpodcast Minnesota State Senator Omar Fateh made headlines in July after winning the state Democratic Party's endorsement for mayor of Minneapolis as a DSA-backed, millennial Muslim going up against an establishment-backed incumbent. It was giving big Mandani energy until that incumbent, Jacob Frey, challenged the result and got the endorsement revoked. Now, with less than two months until Election Day, Fateh joins Bad Faith to discuss comparisons to Zohran, why Frey has lost the confidence of the party, how DSA candidates can remain accountable to the organization, and how to handle the corporate media's attacks on the defund movement -- especially as a candidate running in the city where George Floyd was killed. Subscribe to Bad Faith on YouTube for video of this episode. Find Bad Faith on Twitter (@badfaithpod) and Instagram (@badfaithpod). Produced by Armand Aviram. Theme by Nick Thorburn (@nickfromislands).

We react to the death of Charlie Kirk and what might happen next as political tensions escalate in these dark times. Donald Trump's irresponsible reaction. Elon Musk, Laura Loomer, Jesse Watters, and other MAGA fire-eaters falsely claim Democrats have incited violence. There's no one in custody and we don't know whether this was political at all. The WSJ's dubious report about engravings on the bullets. Matthew Dowd fired from MSNBC. The school shooting in Evergreen Colorado. Inflation is up, jobless claims are up. National Guard documents show fear and shame over DC occupation. With Jody Hamilton, David Ferguson, music by Rene Trossman, Jesse Terry, and more!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.