Podcasts about Okamura

Pozvání Pavla Štrunce tentokrát přijali předseda hnutí SPD Tomio Okamura a šéf České pirátské strany, 1. náměstek pražského primátora Zdeněk Hřib.Okamura s Hřibem se střetli o tom, zda má kvůli Blažkově kauze rezignovat celá vláda Petra Fialy. „Samozřejmě ano. Ty věci se už kumulují, nejsou to jen bitcoiny. (...) Proto my vyzveme hnutí ANO a podpoříme hnutí ANO ve vyvolání hlasování o nedůvěře vládě. K vyvolání je třeba 50 poslanců, hnutí SPD má jen 20 poslanců,“ oznámil Okamura.Hřib upozornil na to, že jsou jen asi čtyři měsíce do voleb. „Vnímám to v tom celku. Za mě není vhodné, aby ta dosavadní čtyřkoalice si nad tím mohla umýt ruce, to není dobře,“ řekl s tím, že se zdráhal říci, zda by měli Piráti podporovat hlasování o nedůvěře.

POWER HALF HOUR ep144 on May 21, 2025 with Chris Okamura. Chris Okamura is a Hawaii-based Realtor with eXp Realty and founder of Team Freedom, an international group focused on collaboration and growth. With over 20 years in real estate and mortgage, Chris brings deep industry experience and a passion for mentoring.  He blends culture, business savvy, and a fun approach to help clients and agents thrive. You can connect with Chris through the following platforms: Instagram: @teamfreedomofexp  Facebook: Team Freedom of eXp  LinkedIn: Chris Okamura  Website: teamfreedomofexp.com – Learn more about Team Freedom's mission and services.teamfreedomofexp.com Feel free to reach out to Chris through any of these channels for inquiries or collaborations.   ---------- Don't forget to SUBSCRIBE to my channel :) ---------- What is the POWER HALF HOUR?  The Power Half Hour is a concise 30 minute interview with a top performer/influencer; usually in real estate. The guest speaker will share with us what motivates them, how they achieved high level success and their top business tips. You can join in on these live Wednesday Power Half Hour interviews via Zoom or Facebook Live.  Connect with John Tsai for those links.  ---------- STAY CONNECTED with John Tsai, eXp Realty Instagram https://www.instagram.com/tsairealestate YouTube https://www.youtube.com/johntsaiprec  ---------- CHECK OUT my new book that launched on Amazon.com and .ca on July 12, 2021. Search: How To Be A Beast by John Tsai. 

Celé týdny nikde nic a najednou se s kampaněmi roztrhl pytel. Slavnostní zahájení má tento týden Spolu i Motoristé, STAN chystá další fázi kampaně, SPD spustí jarmark a Šlachta rozjíždí pípu.Oficiální zahájení kampaně Spolu se odehrálo v úterý v Praze, víc očekávaná je ale první premiérova debata, kterou moderuje herečka a standup komička Iva Pazderková. Jenže ta se koná ve čtvrtek navečer v Jihlavě - chvíli poté, co skončí první jarmark SPD tamtéž.„Nepochybuju o tom, že Tomio Okamura poradí svým voličům, aby to šli premiérovi vytmavit. Minimálně v ODS mají obavy, že se situace na místě zvrtne. Aby tam na něj nakonec voliči SPD neházeli levně nakoupená vejce z jarmarku,“ říká ve Vlevo dole Lucie Stuchlíková.„V ODS si myslí, že silná stránka premiéra je, že dokáže ustát konfrontaci, jako to předvedl nedávno na Masarykově univerzitě,“ popisuje Václav Dolejší. Jenže může politik vůbec vyjít pozitivně ze situace, kdy mu přijde nadávat někdo, koho žádné argumenty nezajímají?„Podle mě je to nešťastná náhoda, která bude nepříjemná hlavně pro premiéra. Protože ta první událost často udá tón celé kampani,“ dodává v podcastu Dolejší.Ale zajímavé to bude i na samotném jarmarku SPD. Kromě podezřele levné mrkve, vajec a piva Tomio Okamura slibuje také koncert kapely Chirurgové z dovozu. Jenže není vůbec jasné, co to znamená.„Mluvčí SPD nebyla schopná odpovědět, jestli to bude skutečná kapela nebo nějaké promítání. Údajné stránky kapely vypadají napůl jako vygenerované AI, napůl jako recese nebo trolling. Nemůžu se dočkat, jak to nakonec s koncertem bude,“ těší se Lucie Stuchlíková.Skutečně marketéři nedokážou před volbami vymyslet nic lepšího než pivo? Přijede Filip Turek na zahájení kampaně po Vltavě na šlapadle ve tvaru autíčka? A čím bude kontrovat STAN? Poslechněte si aktuální Vlevo dole!A nezapomeňte pro svůj oblíbený podcast hlasovat v anketě Podcast roku. Děkujeme!----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci.Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Pokud by SPD bylo ve vládě, udělali bychom zásadní revizi všech povolení k pobytu Ukrajinců v Česku tak, aby zůstali jen ti, kteří prokazatelně pracují na místě, kde nelze přijmout českého občana. V pořadu Partie Terezie Tománkové na CNN Prima NEWS to uvedl předseda SPD Tomio Okamura s tím, že zbylým Ukrajincům by bylo povolení ukončeno – včetně žen na mateřské a dětem. „Myslím, že je čas, aby se vrátily zpátky. Vždyť tam jezdí na dovolenou i několikrát ročně,“ vzkázal Okamura. Po celou dobu jeho proslovu ministr dopravy Martin Kupka (ODS) jen nevěřícně kroutil hlavou.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

SPD se spojila s dalšími extremisty, aby si spolu došli do sněmovny pro pravidelnou měsíční rentu. Voličům slibují například potraviny za ceny, se kterými by čeští zemědělci zkrachovali do Vánoc. Podpořte vydání dalších dílů: https://www.darujme.cz/projekt/1205779

Strmý pád podpory pro Trumpa je reakcí na chaos, autoritářství a ekonomický rozvrat; Rozšíření EU opět na pořadu dne; Fico a Orbán vyhrožují unii. Slovensku to nic nepřináší; Františkovi kluci z ulice a kopačkami na nohou; Okamura míří kampaň proti ukrajinským dětem, které k nám uprchly před válkou; Když sever tančí: karnevalové veselí v Nord-Pas-de-Calais

Jak se to dělá, když chce politik poštvat své voliče proti ukrajinským uprchlíkům? Modelový příklad rozdmychávání nenávisti předvádí předseda SPD Tomio Okamura.

Strmý pád podpory pro Trumpa je reakcí na chaos, autoritářství a ekonomický rozvrat; Rozšíření EU opět na pořadu dne; Fico a Orbán vyhrožují unii. Slovensku to nic nepřináší; Františkovi kluci z ulice a kopačkami na nohou; Okamura míří kampaň proti ukrajinským dětem, které k nám uprchly před válkou; Když sever tančí: karnevalové veselí v Nord-Pas-de-CalaisVšechny díly podcastu Názory a argumenty můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Jak se to dělá, když chce politik poštvat své voliče proti ukrajinským uprchlíkům? Modelový příklad rozdmychávání nenávisti předvádí předseda SPD Tomio Okamura.Všechny díly podcastu Názory a argumenty můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Welcome back to Open The Voice Gate! Case (https://twitter.com/_inyourcase) and Mike (https://twitter.com/fujiiheya) are back with an update on the comings and goings of Dragongate.Leading off the show, Case and Mike discuss the passing of Takashi Okamura and his position in Dragon System history, as a promoter and figurehead. They then discuss Dragongate's final stop in Osaka (4/27) before Dead or Alive including the Brave Gate tourney, Fujii vs Gianni and the DOA preview matches. To close out the show, they preview Dragongate last show in Dolphins' Arena, DEAD OR ALIVE 2025 including the Six Way Steel Cage Survival match and three title matches!Our podcast provider, Red Circle, offers the listeners the option to sponsor the show. Click on “Sponsor This Podcaster” at https://redcircle.com/shows/open-the-voice-gate and you can donate a single time, or set up a monthly donation to Open The Voice Gate!Please Rate and Review Open The Voice Gate on the podcast platform of your choice and follow us on twitter at https://twitter.com/openvoicegate.Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Zpochybňování férovosti voleb je teď v kurzuPoslechněte si záznam živého vystoupení podcastu Dobrovský & Šídlo z KD Beseda v Dačicích natočeného 22. dubna 2025.Živá vystoupení podcastu Dobrovský & Šídlo:20.5.2025 - 19:30 - Panelka Luleč ➡️  https://tinyurl.com/wsm2wypp17.6.2025 - 19:00 - Congress Centre Pardubice ➡️ https://tinyurl.com/5xsakpk4 Nezapomeňme 80 Paměť národa připravila celorepublikový projekt k připomínce konce 2. světové války. Na více než sto místech se můžete v průběhu dubna a května seznámit s příběhy lidí, kteří bojovali za naši svobodu i těch, kteří za ni bojují dnes.Běh pro Paměť národa - letos na 19 místech po celé republice - Paměť národa už desátým rokem pořádá závody v běhu - připomíná tím tak osudy politických vězňů, válečných veteránů, disidentů a dalších, kteří se postavili totalitním režimům v minulosti, ale i těch, kteří za svobodu bojují dnesX

Ještě před pár měsíci to vypadalo, že hnutí SPD je na konci s dechem a nahradí ho noví sekáči: Motoristé nebo Stačilo!. Dnes je Tomio Okamura zpět v plné síle. Konkurovat mu nemůže ani europoslanec Filip Turek se svým sebevědomím.Turkova aféra s dvousetkilometrovou rychlostí je něco, co ještě česká politika nezažila. „Nikoli proto, že by nikdo nespáchal daleko horší věci. Ale doposud se nikdo při porušování pravidel sám nevyfotil a veřejně se tím nechlubil, jaký že je machr,“ říká v podcastu Vlevo dole reportér Václav Dolejší.Filip Turek, oblíbenec exprezidenta Václava Klause a europoslanec za Motoristy, teatrálním porušováním předpisů jako kdyby symbolicky vyzýval k odporu proti dnešní přeregulované společnosti. „Dostává se mu za to překvapivě velké podpory od skalních fanoušků, kteří hazardují se životy, když se ho snaží na silnicích následovat,“ dodává reportérka Lucie Stuchlíková.Každopádně ani zběsilá rychlost a nadživotní sebevědomí Filipa Turka nevede k tomu, že by se Motoristům dařilo. Poté, co v loňských eurovolbách senzačně získali 10 procent hlasů, se aktuálně v průzkumech pohybují kolem pětiprocentní hranice života a smrti. Místa ve Sněmovně nemají jistá. A kromě Filipa Turka, jemuž se z pohodlí unijního parlamentu zatím do Prahy moc nechce, ani nemají další výraznější postavy.V opozičním táboře teď vidíme, že vedle dominantního hnutí ANO je hodně živo a dochází k rychlému přelévání přízně voličů. Původně odepisovaný šéf SPD Tomio Okamura narozdíl od Turka našel opravdové „turbo“, kterým své preference nakopnul.Spojenectví SPD se Svobodnými, Trikolorou a PRO se mu totiž vyplácí. „Evidentně příznivci jakéhokoliv politického směru oceňují spolupráci, pořád je tu reminiscence na úspěch koalice Spolu z minulých voleb,“ myslí si Dolejší.Okamura v rozjeté kampani trochu upozadil téma imigrace a nově sází na boj s inflací - slibuje levnější energie, bydlení a potraviny. Snaží se zároveň vyvolat dojem, že tentokrát jen nekritizuje, ale že má řešení i „odborníky“, kteří vědí, jak na to.„Ale nepřeceňujme to. Možná jde jen o krátkodobý přeliv voličů od ANO k SPD. Počkejme si, až Andrej Babiš nahodí své motory a rozjede kampaň na plno. Pak se k němu hlasy od Okamury zase třeba vrátí,“ dodává Stuchlíková.Kteří politici v minulosti porušovali zákon o silničním provozu? Byl Václav Havel lepší řidič než Tomáš Enge? A jak rychle jezdil Masaryk na koni? Přibrzděte a poslechněte si čerstvou epizodu Vlevo dole!----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci.Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Takřka ve stejný okamžik vznikly před pár týdny dohody o dvou uskupeních pro podzimní volby. Někdo by řekl koalicích, ale takové smrtelné věci s povinností 11 procent hlasů se tvůrci oněch smluv zdaleka vyhýbají. Konec konců podobně jako před lety TOP 09 s podporou Starostů.Všechny díly podcastu Názory a argumenty můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

U přijímacích zkoušek na střední školy vláda nesplnila, co slíbila. Vrtěti kohoutem? V Babišově videu je ještě něco víc. Opatřil si Okamura výkonný lux? Harvard má ve válce s Trumpem pravdu i máslo na hlavě. Na pomlázku. Jak můžu pomoct?Všechny díly podcastu Názory a argumenty můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Women's Gymnastics: "Okamura," 2 Other New Uneven Bars Skills Officially Named

In this insightful new installment of the Global e-Commerce Leaders Podcast, host Michael LeBlanc reconnects with Jim Okamura, Co-Founder of the Global eCommerce Leaders Forum (GELF), to discuss the future of global retail, the evolving mission of GELF, and how the community is responding to today's rapidly changing international marketplace. They begin by reflecting on the legacy of the late Kent Allen, a fellow GELF Co-Founder whose passing deeply impacted the organization and the broader e-commerce sector. Jim shares stories of Kent's passion for connecting people and forging solutions, highlighting how Kent's genuine commitment to global growth laid the groundwork for GELF's unique blend of community and expertise.Throughout the conversation, Jim explains the necessity of reimagining GELF's programming and events calendar to address the latest complexities in worldwide commerce. From evolving trade regulations and tariffs to the shifting needs of both established and emerging brands, he stresses the importance of gathering global retail leaders more frequently to tackle pressing concerns in real time. This rethinking involves a deeper focus on segmentation—recognizing that seasoned international brands need more advanced strategies, while newcomers require foundational guidance on cross-border logistics, market entry, and localized marketing.Listeners will learn about planned workshops, digital channels, and in-person meetups designed to foster constructive dialogue and knowledge sharing. Jim previews how GELF aims to partner with complementary associations—such as those in logistics, language translation, and supply chain—to further expand the ecosystem of global practitioners. By diving into topics like cross-border wholesaling and franchising, along with direct-to-consumer e-commerce, GELF is poised to address a full spectrum of global commerce opportunities.Finally, Michael and Jim look ahead, encouraging community members—ranging from enterprise veterans to rising DTC players—to share feedback, collaborate on new initiatives, and join a reinvigorated conversation about global retail expansion. The episode concludes with a heartfelt dedication to Kent Allen's memory, reminding listeners of the spirit of connection and innovation that underpins the Global eCommerce Leaders Forum. Whether you're a seasoned multinational brand or exploring your first international venture, this episode provides invaluable insights and a roadmap for thriving in the ever-evolving world of cross-border commerce.Support the GoFundMe for Kent Allen's memorial bench here:https://www.gofundme.com/f/memorial-bench-for-kent-at-golden-gate-park   Presented by StreamCommerce, a full-service consultancy that ideates, strategizes, and executes growth marketing solutions for their clients. They partner with people and brands they believe in, to create websites that are deeply committed to the user experience and that drive omnichannel digital transformation. StreamCommerce increases your bottom line sustainably by delivering a customer experience that's true to your brand. Their team of industry experts allows them to make informed and strategic decisions quickly. As the world changes, we listen, and they deliver world-class e-commerce websites on Shopify Plus.

Você sabe como descartar corretamente as embalagens de defensivos agrícolas? No episódio 61 do #SolloCast, Thaís Matioli Polisel conversa com Marcelo Okamura, engenheiro agrônomo e diretor do inpEV, para explicar como funciona a logística reversa dessas embalagens e a importância da destinação correta.Descubra como o Brasil se tornou referência mundial no descarte responsável e como esse processo contribui para a sustentabilidade no campo!Além disso, no quadro Porteira Aberta, Marcelo compartilha um pouco sobre sua paixão pela pescaria e o convívio com seus netos.#SolloCast #Podcast #VideoCast #Agronegócio #Sustentabilidade #LogísticaReversa #inpEV #EmbalagensAgrícolas #MeioAmbiente #SolloAgro #ESALQ #USP

S Františkem Trojanem a Filipem Zelenkou o aktuálním politickém dění v Česku

Celý podcast sledujte na http://www.Echoprime.czZačínají předvolební kampaně. Ano se drží zpátky, Spolu sází na zahraniční politiku, antibabiše a reflexní zelenou barvu. „Na Twitteru se o novém zbarvení Spolu mluví hodně, ale přinese to i voliče?“ ptá se Pavel Štrunc. A za bukem číhá STAN. „Přitom je to nejproradnější strana. Bez programu, půjdou do koalice s kýmkoliv, jsou bezpáteřní,“ říká Dalibor Balšínek.„Někteří lidé z Ano by rádi jeli víc protrumpovskou linii a Andrej Babiš takové projevy brzdí, protože vycítil, že by jim to mohlo nějaké hlasy ubrat,“ říká Daniel Kaiser. Dochází Kateřině Konečné dech? A dostane se Okamura do Sněmovny pohodlně, ač jde do voleb ve falešné koalici menších stran?Bude, nebo nebude mít Česko levnou elektřinu z jádra? A co vás čeká v novém pořadu Pavla Štrunce.Na Echo Poradě diskutovali Markéta Malá, Daniel Kaiser, Pavel Štrunc a Dalibor Balšínek.X: http://twitter.com/echo24czFacebook: http://twitter.com/echo24cz

Na kandidátkách hnutí SPD budou ve sněmovních volbách i představitelé Svobodných, Trikolory a strany PRO. Co si od toho SPD slibuje? Neobchází tím volební zákon? Jak se SPD staví k debatám o posílení obranyschopnosti Česka? A podpoří vládní návrh na zpřísnění azylových a migračních pravidel? Tomáš Pancíř se ptal předsedy hnutí Svoboda a přímá demokracie Tomia Okamury.

Na kandidátkách hnutí SPD budou ve sněmovních volbách i představitelé Svobodných, Trikolory a strany PRO. Co si od toho SPD slibuje? Neobchází tím volební zákon? Jak se SPD staví k debatám o posílení obranyschopnosti Česka? A podpoří vládní návrh na zpřísnění azylových a migračních pravidel? Tomáš Pancíř se ptal předsedy hnutí Svoboda a přímá demokracie Tomia Okamury.

Na kandidátkách hnutí SPD budou ve sněmovních volbách i představitelé Svobodných, Trikolory a strany PRO. Co si od toho hnutí slibuje? Neobchází tím volební zákon? Jak se SPD staví k debatám o posílení obranyschopnosti Česka? A podpoří vládní návrh na zpřísnění azylových a migračních pravidel? Moderuje Tomáš Pancíř.Všechny díly podcastu Dvacet minut Radiožurnálu můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Tomio Okamura oznámil, že jeho SPD bude ve volbách kandidovat s dalšími třemi stranami - Trikolorou, PRO Jindřicha Rajchla a Svobodnými. „Ale pozor. Rozhodně to není žádný účelový slepenec, čtyřkolka nebo nedejbože koalice! To by byl totiž podvod na voliče, který Okamura opakovaně kritizuje u vládních stran,“ glosuje v podcastu Lucie Stuchlíková.„Spojenectví vlasteneckých stran“ se prezentovalo pod zkratkou Jo! „To je překvapivě pozitivní název, protože jestli tyhle strany něco spojuje, tak to, že jsou spíš proti všemu možnému, ať už je to migrace, euro, green deal nebo Evropská unie,“ říká Václav Dolejší.Okamura tak trochu kopíruje to, co udělala Kateřina Konečná, která schovala komunisty za novou značkou Stačilo! „Ale Okamura na to jde chytřeji, chce si všechno pohlídat. A tak jen přibral strany na svoji kandidátku, aby měl kontrolu nad lidmi i penězi,“ dodává Lucie Stuchlíková.Od Tomia Okamury jde o chytrý tah. Jednak odstraní část konkurence, se kterou by se jinak musel přetahovat o stejného voliče. A voliči na jeho straně spektra nakonec ocení to samé, co voliči vládních stran - že se „jejich“ politici dokážou spojit. Otázka ovšem je, jak dlouho to vydrží. Protože na jednom pódiu se teď sešli lidé s minulostí plnou vzájemných šarvátek. Například zástupci Svobodných a Trikolory, kteří spolu kandidovali už minule, ale nakonec se Svobodní omlouvali, protože Trikolora podle nich není pravicová strana a navíc podporuje Andreje Babiše.Nebo Jindřich Rajchl se Zuzanou Majerovou, s níž se chtěl utkat o post šéfa Trikolory, aby nakonec práskl dveřmi a radši si založil vlastní projekt. Nebo s Tomiem Okamurou, který o něm ještě nedávno prohlašoval, že s Rajchlem nechce spolupracovat, protože je „probruselský.“Nová (ne)koalice se už každopádně vidí v příští vládě. A pokud se to stane, bude to kabinet složený ze samých zábavných názvů. „Úplně to vidím: vláda ANO - Jo! - Stačilo! A teď si říkám, že jsem je všechny takhle pohromadě viděl na oslavách narozenin Miloše Zemana, který si přesně takto představuje budoucí kabinet,“ uzavírá Václav Dolejší.Je podpora od Miloše Zemana důvod k optimismu? Jak dlouho trvala naděje, že SPD pustí na svoji akci štáb Vlevo dole? A jak se dnes vlastně má paní poslankyně Hyťhová? Poslechněte si v Reaktoru Vlevo dole!----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci.Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Je Rusko pro Česko bezpečnostní hrozbou? Měli bychom se připravovat na možný konflikt? A jak by měla vypadat cesta k ukončení války na Ukrajině? Hostem dnešního PoliTalku je předseda hnutí SPD, Tomio Okamura.

ANO a SPD nechtějí řešit bezpečnostní směřování Česka a bojí se vyjádřit před volbami. V Partii Terezie Tománkové na CNN Prima NEWS to prohlásila místopředsedkyně ODS Eva Decroix, která tak reagovala na odmítnutí lídrů těchto stran účastnit se schůzky iniciované premiérem Petrem Fialou (ODS). Předseda SPD Tomio Okamura kritizoval vládu, že si plán na zbrojení napřed schválila a až poté chtěla jednat s opozicí. Vládní tah označil za „zoufalý výkřik a PR kampaň“.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Vydat, či nevydat? Otázka, která tento týden potrápila vládní poslance. Do poslední chvíle nebylo jasné, jestli Sněmovna zbaví imunity šéfa SPD Tomia Okamuru. Policie ho podezírá z přečinu podněcování k nenávisti vůči skupině osob kvůli plakátům z krajských voleb.„Tomio Okamura může slavit. Ať už se případ vyvine jakkoli, může to využít ve svůj prospěch. Mučedník Okamura, novodobý Jan Hus, bojovník za svobodu slova,“ říká Václav Dolejší.Ač pro Okamurovo vydání hlasovala nakonec drtivá většina přítomných vládních poslanců, rozhodování nebylo snadné. Vládní politici ho v kuloárech sněmovny řešili do poslední chvíle. Na vydání se neshodl ani mandátový a imunitní výbor, různé hlasy zaznívaly především z ODS.„Vládní poslanci si museli vybrat - buď se vystaví hněvu voličů, že si nedošlápli na Okamuru, nebo šéfovi SPD pomůžou v kampani. Hlavně premiér nabádal kolegy, že neodsoudit rasistický plakát by se voličům špatně vysvětlovalo,“ říká Lucie Stuchlíková.Jaký byl Tomio Okamura jako malé miminko? Proč má hnutí, v němž nejsou žádní rasisti, pořád nějaké opletačky kvůli rasismu? A bude slavnostní zahájení kampaně SPD v Kostnici? ----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci.Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Bezbranní v Trumpově světě. Mlhavé naděje na příměří. EU rozjíždí vznik společné obrany tváří v tvář Rusku i USA. K roli mučedníka potřebuje Okamura pomoc ostatních poslanců. Místo neziskovek bude státní TikTok.

Tomio Okamura čelí podezření ze spáchání trestného činu podněcovaní nenávisti vůči skupině osob nebo k omezování jejich práv a svobod. Pozornost policie si vysloužil kontroverzní kampaní SPD před krajskými a senátními volbami.

CELOU EPIZODU MŮŽETE SLEDOVAT NA HEROHERO.CO/STUDION, DOSTUPNÁ JE TAKÉ V RÁMCI KLUBOVÉHO PŘEDPLATNÉHO DENÍKU N Andrej Babiš po Novém roce natočil naštvané video, ve kterém se ostře pustil do vlády a její ekonomické politiky. Petr Fiala kontroval záběry, na nichž bouchá pěstí do stolu a snaží se probudit národní sebevědomí. A zatímco se hlavní rivalové nadcházejících sněmovních voleb snaží upoutat pozornost, tu největší na sebe v posledních dnech strhl především Tomio Okamura. Policie totiž požádala Sněmovnu, aby ho vydala k trestnímu stíhání kvůli billboardové kampani. Jak výrazně zasáhla policejní žádost do předvolební kampaně? Jak velká je pravděpodobnost, že předseda SPD opravdu skončí ve vězení? A v jaké atmosféře Česko prožije letošní předvolební kampaň? Filip Titlbach se ptá politického analytika Deníku N Jana Tvrdoně. Podívejte se na celý hodinový rozhovor.

News; Okamura responds to police request for his parliamentary extradition; traces of Neanderthal settlement uncovered in northern Bohemia; a new show aims to make Czech roads safer; our guide to Karlovy Vary.

Osamu Okamura was born in Tokyo to Japanese-Czech parents but moved to Prague while still an infant. An architect by profession, he is involved in a wide slew of activities, from academic work to popularising the concept of liveable cities among the general public. His family name is well-known in Czechia largely thanks to his brother Tomio Okamura, who heads a leading anti-EU political party, while a second sibling, Hayato Okamura, is also an MP.

In this episode, we explore the transformative experience of law school clinics and their pivotal role in shaping the careers of aspiring lawyers. Today, we have the privilege of hearing from three exceptional graduates of Loyola Law School of Los Angeles' Ninth Circuit Clinic: Tina Kuang, Sydney Wong, and Molly Okamura. Under the guidance of our host, M.C. Sungaila, these talented alumni share their remarkable journeys, where they, along with their law school teammates, took on the challenge of briefing, arguing, and ultimately prevailing in immigration appeals before the esteemed Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Their stories exemplify how participation in law school clinics can sharpen legal skills, nurture professional growth, and accelerate careers in the legal arena.

Fialova vláda rekordně zadlužuje naši zemi, hlásí lídr SPD Tomio Okamura. Jak by podle SPD měl vypadat rozpočet na příští rok? A jak se strana staví k otázce platů politiků? Vladimír Kroc se zeptal místopředsedy sněmovního rozpočtového výboru, poslance SPD Jana Hrnčíře.Všechny díly podcastu Dvacet minut Radiožurnálu můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Dr. Allison Okamura is a Professor of Mechanical Engineering at Stanford University. She also holds a courtesy appointment in Computer science there. Research in Allison's lab examines three different areas of robotics. The first is haptics, which involves human machine interactions through the sense of touch. The second is designing medical robots that can, for example, be used to help people recover from stroke or perform surgery. A final area that Allison studies is creating soft robots that can conform to their environments. Much of Allison's free time is spent with her husband, daughter, and son. When she's not at work, Allison also enjoys relaxing, running, and playing ice hockey. Allison received her B.S. in Mechanical Engineering from the University of California, Berkeley, and she was awarded her M.S. and Ph.D. both in Mechanical Engineering from Stanford University. Before joining the faculty at Stanford University, Allison was Professor and Vice Chair of Mechanical Engineering at Johns Hopkins University. Allison is the recipient of numerous awards and honors, including being elected as a fellow for the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE). She has also been awarded the IEEE Technical Committee on Haptics Early Career Award, the IEEE Robotics and Automation Society Early Academic Career Award, and an NSF CAREER Award. In addition, Allison was honored as a Duca Family University Fellow in Undergraduate Education, a Robert Bosch Faculty Scholar, a Gabilan Fellow, and an Alumni Distinguished Scholar by Stanford University, as well as a Decker Faculty Scholar by Johns Hopkins University. In our interview, Allison speaks more about her experiences in life and science.

CELÝ VÍCE NEŽ HODINOVÝ DÍL NAJDETE NA HEROHERO.CO/STUDION Proč by měli Piráti zamknout fórum za paywall? Přehnal to Martin Kuba se svým solitérstvím vůči Petru Fialovi? Proč Andrej Babiš udržuje mezi svými kolegy žárlivost? A měla by Socdem zaklepat na dveře Kateřiny Konečné? Filip Titlbach hodnotí výsledek voleb ve Studiu N se šéfredaktorem Reflexu Martinem Bartkovským.

Tomio Okamura a SPD sice útočí tu na migranty, tu na Fialovu vládu, ale největší nebezpečí je čeká od politiků a stran, které jsou jim nejblíž. Nejdříve je opustil bývalý volič Václav Klaus, který začal podporovat Motoristy. Následně je opustili dlouholetí evropští partneři (Salvini, Le Penová, Wilders) a společně s Andrejem Babišem se zasloužili o to, že Okamura nemohl vstoupit do evropské frakce Patrioti pro Evropu. Nyní ho opouští také Miloš Zeman, který byl nedávno na sjezdu SPD a ještě v létě 2019 téměř přesvědčil premiéra Babiše, aby Okamuru vzal do vlády výměnou za sociální demokracii. Ti všichni se nyní k Okamurovi obracejí zády a chtějí jenom jediné - přerozdělit si jeho hlasy. Tomia Okamuru proto neohrožuje současná vládní koalice, protože její voliči by k němu stejně nepřešli. Jeho hlavním nebezpečím je, že protestní hlasy si přerozdělí ANO, Motoristé a Stačilo! Právě na tomto půdorysu má podle hlavních politických scénáristů (Babiš, Klaus, Zeman) vzniknout nová vládní většina. A aby to byla skutečná většina, potřebují právě Okamurovy hlasy. Tomio to už před několika týdny vycítil a před krajskými a senátními volbami vytvořil předvolební koalici s Rajchlovou stranou PRO, Trikolórou a Svobodnými. Podle předvolebních průzkumů však tato sestava příliš na voliče nezabírá. SPD proto šlápla na plyn a zveřejnila sérii fotografií, na nichž jsou vesměs lidé afrického původu, kteří mají vystrašit českou populaci. Může být takový způsob volebního marketingu úspěšný, když současně nenabízí lepší vizi světa? A není už Okamura na vedlejší koleji, kam ho přesměrovali jeho nejbližší? Kompletní hodina a půl o všem možném na Forendors.cz

Nehrozí, že stát nedokáže zajistit ani své základní funkce? V Česku máme 12,4 tisíc firem s 40procentním ruským vlastnictvím, nejvíc v Evropské unii. Okamura (už zase) překročil marketingový Rubikon. Vzpomínka na Dubčekův projev.

Plakát SPD, na němž jsou vyobrazeni dva snědí chlapci, doprovází zcela otevřeně rasistický text. „Říkají, ať chodíme do školy, ale naši to mají na háku. (Sociální) podporu si zaslouží jen ty rodiny, kde děti plní školní docházku,“ hlásá Okamurova strana.

V novém podcastu se vracím k události, která ovlivnila tvář české politiky. Třetího září 2022 se uskutečnila na Václavském náměstí statisícová demonstrace, kterou organizovala do té doby skupina neznámých aktivistů z okruhu antiwaxerské scény. Nebylo to klasické vystoupení proti vládě, z velké části spíš proti režimu, který Fialova vláda představuje. Na pódiu se neobjevili ani šéfové parlamentní opozice Babiš nebo Okamura. Prvně jmenovaného organizátoři nenáviděli kvůli jeho postojům v době covidu, druhého zase podezírali z toho, že opozičnost jen předstírá a jde mu jen o moc. Hlavní organizátor demonstrace, Ladislav Vrabel, představil program Česká republika na 1. místě. Jednoznačně jde o jinou vizi vývoje Česka - vystoupit z EU, NATO a omluvit se Rusku. Série demonstrací měla velký vliv na jazyk a politický styl v celém Česku, který nabyl na konfrontačnosti. Od prvních chvil se pro organizátory a demonstranta vžilo označení dezolátně, podle části účastníků, kteří vypadali na něco mezi homeless a deprivanty. Sám Vrabel je temná postava s dvaceti exekucemi a řadou soudních řízení. Jeho snahy sjednotit antiwaxerskou scénu byly neúspěšné. On sám kandidoval ve sněmovních volbách za uskupení Chcípl PES a neuspěl. Tmelem hnutí dezolátů se stala až Putinova válka na Ukrajině. Tahle válka a její odpor k pomoci Ukrajině sjednotil řadu opozičních skupin a iniciativ. Zpětně to mělo vliv i na parlamentní opozici a její témata. 

Last time we spoke about the fall of Guam and actions in New Guinea. General Shepherd's Marines had secured the Orote Peninsula, while General Turnage's Marines pushed the Japanese northwards. General Bruce's 77th Division prepared for an eastward assault, and engineers attempted, but failed, to build a supply road to Yona. Geiger's offensive began on July 31, with Marines quickly capturing Agaña and advancing despite dense jungle and resistance. The 77th Division faced tough terrain but liberated 2,000 Guamanians. The push north continued, facing logistical challenges and mined roads. By August 7th, coordinated attacks cleared key areas, culminating in the defeat of remaining Japanese forces by August 11. Guam was back in American hands although scattered Japanese forces continued guerrilla warfare until the war's conclusion. Thus the Marianas campaign had finally come to a conclusion, and now the allies were adding more bass of operation to hit the Japanese home islands.  This episode is the Fall of Myitkyina Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  This week we are diving back over to the northern Burma front. Despite holding Myitkyina through a rainy, muddy summer-long siege, by late July, the Japanese had been gradually cornered into a small perimeter, cut off from all supply lines and running short on ammunition. The situation worsened due to a leadership crisis, between the two Japanese leaders was a matter of semantics. Colonel Maruyama of the 114th Regiment who was in charge of the defense of the city, interpreted his orders to “facilitate the future operations of 33rd Army ‘by securing the vital areas in the vicinity of Myitkyina',” as a call to defend the city street-by-street, house-by-house. When General Minakami of the 56th Division arrived, he pointed out that all Maruyama had to do to satisfy his orders was simply to continue to deny the Allies access to the Ledo-Kamaing road. Minakami thus found himself in a rather difficult position in regard to the command of the Myitkyina Garrison. Maruyama had conducted an excellent defense, was fully familiar with the situation and, because of his position as former commander, exercised considerable authority. Shortly after Minakami's assumption of command, General Honda asked how long Myitkyina could stand. Minakami replied that the garrison might be able to hold out for as long as two months. A few days later, Honda was surprised to receive a second message stating, "The Myitkyina Garrison finds it difficult to hold with the poor defense facilities and meager supplies of ammunition." The Army staff concluded that the first message was undoubtedly Minakami's personal opinion as it reflected his determined character and that the second message incorporated the views of Maruyama who was more cognizant of the actual situation. In order that there should be no doubt as to the importance of holding Myitkyina, Honda sent the following message, "Maj. Gen. Minakami will defend Myitkyina to the death” — a message sent with deep regret and sadness according to the staff officers who wrote and dispatched the order. Heavy casualties had reduced the Japanese forces from around 3,000 to fewer than 1,500, further weakening the garrison's defensive capabilities. This number included the heavily wounded and hospital patients, who could only be evacuated by drifting down the Irrawaddy River on rafts, often intercepted by the unforgiving Kachin Levies. On July 24, eight rafts and a boat laden with Japanese were attacked on the Irrawaddy by Kachins of the OSS Detachment 101. Twenty-four Japanese were killed, two captured, and then it was learned these were hospital patients fleeing Myitkyina. Three more Japanese seized by friendly Burmans revealed that hospital patients were being evacuated by the simple expedient of letting them drift down the river on rafts. As these fierce defenders began to falter, General Wessels felt ready to launch his final push. Reinforced by the 149th and 90th Regiments, the American-Chinese forces made daily gains of several hundred yards during the last days of July, though at a significant cost. As the Japanese-held area shrank, counterattacks became less dynamic, captured positions were less fortified, and many Japanese dead were found to be severely wounded men returned to the line. Unbeknownst to the Americans, the desperate defenders had requested a withdrawal to the east by the end of the month. Though Minakami had intended to fight to the last, he ultimately agreed to preserve his men's lives. On the night of August 1, the Japanese began their escape, crossing the Irrawaddy east of the town. Weighing the many evidences that control of the situation was rapidly passing into their hands, Wessels and his colleagues drafted a new plan of attack. It included an ingenious device, credited to General Pan Yu-kun of the 50th Division. A raiding party, formed into fifteen heavily armed sections, was organized and briefed on infiltrating Japanese lines facing the 50th Division. Having made its way through the Japanese lines in darkness, it was to remain hidden until 0430 when the 50th would assault while the raiders spread confusion behind the Japanese lines. Meanwhile, air reconnaissance revealed many rafts moored against the Irrawaddy within the Japanese lines. "At 0300 hours (3 August), when the moon went down and rain and thunder set in, the raiding party of the 50th Division moved out. The approach was detected only once and some shots were fired at the raiders, who hit the ground. The Chinese did not return fire however, and after laying low for a while, moved out again quietly and cautiously." While the raiders created confusion behind Japanese lines, the 50th Division launched a full attack, quickly overwhelming the remaining enemy positions and capturing 187 prisoners, thus securing Myitkyina for the Chinese. However, about 800 Japanese managed to escape eastward and later rejoined their allies. Minakami was not among them. As the 3rd of August meandered on in a haze of gunfire, blood and rain, Minakami went to sit with his back against a tree. There came the sound of a pistol shot. Japanese officers nearby sprinted to the scene. The general's orderly was in tears. They found Minakami's body erect against the tree trunk, facing northeast, towards Japan. The ten-week siege resulted in approximately 3,000 Japanese killed or captured; 972 Chinese killed, 3,184 wounded, and 188 evacuated due to illness; and 272 Americans killed, 955 wounded, and 980 evacuated sick. Overall, the total American-Chinese casualties in 1944 amounted to 13,618 Chinese and 1,327 American casualties. A week later, the Galahad Unit, reduced to only 130 combat-effective men from the original 2,997, was disbanded. The fall of Myitkyina was General Stilwell's greatest victory, earning him a promotion to full general on August 1, two days before the city fell. The attack was costly in terms of suffering and losses, but the Mogaung-Myitkyina area was a significant prize. It allowed Ledo Road builders and American transport planes to move to Myitkyina and enabled ground forces to link up with other Chinese forces in neighboring Yunnan. As the fighting moved further south down the Hukawng and Mogaung valleys, it became safer for transports to use the lower, more southerly routes to China. This, in turn, increased Hump deliveries to China from 13,686 tons in May to 18,235 tons in June and 25,454 tons in July.  While the Allies celebrated victories in northern Burma, the situation in China was dire as the Ichi-Go offensive resulted in many Chinese casualties. By August 1, General Yokoyama had amassed 110,000 troops around Hengyang, equipped with five heavy artillery pieces, fifty mountain artillery pieces, and 40,000 shells. Conversely, General Fang's resilient defenders had dwindled to 3,000 exhausted troops, with their defenses largely destroyed. General Xue Yue's reinforcements had failed to reach Hengyang, leaving the Chinese forces to rely on the 46th Army to launch an attack along the railway. On August 4, Yokoyama initiated his main offensive. The 68th and 116th Divisions launched a significant assault from the south and southwest, while the 58th Division quietly positioned itself near the enemy's northern defenses. Initially, progress was slow. However, by August 5, Yokoyama's forces had captured Yoping and School Hill. The next day, the 116th Division secured part of the city's defenses. On August 6, the 58th Division breached the city walls from the north, forcing Fang to redeploy troops to counter this new threat. Intense street fighting broke out on August 7 as the defenders valiantly tried to repel the Japanese attacks. By nightfall, the 68th Division had overrun the southern defenses and entered part of the Walled City. Gradually, enemy troops began to surrender, and before dawn on August 8, after 48 days of fierce resistance, Fang was compelled to surrender. Following the capture of Hengyang, Yokoyama declared the successful completion of the initial phase of Operation Togo and promptly began preparations for the subsequent offensive. In this phase, the Japanese reported casualties of over 3860 killed, 8327 wounded, and 7099 sick, with an estimated Chinese casualty count exceeding 100,000, including 8400 killed and 5000 captured in Hengyang alone. To spearhead the next stage of Operation Togo targeting Guilin and Liuzhou, General Okamura Yasuji's 6th Area Army was established on August 25, comprising the 11th, 23rd, and 34th Armies, along with the 27th, 40th, 64th, and 68th Divisions, alongside additional support units. This allowed General Hata to focus on countering potential American landings on the Chinese coast while Okamura directed the offensives in eastern China. Ahead of this operation, Lieutenant-General Tanaka Hisakazu of the 23rd Army initiated a preliminary offensive in late June, positioning the 23rd Independent Mixed Brigade in the northeastern sector of the Luichow Peninsula, advancing the 22nd Independent Mixed Brigade to the Tanjiang River, securing the Jiangmen area with the 22nd Division, and capturing the Qingyuan sector with the 104th Division. By late August, Yokoyama had deployed six divisions along the Shuangfeng-Leiyang line, poised to eliminate the enemy in the district west of Hengyang. On August 29, he launched the offensive, with over 100,000 troops advancing southwest amidst heavy artillery bombardment. Intense ground and aerial combat ensued, resulting in the loss of 10 Japanese planes and 15 enemy aircraft. Despite fierce resistance from Chinese defenders over three days, their entire line collapsed on September 1, prompting a retreat towards Shaoyang, Qiyang, and Jiahe. However, the Japanese advanced relentlessly, covering nearly 100 kilometers in the following days without pause. By September 5, both Qiyang and Huochangpingzhen had fallen, followed by the seizure of Lingling Airdrome on September 8 by the 3rd Division. Progressing along a north-south axis, Japanese forces secured Shaoyang and Changning, while the 58th Division captured Dongan on the same day. With initial objectives achieved, Yokoyama ordered further pursuit, with the 3rd and 54th Divisions converging in the Quanzhou area by September 14. Meanwhile, Tanaka prepared for his offensive, with the bulk of the 104th Division moving towards Taipingzhen, and a raiding unit conducting a wide envelopment maneuver along the Zhukeng-Huaiji road towards Wuzhou by September 6. Subsequently, the 23rd Brigade began its northward march from Suixi. However, Tanaka's offensive wouldn't commence for a couple of weeks. Turning to the broader context of the Pacific War, General Stilwell celebrated a major victory with the fall of Myitkyina, while General Slim's successful defense against Operation U-Go further bolstered Allied morale in the CBI Theater. In Thailand, Prime Minister Phibun's regime faced a significant crisis as Japan struggled to meet the country's essential import needs, leading to inflation, rationing, shortages, black markets, smuggling, corruption, and profiteering. The anti-Japanese Free Thai underground movement, spearheaded by Regent Pridi Banomyong, infiltrated the government, stoking public discontent against both the Japanese occupiers and Phibun's administration. As a result, following the downfall of the Tojo government, Phibun found himself compelled to step down in late July. For his part, Phibun also was thinking of ways, he claims, to prepare to turn against the Japanese. Part of these preparations included proposals to move the capital to remote Phetchabun, north of Bangkok, and construct a “Buddhist City,” a sort of center for world Buddhism, near Saraburi—both grandiose projects in typically extravagant Phibun style. Moving to the isolated, mountain-ringed Phetchabun, Phibun later argued, would facilitate a Thai uprising against the Japanese. Yet on July 18, the Tojo government in Japan resigned, and only six days later the Thai National Assembly turned down both government bills and forced the resignation of Phibun as prime minister. The deputies in the assembly voted against these plans motivated in part by the fall of Tojo, who was closely associated in their minds with Phibun, in part by their feeling that the war was turning against Japan, and in part by their feeling that Phibun was too closely identified with an authoritarian past that must now be buried for the sake of improving relations with the Allies.  Politician Khuang Aphaiwong then assumed his position as Prime Minister on August 1. Serving as a compromise candidate, he navigated between Phibun's supporters and the opposition while maintaining cooperation with the Japanese and safeguarding Free Thai members who had collaborated with the Allies. Meanwhile, in China, the success of Operation Ichi-Go led to another leadership crisis. Despite the initial rejection of Stilwell commanding troops in China in 1942, the effective Japanese offensive posed a threat of defeat to the Chinese Government, reigniting the debate over command authority. This was especially significant as Chinese troops under Stilwell's command were achieving significant victories in northern Burma. However, Stilwell's vocal criticism of Chiang Kai-Shek's corrupt regime and incompetent generals strained their relationship. Chiang favored General Chennault, who proposed that with a monthly allocation of 10,000 tons for operations in northern China, his 14th Air Force could halt the Japanese offensive. Despite his strained relationship with Chennault, Stilwell redirected Hump allocations to increase the 14th Air Force's allocation to 8,425 tons, although he couldn't secure an additional 1,500 tons from the Matterhorn allocation. Chennault's aircraft managed to disrupt the Japanese advance, but failed to halt it completely. In late June, Stilwell faced criticism when Vice-President Henry Wallace visited Chongqing. While Wallace persuaded Chiang to allow a small American observer mission into Communist territory, he also recommended Stilwell's recall due to his perceived lack of diplomacy and strained relations with the Chinese leadership. Nonetheless, Stilwell maintained the backing of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and President Roosevelt eventually nominated him to lead the China Theater, on the condition that he make every effort to avoid upsetting the Generalissimo. In July, the President attempted to persuade Chiang to accept this arrangement, but the Generalissimo employed various diplomatic maneuvers to reject the proposal, agreeing "in principle" only after an unspecified period for his forces to adjust. He also requested the presence of a presidential representative to facilitate smooth relations between himself and Stilwell. Major-General Patrick Hurley was appointed to this role and arrived in China in August. Concurrently, the Dixie Mission arrived in Yan'an, where over the following months, American observers assessed Communist society, military tactics, and guerrilla operations, issuing reports that commended them and suggested increased collaboration. Following the fall of Hengyang, tensions escalated in China, with rumors swirling about potential coup plans involving Marshall Li Zhongren and General Xue Yue against the Generalissimo. Meanwhile, Chennault urged Stilwell to divert Hump airlift capacity to supply ground forces in eastern China, a move opposed by Chiang, who feared supporting potential insurgents with lend-lease equipment. Stilwell, anticipating his imminent assumption of leadership in the China Theater, refrained from challenging Chiang's stance. With significant developments looming, the intensifying rift between Stilwell and Chiang foreshadowed the downfall of one of them. Elsewhere in the South Pacific, General MacArthur's troops had finished their final offensive in New Guinea and were preparing to return to the Philippines by way of an intermediate stop at Halmahera Island. To the east, Rabaul was completely surrounded, enduring heavy bombardment from Allied air forces. Meanwhile, on Bougainville, the remaining forces of the 17th Army had retreated to the island's southern region, unable to launch further counterattacks. The living conditions of the Japanese soldiers, never good under the best of circumstances, became increasingly desperate. Added to the dangers that forward troops always faced, such as contact with large American combat patrols, was the growing specter of starvation. Sealed off from regular supplies from New Ireland or New Britain, General Hyakutake's army had to depend entirely on its own laborers to acquire food. The normal rice ration of 750 grams of rice for each soldier was cut in April 1944 to 250 grams, and beginning in September there was no rice ration. A large portion of the available army and naval personnel had to be put to work growing food. Allied pilots took delight in dropping napalm on these garden plots whenever possible. The native workers who had been impressed into service were the first to defect, but soon many soldiers also just walked away from their units, taking the chance of surviving in the jungle on what could be gathered. After the failure of the March attack, morale in most units became deplorably low. There were instances, normally unimagined in the Japanese army, of open insubordination and even mutiny. Although General Hyakutake dreamed of a midsummer offensive, it became obvious that no operations as large as that smashed in March could be undertaken for months, if ever. Thus, almost as if by agreement, both sides adopted a defensive posture that minimized the conflict in the no-man's-land between them. In the Central Pacific, significant progress had been made over the past year, marked by the complete capture of the Gilbert, Marshall, and Mariana Islands, strengthening the Allied presence and providing a launching point for future offensives into the heart of the Japanese Empire. The next target for Admiral Nimitz was the Palaus, to be invaded concurrently with Halmahera. However, the architect of this southwestern advance was not Admiral Spruance, who had been overseeing operations with the 5th Fleet. Instead, it was Admiral Halsey's 3rd Fleet, known as the "Department of Dirty Tricks," that had been strategizing the next moves from Hawaii. Now, Admiral Halsey was set to assume command of the Pacific Fleet, leading the charge to the Palaus and the Philippines. This rotation in leadership between Halsey's 3rd Fleet and Spruance's 5th Fleet was orchestrated by Nimitz to maintain operational tempo and confuse the Japanese. The alternating command structure allowed for continuous planning of future operations while the active fleet conducted current ones. However, Tokyo was apprehensive about a potential invasion of the Philippines and sought to bolster its defenses. Following the surrender of the US Army Forces in the Philippines, the 14th Army, led by Lieutenant-General Tanaka Shizuichi, worked to establish military administration, secure cooperation from civilian institutions, and quell guerrilla groups across the countryside. Despite their endeavors, their control over certain regions, particularly in the Visayas and Mindanao, remained fragile. Allied submarines and aircraft from Australia and New Guinea also delivered supplies like signal equipment, weapons, explosives, propaganda materials, and counterfeit currency to support the guerrilla forces, further impeding Japanese efforts. Additionally, with the deteriorating situation in the South and Central Pacific, more troops were redirected from the Philippines' garrison to other areas, weakening the 14th Army, now commanded by Lieutenant-General Kuroda Shigenori since May 19, 1943. Undermanned and stretched thin, the Japanese halted their suppression operations in August, hoping that the imminent declaration of independence by the Second Philippine Republic would lead guerrillas to surrender. However, this strategy backfired, as the guerrillas only grew stronger during the pause. Consequently, Kuroda restarted intensive suppression operations in 1944, but guerrilla activities escalated in anticipation of the imminent liberation by American forces. As a result, the guerrillas gained strength in the following months, providing valuable intelligence to MacArthur's forces in preparation for their eventual return. Given this context, it was evident that the 14th Army would be ill-equipped to withstand an American invasion under the current circumstances. Due to its crucial strategic location bridging Japan and the southern region rich in natural resources, Japan couldn't risk losing the Philippines. It served as their primary rear base supporting the main defense perimeter. The Philippines were also to play the role of a rear base of operations–an assembly and staging area for troops and supplies and a concentration area for air reserves, to support operations at any threatened point on the main defense perimeter from the Marianas south to Western New Guinea and the Banda Sea area. To implement these plans, IGHQ in October 1943 directed the 14th Army to complete the establishment of the necessary base facilities by the spring of 1944. Major emphasis in this program was laid upon the construction of air bases. The Army alone planned to build or improve 30 fields in addition to 13 already in operational use or partially completed. The Navy projected 21 fields and seaplane bases to be ready for operational use by the end of 1944, expanding its total number of Philippine bases to 33. Line of communications and other rear­ area base installations were also to be expanded and improved. Of the 30 Army airfields projected in October 1943, six had been generally completed by May 1944, and 24 under construction. Of the 21 projected Navy fields, 15 were still incomplete by then. Consequently, in early 1944, the decision was made to strengthen the garrison in the Philippines. Initially, this involved reorganizing and expanding existing garrison units to establish four new independent mixed brigades. These brigades were primarily tasked with suppressing guerrilla activity, while infantry divisions were assigned to defend against potential enemy landings. However, despite the estimation that at least seven divisions were necessary for the defense of Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao, only the 16th Division was available. Additionally, it was deemed crucial to bolster air strength with at least two air divisions, anticipating Allied invasions in Halmahera and Palau before advancing to the Philippines. Plans were formulated in March to deploy reinforcements within eight months. In mid-May, General Terauchi relocated his headquarters to Manila to oversee operations more closely. Concurrently, efforts were made to transport the 30th Division to Mindanao and bring the 4th Air Army to Manila. Furthermore, the Philippines were reinforced with the 2nd and 4th Air Divisions, the latter being tasked with constructing 30 new airfields. In June, approximately 20,000 inexperienced replacements were transported to the Philippines to bolster the recently-formed independent mixed brigades, filling them up to division strength. Subsequently, in July, the 100th, 102nd, 103rd, and 105th Divisions were activated, along with the establishment of the 54th and 55th Independent Mixed Brigades. It's ironic that despite this reinforcement, the main Japanese forces were as inexperienced as the Philippine Army during MacArthur's defense. Nonetheless, Terauchi was resolute in further fortifying the Philippines to prevent its fall, unlike MacArthur's situation. By mid-July, the reinforced 58th Independent Mixed Brigade arrived at Lingayen. Later that month, the 14th Army underwent reorganization into the 14th Area Army, with units directly under its command tasked with defending the northern Philippines. Meanwhile, the 35th Army, led by Lieutenant-General Suzuki Sosaki, was established under the 14th Area Army to defend Mindanao and the Visayas. Additionally, Tokyo finalized plans for decisive battle operations, codenamed Sho-Go, covering the Philippines-Formosa-Ryukyus-Japan-Kuriles area. This determined the disposition of Army and Navy air forces across the Pacific, with the Philippines receiving the reorganized 1st and 2nd Air Fleets and the 4th Air Army. The Philippine garrison was strengthened to a total of nine divisions and four brigades, with the 1st Division at Shanghai and the 68th Independent Brigade at Formosa designated as general reserves. Defenses and fortifications were constructed at Luzon in preparation for the decisive battle there.  Known as the Combined Fleet Top Secret Operations Order No. 84,  issued on 1 August, this fixed the new tactical grouping of naval forces for the Sho-Go Operations. Almost the entire surface combat strength of the Fleet was included in a Task Force placed under the overall command of the First Mobile Fleet Commander, Vice­Adm. Ozawa Jisaburo. This force was broken down into three tactical groups: (1) the Task Force Main Body, directly commanded by Vice­Adm. Ozawa and consisting of most of the Third Fleet (carrier forces): (2) the First Striking Force, commanded by Vice Adm. Kurita Takeo and made up of the Second Fleet with part of the 10th Destroyer Squadron attached: (3) the Second Striking Force, commanded by Vice Adm. Shima Kiyohide and composed of the Fifth Fleet plus two destroyer divisions and the battleships Fuso and Yamashiro. The First Striking Force would be stationed at Lingga Anchorage, while the Task Force Main Body and the Second Striking Force would be stationed in the western part of the Inland Sea. However, if an enemy attack was expected, the First Striking Force would advance from Lingga Anchorage to Brunei, Coron or Guimaras while the Task Force Main Body and the Second Striking Force remained in the Inland Sea and prepared to attack the north flank of the enemy task force. During August, the Navy Section of Imperial General Headquarters also took action to give the Combined Fleet more unified operational control of naval forces in order to facilitate the execution of the Sho-Go plans. On 9 August the General Escort Command and units assigned to naval stations were placed under operational command of the Combined Fleet, and on 21 August the China Area Fleet was similarly placed under Combined Fleet command. On 10 August the 1st Carrier Division, reorganized around two newly-commissioned regular carriers, was added to the Task Force Main Body. Vice Adm. Ozawa, Task Force Commander, meanwhile set 15 October as the target date for completion of the reorganization and training of the 3d and 4th Carrier Division air groups. Concurrently with these preparations, steps were taken to strengthen the antiaircraft armament of combat units. Accordingly, the Japanese sought to deploy the 8th and 26th Divisions, the 2nd Tank Division, and the 61st Independent Mixed Brigade to the Luzon region for a decisive battle. However, enemy submarines posed a constant threat. Since February, they had been patrolling the South China Sea, targeting the Hi Convoys supplying Japanese territories in Southeast Asia and Japan itself. During these engagements, Admiral Ijuin was killed aboard the patrol boat Iki. Between August 18 and 25, Admiral Kajioka's Hi-71 convoy, carrying the 26th Division, was attacked by six American submarines. The escort carrier Taiyo, destroyers Yunagi and Asakaze, two oilers, four transports, and three kaibokans were sunk, with 7420 soldiers of the 26th Division lost. The submarine Harder was the only American vessel sunk in retaliation. Kajioka's Hi-72 convoy, returning from Luzon, was also attacked, resulting in the sinking of his flagship, the kaibokan Hirato, and the loss of the destroyer Shikinami, three transports, and one oiler. Despite these setbacks, advance units of the 8th Division, 2nd Tank Division, and 61st Independent Mixed Brigade successfully reached the Philippines in September. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After months the siege of Myitkyina had finally ended. The Japanese had held out as long as they could, but lack of supplies and rather terrible leadership lost them the fight. Meanwhile, in China, Japanese offensives intensified, challenging Chinese defenses and leadership. It seemed war was coming to the Philippines, where the Japanese prepared to fight to the death.

Tomio Okamura se snaží odvrátit pád svého hnutí SPD. Má za sebou neúspěch v prezidentských i evropských volbách a průzkumy veřejného mínění ukazují, že nespokojení příznivci se už poohlížejí po nových stranách.Otázka tedy zní, jestli se SPD udrží v parlamentu i po sněmovních volbách na podzim 2025. O tom se dohadují i podcasteři z Vlevo dole Václav Dolejší a Lucie Stuchlíková v novém dílu letní série Horké hlavy.Dolejší si myslí, že Okamurův konec v politice se neodvratně blíží a nahradí ho jiní sekáči - po eurovolbách najednou sílí Přísaha a Motoristé nebo komunistické Stačilo!. A část příznivců SPD si chce pro sebe uzmout i hnutí ANO, proto ostatně Andrej Babiš přitvrdil.„Když budeme počítat i Úsvit, tak Okamura je ve Sněmovně už třetí volební období. Trochu se okoukal a kromě nadávání vlastně nic svým voličům nedoručil. Takže ti budou hledat zas někoho nového, svěžího, asi ještě radikálnějšího,“ argumentuje reportér Dolejší.Tomio Okamura si je průšvihu dobře vědom. Ostatně proto po debaklu ve volbách do Evropského parlamentu sliboval, že se jeho hnutí se z chyb poučí a „zapíná turbo“. Jinými slovy, že ve své rétorice pořádně přitvrdí.Což také udělal - SPD pro krajské volby uzavřelo spojenectví s hnutím PRO Jindřicha Rajchla. A do kampaně přidalo ještě více rasismu, lhaní, vulgarismů, nesnášenlivosti a strašení lidí.Lucie Stuchlíková se i proto domnívá, že Okamura nakonec svůj pád vybere a podaří se mu v Poslanecké sněmovně udržet i po příštích volbách. „Vidíme, že je proto ochoten udělat cokoliv, neštítí se vůbec ničeho, nemá žádné hranice. A Okamura je pro tyhle lidí pořád značka, narozdíl od nevyzpytatelných nováčků na radikální scéně,“ říká Stuchlíková.A co si o budoucnosti SPD myslíte vy? Který z podcasterů vás svými argumenty přesvědčil? Hlasujte v naší anketě!----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci. Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.  Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Vedle útoků na Fialovu vládu vytáhla SPD se svými partnery před volbami opět téma migrace. Nově chystá vizuál se zakrváceným mužem tmavé pleti. K němu přilepila popisek o „chirurzích“ z dovozu. Konkurence tuto kampaň ostře kritizuje a mluví o „naprostém dnu“ nebo „nechutné kampani“. Proč Okamurovo hnutí šíří další vlny strachu? A vyjde mu to? Hostem Studia N je analytik a redaktor Deníku N Jan Tvrdoň. Moderuje Filip Titlbach. Nové epizody Studia N najdete každý všední den odpoledne na našem webu, na YouTube a v podcastových aplikacích Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts a dalších. Sledovat nás můžete také na Instagramu.

Označení za extremistu se dosud Tomio Okamura bránil jako čert kříži. Co když je ale brzy bude ochotně akceptovat nebo i sám šířit? Vždyť hájit krajně pravicové kóty je den ode dne náročnější. Pro všemožné tradicionalisty, národovce a konzervativce v Česku není kam šlápnout a houstnoucí konkurence se už promítá do volebních modelů ba i výsledků.

Host: Tomio Okamura (SPD), předseda hnutí Pořadem provázel Daniel Takáč. https://www.ceskatelevize.cz/porady/10095426857-interview-ct24/224411058040726/

“In this episode, Caleb “Soleb '' Gayle and co-host discuss some of the latest gaming information and talk about GTA V Trevor DLC Canceled, Metal Gear Solid Delta, Video Game Movies, and More! ” “What You Been Gaming” Show introduction, this used to be called “what you've been drinking and gaming” but …who has time for that now? 1. A GTA 5 DLC ABOUT TREVOR WAS CANCELED BECAUSE OF GTA ONLINE https://insider-gaming.com/a-gta-5-dlc-about-trevor-was-canceled-because-of-gta-online/ 2. ACTIVISION GAMES WILL START TO COME TO XBOX GAME PASS IN AUGUST https://insider-gaming.com/xbox-game-pass-activision-august/ According to eXtas1s, the Tony Hawk 1+2 remake and the Spyro Reignited Trilogy will also come to the subscription service shortly. Subsequently, in Corden's report, he also outlines that he understands Microsoft's strategy isn't to release all of Actvision's back catalog at once but rather drip-feed it into the platform. 3. Are Video Game Shows/Movies Really Needed? In this topic, we discuss if movies and TV shows based on video games are truly needed? https://en.as.com/meristation/news/the-metal-gear-solid-movie-is-still-alive-although-some-changes-have-happened-n/ https://gamerant.com/canceled-movies-based-games/ 4. Konami's Metal Gear Producer Would Love To Work With Hideo Kojima During an official Metal Gear livestream this week, Okamura admitted he's not in the position to answer on "behalf of anyone outside the company" but would personally "like nothing better than to work with Mr. Kojima and the rest of the team again" (thanks, VGC). "If that could happen, it would be the dream." However, he accepts the "current reality" which is the fact that "people have moved on to new things and new commitments" and he can't make "that kind of demand of anyone" - with the current team now paving the way for the series. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1p-dbSJ2MK8(Details) 5. BioShock 4 Gets Encouraging Update https://gamerant.com/bioshock-4-development-update-2024-cloud-chamber/ https://screenrant.com/bioshock-game-leaker-reveals-everything-they-know/ Jeff Spoonhower Senior Cinematic Designer at 2K Cloud Chamber (BioShock) | AAA & Indie Game Dev | Composer & Sound Designer | Professor “The #BioShock team at 2K Cloud Chamber is ramping up! We have many positions open across various disciplines including art, animation, engineering, design, narrative, and production. We are working on a really awesome project, and our studio is remote-friendly. Check out the jobs here: https://lnkd.in/gz33n8AA .

Výsledek eurovoleb označilo vedení SPD za zklamání. Získalo totiž jen jeden mandát v Evropském parlamentu. Jak hnutí plánuje aktivovat své voliče? „Musíme intenzivněji vysvětlovat, co nám EU přináší či odnáší, aby naši voliči měli více důvodů k volbám skutečně přijít,“ popisuje ve Dvaceti minutách Radiožurnálu předseda hnutí SPD Tomio Okamura.

Čtvrteční akce v centru Prahy musela být pro SPD zklamáním. Nepřijely ani zahraniční hvězdy, nedorazili ani voliči. Tomio Okamura přitom demonstraci sebevědomě pojmenoval „zaplňme Václavák“ a podle rozmístění obrazovek počítal s opravdu velkou účastí.Víc než několik stovek lidí nepřilákal ani koncert kapely Ortel, ani (řekněme spíš béčkoví) lídři evropských „vlasteneckých“ stran. Na ně dav reagoval, jen když v proudu řeči identifikoval slovo migrace.Jediný, kdo vypadal, že chápe, co si podobná akce žádá, tak byl slovenský politik Andrej Danko. Ten lidem naservíroval mix vlastenectví, patosu a nenávisti k médiím a liberálům.„Okamura jako by zapomněl, odkud vzešel, a ztratil cit pro svoji cílovku. Ti lidé chtěli emoce a dostali zdlouhavé projevy kravaťáků tlumočené z cizích jazyků,“ hodnotí Lucie Stuchlíková.Okamura se snažil v lidech vzbudit pocit, že nemá cenu volit menší strany, které ve volbách nakonec propadnou. A že jedině SPD má spojence v zahraničí - a dokáže tak přinést skutečnou změnu.„Nemůžeme se na to dívat izolované, SPD je součástí evropské frakce Identita a demokracie, kde se sdružují euroskeptické a nacionálně populistické strany. Teď jde o to, jestli se dokážou stát třetí nejsilnější frakcí v europarlamentu, a nahradit v této pozici liberály,“ říká Václav Dolejší.V čem fanoušky SPD inspirují husiti? Který český umělec rozplakal Andreje Danka? A hlasují Okamurovci pro Vlevo dole v anketě Podcast roku? Poslechněte si reportážní speciál (a přijďte se na Vlevo dole podívat naživo)!----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci. Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.  Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Last time we spoke about the remarkable success of Operation Reckless and Persecution.  Colonel Oliver Newman led the drive towards Hollandia's airfields, encountering scattered opposition and discovering large undefended Japanese supply dumps. General MacArthur was forced to postpone future plans until May 21st. Meanwhile, Allied submarine interceptions disrupted IJN troop movements, and Task Force 58's airstrikes neutralized Truk. Within Burma, General Stilwell's offensive faced challenges from Japanese resistance and heavy monsoon rains. Despite setbacks, the 22nd Division aimed to capture Inkangahtawng while Chinese forces engaged the enemy along various fronts. Chindits continued Operation Thursday, facing logistical hurdles and Japanese attacks. Colonel Kinnison's Marauders encountered strong resistance near Tingkrukawng, while Colonel Hunter's force successfully surprised the Japanese at Myitkyina.  This episode is the Japanese Defeat at Imphal and Kohima Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  We are jumping right back into the heat of General Mutaguchi's insane Operation U-Go. Poor General Yamauchi after suffering a devastating defeat at Nungshigum, was now facing allied tanks he simply had no answer for. Yamauchi ordered his men to dig in around Sendgmai and Kanglatongbi, basically so they would at least be hung around the Kohima-Imphal road. The allies answer to this was 6000 sorties, dropping 1000 bombs in the sector. It was a tremendous amount of damage, but the Japanese did benefit from bunkers. Yamauchi's 15th Division due north of Imphal were now being contained successfully, allowing General Briggs and Roberts to initiate their own counter offensives by the end of April. Simultaneously the 33rd Division was struggling to advance upon Bishenpur and the Shenam Saddle; over at Kohima, General Sato's 31st Division was reluctantly falling onto the defensive as the looming threat of a full British-Indian counteroffensive was dawning upon them. Imphal was still facing a grave threat from the Japanese along the Tiddim Road. Mutaguchi was personally directing the 33rd Divisions actions around Bishenpur at this time. Mutaguchi planned a three-pronged attack, one prong along the Tiddim Road, another down south from the Silchar Track by the 215th Regiment and a lastly from the north by the 214th Regiment. For the assault the 33rd Division received reinforcements in the form of the 14th Tank Regiment; the 2nd Battalion, 18th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment; and the 1st Anti-Tank Battalion from the Yamamoto Detachment. In late May they would also be receiving the 151st regiment and the 14th Tank regiment, amongst other units. This of course meant other units like the Yamamoto Detachment were being deprived of men, thus they in turn would be reinforced. The Yamamoto Detachment received the 2nd battalion, 51st regiment who were previously engaged with the Chindits at Indaw. They would arrive at Kampang after the fall of Crete West. Now in preparation for Mutaguchis renewed offensive the IJA would be tossing aircraft against the Gun Box in Bsihenpur. The Japanese Army Air Force made four air raids on the Gun Box position in Bishenpur in the first ten days of May. There was good reason for this, for at Gun Box the 32nd Indian Brigade had concentrated its artillery support. This included four 3.7in. howitzers, eight 25-pdrs, six 6-pdrs and three A/A guns. From here the guns were able to support the infantry's actions both on and around the Silchar Track, as well as the villages on the Tiddim Road such as Potsangbam. The Japanese heavy field artillery was at Khoirentak. The 215th regiment meanwhile performed some preliminary attacks against the positions at Ngarangial. Attacks began in early May against positions between Wireless Hill and Ngarangial, with two battalions attacking from the north and one from the south. The enemy, in strong positions, withstood a series of attacks which continued until the middle of May. While Mutaguchi waited for reinforcements to arrive so he could renew his southern offensive, Generals Yamamoto and Gracey were slugging it out for control over Crete West. The extremely exhausted 3rd battalion, 213 Regiment finally made a break through against the Lynch Pimple on the 8th,  forcing the 80th Brigade to evacuate Crete West two days later. On the night of the 10th, Yamamoto launched his first attacks against Scraggy Hill, which was extensively shelled, followed by a massive infantry assault: in classic style, wave upon wave of Japanese soldiers crashed on Scraggy, overwhelming its forward defenses. A point was finally reached in the night when the British battalion commander on Scraggy felt that the hill would fall unless supporting artillery fire was directed on his own positions. This was called in and the Japanese advance finally halted on the morning of 11th. But parts of Scraggy were now under the control of Yamamoto Force, which dug in. General Scoones reacted by relieving the exhausted 20th Division with the fresher 23rd Division of General Roberts. The new arrivals were shocked to see the conditions on the forward positions of the Shenam Saddle. Scraggy stood out. The Japanese were on part of the hill, while the rest of it was under British control. Trenches and bunkers covered the feature; in places, mere meters separated the two sides' front trenches. Bits of body parts of soldiers lay everywhere and a terrible stench covered the hillside. Now Cowan was planning a counter to Mutaguchis incoming offensive. He planned for an anvil and hammer maneuver; the hammer would be the 63rd Indian Brigade recently relieved from Sekmai in the first week of May by the 89th Indian Brigade. They would push down from Bishenpur towards Potsangbam, Ningthoukhong and even further south while the 48th Brigade established a roadblock on the Tiddim Road around Torbung, deep behind enemy lines. Cowan hoped to crush the 33rd Division along the road between his hammer and anvil while also cutting off the incoming Japanese reinforcements. Thus Brigadier Ronald Cameron's 48th Brigade stealthily advanced south along the eastern shore of Lake Loktak, crossed the Manipur River at Shuganu. It was a long grueling march. Simultaneously, Brigadier Guy Burton's 63rd Brigade advanced south against Potsangbam on the 10th. In their frustrated push southwards on the Tiddim Road, Burton's men had to deal first with the determined Japanese defense of Potsangbam. Burton took over on the 9th from Mackenzie's 32nd Indian Brigade, which had gained a foothold in the village the day before and was now to give its full attention to the Silchar Track. The 63rd Indian Brigade put in a first attack on Potsangbam on 10th. This involved two Gurkha battalions, each supported by a troop of tanks from the 3rd Carabiniers. The area they targeted was the main part of the village east of the Tiddim Road. The initial full frontal attacks failed to make much progress. Burton then changed tack against the Japanese, who had withdrawn to their main defenses south of the Potsangbam turel. He called for a heavy artillery bombardment from the same direction as before in the northern half of Potsangbam to make it appear that he was repeating the previous line of attack. Except this time he instructed one of his battalions to pass secretly behind the other and make for the area to the immediate east of the road. The move worked and the road through the village and its immediate vicinity were captured by the 15th. The Tiddim Road through Potsangbam was now open, although the Japanese still held on in parts of the village. But it had all taken much longer than expected. While the anvil at Torbung was about to be put in place, the hammer had only inched forward. After a long and difficult march, the brigade arrived near Torbung in mid-May. The roadblock was set up on 17th where three nullahs crossed the road near Milestone 33. To the east were several low-lying hills where brigade headquarters was established, centered on one called Point 3404. The sluggish Khuga River flowed between the hills and the road. In the Torbung sector, the Americas surprised Lt. Colonel Matsuki of the 33rd Supply Regiment, who was given the mission of reopening the line of communications using whatever troops were available in the immediate area. A composite company from the 33rd Supply Regiment, which had been deployed in the Mountainous area west of Churachandpur, held Hill 4358 against several enemy attacks. On the night of 17th, approximately 100 men of the 33rd Supply Regiment were gathered from rear elements to make the first attack on the roadblock. The attacking group was mounted on trucks and the leaders miscalculating the location of the enemy position drove squarely up to the roadblock and the entire attacking unit was virtually annihilated. Mutaguchi reacted furiously to this by unleashing artillery fire upon Point 3404 and the roadblock from the surrounding hills. Cameron's guns responded with retaliatory fire. Simultaneously Mutaguchi tossed his 1st battalion, 67th regiment against the Torbung roadblock, but Cameron's men held on inflicting tremendous casualties against the Japanese. Meanwhile Burton unleashed an attack against the hills immediately west of the road in the hopes of cutting off the supply line of the 214th and 215th Regiments. The 63rd rigade set off on 18th; the next day it had captured the villages of Tokpa Khul and Kha Aimol, and near them Three Pimple Hill and OP Hill respectively. This directly threatened the 33rd Divisions HQ at Laimanai. Mutaguchi reacted by abandoning the assaults from the west and south, and redirected the 215th Regiment to deal with Burton's 63rd division. All three of Sasahara's battalions were thrown into the counterattack, the first of which went in on the 20th. Another major assault was made two days later; both were driven off. The Japanese lost over 110 men. But they persisted and put in further attacks over the next week, frustrating any further movement southwards for the 63rd Indian Brigade. The Japanese failed to clear Burton's position, their relentless attacks would completely pin down the 63rd Brigade, thus preventing any further movement southwards.  Now at this point the 32nd Brigade had managed to recapture Wireless Hill, prompting Mutaguchi to abandon Potsangbam by the 24th. The 4th Independent Engineer Regiment and 2nd battalion, 213th Regiment fell back to Ningthoukhong. Mutaguchi then tossed another battalion to help out in the attack against Burton's 63rd division. Without further support of the hammer, Cameron's anvil force had to repel a coordinated tank-infantry attack on the 21st and again on the 23rd. The 2nd Battalion, 154th Infantry Regiment and a composite company from the 14th Tank Regiment attacked on the 21st and again on the 23rd but were not only unsuccessful in dislodging the enemy, but also suffered extremely heavy losses. Two tanks were destroyed during these attacks. Though the anvil held firm, Burton's failed attempts to continue the push south would ultimately force Cameron to abandon the roadblock and head back.  On May 24th, the 48th Brigade was fighting through Bishenpur heading up the road finally linking up with the other brigade around Potsangbam. Thus the Torbung roadblock was an enormous success for Cowan, his men had inflicted 500 casualties and disrupted Mutaguchi's plan completely. Now Mutaguchi chose to go ahead with only part of his original plan, the attack from the north that would be carried out by Colonel Sakuma Takayoshi's 214th regiment. To oversee the Bishenpur offensive,  Major-General Tanaka Nobuo was appointed in command of the 33rd Division. Leaving Bungte on the night of the 19th, Sakuma's 1st battalion advanced south to attack Bishenpur from the north, while the 2nd battalion moved north from Wainen and attacked Hill 2926. Yet as they tried to storm Point 2926, they were beaten off by a platoon of the 7/10th Baluchs. Failing to take the peak, they captured the southern part of the feature and parts of the adjacent Maibam village. The 1st battalion proceeded with their assault against Bishenpur targeting the area at the northern end of the village, near the junction between the Tiddim Road and the Silchar Track. This is also the area where the Gun Box was. Once they had managed to infiltrate the road junction area, however, the Japanese were repeatedly counter-attacked in the next few days, British tanks firing on their positions at close range. Without any anti-tank guns and the British tanks firing on their positions at close range, they were ultimately wiped out.  Back over with the 2nd Battalion, they had successfully captured Maibam village and Hill 2926, very close to Cowan's headquarters, so the British would have to direct several reinforcements to lay siege on these enemy positions. Early on the 26th, Sakuma directed a composite company to launch a last charge on Bishenpur from the north, but this attack would also end in failure. Cowan then directed the brigade-strength Woodforce to evict the Japanese from Hill 2926.  Woodforce consisted of the 50th Indian Parachute Brigade's HQ, commanded by Brigadier Woods and was a composite force of tanks, artillery, sappers and infantry. Taking over the front on the 26th, Woodforce mounted robust counter-attacks over the next two days, finally overcoming all opposition and recapturing the hill and Maibam by the 29th. With most of the 33rd Division fighting to reopen the Tiddim road at Torbung, Sakuma's 214th Regiment was left to extricate itself as best it could. But the fall of the Torbung roadblock on the 24th also allowed Mutaguchi's reinforcements to finally reinforce Ningthoukong in preparation for an attack on Potsangbam.  At this point, the balance of power had shifted very definitely to the allies. Sakuma's early success at Hill 2926 was the closest any Japanese would get to Imphal from the south. Meanwhile General Yamamoto's attacks against the Shenam Saddle resumed on the 20th, with his men rushing the crest of Scraggy in waves throwing gelignite bombs and grenades, but ultimately getting pushed back each time. Meanwhile the 2nd battalion, 51st regiment and 1st battalion, 60th regiment began an attack against Gibraltar, a very steep hill along the saddle. Their initial attacks were repelled easily, but on the night of the 23rd they managed to gain a foothold on Gibraltar's crest and this in effect cut off the 37th Indian brigade at Malta and Scraggy. With the Fourteenth Army units on Malta and Scraggy cut off, the fate of the entire Shenam Saddle now hung in the balance, but the very next day the hill was recovered by a counter-attack led by the 5/6th Rajputana Rifles and 3/10th Gurkha Rifles. Gibraltar would be the farthest the Japanese would be able to advance on the Shenam Saddle and the closest they came to breaking through; and from then on, a stalemate developed with neither side making any important moves. After the Japanese had been evicted from Gibraltar on the 24th, they did not follow up with another major attempt to push through the Shenam Saddle for a fortnight. But there was never really a quiet moment on these heights. Sniper fire was ever-present, as was the booming of artillery guns. The situation was the worst on Scraggy, where both sides continued to maintain their respective positions. The British and Indian units here would be fired on from Nippon Hill, besides being subjected to rifle fire, mortaring and grenade attacks from Scraggy itself. To the north, General Brigg's resumed his counteroffensive against Molvom, tossing his 9th Brigade into a series of attacks against the Japanese held Hump. The infantry put in several attacks against the Hump, suffering increasing casualties. The men of the 3/14th Punjabis attacked Hump at least half a dozen times that month. Despite it all, the Japanese were still found in their bunkers at the end of May. Sited on the reverse slopes of Hump, their bunkers were difficult to target by guns firing from the other side. Even when they were hit, they were so solidly built that they suffered little damage. The defenders of Hump would wait until the 3/14th Punjabis neared the crest; they would then let loose a barrage of machine-gun fire and grenade attacks. Attack after attack had to be called off in the face of such furious resistance. Though heavy artillery and mortar fire and repeated air strikes were called in on it, the tenacious Japanese defenders would successfully repel all British-Indian attacks throughout early May.  On the other side, realizing the vital need for artillery support, General Yamauchi decided to bring to the front the field guns that had been left east of the Chindwin River. He also was reinforced with the 2nd Battalion, 67th Regiment, which would seize Lamu on May 10th, securing the rear of the 15th Division. On the 15th, thanks to the timely arrival of the 89th and 123rd Brigades, Briggs was able to renew his assaults in front of Sekmai with greater intensity, finally clearing Kanglatongbi and the hills to the immediate east six days later.  Colonel Matsumura responded by creating new defensive positions around Modbung. As the month came to a close, Briggs decided to concentrate both his division's brigades on the Imphal–Kohima Road. The 9th Indian Brigade was to be brought on to the road, swapping places with the 89th Indian Brigade, which would move to the Iril River Valley. The opening of the Imphal–Kohima Road was a far greater priority than clearing the Mapao– Molvom Range. The Japanese defenders of the latter would be left where they had hung on for weeks. In any case, the opening of the road was likely to encourage them much more to leave than any direct attacks on their positions.  On May 15th Yamauchi was relieved of his command. Yamauchi had really drawn the short end of the straw. As he admitted at the time, his men simply had no answer to the British tanks. His men had thrown themselves into the jungle as lightly as possible in order to strike Imphal quickly, so they did not have effective anti-tank weapons. Ymauchi's division was always the Japanese weak spot, but they valiantly had refused to lift their roadblock at Kanglatongbi. As a last desperate throw, Yamauchi had ordered the use of poison gas. Yamauchi was also a man who understood how strong the allies were, especially America. Unlike the xenophobic and ignorant Tojo and Mutaguchi, Yamauchi had spent time in the USA and this led him to be quite pessimistic. Regardless, without anti-tank weapons it was quite hopeless. Yamauchi was carried from the battlefield on a litter and would later die in a hospital in Maymyo. Back over at Kohima, Generals Stopford and Grover were continuing their counteroffensive. Brigadiers 4th Brigade were occupying Oaks Hill when on May 1st, they began to descend during  The Royal Scots stopped their advance and reoccupied Oaks Hill, the brigade artillery back in Jotsoma was on standby to pound any Japanese positions the Norfolks, who were pressing on down the ridge, encountered. The Japanese, alert now to the dangerous presence of enemy troops above them, moved up against Oaks Hill and fought hard to expel the Royal Scots during that first night, with no success. The morning that followed a night of screaming, fear-inducing attacks found the jungle undergrowth littered with Japanese bodies. It was usual practice for the Japanese to take away their dead and wounded, but on this occasion there were too few Japanese survivors for the task. As the Royal Scots repelled numerous enemy counterattacks, the Norfolks were continuing their descent towards the GPT ridge. On May 4th, the Norfolks found themselves in a good position to assault the crests of the ridge. They stormed up catching the Japanese by surprise, managing to seize numerous bunkers. At the same time, the 161st Brigade was able to seize the area southeast of Two Tree Hill, but the Japanese had a complex bunker system there preventing them from linking Jotsoma with Pulebadze. The bunker complex on GPT Ridge was much more substantial than the British had expected, with literally dozens of small, carefully sited bunkers littering the entire area with interlocking arcs of fire, while the entire position was also covered by Japanese machine guns further to the east on the Aradura Spur. No sooner would one be discovered and attacked, than another would open up against the attackers from somewhere else. Until the entirety of GPT Ridge was cleared, Goschen's brigade could not enjoy the shortcut through to Jotsoma via Two Tree Hill; the road to Imphal remained in Japanese hands and their machine guns continued to spray fire on 6th Brigade's exposed right flank. Within the center the 6th Brigade was attacking Kuki Piquet and FSD Hill. While the attack against Kuki Piquet was not seeing much progress, they did gain a toehold atop FSD Hill. Further north, the 5th Brigade were able to bypass the 138th regiments position on Merema Ridge. They managed to secure a small part of Naga Village by the end of the day. Being close in proximity to General Sato's HQ, the response from the Japanese was a series of fierce counterattacks. THe 33rd battalion, 14th regiment stormed the Cameron Highlanders who did not have time to consolidate their success by digging in, and heavy Japanese mortar fire at daylight forced the Jocks back to the western edge of the hill. Here Hawkins had them dig to secure the ground that had been seized and the Worcesters, who had protected the flanks of the night advance, were called up to help build a defensive position able to resist counterattack. The rain was by now constant. Everyone was drenched to the skin. The next morning the Japanese Air Force made one of their occasional forays into the deep valley that flowed out of the Kohima Ridge westward, but to limited effect.  Meanwhile Brigadier Frederick Loftus-Tottenham's newly arrived 33rd Brigade was in the process of reinforcing the exhausted 6th Brigade at Kohima Ridge, with preparations being made for a renewed general counteroffensive. Meanwhile, over on Pulebadze on the 6th, B Company of the Norfolks, commanded by Captain Jack Randle, was ordered to seize the remaining part of the bunker position at the bottom of GPT Ridge, while the 4/lst Gurkhas of , assisting the breakthrough in the center against Kohima Ridge and Jail Hill, were to attack the lower, western slopes of GPT Ridge. In these attacks the Norfolks were to seize the remaining Japanese bunkers but at high cost, in which Capt. Randle was awarded the posthumous VC.  The Norfolks remained in the positions they had seized and, after a night of heavy rain, a further attempt to attack the remaining Japanese positions was made at first light on the morning of 7 May by the 4/lst Gurkhas and the Royal Scots. It was important that this operation was successful, as at 10.30am an attempt was to be made by the 1st Queen's - part of 33rd Indian Brigade, who had arrived at Kohima exhausted and malaria-ridden from Arakan the day before - on Jail Hill. If the machine-gun nests on GPT Ridge could be wiped out before the Queen's attacked they would enjoy a much higher chance of success. The only result of this failed assault would be the death of Brigadier Goschen, shot by snipers.  The Queen's, aware that 4th Brigade had not managed to secure GPT Ridge, nevertheless went in against Jail Hill as planned and were slaughtered. In retrospect the attack was premature, but Stopford continued to demand speed to remove the Japanese stranglehold on Kohima in order to relieve beleaguered Imphal. There was a belief in some higher quarters - held in particular by those whose only experience of the terrain came from reading a map in the comfort of a headquarters tent in the rear - that 2nd Division's offensive lacked pace. These accusations were preposterous to the hard-pressed men on the ground. It was impossible for commanders and staff officers in the rear who could not see the ground to understand how a small piece of jungle-topped hillside could absorb the best part of a brigade; how a small group of well-sited bunkers could hold up an advance until every single one - together with every single occupant - had been systematically destroyed; how only medium artillery could penetrate the roof of a Japanese trench; how only direct and short-range sniping by Lee/Grant tanks was guaranteed to defeat a Japanese bunker; how the desperate terrain, incessant rain and humidity led even the fittest men to tire quickly and what an extraordinarily determined opponent they faced. With few exceptions, the Japanese gave in only when they were dead. Every conscious man who could lift a weapon fought until he collapsed.  Due to these defeats, the British-Indian morale plummeted, even though Sato's men were also facing a serious supply problem that was further weakening them with each passing day.  Nevertheless, the Japanese continued a brave defense under heavy artillery, mortar and aerial bombardment. Sato's defensive technique, while it was not going to enable him to break through Kohima by dint of offensive action, was designed to do the next best thing: to draw the enemy onto defences of great complexity and depth and to break them there, both physically and morally. In so doing his troops had to withstand the sort of conditions few other soldiers in history could have survived. They did so, and very nearly succeeded in persuading Stopford that battering through Kohima was an impossible task. Between the 4th and the 'Black 7th', for instance, the 38 3.7in. mountain guns dug in around Jotsoma fired over 3,000 rounds, the 48 25-pdrs fired over 7,000 rounds and the big 5.5in. guns of the medium artillery fired more than 1,500 shells at the Japanese positions, not to mention the almost continuous salvoes from the 3in. mortars of the infantry battalions and the constant strafing and bombing by Hurricanes and Vengeance dive-bombers. For the next few days, General Stopford's brigades were slowly reducing the Japanese defenses. British progress, though slow, remained sure, even though it seemed to the troops on the ground as if this battle would go on for ever. 4th Brigade cleared GPT Ridge on 11 May, by which time further costly attacks by the British 6th and 33rd Indian Brigades had finally forced the Japanese to relinquish their hold on Pimple, FSD and Jail hills, the latter of which was captured by the Queen's and C Company, 4/lst Gurkha Rifles. The tide was slowly - and painfully - beginning to turn. On the days that followed, the positions seized on 11 and 12 May were carefully consolidated, the remaining Japanese being exterminated one by one, sniper by sniper and gun by gun. The Berkshires cleared FSD Hill on 12 May, discovering that the Japanese had honeycombed the hill with tunnels, creating an elaborate underground fortress that included a battalion headquarters, repair shop, ammunition storage dump and hospital. Those Japanese bunkers on the western edge of the ridge that remained out of reach of the British artillery could now be engaged directly and at pointblank range by the Lee/Grants, trundling up the road that divides DIS and Jail hills. They did so to the cheers of the British and Indian infantry, who found themselves hugging the ground as the 75mm smashed the enemy foxholes only metres from them, the ground shaking and the shockwave of the blast sucking out their breath and showering them with dirt and debris. The capture of the southern part of Kohima Ridge a full 37 days after the arrival of Sato's units would force the Japanese to retreat to a secondary defensive line north of Aradura. On the 15th, patrols of the 5th Brigade advanced down from Naga Hill, securing Treasury Hill before meeting up with the exhausted victors of Kohima Ridge who were advancing along the Imphal road. Yet that is all for the India front, as we now need to jump back over to check out what is going on with Operation Ichi-Go. After the fall of Xuchang, General Uchiyama dispatched some units south to attack Luohe, while the bulk of his 12th Army advanced north to capture Luoyang and hopefully annihilate General Enbo's 31st Army Group. On May 2nd, General Uchiyama dispatched the 110th Division against Dengfeng, the 62nd Division against Yuzhou and the bulk of his 37th Division, 3rd armored division and 4th cavalry Brigade against Jia and Ruzhou. On 2nd, the 4th Cavalry Brigade defeated the enemy force in the sector southwest of Yingchiaochen and, on the 4th, advanced to the sector northwest of Linju. The 3rd Armored Division routed the retreating enemy heading west and, on the 4th, mopped up the enemy in the vicinity of Linju. Also on the 4th, the 37th Division arrived at Linju. On the same day, the 7th Independent Mixed Brigade occupied Hsiangcheng. on the 3rd the 62nd defeated the 29th Army at Yuzhou while the 3rd Armored Division and the 4th Cavalry Brigade pursued the retreating Chinese towards Ruzhou. On the 4th, Uchiyama's main forces were able to capture Ruzhou and the 110th Division managed to dislodge the 13th Army's position east of Dengfeng. After this Uchiyama's main forces enveloped the area, annihilating the 13th and 29th Armies at Dengfeng while the 62nd and 110th Divisions made a frontal assault of the city. Alongside this the 7th Independent Mixed Brigade attacked the enemy near Likouzhen. Yet before Uchiyama's men could complete the envelopment, General Enbo's men pulled out towards Tangjiezhen and Changshuixiang around midnight on the 5th. On the 7th, the 37th Division and 7th Brigade managed to envelop Tangjiezhen, and with air support inflicted heavy casualties on the outflanked defenders. Simultaneously, the 27th Division captured Luohe and Suipin. General Yokoyama had dispatched the 11th Independent Brigade to aid Uchiyamas men from the south, facing little resistance as they captured Queshan and Zhumadian before linking up with the 27th Division on the 11th.  On the other side, General Jiang Dingwen's 1st War Area Army was regrouping the bulk of its forces along the Luoyang-Yiyang line. General Okamura Ysuji ordered the 12th Army to advance upon Luoyang while Lt General Yoshimoto Teiichi's 1st Army crossed the Yellow River to try and cut off the Chinese retreat at Xin'An and Xiashichiang. Having defeated the enemy in the sector southwest of Dengfeng, the 12th Army continued to keep the enemy in the Loyang area under strict observation while, at the same time, it ordered the 110th Division to pursue the enemy toward Iyang, the 62nd Division to pursue them toward Pingteng, the main force of the 3rd Armored Division toward Iyang and Hsinan and the 4th Cavalry Brigade to the western sector of Pingteng. Okamura dispatched his reserve 63rd Division led by Lt General Nozoe Masanori to try and break through at Sishuizhen so they could join the attack upon Luoyang. They were successful and in the process, defeated the 177th Division and managed to reach the northeastern sector of Luoyang by the 12th. With assistance from the 59th Brigade coming from the west, Nozoe captured Xin'an by the 14th. The 62nd Division and the 4th Cavalry Brigade captured Pingdengxiang on the 13th and part of the 110th Division captured Yiyang on the 14th. Most of the 110th Division, however, moved to Lungmenchieh below Luoyang. The 3rd Armored Division also reached the area southwest of Lungmenchieh at this point. The 37th Division, meanwhile, was directed to move towards Sunghsien. These actions effectively enveloped Luoyang as Uchiyama had his 110th Division advance through the Luohe River Valley; Yoshimoto's men advance to Sanmenxia which would fall by the 18th. The 37th Division captured Song alongside the aidromes at Luoning and Lushi by the 20th. But the main effort would be made by the 63rd Division assisted by elements o the 110th Division who launched the assault against Luoyang, being defended by the 36th Army Group. On the 19th, the 63rd Division initiated its attack against enemy positions on the outskirts of Loyang, however, the enemy positions were so strong that the battle situation did not progress as planned. As a result of this the North China Area Army ordered the 12th Army to place the main force of the 3rd Armored Division and 4th Cavalry Brigade together with part of the 110th Division under the command of the 63rd Division commander. At the same time, the 63rd Division was ordered to defend the railway east of Mienchih. At 1pm on the 23rd, the 12th Army dispatched the 63rd Division to attack Luoyang Castle from the north and northeastern fronts of Luoyang to the northeastern corner of the castle while the 3rd Armored Division was to attack the castle from the western front toward the northwestern corner of the castle. The Army also directed the Cavalry Brigade to capture and destroy the enemy which it was expected would flee to the south at the line of the Lo Ho. On the 24th, the Army-called on the enemy in Luoyang to surrender but they refused. At 1pm, therefore, the Army opened its attack and, on the 25th, completely occupied the castle. During this battle, Lieutenant-General Li Jiayu would heroically die covering the retreat of the remaining troops of his battered 36th Army Group. With the fall of Luoyang and the near destruction of the 1st War Area, Operation Kogo ended in a resounding success for the Japanese, thus securing the South Beijing-Hankou railway. The Japanese estimated over 32000 Chinese casualties and some 7800 troops captured. In turn, they claimed to have lost only 2000 casualties. Interestingly, Operation Kogo also saw the Henan peasants attack the Kuomintang forces in revenge for the Yellow River flood of 1938 and the Henan Famine of 1942. As told to us by General Jiang Dingwen "During the campaign, the unexpected phenomenon was that the people of the mountains in western Henan attacked our troops, taking guns, bullets, and explosives, and even high-powered mortars and radio equipment... They surrounded our troops and killed our officers. We heard this pretty often. The heads of the villages and baojia (village mutual-responsibility groups) just ran away. At the same time, they took away our stored grain, leaving their houses and fields empty, which meant that our officers and soldiers had no food for many days… Actually this is truly painful for me to say: in the end the damages we suffered from the attacks by the people were more serious than the losses from battles with the enemy." In the end, the peasants would be able to disarm over 50000 troops, picking their weapons to defend themselves from the Japanese, but also causing much damage to the Nationalist defense. For their role in this disaster, Generals Dingwen and Enbo would be relieved from their commands, with General Chen Cheng later taking over the 1st War Area in July to oversee its recovery. Meanwhile, the Japanese would continue to prepare for Operation Togo, the Hunan offensive. Yet to finish off this episode we also need to mention some progress in the future plans to invade Wakde. Admiral King had requested support from the British Eastern Fleet. At this time the Eastern Fleet was organized into three forces for Operation Transom, the invasion of Japanese occupied Surabaya. Force 65 consisted of Battleships Queen Elizabeth, Valiant, Renown, the French battleship Richelieu, two cruisers and eight destroyers, under the direct command of Admiral Somerville; Force 66 consisted of aircraft carriers Illustrious, Saratoga, two cruisers and six destroyers, under the command of Rear-Admiral Clement Moody aboard Illustrious. Force 67 was the replenishment group and comprised six tankers, a water distilling ship and the cruisers London and Suffolk. Somerville commanded the entire fleet from Queen Elizabeth. The warships were drawn from six navies, the capital ships being accompanied by three American destroyers, four British cruisers and three destroyers, four Australian destroyers, a Dutch cruiser and destroyer and a New Zealand cruiser. The Australian light cruiser HMAS Adelaide also sailed from Fremantle in Western Australia to protect the tankers while they were at Exmouth Gulf; this allowed their two escorting cruisers to augment Force 66 during the attack. Two squadrons of Supermarine Spitfire fighters were transferred from No. 1 Wing RAAF at Darwin to Exmouth Gulf to protect the Eastern Fleet while it refueled and Australian and American maritime patrol aircraft were assigned to operate offshore. Each carrier had an air group made up of units from their parent navies. Illustrious embarked two squadrons equipped with 14 Vought F4U Corsair fighters each and two squadrons with nine Avengers. Saratoga's air group comprised a squadron with 26 Grumman F6F Hellcat fighters, a squadron with 24 Douglas SBD Dauntless dive bombers and a squadron operating 18 Avenger torpedo bombers, as well as a single Hellcat allocated to the Air Group Leader. As for Surabaya, its defenses against air attack at the time of Operation Transom included a few anti-aircraft guns, whose crews were inadequately trained. Radar stations and a network of observer posts were also sited to detect minelaying aircraft. The Japanese forces stationed in the city included the Imperial Japanese Army's 28th Independent Mixed Brigade and the headquarters of the Imperial Japanese Navy's 2nd Southern Expeditionary Fleet under Vice-Admiral Mikawa Gunichi. Because of the distance to be covered from Ceylon and the Royal Navy's lack of experience in underway replenishment, the final plans for the operation involved the Eastern Fleet refueling at Exmouth Gulf in Western Australia before striking Surabaya. Force 67 was the first element of the Eastern Fleet to sail, departing on April 30th. Forces 65 and 66 sailed on May 6th. The Allied ships proceeded to Exmouth Gulf on a course that kept them at least 600 miles from Japanese airfields to avoid being detected or attacked. The carriers air wings practiced the attack they would conduct on Surabaya three times during the voyage. The warships arrived at Exmouth Gulf on 14 and 15th ofMay. The Eastern Fleet departed Exmouth Gulf on the afternoon of the 15th and proceeded north. It arrived at the flying off point at 6:30 am local time on the 17th without being detected by the Japanese. One British and seven American submarines also took up positions near Surabaya, the southern entrance to the Strait of Malacca and the Bali, Lombok and Sunda Straits to support the Eastern Fleet. The submarines were positioned to rescue Allied aircrew that were forced down, attack ships that tried to escape from Surabaya and intercept any Japanese warships that attempted to attack the Allied fleet. Operation Transom opened up with 76 aircraft launched from Illustrious and Saratoga. The aircraft launched by the carriers were organized into two strike forces. Force A was made up of nine Avengers from Illustrious, twelve Dauntless dive bombers and an escort of eight Corsairs. Force A's Avengers were to bomb the Braat Engineering Works and the Dauntlesses the oil refinery. Force B was to attack shipping and dock facilities in Surabaya's port. It comprised twenty-one Avengers and six Dauntlesses escorted by eight Corsairs and twelve Hellcats. The commander of Saratoga's air group, Commander Joseph C. Clifton, led both carriers' air wings during the attack. All of the aircraft were launched and formed up with the rest of their force by 7:20 am. Two British Avengers crashed during takeoff, their crews being rescued. The attack on Surabaya commenced at 8:30 am. The Japanese had not detected the aircraft as they approached, and were taken by surprise. The two forces made a well-synchronized attack, Force A approaching Wonokromo from the south and Force B attacking the port from the north. No Japanese fighter aircraft were encountered, and the anti-aircraft guns were largely ineffective. One of Saratoga's Avengers was shot down, and both members of its crew became prisoners of war. The two forces claimed to have damaged 10 ships, demolished the Wonokromo oil refinery and the Braat Engineering Works, destroyed 16 aircraft and leveled several buildings. Saratoga and her three escorting American destroyers detached from the Eastern Fleet shortly before sunset on the 18th, and proceeded to Fremantle. The remainder of the Eastern Fleet reached Exmouth Gulf the next morning, and sailed for Ceylon before sunset after refueling again. Adelaide and one of the Australian destroyers that had been attached to the Eastern Fleet left Exmouth Gulf bound for Fremantle after the tanker group departed on 19 May. The Eastern Fleet arrived back at Ceylon on the 27th. Saratoga reached Bremerton, Washington, on June 10th and after a refit re-joined the Pacific Fleet in September 1944. Though the Japanese would not really divert any forces from western New Guinea in response to the raid and despite the fact that the Japanese claim that not much damage had been inflicted on their shipping or shore facilities, with only one vessel confirmed sunk, Operation Transom would provide Somerville's Eastern Fleet important experience of carrier strike operations and exposure to superior American carrier tactics.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Allies were gradually countering Operation U-Go as the intense battles at Kohima Ridge and Pulebadze saw British-Indian forces slowly gaining ground amid heavy casualties. Meanwhile, Operation Ichi-Go saw major Japanese successes in China. Lastly Operation Transom saw British-Dutch-American successful carrier strikes against Surabaya, yielding experience despite limited damage.

Jak hodnotí dvacet let českého členství v Evropské unii parlamentní opozice? Proč chce hnutí SPD vyvolat referendum o vystoupení z EU? A co podle jeho předsedy znamená pro Česko migrační pakt? „Migrační pakt vznikl na základě iniciativy Německa, Itálie, Španělska a Francie právě proto, že se potýkají s nezvládnutým množstvím migrantů z Afriky a z islámských zemí,“ tvrdí šéf hnutí SPD Tomio Okamura. Moderuje Tomáš Pancíř.