Podcasts about Tanaka

Kumite! Kumite! Kumite! David Rae of Quantum Kickflip returns to the show to Dux it out with Bloodsport. Together we cast aside an unnecessary military subplot and while making the Tanaka family ties to the fighting tournament much more explicit. Oh, and we also unpack the many lies of Frank Dux! Thanks for listening, and make sure to check out Season 4 of QK over at quantumkickflip.com!  

David and Trevor discuss LOVE LETTER and THE MOON HAS RISEN, the first of three episodes reviewing KINUYO TANAKA DIRECTS, new from the Eclipse Series from the Criterion Collection.

Being ghosted in sales feels modern, but the problem is ancient. You meet someone at a networking event, have a positive conversation, follow up politely and then hear nothing but crickets. The danger is not only losing the opportunity. The greater risk is either giving up too early or following up so badly that you create brand damage. Professional salespeople need a follow-up rhythm that is persistent, respectful and defensible.  Why do buyers ghost salespeople after a good conversation? Buyers often ghost salespeople because they are overwhelmed, distracted or drowning in messages, not necessarily because they lied about being interested. The professional response is to assume the buyer is busy before assuming bad intent. Executives, managers and business owners receive a tsunami of emails, LinkedIn messages, calendar alerts, Teams notifications, Slack pings and social media updates every day. In Japan, the United States, Europe and across Asia-Pacific, post-pandemic hybrid work has increased digital noise and lowered tolerance for poor follow-up. Younger professionals are also often more text-based because written messages reduce confrontation and create an easy escape route: no reply. The problem is that no sales come from silence. Do now: Treat ghosting as a signal to follow up better, not as permission to disappear. Should salespeople keep following up after no response? Salespeople should keep following up if they genuinely believe they can help the buyer, but the tone must be respectful and benefit-led. Persistence is professional only when it serves the buyer. A second follow-up should acknowledge the buyer's busy schedule and apologise for adding to their inbox. Then it should restate the business benefit clearly. This protects the salesperson from sounding like a pest because the reason for the contact is not desperation, commission or pressure. The reason is value. For B2B sales teams, SMEs and multinational account managers, the question is simple: can this solution help the client improve revenue, productivity, leadership, customer retention or competitive performance? If yes, follow-up is part of service. Do now: In the second email, write briefly, apologise for the inbox intrusion and restate the buyer-centred benefit. How many follow-up emails are reasonable before moving on? Four thoughtful follow-ups are reasonable before concluding that silence probably means no. After that, the salesperson should move on and invest energy in a better buyer. The first message follows the original conversation. The second message politely restates the value. The third can use a slightly different version of the same buyer-focused message. The fourth should be short, unobtrusive and easy to answer. Dean Jackson's famous nine-word email formula is useful here: "Are you still interested in doing something with…?" The blank can reference the solution, business issue or opportunity discussed. This works because it is brief, non-threatening and forces a simple decision. Do now: Build a four-touch follow-up sequence before the meeting, not while emotionally reacting to silence. What should salespeople write in a follow-up email? Salespeople should write follow-up emails that are short, personal and anchored in the buyer's benefit. The goal is not to shame the buyer into replying, but to make responding easy. Forwarding the previous email can be useful, but it can also feel like a subtle accusation: "I wrote to you, and you ignored me." A stronger message starts with humanity. One useful habit is to begin with "Thanks…" because it reminds the salesperson to acknowledge the person before the business point. Another practical technique is to use the buyer's personal name as the subject line. "Tanaka san" or "Taro san" feels more human and lighter than a heavy corporate subject such as "Dale Carnegie Training Tokyo Proposal Follow-Up." Do now: Use the buyer's name, open with thanks and make the message easy to read in under 30 seconds. How can salespeople avoid damaging the brand with follow-up? Salespeople avoid brand damage by making every follow-up defensible, polite and connected to helping the buyer succeed. The buyer should feel pursued professionally, not pestered selfishly. People dislike spam because it is irrelevant, impersonal and endless. Sales follow-up becomes dangerous when it feels the same. The salesperson's defence is a clear service mindset: "My commitment is to help your business succeed, and I wanted to make sure you had the option to consider whether this makes sense." That framing works across Japanese business culture, Western B2B sales and relationship-based markets because it respects choice while demonstrating responsibility. The buyer can still say no, but the seller has not abandoned them prematurely. Do now: Prepare your explanation for follow-up before anyone challenges you on it. What should salespeople say when criticised for too much follow-up? Salespeople should calmly explain that consistent follow-up is part of serving customers properly. The answer must be prepared in advance because improvising under criticism often sounds defensive. A strong response might be: "I am sure you teach your own sales team the importance of serving customers, and that means doing the follow-up consistently and properly. That is why you are hearing from me. We are here to help your business beat your rivals and do better." This is a powerful reframe. Many executives privately wish their own salespeople were more persistent, organised and dedicated. The key is confidence without arrogance. The seller is not apologising for professionalism; they are explaining it. Do now: Write and rehearse your follow-up pushback response so it sounds natural, calm and buyer-centred. Conclusion: When does ghosting mean no? Ghosting does not automatically mean no after the first unanswered email. It may mean the buyer is busy, distracted, overwhelmed or buried under digital noise. The professional salesperson keeps going with tact, humility and a clear business reason. After four follow-ups, however, silence is probably the answer. At that point, move on and find a new buyer. The rule is simple: always allow the buyer to say "no" for themselves. Do not second-guess them by failing to follow up. Equally, do not damage your brand by chasing forever. FAQs Is being ghosted in sales always a rejection? No, being ghosted often means the buyer is overloaded, distracted or has lost track of the message. Salespeople should assume busyness first and rejection later. What is the best subject line for a follow-up email? A personal name is often the strongest subject line because it feels human and easy to open. For Japanese buyers, using polite forms such as "Tanaka san" can be appropriate depending on the relationship. How many times should I follow up with a buyer? Four respectful follow-ups are a practical limit before treating silence as a no. After that, the salesperson should move on to better-qualified opportunities. What should I say if a buyer complains about my follow-up? Explain that your follow-up is based on helping their business and giving them the option to decide. Keep the tone calm, respectful and focused on value. Author Bio Dr. Greg Story, Ph.D. in Japanese Decision-Making, is President of Dale Carnegie Tokyo Training and Adjunct Professor at Griffith University. He is a two-time winner of the Dale Carnegie "One Carnegie Award" and recipient of the Griffith University Business School Outstanding Alumnus Award. As a Dale Carnegie Master Trainer, Greg is certified to deliver globally across leadership, communication, sales and presentation programmes, including Leadership Training for Results. He has written several books, including three best-sellers — Japan Business Mastery, Japan Sales Mastery and Japan Presentations Mastery — along with Japan Leadership Mastery and How to Stop Wasting Money on Training. His works have been translated into Japanese, including Za Eigyō（ザ営業）, Purezen no Tatsujin（プレゼンの達人）, Torēningu de Okane o Muda ni Suru no wa Yamemashō（トレーニングでお金を無駄にするのはやめましょう）and Gendaiban "Hito o Ugokasu" Rīdā（現代版「人を動かす」リーダー）. Greg also publishes daily business insights on LinkedIn, Facebook and Twitter, and hosts six weekly podcasts. On YouTube, he produces The Cutting Edge Japan Business Show, Japan Business Mastery and Japan's Top Business Interviews, which are followed by executives seeking success strategies in Japan.

Get 30% OFF your first 3 months of beehiiv with our code "505POD30"http://www.beehiiv.com/splash?utm_campaign=brayden-figueroa-2026-Partnership&utm_medium=podcast&utm_source=brayden-figueroa&utm_term=dedicated-podcast-1&stripe_campaign_code=505POD30 ( ...

On our Patreon, we review RAW, SmackDown and WWE PPVs from 20 years ago. With the upcoming One Night Stand 2006 show coming up and WWE launching the ECW brand, we wanted to give you this free teaser of our Patreon with our review last year of the original ECW One Night Stand. If you enjoy it, you can sign up for daily content over at http://www.patreon.com/insidetheropesKenny, Sondra and Fin are back to review the first ECW One Night Stand PPV with Mike Awesome and Tanaka knocking the shit out of each other, the RAW and SmackDown guys trying to cause trouble, Paul Heyman defending ECW and much more. Enjoy! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Por que as pessoas gostam tanto de falar da vida alheia???? Você não pode deixar de ouvir este Debate 93!!!!

Handling mistakes is one of the hardest leadership tests because everyone is watching. A missed deadline, poor-quality work, lost sale, compliance issue, or public error does not just affect the person involved; it reveals the leader's judgement, emotional control, fairness, and communication skill. Great leaders do not explode, humiliate, or destroy trust when mistakes happen. They investigate, listen, separate the person from the problem, and choose the right response based on whether the individual accepts accountability. In Japan, Australia, the United States, Europe, and across Asia-Pacific, where talent retention and psychological safety matter more than ever, mistake handling is no longer a soft skill. It is a leadership survival skill. Why is mistake handling such a major leadership test? Mistake handling matters because the whole team judges the leader by how they respond under pressure. If the leader reacts with rage, humiliation, or blame, trust and loyalty can collapse very quickly. Mistakes are often public. People see who missed the deadline, lost the client, damaged the quality, or created the operational mess. They also see whether the boss becomes a coach or a corporate executioner. In post-pandemic workplaces, where employees have more career options and lower tolerance for toxic management, public anger is expensive. Leaders who cannot control themselves may win the moment but lose the team. The best leaders protect standards without destroying dignity. Do now: Before responding to a mistake, ask, "What will the rest of the team learn from how I handle this?" What should leaders avoid when employees make mistakes? Leaders must avoid emotional explosions, public humiliation, personal attacks, and instant judgement. These reactions may feel powerful in the moment, but they damage trust, psychological safety, and long-term performance. The classic "rage-athon" boss may have a brilliant résumé, elite education, and impressive title, but none of that matters if they cannot manage their temper. In Japanese boardrooms, US sales teams, European professional firms, or Asia-Pacific regional offices, fear-based leadership produces silence, avoidance, and quiet departures. People stop admitting problems early because they fear the punishment. That means mistakes become hidden until they are much larger and harder to repair. Do now: Never discipline in anger. Pause, gather facts, and protect the person's dignity while still protecting the business. How should leaders investigate a mistake before responding? Leaders should begin with research, not rumours. They must gather facts, understand context, and avoid being manipulated by people who may have their own agenda. When someone says, "You won't believe what Tanaka has done now," the leader should be cautious. Sometimes the messenger is accurate. Sometimes they are positioning, blaming, exaggerating, or trying to damage a rival. Good leaders investigate before forming a view. What happened? Who was involved? What process failed? Was this a one-off error, a capability issue, a workload problem, a systems issue, or misconduct? For serious mistakes, leaders should quietly ask, "Is this person worth saving?" Do now: Separate evidence from opinion. Do not let the first emotional report become the official truth. Why should leaders begin mistake conversations with rapport? Leaders should begin with rapport because people listen better when they do not feel personally attacked. Honest appreciation lowers anxiety and keeps the conversation productive. This does not mean pretending the mistake is minor or avoiding the issue. It means starting with evidence-based appreciation for what the person has done well before moving into the problem. Dale Carnegie's Principle #22, "Begin with praise and honest appreciation," is practical here. The appreciation must be specific, not fluffy. For example, refer to a project they delivered, a client they helped, or a behaviour you have personally observed. This creates a fairer emotional climate for accountability. Do now: Start with credible appreciation, then move clearly and calmly to the issue that must be addressed. How do leaders discuss the mistake without attacking the person? Leaders should focus on the problem, not the human being. The goal is to depersonalise the issue while still making accountability clear. A good mistake conversation allows the employee to explain what happened first. Then the leader fills in gaps, corrects misunderstandings, and listens carefully for ownership. Are they accepting responsibility, or are they blaming everyone else? Dale Carnegie's Principle #24, "Talk about your own mistakes before criticising the other person," can reduce defensiveness and create psychological safety. The leader might say, "I have made mistakes under pressure too, so let's work through exactly what happened and what we need to fix." Do now: Use calm questions, active listening, and shared problem-solving. Do not label the person as careless, useless, or unreliable. What should leaders do when someone accepts accountability? When someone accepts accountability, the leader should restore, reassure, and retain them. The aim is to fix the problem, rebuild confidence, and keep a valuable person moving forward. If the person owns the mistake, the leader should appreciate that honesty and focus on recovery. What needs to be repaired? What support is required? What process must change so the mistake does not repeat? The individual may already feel embarrassed, anxious, or demotivated. Dale Carnegie's Principle #26, "Let the other person save face," and Principle #29, "Use encouragement. Make the fault seem easy to correct," are powerful in this moment. Accountability should become a bridge to improvement, not a trapdoor to humiliation. Do now: Thank them for taking responsibility, agree on corrective action, and make it clear they can recover. What should leaders do when someone refuses accountability? When someone refuses accountability, the leader must restate the facts, reinforce standards, and make consequences clear. Avoiding responsibility cannot be allowed to become normal behaviour. Some employees blame colleagues, deny evidence, or resist every attempt to help them recover. In that case, the leader should calmly restate the seriousness of the issue and reference company policy, compliance requirements, or performance standards. Dale Carnegie's Principle #28, "Give the other person a fine reputation to live up to," can help. For example: "I know you are professional enough to take accountability for your work, so let's recover from this properly." If resistance continues, formal next steps may be required. Do now: Be fair, factual, and firm. Give the person a chance to step up, but do not excuse persistent denial. When should leaders retain, move, or replace someone after a mistake? Leaders should retain people who accept accountability and can recover, but they may need to move or replace people who repeatedly deny responsibility or do not fit the role. The decision should be based on behaviour, capability, and future contribution. Sometimes the person is on the wrong bus. Sometimes they are on the right bus but in the wrong seat. If they have strengths that fit another area, a transfer may be the humane and commercially sensible option. If coaching, feedback, and support do not change the behaviour, release from the organisation may be necessary. This should not be framed as revenge. It may be better for the person to find work where they can succeed and contribute. Do now: Ask whether the person can realistically succeed in the current role. If not, consider reassignment before termination where appropriate. Final summary Mistake handling is not just about correcting one employee. It is about showing the whole team what kind of leader you are. Rage destroys trust. Rumours distort judgement. Personal attacks damage loyalty. Calm research, rapport, accountability, reassurance, and clear consequences protect both people and performance. The best leaders handle mistakes through a simple but demanding sequence: research, begin with rapport, identify the issue, restore those who accept accountability, reinforce standards with those who do not, and then decide whether to retain, move, or replace the person. FAQs Should leaders punish employees for mistakes? Leaders should not rush to punish mistakes; they should first understand the facts and the employee's accountability. Deliberate misconduct, repeated negligence, and honest errors require different responses. Why is public anger dangerous for leaders? Public anger teaches the team that mistakes are unsafe to discuss. That drives problems underground and damages trust, loyalty, and retention. What if the employee accepts responsibility? If the employee accepts responsibility, help them fix the problem and rebuild confidence. This is the moment to restore, reassure, and retain whenever possible. What if the employee blames everyone else? If the employee refuses accountability, restate the facts and make standards and consequences clear. Give them a chance to recover, but do not normalise avoidance. How do leaders protect psychological safety while maintaining standards? Leaders protect psychological safety by attacking the problem, not the person. They can be calm, respectful, and supportive while still insisting on accountability and improvement. Quick actions for leaders Pause before reacting to a mistake. Gather facts before forming a judgement. Begin the conversation with specific, honest appreciation. Focus on the issue, not the person's character. Listen for accountability. Reassure those who take responsibility. Reinforce standards with those who deny responsibility. Decide whether to retain, move, or replace based on behaviour and fit. Author Bio Dr. Greg Story, Ph.D. in Japanese Decision-Making, is President of Dale Carnegie Tokyo Training and Adjunct Professor at Griffith University. He is a two-time winner of the Dale Carnegie "One Carnegie Award" in 2018 and 2021, and recipient of the Griffith University Business School Outstanding Alumnus Award in 2012. As a Dale Carnegie Master Trainer, Greg is certified to deliver globally across leadership, communication, sales, and presentation programmes, including Leadership Training for Results. He has written several books, including three best-sellers: Japan Business Mastery, Japan Sales Mastery, and Japan Presentations Mastery, along with Japan Leadership Mastery and How to Stop Wasting Money on Training. His works have been translated into Japanese, including Za Eigyō（ザ営業）, Purezen no Tatsujin（プレゼンの達人）, Torēningu de Okane o Muda ni Suru no wa Yamemashō（トレーニングでお金を無駄にするのはやめましょう）, and Gendaiban "Hito o Ugokasu" Rīdā（現代版「人を動かす」リーダー）. Greg also publishes daily business insights on LinkedIn, Facebook, and Twitter, and hosts six weekly podcasts. On YouTube, he produces The Cutting Edge Japan Business Show, Japan Business Mastery, and Japan's Top Business Interviews, which are widely followed by executives seeking success strategies in Japan.

Welcome to this episode of Monday Night Project, this week we cover WWF Saturday Nights Main Event April 27th 1991 where we will see :- The Ultimate Warrior vs. Sgt. Slaughter (w/Col. Mustafa & Gen. Adnan) WWF World Tag Team Title Match The Nasty Boys (Brian Knobbs & Jerry Sags) (w/Jimmy Hart) (c) vs. The Bushwhackers (Butch & Luke) 20 Man Battle Royal Jake Roberts vs. Greg Valentine vs. Tanaka vs. Earthquake vs. The Barbarian vs. Jimmy Snuka vs. Hulk Hogan vs. Paul Roma vs. The Big Boss Man vs. Haku vs. Shawn Michaels vs. The British Bulldog vs. Kato vs. Tugboat vs. Marty Jannetty vs. Mr. Perfect (w/Bobby Heenan) vs. The Texas Tornado vs. Jim Duggan vs. The Warlord vs. Hercules Bret Hart vs. Ted DiBiase (w/Sensational Sherri) Tito Santana vs. The Mountie (w/Jimmy Hart) Follow the show on facebook Memphis Continental Wrestling Cast (facebook.com/memphiscast) Visit our brand new tshirt store at https://www.unforgettablevision.com/roster/old-bakery-productions You can watch the show at https://www.patreon.com/posts/wwf-snme-april-156242106?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link

00:00 Intro 01:00 Supertalent nach England? Liverpool will Eichhorn! 04:40 Nach Pokal-Erfolg: Kane und Laimer wollen in München bleiben 08:30 Das sind Nübels Zukunfts-Optionen 11:40 Daran hakt die Undav-Verlängerung 13:30 Mourinho auf Deutschland-Besuch - Chema Andres einer für Real Madrid? 15:20 Duranville vor Abschied vom BVB, Ziel noch unklar 16:40 Moreira und Karetsas zu teuer für den BVB 17:30 FC Basel mit Jonas Omlin einig - kommt jetzt Uno zu Gladbach? 21:00 Nach Aderlass: so plant der HSV den Transfersommer 24:10 Hull City zurück in der Premier League 25:00 Wahnsinn am letzten Spieltag: Das sind die Überraschungen der Premier League Saison 25:40 Fernandez zum Ex? Konkrete City-Pläne im Sommer 27:25 Manchester United will Ederson von Atalanta verpflichten 28:20 Samuel Martinez zieht es zu den Reds 30:10 Eberl-Aus beim FC Bayern? Das ist der Stand 34:30 Musiker Finch fordert Pletti heraus: Kommt Gindorf zu Union? 37:05 Offiziell: Prömel Transfer zum VfB perfekt 38:25 Backhaus in Freiburg unterschrieben, was passiert jetzt mit Atubolu? 40:25 Tanaka weckt Interesse, wird er zum Schnäppchen? 42:05 Mislintat verlässt Fortuna Düsseldorf 42:55 Paderborn mischt den Transfermarkt auf 43:05 Sensation in Spanien! Erstmals kein Real Spieler für den WM-Kader nominiert 45:25 AC Mailand entlässt Trainerteam

In the 1930s, a mysterious document known as the Tanaka Memorial shocked the world. Supposedly written by Japanese Prime Minister Baron Tanaka, it outlined a strategy for conquering Manchuria, China, Southeast Asia, and even the United States. As real-life events seemed to unfold according to the alleged plan, the document became one of the most influential pieces of anti-Japanese propaganda of the twentieth century. It was quoted by American films, politicians, and many others. In this episode, we tell the story of Taiwanese businessman Tsai Chih-kan (蔡智堪), who later claimed to have personally copied the secret plans from inside the Japanese Imperial Palace. Although most historians today believe the Tanaka Memorial was a forgery, it remains an unsolved mystery. And the story of how it shaped global politics and wartime propaganda is, we think, more fascinating than the contents of the document.

In this episode, host Eklavya Gupte explores how the war in the Middle East has exposed Asia's deep reliance on fossil fuels while also accelerating the region's energy transition. Ruchira Singh, energy transition editor at Platts, part of S&P Global Energy, speaks with Nobuo Tanaka, chair of the steering committee at the Innovation for Cool Earth Forum and former executive director of the International Energy Agency, about the emerging dynamics between petrostates and electrostates, and where Asia stands on the threshold of its energy future. Echoing the 1970s oil shocks that gave rise to the LNG market, Tanaka believes this crisis will spark another tectonic shift, elevating renewables to the mainstream and fast-track Asia's electrification. From faster electric vehicle adoption to expanding low-carbon hydrogen trade and strengthened regional collaboration, Asia is poised to respond with a decisive shift toward cleaner, more resilient energy systems, he says.

In this episode, host Eklavya Gupte explores how the war in the Middle East has exposed Asia's deep reliance on fossil fuels while also accelerating the region's energy transition. Ruchira Singh, energy transition editor at Platts, part of S&P Global Energy, speaks with Nobuo Tanaka, chair of the steering committee at the Innovation for Cool Earth Forum and former executive director of the International Energy Agency, about the emerging dynamics between petrostates and electrostates, and where Asia stands on the threshold of its energy future. Echoing the 1970s oil shocks that gave rise to the LNG market, Tanaka believes this crisis will spark another tectonic shift, elevating renewables to the mainstream and fast-track Asia's electrification. From faster electric vehicle adoption to expanding low-carbon hydrogen trade and strengthened regional collaboration, Asia is poised to respond with a decisive shift toward cleaner, more resilient energy systems, he says.

The strongest industries are built on relationships that outlast individual transactions. In this episode of the IC-DISC Show, I sit down with Larry Drummond, Executive Director of the International Precious Metals Institute (IPMI), to talk about what fifty years of industry collaboration has taught him about trust, transparency, and building lasting business connections. Larry shared how IPMI started in 1976 when a group of New York-area scientists came together to share data across competing precious metals companies. After 25 years at Engelhard and a leadership role at Metalor, he came out of retirement in 2018 to lead the organization he had served as a volunteer board member and past president. What struck me most was Larry's description of an industry where someone can be your customer, vendor, and competitor at the same time. He shared examples of refiners picking up the phone to ask competitors for help during operational setbacks, knowing the favor would be returned without losing customers in the process. The conversation reminded me that even in commodity-driven businesses, transparency and verified trust create the foundation for everything else. With IPMI's 50th annual conference coming up in Orlando, Larry's perspective is a great preview of what makes this industry tick. SHOW HIGHLIGHTS * In precious metals, the same company can be your customer, vendor, and competitor at the same exact time. * IPMI was founded in 1976 by New York-area scientists who recognized the value of sharing data across competing companies. * When operations go down, refiners call competitors for a week of help, knowing the favor will be returned without customer poaching. * Record-high gold prices flooded refiners with material, but financing costs and capacity limits turned some lots into losers. * IPMI memberships pay for themselves through the price discount on a single annual conference registration. * Portable x-ray guns have transformed the industry, letting even small operators verify what they have before shipping it up the chain. Contact Details LinkedIn - Larry Drummond LINKS Show NotesBe a Guest About IC-DISC AllianceAbout IPMI TRANSCRIPT (AI transcript provided as supporting material and may contain errors) Larry Drummond: Unique things about this industry is that someone can be your customer, vendor, and competitor at the same exact time. Those relationships, even with your competitors, I can't say there's any kind of big precious metal company that something hasn't gone wrong in your operation at some point in time. I've personally been involved in situations where you could pick up the phone and call your competitor and say, "Listen, I need help for about a week." And they will handle some of your materials and not steal your customer because they know one day they may pick up the phone and call you. David Spray: Good morning, Larry. How are you this morning? Larry Drummond: Very good, David. Good morning. How are you? David Spray: I am great, thank you. So you are, I believe, the executive director of the International Precious Metals Institute, is that correct? Larry Drummond: That's correct. David Spray: And I guess the organization goes by the initials, right? IPMI? Larry Drummond: Yes. Everyone refers to it as IPMI. When we do legal documents, we use the full name, but for the most part we just use IPMI. David Spray: Okay. So can you just tell me a bit of the history of IPMI? Has it been around very long? Larry Drummond: Yeah. Well, we've been around very long and it's very appropriate we're doing this podcast today because we're celebrating our Jubilee year this year. So we were formed in July of 1976 and the history is that a group of scientists in the greater New York area where there was many major precious metal companies had formed, got together because they saw the need to share scientific data. And what's important about this is the pathway that they set still lives on today where people, member companies openly share a lot of information. Now again, they don't share their total trade secrets, but they share information where collectively the industry gets to benefit from that. David Spray: Okay. So Larry Drummond: It was started by a group of scientists and we've grown from there and we'll talk more about that during the course of the podcast here. David Spray: Okay. Well, that is great. And so when did you join the organization? Larry Drummond: So I joined in the late '90s, around 1997 I think was my first PMI. And the IPMI is really founded on volunteerism. There's actually only two of us that are employees and the rest are volunteers. So I was one of those volunteers and very early on got involved with the board of directors. I worked for Englehart Corporation for over 25 years and Englehart was one of the cornerstone founding members. Now it's owned by BASF. So in 2002, I joined the board and the executive committee and before we had term limits, I served on that for over 13 years as a. Oh, wow. And including all the officer roles and I'm also a past president of IPMI, which is a volunteer role. David Spray: Okay. And then at some point you shifted from being a member to being the executive director, is that correct? Larry Drummond: Yeah. I'm the past president for the Americas for Medalor Corporation, which is now part of Tanaka. And I retired in 2015 for a brief while and in 2018, I went back to work for the IPMI as the executive director. David Spray: I bet that must be great to be able to reconnect with all your longtime contacts in the industry. Larry Drummond: It's true. And it's really one of the key attributes of IPMI is really building relationships. If I could, if you look at our tagline, it's connecting you to the world of precious metals. And when I talk to people, especially people getting involved for the first time, I said, "Well, what does that mean?" I said, "We can boil IPMI down to really a few words and what they mean." It's connect, learn and build relationships. I was fortunate that I've spent essentially my entire career in precious metals, again, joining Ellhart in 1979. And some of those relationships that I've built over the years still exist today. So it's really one of the key things that we try and stress to people is to really build relationships. And the important part about that is that our industry, the transactions are very high value in terms of the precious getting transacted. And in many cases, you as a vendor are sending what you think to be a known amount of precious metals contained in some form that a refiner has to refine and produce fine metal out of. So there's a lot of trust involved. So building those relationships, it's trust but verified trust. Building those relationships is key and it's something that our members are very good at and personally that I've benefited from over the years in my career. And to this day, like you mentioned a few minutes ago, there's still many colleagues that I have that I've had relationships for over 30 years, you know what I mean? Wow. David Spray: Yeah, it's so interesting because on the surface it's a commodity. And so you would think that relationship wouldn't matter. You would think that just, "Hey, I'm buying two ounces of gold or a pound of gold and here's the price and we agreed on the price. And so what's the need for the relationship?" But I think you bring up a good point. It's because the seller may not know completely to the gram maybe how much material they have or the grade of the material. Is that kind of where that trust comes in? Because they think they're selling one thing, the refinery gets something and their team says it's slightly different. Is that what happens? Larry Drummond: Well, again, the trust comes in because many, I would say most of our member companies really have state-of-the-art laboratories, especially the big refineries and those are accredited laboratories. I David Spray: See. Larry Drummond: So there's techniques in terms of sampling and analytical procedures that really define how much metal is in particular a lot and it's not a perfect science, but it's a science that's been developed over the years. And so there's that trust, but it's verifiable trust. David Spray: Understood. So I imagine now when you came into the industry, did the people selling the material to the refiners, did they have that same type of equipment to know with that same precision or is that something that's just evolved as equipment has gotten more precise? Larry Drummond: Well, it's evolved over the years, particularly with the advances and the portable x-ray guns that now almost anyone can buy and afford. So if you're a very small company sending stuff up through the sort of food chain, if you will, of transactions, you can have a fairly good idea of what you have. David Spray: Okay. Okay. So what do you enjoy the most about this executive director role? Larry Drummond: Really, I think the thing I enjoy the most is really to see people building those relationships and I try and foster that. In other words, there's especially any new member or new attendee that comes to one of our events, there's an open door policy where, hey, if there's anyone you want to meet, myself or one of my colleagues will introduce you. And so I think really the thing I get the most out of it is really seeing those new developments in terms of relationships and then the fostering of the old ones. That's really what I get out the most. And one thing I want to highlight is we're going to be coming up to our annual conference. For any first time attendees at our annual conference, there is a kickoff social event on Saturday afternoon and it's by invitation for all first time attendees and myself, some of the officers, some key members, some past presidents are present at this social function and at this social function we just give some words of wisdom, if you will, on how to best navigate your first IPMI conference. And again, we'll stress this building of relationships and we'll also, again, stress this open door policy. If there's any particular person you want to meet, just let us know and one of us will make sure you get introduced. David Spray: I really appreciate that because I think you may recall that this will be my first conference. Larry Drummond: Exactly. David Spray: I saw that first timer event. And it's interesting because I've been a member of REMA, the Recycled Materials Association, also known as ISRI for 20 years or so. And I really just stumbled across one of your members as one of my team members who's doing some research trying to find more scrap metal people and they kind of stumbled on this person and they ended up becoming a client and they said to me, "Oh, you've got to be at the annual conference. We're happy to make some introductions." And yeah, it seems like there's a lot of similarities between that and the industry I know a little better the recycling scrap metal industry in terms of relationship, duration of relationships, networking. So yeah, I'm just so excited to attend. And I'm doing the whole thing. I'm coming in the day before on Friday so I can play in the golf tournament and go to that new timers, first timers event. I'm really looking forward to it. Larry Drummond: At the first timers event we started a few years ago now and it's really proven to be very worthwhile. We've gotten a lot of good feedback on it. So yeah, we're looking forward to seeing you and a bunch of other new people at that event. David Spray: Yeah, that sounds great. Are you doing anything different for it being the 50th annual or is it just business as usual like any annual conference? Larry Drummond: No. Well, again, we have our annual conference agenda, which is again, a combination of technical presentations and social events. And if I could maybe just expand a little bit on that for those that may not have attended, again, it kicks off technically we kick off Saturday night with an opening reception. We've developed an agenda to have pre-events prior to the opening reception and that's the golf event and we have another one at the same time as the golf event, a pickleball tournament for those so inclined to play pickleball. And then there's a session for the student meet and greet. So these are for the graduate student awards program that we have and the first time attendees. But then when we kick off on Sunday morning with the actual programs, it's designed basically to have technical presentations in the morning. There's usually one right after lunch, but then from about three o'clock on, there's a variety of social functions up through 10 o'clock at night each night. Culminate- David Spray: Yeah, to encourage that networking, right? Larry Drummond: Exactly. And a lot of our attendees have wall to wall meetings. I view my role in putting on this annual conference as offering sort of a smorgasbord of items in a combination of technical items, obviously the food and beverage and the social events, then everyone can pick and choose what they need to do. There are some members that will attend every technical session. There are others that may have 30 meetings set up over the course of. So again, what we try and do is provide that landscape, if you will, so that everyone can pick and choose what they need to do when they need to do it. David Spray: Okay. No, that makes sense. Yeah, like I said, I'm super excited to be there for the 50th. Let's see. And that'll be in Orlando at the Hyatt Grand Cypress Resort. Larry Drummond: Yeah. So we're at the Hyatt Grand Cypress and just a word to those who have not registered yet, you can register right up until the conference. The one issue we have is that the hotel is sold out on the Monday and Tuesday evening. So if you go on our website, you'll see we've put some alternative hotels. The one good thing about this location, we listed four or five, but there are probably 25 hotels within a five-minute Uber ride of the Hyatt because it's basically right next door to Disney Springs, so it's pretty accessible. David Spray: Okay. Well, that sounds great. Yeah, one of the questions I had was whether it was too late Larry Drummond: Not David Spray: To register. Larry Drummond: David, if I could, I don't think I fully answered the ... So for the 50th, so we have the presentations and the social events, but we're also working in throughout the days and evenings celebratory items of the 50th. So there'll be some videos playing. There's a lot of different graphics. So we're working a bunch of things in with the branding of the 50th, if you will. David Spray: Okay. Yeah, no, it's pretty exciting. In fact, I'm on the website. They have the countdown clock, 22 days, 23 hours, 42 minutes and two seconds. Did the attendees have to be a member of IPM or is Larry Drummond: There a David Spray: Guest option? Larry Drummond: No, no. You do not have to be a member. You'll see if when you go to a register, if you are a member, then you get the member price. So there's basically at all our events, the members get a discounted price, which is one of the benefits of membership. So there's a price delta, if you will, for non-members. And what we've done, you could see it's not much, but we've made it a little bit of a incentive, if you will, to take a couple of minutes out and join as a member because you can actually save more than what the individual membership costs. Corporate memberships obviously are a little bit more expensive, but for an individual membership, the price you pay for the membership is actually a savings compared to the price difference you'll pay for an event for one event. David Spray: Yeah, I noticed that. I joined I think about a year ago, nine months ago and this will be my first actual event and I noticed that. I noticed the price delta and I registered early. I have my hotel room and I noticed that. I'm like, wow, that membership's a no-brainer. It pays for itself if you just go to one event. Larry Drummond: Exactly. And we try to encourage that because again, some people maybe they just don't want to be bothered or have the time to take out. But the problem is even if you just go to one event by being a member, then you have access to all the information, the newsletters, the website. When we do have an event, then there's an app for the event. So you get all these other benefits as well. David Spray: Okay. And where is IPMI located physically? Is it in Orlando? No. Larry Drummond: So physically we have, it's myself and Sandra Orranz, who is our longtime administrative manager and she has an office in Pensacola, Florida. I'm working out of my home here in New Jersey, but physically we have an office in Pensacola. David Spray: And I must say Sandra has been wonderful to work with. I can't believe how ... She makes me feel like I'm the only member that she has to help and I know I certainly am not. So yeah, she is so impressive. Well, that explains it that she's been doing this for a little while. Larry Drummond: It's a funny story. One of my predecessors, and it's the reason we're in Pensacola, by the way, he was an executive that retired from Roman Haas in Philadelphia and he retired to Pensacola and he was the one that they hired to be executive director at the time, this was over 25 years ago. And so he was looking for office space in Pensacola and he happened to go into this office where Sandra was working, which that particular business was going out of business. Oh, really? David Spray: Well, Larry Drummond: The office space became available and they hit it off, had a great conversation. As you could see, it's very easy to talk to. So the joke is the internal joke that we have is Sandra says that she came with the furniture. David Spray: Now, will she be at the conference? Larry Drummond: Absolutely. That's great. David Spray: I look forward to finally meeting her in person as well as meeting you physically. Larry Drummond: She'll be there manning the registration room, which is front and center. You'll see once you arrive at the hotel and we'll be there in force. David Spray: Now do you have the latest registrar headcount? Is it in the several hundreds? Larry Drummond: Yeah, we just pressed it over 500 the other day. So we generally are in that 500 to 525 range, so we will probably exceed that this year. Despite the discounts that we offer, you'd be surprised at how many people still register rather late. David Spray: Yeah, I guess some people, their schedule is just harder to commit to that far out. Now you said you're in New Jersey. Are you from New Jersey originally? Larry Drummond: Yeah, I'm born and raised in New Jersey. And again, starting back with back in the late '70s, which was New Jersey based headquartered New Jersey and like I said, now BASF. So no, I've been in New Jersey in my entire life. David Spray: Okay. Yeah, there's some beautiful parts of the Garden State. I've got several clients in New Jersey and especially the Jersey Shore is ... Yeah, it's just so funny because I'm in Houston and Houston has elements that remind me of places in New Jersey in terms of if your only experience in Houston is just driving through town on Interstate 10, or if you've only flown into the airport, your perspective is, oh, it's industrial, there's a lot of manufacturing, chemicals, and it seems like not a great place to live. But when you get off the beaten path and you get into the real neighborhoods and the rural areas, you realize just how beautiful much of the state is. Larry Drummond: New Jersey is very much like that. A lot of people have the perception that everything is like how it is right around Newark Airport there and I could tell you it's not. When you get 30 minutes outside of that area, as you probably know, there's so many beautiful areas. David Spray: Yeah. So what about the future of the organization? What are you and the board excited about over the next five to 10 years? Larry Drummond: What we're excited about and what we've been working on is really to try and expand a bit to what I call sort of underserved segments and not optimally served geographical areas. So yes, we are the International Precious Metal Institute with heavy membership from North America and Europe, but we also have a lot of member companies from Asia. So in terms of the underrepresented segments, we've been working with the jewelry industry to try and expand the members and the attendees that we get directly from the jewelry industry. We have a bunch of people involved from the jewelry scrap side of things. Actual jewelry manufacturers were trying to expand on that. And so we've collaboratively joined forces, if you will, with CJO, CIBJO, which is basically an association of associations of the jewelry industry and we have an event. They're actually celebrating their hundredth year this September in Italy and we'll be attending that event. So we've been attending for the past couple of years now to try and build on that. And geographically, one of the key areas, again, we're trying to work on a bit more and again, collaboratively in the Asia Pacific area with different organizations there to try and, again, cross fertilize it a bit as best we can. As an example, we have people speaking at conferences there and vice versa, inviting various people to speak at our event. In fact, you'll see it's pretty predominant. On the Monday morning we have a session called the World of Precious Metal Finance Gold and Silver, and we have three different speakers from Asia as part of that gold and silver panel. David Spray: Oh, that is great. And I noticed that on the agenda. I plan to go to as many of the events or the educational things just to learn as much as I can. But like you mentioned, I think my assistant already has me tentatively scheduled for about 15 meetings while I'm there. So it'll be a balance. Larry Drummond: One of the things I wanted to mention about, and this is, I think, important for those, especially people coming for the first time, is we've consciously adjusted these agendas over the past few years. If you go back in time, some of the IPMI meetings from many years ago, it was technical sessions all day long and then people just felt the need for meetings. Then there was three to four hour sessions for a bunch of years, but what I've done since I took over is we've really changed the timing of the sessions to be either 75 or 90 minutes, some are 60 minutes so that someone like yourself, they have 15 meetings and there's some people that may have even more meetings than that, you can pick and choose when you're doing, say, "Listen, all right, I really need to go to that golden silver one or this one." So when you're scheduling your meetings, you can then take that 90 minutes and just block it out so that you can attend certain sessions that you really feel that you want to. The other thing I've mentioned too is in the case that you just simply can't make those sessions, all attendees get a complete prospectus of all the presentations That are made after the conference. And the only asterisk I'd put on that is that we have to get authors permission to release their presentation to everyone. But I can tell you from past experience, it's like 99% of those presenting give us the authority to send it to all attendees. So that's another benefit that you have that if you are tied up in meetings that you still will get access to those presentations. David Spray: Well, that is great to know. And I think you said you joined the industry, you joined Englehart in 79, is Larry Drummond: That David Spray: Right? Larry Drummond: Yes. David Spray: So you've been involved with IPMI for almost its entire time of Larry Drummond: Being? No, I wouldn't go that far because again, I came up through finance. I was a very young accountant for hard back and David Spray: Stuff. Oh, okay. Larry Drummond: But as I grew into mid-management, if you will, by the mid 90s, that's when I started to get more involved with things like the IPMI. David Spray: I see. Okay. So you've only been involved about half the time that Larry Drummond: It's- Yeah, so just slightly more than half. Yeah. David Spray: Okay. And I'm just curious, since you've been involved in the industry, what comes to mind as one of the one or two biggest changes in the industry since you've been involved? Larry Drummond: I think really what's developed over time is this, I saw it when I first got involved, but it's much more so today, is the openness and transparency. So again, going back to what I said on the earlier part of this podcast about these building relationships, it's a two-way street obviously for everyone. But one of the unique things about this industry is that someone can be your customer, vendor, and competitor at the same exact time. David Spray: Isn't that interesting? Larry Drummond: And so I think that's what I've seen develop more and more as time goes on is this real sort of congruence of those kind of relationships. And as you'll see, when you attend the events, there's a lot of critical and detailed information exchanged. And obviously in private meetings, there's even more, but I think that's one of the key things that we've seen is that real transparency. David Spray: No, that sounds great. And it sounds like what maybe hasn't changed is just the importance of the relationships. That probably sounds like that's been consistent over the whole time. Larry Drummond: That's key. And those relationships, even with your competitors, I can't say there's any kind of big precious metal company that something hasn't gone wrong in your operation at some point in time. Let's just say you're taking an inventory and you're supposed to be back up in operation next Monday and something happens and, "Hey, listen, you're going to be delayed a week." I've personally been involved in situations where you could pick up the phone and call your competitor and say, "Listen, I need help for about a week," and they will handle some of your materials and not steal your customer because they know one day they may pick up the phone and call you and say, "Hey, listen, we had a power failure, we had this, " whatever the situation was, but that they may need a helping hand too. So that's one of the key things that's really great about those relationships. David Spray: What about has the center of the gold industry shifted more to the Middle East or the Middle East role? Has that changed over time? Larry Drummond: Well, obviously there's a lot going on in the Middle East, but there's a big shift in that into the Asian market and that's one of the reasons why we have a predominance of Asian presenters and panelists as part of that golden silver session. David Spray: Okay. These record high prices, what's the impact of that on the industry other than I would assume ... Well, why don't I just ask you, what's been the impact of that? Has it been a good thing, a bad thing? Is it neutral for the industry? Larry Drummond: Well, I'd say overall for a lot of our members, it's a good thing, but it's a good thing that didn't also come with a lot of pain, if you will, along the way. So yes, generally speaking, the higher prices are better, but there was also a tremendous increase in the financing costs. And so as an example, if you think about the sort of supply chain of gold scraps, so this we buy gold stuff. So there's a corner store in a little shopping center where you live, we buy gold and that sells to another person who sells to another person who sells to maybe depending on the size of that operation, a couple of steps involved before we get a member company buying bigger lots and then it winds up going to the ultimate, what I call primary refiners or smelters where they're taking in scrap and their output is fine gold that's deliverable to the various exchanges like the London, Abullion Market Association, things like that, or into New York. But because so much material came out when this price came up, many of the refiners were getting filled up in terms of their capacity very quickly. And in this sort of refining gold business, it's a beat the clock kind of situation where you're settling with your customer and then you're transforming that metal into fin metal in your operation and then selling it to the marketplace. And So from the time you settle with your customer, which there's generally a preliminary settlement for almost the whole value of the lot upon receipt or day or so, a couple of days after receipt, you're financing that medal. So what a lot of member companies found was just inundated with material. And the issue is yes, even though you could possibly make more money because of the higher prices and the very slim percentage that they contractually get to retain as part of their commercial transaction, if the finance costs and the operation costs exceed that, then you're losing money on that lot. So there was a period of time where everyone along the line from the small guy all the way up, the financing cost and the timing of free capacity affected the situation. David Spray: Wow. Wow. Well, Larry, I can't believe how the time has flown by. Was there anything I didn't ask you that you wish I had? Larry Drummond: No, I'll just maybe put one final plugin for our annual conference. Again, for those of you who have never been to an IPMI conference, this would be a very good one to start your IPMI journey on. So again, June 6th to 9th in Orlando, Florida. There's still time to register if you go to wipi.org. All the information is there for you to see. And David, perhaps I can send you a link as well that maybe you can put at the end of the register registration link at the end of the podcast. David Spray: Yeah, please do that. And we also can put it in the email body itself that goes out to our email recipients and then in the show notes as well. Larry Drummond: Okay. David Spray: Well, Larry, thank you for your time. And like I said, I look forward to meeting you in person in a few weeks in Orlando. Larry Drummond: Okay. Look forward to seeing you. Thank you very much, David. David Spray: Thank you. There we have it. Another great episode. Thanks for listening in. If you want to continue the conversation, go to iciscshow.com. That's icy-d-icow.com. And we have additional information on the podcast, archived episodes, as well as a button to be a guest. So if you'd like to be a guest, go select that and fill out the information and we'd love to have you on the show. So that's it. We'll be back next time with another episode of The Icy Disc Show.

Great presentations are not speeches delivered from a mountain top. They are conversations that make the audience feel included, respected and quietly persuaded. In Japan, where hierarchy, humility and group sensitivity matter deeply, the way we stand, speak, gesture and connect can either build trust or create distance. The best presenters know how to reduce that distance fast. Why should presenters be more conversational? Presenters should be conversational because audiences trust speakers who feel accessible, not distant. A formal stage, lectern, microphone, slide deck and commanding tone can all create a psychological wall between speaker and listener. In Japan, that wall can feel even higher because physical elevation and hierarchy carry cultural meaning. Standing above a seated audience often requires humility at the start. The same lesson applies in boardrooms in Tokyo, sales kick-offs in Singapore, leadership forums in Sydney and investor briefings in New York. People may respect expertise, but they are persuaded by connection. A conversational tone says, "We are in this together," rather than, "I am above you." Do now: Reduce distance early. Speak with the audience, not at them. How does hierarchy affect presentations in Japan? Hierarchy affects presentations in Japan because the speaker's physical and vocal authority can unintentionally imply superiority. That can weaken connection before the message has even begun. Japanese business culture, from keiretsu conglomerates to SMEs and professional services firms, places high value on respect, status awareness and situational humility. A presenter standing above the room, controlling the lights, slides and microphone, may look powerful but also remote. In the US or Australia, confidence may be read as leadership. In Japan, unsoftened authority may feel cold. The answer is not to become weak or timid. The answer is to balance gravitas with warmth. A short apology, a friendly tone and inclusive body language can reset the relationship. Do now: Keep authority, but wrap it in humility and warmth. How can speakers include the audience naturally? Speakers include the audience naturally by referring to real people in the room in a positive, respectful way. Mentioning someone's name can instantly turn a speech into a shared experience. For example, saying, "Suzuki san made an interesting point before we began," or "Tanaka san is a great example of this principle," makes that person feel recognised. It also tells everyone else this is not a canned lecture. This works in Japanese leadership training, B2B sales presentations, client briefings and internal town halls. The key is sincerity. Do not embarrass people, expose private comments or manufacture fake intimacy. Use names to build belonging, not to show off your networking skills. Do now: Before presenting, meet people. Then weave one or two names into the talk respectfully. What tone works best for persuasive presentations? The best persuasive tone is warm, chatty and authoritative at the same time. Think of a smart conversation over the backyard fence, not a grand oration in a five-star hotel ballroom. A conversational style does not mean flat, casual or sloppy. Monotone delivery still puts people to sleep. Strong presenters vary speed, pause before key ideas, emphasise important words and use vocal contrast. Dale Carnegie-style communication, executive coaching and modern presentation training all point to the same practical truth: audiences stay with speakers who sound human. The tone should feel conspiratorial in the best sense, as if the audience is being trusted with useful insight that matters to them. Do now: Replace "performing" with "sharing something valuable with people I respect." What gestures and eye contact make a speaker feel inclusive? Inclusive gestures and balanced eye contact make the audience feel invited rather than targeted. Open palms, calm movement and six-second eye contact create connection without pressure. A useful gesture is the broad, welcoming movement of drawing the audience toward you, as though including everyone in the same conversation. Another is pointing with an open palm rather than a finger. Finger-pointing can feel aggressive, especially in cultures where harmony and face-saving matter. Eye contact should be long enough to be personal, but not so long that it becomes invasive. Around six seconds per person is a practical guideline. Startups, multinationals, universities and sales teams all benefit from this because human attention responds to respectful focus. Do now: Use open hands, inclusive gestures and calm eye contact to lower resistance. Should presenters make fun of themselves? Presenters should use light self-deprecating humour because it reduces status distance and makes expertise easier to accept. The trick is to do it sparingly and naturally. When a powerful leader, professor, executive or technical expert takes themselves too seriously, the audience may admire them but not warm to them. A small joke at your own expense says, "I am human too." That matters in Japan, where humility helps build trust, and in Western markets where authenticity is prized. The danger is overdoing it. Too much self-mockery can look fake, needy or manipulative. The goal is not comedy. The goal is connection. Do now: Add one modest human moment, then return to delivering value. Final summary Being chatty when presenting is not about lowering standards. It is about raising connection. The speaker still needs structure, evidence, energy, gestures, eye contact and clear calls to action. What changes is the relationship with the audience. Instead of standing apart as the expert on the stage, the presenter becomes a trusted guide sharing useful insight with people in the room. For leaders, executives, trainers and salespeople in Japan and beyond, the sweet spot is simple: be serious about the message, but not too serious about yourself. Author bio Dr. Greg Story, Ph.D. in Japanese Decision-Making, is President of Dale Carnegie Tokyo Training and Adjunct Professor at Griffith University. He is a two-time winner of the Dale Carnegie "One Carnegie Award" and recipient of the Griffith University Business School Outstanding Alumnus Award. As a Dale Carnegie Master Trainer, Greg is certified across leadership, communication, sales and presentation programs, including Leadership Training for Results. He has written several books, including the best-sellers Japan Business Mastery, Japan Sales Mastery and Japan Presentations Mastery, along with Japan Leadership Mastery and How to Stop Wasting Money on Training. Greg also publishes daily business insights on LinkedIn, Facebook and Twitter, hosts six weekly podcasts, and produces YouTube shows including The Cutting Edge Japan Business Show, Japan Business Mastery and Japan's Top Business Interviews.

We talk about the famous Wu Zetian, as well as Kings Munmu, Sinmun, and Hyoso in Silla.  These were the rulers at the same time that Uno no Sarara was overseeing things in Yamato.  Here we see a bit of tit for tat politics between Yamato and Silla.  We also get a tale of personal sacrifice from veterans of the Silla-Tang war against Baekje. For more notes and references, check out our blogpost page:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-149 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 149: Kings, Queen, and an Empress   Uno no Sarara and her son, Crown Prince Kusakabe, sat in court.  The trappings of the recent mourning period had been put aside with the recent burial of Uno's husband, Ohoama, and they were now preparing for Crown Prince Kusakabe's coronation.  However, the matter in front of them had nothing to do with that.  Instead, they listened to an official recounting of what had transpired on the peninsula.  The court had explicitly sent an envoy to Silla to inform them of Ohoama's death, but it took much longer than it should have for Norimaro and his party to return.  There had even been an envoy mission from Silla while they were away. As Uno no Sarara listened intently, she found it harder and harder to keep her emotions in check.  She listened as the story of the Yamato mission was told, and as she heard of how her messengers were treated—how they weren't even allowed to tell the Silla court their news all because someone in Silla had decided that they weren't appropriate ambassadors. Silla had finally come to learn of Ohoama's death, and the mission returned home, but this treatment was inexcusable.  These were not just Yamato's messengers, they were carrying the royal word of Queen Uno no Sarara, head of the state and de facto ruler as they mourned the loss of her husband and predecessor.  To have them kept waiting because of some invented protocol was an affront to the nation, but it was also an affront to her. This. Would. Not. Do...     Greetings, everyone!  Thank you once again for tuning in.  As you may recall, last episode we covered the ceremonies around the death and burial of Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou, as well as the unceremonious death of Crown Prince Kusakabe, leading to the throne being taken by his mother, Queen Uno no Sarara, aka Jitou Tennou.  One aspect of everything that was going on was the relations with the continent.  This included missions from Yamato to the continent—especially those involved with communicating information about the changes in the Yamato court.  So this episode I thought we could look at some of the things we see in the record and go over where things sat with regards to the continent. First things first, let's brush up on where we left off.  Back in episode 140 we talked about how the Silla-Tang alliance had broken down.  With Baekje and Goguryeo both defeated, the Tang had set up commanderies to oversea captured territory in both kingdoms, and even though Emperor Tang Taizong had promised Silla suzerainty over Baekje, his successor, Gaozong, had not adhered to that agreement.  In response, and with the help of Goguryeo rebels, Kind Munmu of Silla had fought back against the Tang forces, eventually consolidating everything south of the Taedong river, approximating the extent of the modern country of South Korea. Meanwhile, Goguryeo rebels continued to trouble the Tang, and King Bojang set up by the Tang dynasty would eventually betray them, allying with the northern Malgal people.  They would continue to fight to restore their sovereignty.  With pressure from Silla and Goguryeo, the Tang commandery pulled back from Pyongyang to Liaoyang—effectively putting the mountainous regions at the head of the Korean peninsula between them and their enemies.  Silla control was de facto, but would not be recognized formally by the Tang dynasty until the early 8th century.  That didn't meant they were completely at odds, however.  Silla would resume diplomatic mission to the Tang, despite their territorial disagreements. Silla's King Munmu, who had pushed back against the Tang, was succeed by his son, known as King Sinmun.  Sinmun had been Crown Prince during the wars against Baekje and Goguryeo.  Much as Ohoama and Uno no Sarara had been doing on the archipelago, he was working to centralize royal authority in Silla. In 681, as Silla was still mourning the death of King Munmu, a rebellion broke out.  It was led by a high ranking Silla official, and father-in-law to Sinmun, Kim Humdol.  It was quickly put down, and Kim Humdol and other officials who were implicated were executed.  This was actually a golden opportunity for the new King Sinmun to help purge the court of any rivals or ministers with less than absolute dedication to his plan to centralize authority. I kind of get the feeling that, for all of the past conflicts between their nations, Sinmun, Ohoama, and Uno might have gotten along quite well.  However, that didn't stop the fact that they were rulers of rival nations, and while they may have had similar concepts of leadership, they also were focused on their own rule and authority. To that end, Sinmun also reached out to the Tang court with tribute missions, and in so doing was at least recognized by the Tang court, who enfeoffed him as King of Silla.  This appears to have been a bit of polite fiction, but that was how a lot of this operated, ultimately.  King Sinmun would have held power in Silla regardless of the Tang court's approval, but the fiction that the court had bestowed his authority no doubt provided some diplomatic benefits, and a context within which to operate on the international stage.  It also no doubt allowed for increased trade, bringing in exotic and high status items, which would have been useful for boosting approval ratings back home. King Sinmun ruled until his death in 691.  He was succeeded by his son, known as King Hyoso.  However, Hyoso was young—about 5 years old when he took the throne.  And so his mother, Queen Sinmok, acted as regent for much of his reign—right up until her death in 700.  Hyoso ended up reigning for a decade, until 702, meaning that he and his mother reigned throughout Uno no Sarara's period as sovereign in Yamato. Hyoso's reign saw continued progress towards centralization of authority, as well as improved relationships with the Tang court.  Silla maintained diplomatic ties and tribute missions, and the Tang court conferred recognition on Hyoso as the King of Silla, in return. Speaking of the Tang Court, Emperor Tang Gaozong passed away before Ohoama had, departing this world in 683.  However, for all that he was the emperor, he had not really been the one running things for some time.  Gaozong came to the throne at roughly 21 years of age, and throughout most of his reign he had to share power with others in the court.  Originally this meant high ranking minister, but there was also his wife, Wu Zhao, aka Wu Zetian.  Wu had been a consort under Tang Taizong, and then continued as a consort for Gaozong as well.  Then, in 655, she was officially made empress. In 660, Gaozong began to suffer from an unknown illness, characterized by headaches, dizziness, , and occasional seizures and loss of vision.  Some have suggested it was a stroke or some form of hypertension.  Either way, these symptoms would plague him for the rest of his reign, and so he began to delegate more and more authority to Wu Zhao, who would handle things on his behalf. Thus, Wu was effectively already running things by the time of Gaozong's death in 683.  At that point, she became the Empress Dowager, and her third son became emperor Zhongzong—at least in name.  Because Wu Zhao maintained all of the power and authority at court.  She was, in fact, the regent, and a mere six weeks after Zhongzong took the throne he was removed by his own mother.  It seems that Zhongzong, who came to the throne at the age of 28, was showing signs of being a little too much under the influence of his wife, Empress Wei.  In fact, he is said to have considered giving her the Empire.  And so Wu had him deposed and exiled.  She then had his younger brother made Emperor Ruizong, though still under Wu Zhao's term as regent. Ruizong was about 22 when he took the throne under his mother in 684.  He would continue to reign until 690, when he abdicated the throne in favor of his mother.  From that point on, Wu Zhao ruled as the sovereign for another 15 years, until the year 705, declaring it a return of the ancient Zhou dynasty.  In other words, for all of Uno no Sarara's reign in Yamato, another woman, Wu Zhao, sat atop the traditionally patriarchal seat of power in the Tang—and later Zhou—court. Wu Zhao is more commonly known to us, today, as Wu Zetian.  This comes from her final title as reigning monarch:  Zetian Dasheng Huangdi, or Heaven-following Great Holy Emperor.  She is often depicted as a ruthless and politically savvy ruler who usurped the throne through her feminine wiles and violence.  We see how she dethroned her own son to avoid him giving up the throne to his wife.  She is also said to have had another son killed because of her ambitions, and is even accused of killing her own daughter just to blame a rival at court.  She is also depicted performing plenty of other unflattering acts. Of course, it is worth noting that she was not the one to write her own history.  After her reign, her epitaph was inscribed by her own political rivals.   It is notable that she is the only Empress to be recognized as ruling in her own right in the entire history of China.  Certainly there were others who reigned as regents, and women with tremendous power and influence, but none of them really held the throne uncontested. Given the animosity of the authors who wrote about her reign, we have to take anything we hear about Wu Zhao with a bit of salt.  On the other hand, Tang dynasty imperial politics were ruthless, and you didn't get to the top because you had a charming demeanor.   While there is no doubt more than a little slander written into the history books, one only has to look at the men who ruled before and after her to wonder whether she really did anything that was so much better or worse than what they did.  Just keep that in mind as we go through some of what she was accused of. Now what we are told is that with her younger son, Emperor Ruizong, she was only nominally pretending to be regent.  She didn't bother to hide behind a screen with him out front and we are told she openly whispered answers and commands that Ruizong would immediately parrot.  Ruizong never moved into the imperial suites of the palace, which his mother maintained.  Ruizong didn't even attend imperial functions, and officials were not allowed to meet with him privately.  An uprising in Yang state was said to be in part because of her rule, and it was suggested that she should step aside and let her son truly rule to restore confidence, but she was having none of it and had those who suggested it arrested.  Later, she would institute post boxes around government buildings for people to snitch on those around them who might be disloyal, and she instituted secret police, who investigated various rumors and false accusations with torture, leading to numerous executions. In 685 she is said to have had an affair with a Buddhst monk, Huaiyi, who was then conferred with various honors.  Then, in 686, she offered to return the throne to Ruizong, but Ruizong, realizing that there was no way she would let go of power, saw it as a test of his obedience, and declined.  In 688 she summoned senior members of the Li Family, the family of the Tang emperors, under the pretense of making sacrifices to the spirit of the Luo river, which flowed through the Eastern Capital of Luoyang.  Several of the Princes of the Li house were worried that she was going to slaughter them all, Red Wedding style, if they showed up, in order to secure the throne to herself, and so they plotted to rebel, but coordination was not the greatest back then, and two princes rose up before the others were ready.  They were crushed, and many other members of the Li family were implicated, arrested, and forced to commit suicide.  In 690, she completely did away with any dissembling and declared a new dynasty—the Zhou dynasty—declaring herself Shengshen Huangdi, or Holy Divine Emperor of the Zhou dynasty.  And yes, this is the same Zhou as the ancient Zhou dynasty—she was apparently claiming descent from the ancient rulers of Zhou. Her son was thus deposed and she ruled uncontested from 690 until her death in705.  She would go by various names.  Three years in and she would add "Jinlun", or "Golden Wheel" to her title, referring to the Buddhist concept of a Chakravartin, or Golden Wheel Turning Monarch. This latter title came in part as she is said to have elevated the foreign religion of Buddhism over the native Taoist religion.  She is also said to have built numerous temples around the capital cities and elsewhere.  In 692, the rising power of the secret police appeared to have been halted.  One of the officials in charge, Lai Junchen, attempted to have a handful of officials executed for false accusastions.  He told them that if they confessed to the accusations, their lives would be spared, and so many of them confessed to the false accusations, but Junchen conspired to have them executed anyway.  One of the officials was none other than the famous Di Renjie.  Renjie wrote a petition on his blanket and then hid that with the laundry that he sent to his family when it was time to change from winter to summer robes.  His family found it and submitted the petition to Wu Zhao, who became suspicious of Junchen.  For his part, Junchen has submitted forged petitions from the prisoners, thanking Empress Wu for preparing to execute them. Other accusations against Junchen's methods came to light, and so Empress Wu interrogated the prisoners personally.  They all disavowed their confessions, and so Wu commuted their sentences from death to exile.  Junchen continued to operate until 697, but there seems to have been a notable decrease in the number of executions after that point.  He would eventually go too far, and planning to accuse the Li and Wu princes and princesses of treason, but they acted first and he ended up being executed.  Without Lai Junchen, the secret police seem to have largely fallen apart. As for Di Renjie, he eventually worked his way back into the good graces of Wu and the court, eventually being recalled to Luoyang to serve.  Di Renjie's own legend grew, and in the 18th or 19th century he was recast as a kind of Tang dynasty detective in the historical crime drama genre popular at the time.  The book, "Di Gong An", or "Celebrated Cases of Judge Dee", was found by a Dutch Ambassador to China, Robert van Gulik, in a used bookstore in Tokyo, of all places.  Van Gulik would go on to translate the stories and penned a number of others using the style and characters of the original.  Judge Dee was cast as the "Sherlock Holmes of China" and has since become popular in both China and the West.  The first novel in the series was actually set in the time of Empress Wu. Robert van Gulik also had several scholarly works, including a translation of the Tang Yin Pi Shih, a 13th century manual for magistrates with examples of cases spanning approximately 1400 years, from the Qin to Song dynasty.  This work really helps to illuminate how the ancient justice system worked back then.  Fictional detectives aside, Empress Wu would continue to reign over an impressive period in history.  There were plenty of deadly politics, various attacks by outside forces, and more. Overall, it was a fairly prosperous time for the empires. When Wu passed away in 705, her son, Emperor Zhongzong, resumed the throne, ending the Zhou dynasty and resuming the Tang dynasty of the Li family.  Still, Wu Zhao, aka Wu Zetian, would be well remembered.  She was buried in the Qianling Mausoleum, near Chang'an, alongside her late husband, Emperor Gaozong.  Various other members of the Royal Li family were also buried there, and many of their tombs have been opened.  The paintings, statues, and artwork and funerary goods provide a tremendously detailed look at Tang court culture and society at this time.  Statues outside indicate officials and ambassadors from across the Tang courts sphere of influence.  There are depictions of court dress and the elaborate hairstyles, fabrics, and more, as the tombs generally include court men and women.  The famous mural of the Ambassadors is shown with Korean, western, and possibly even a Japanese envoy.  The murals also show architectural elements of ancient Chang'an and more. The tombs of Gaozong and Zetian clearly known, but currently have not undergone excavation.  Much like with the tomb of Qin Shihuangdi, the government has put a moratorium on opening the tombs until they can be sure that everything can be properly protected as they do so.  There is a huge concern that the tombs could be robbed or that priceless works could be damaged if they are opened improperly or without sufficient techniques to adequately preserve them. As noted above, although Empress Wu is often demonized by historians, we have to ask if her reign was truly so much different from others.  She was certainly a woman taking power in a male-dominated system.  Where a man projecting power was seen as normal, Empress Wu was seen as perverting the natural order.  An emperor taking to bed numerous consorts and concubines was considered only natural.  However, Empress Wu taking to bed various men for her own enjoyment was seen as licentious and indecent.  The double-standard seems pretty clear. I even have to wonder about things like the secret police.  While it certainly is alarming to see a government sending people out to arrest and charge people on the barest of evidence, often with little or no accountability or transparency, one should consider what justice looked like at the time, more generally.  Tang dynasty justice was often harsh, and torture was considered a standard practice to elicit a confession.  Once someone was accused of a crime, their guilt was assumed, and it was on them to prove their innocence.  This was a tall order, as the thinking of the day was often that if you hadn't done anything wrong, why would anyone risk falsely accusing you?  So clearly you had done *something* to disrupt the social order, even if it wasn't what you were actually accused of. Furthermore, there is a fine line between rooting out disloyalty to the regime and rooting out corruption.  Anonymous tips can be used to call SWAT to someone's house, but it can also be a way for a whistleblower to alert those in authority that something untoward is going on.  And something begun with the best of intentions, can easily be corrupted, especially in the wrong hands. And so I think we can give Empress Wu at least the benefit of the doubt that she seems to have tried to do right by the people and her country.  The Tang court, by all accounts, was a nest of vipers, and I don't think she was a saint, but neither was she the devil incarnate. In fact, a lot of the accusations against Empress Wu would appear to be paralleled, years later, in the archipelago—possibly being parroted by men who were aware of the anti-Wu propaganda.  Kouken Tennou—who would also reign a second time as Shoutoku Tennou, was embroiled in conflict. Like Wu, she came to power in a court embroiled in familial politics.  She was known to be a supporter of Buddhism, and she was also said to have had an affair with a monk, Doukyou, upon whom she is said to have lavished power and authority.  She is also said to have modeled her nengo, the auspicious names for the year, off of Empress Wu.  After her death, her reign was used as a reason why there was not another regnant female sovereign on the throne until the Edo period, and she is often seen as the Last Female Sovereign, much as there was never another Empress regnant amongst the various Sinic dynasties. However, returning ourselves back to the 7th century, those histories had yet to be written.  Instead, one has to wonder how much communication there was between the continent and the archipelago.  Did Uno no Sarara realize that she was not the only woman taking charge at that time?  Was Empress Wu considered a model for her?  Or was she seen as more of a rival?  Or was it neither?  Did either one regard the other at all, embroiled as they were in their own, local and domestic pursuits? If they did, there isn't much, if anything, in the record. There is plenty to be said about relations with both Silla and the Tang dynasty in general, however.  Most of the focus was actually on Silla, to be honest—not surprising given Silla's place in the international arena in relation to Yamato. Last episode we mentioned that an embassy was sent to Silla to announce the death of Ohoama.  It was only several months after he had passed away, on the 19th day of 687.  The chief and assistant envoys were Tanaka no Ason no Norimaro and Mori no Kimi no Karita.  Norimaro is listed as Jikikwoshi rank—the lowest of the Jiki category, which was the 3rd of 6.  This put him about 24 ranks down in the 48 rank system.  Karita, on the other hand, was Tsuidaini, putting him at about 43 of 48 court ranks.  Normally, I don't pay too much attention to the ranks that are given in the Chronicles, mainly for two reasons.  First off is that you aren't always sure that the rank given in the Chronicle corresponds with the rank at the time of the event—sometimes we see ranks that are clearly anachronistic—typically later in their life.  Since people don't typically drop in rank, unless they are demoted, this usually gives you some information, but not always. The second reason I often don't pay attention is because it usually isn't germane to the story.  It is why I'll also drop the uji and the kabane, once we establish a particular person.  Otherwise it feels like word salad. Every once in a while I do like to look at the ranks, however, because they do give us information about things like the individual's general position in the court hierarchy.  In this case we see that, of the officials selected for this assignment, one was near the bottom of the upper half of the court, while the other was really in a much more junior position.  I believe this may also be important later on, because there was a certain expectation that the person representing a sovereign in diplomatic situations would have sufficient rank to indicate some amount of pull, back home. The mission of Norimaro and Karita to Silla may have been ordered in the first month of the year, but it seems it likely took time before it actually left—or something happened.  I say this because in the 9th month we see an embassy from Silla arrive, and they are apparently unaware of any changes in the archipelago.  The embassy was headed by the Prince Gim Sangnim.  We are also told that there were two other officials, Gim Salmo and Gim Insyul, both of Geupson rank.  Then there was So Yangsin of Daesa rank.  That was two of vice ministerial rank and one of lower official rank.  These ranks were connected both to their office and to their family, as Silla still used a fairly rigid system based on the rank of one's family, similar to the way that the old Kabane system worked before it was reformed under Ohoama in the previous reign. The embassy from Silla also included a student-priest, Chiryu.  Presumably Chiryu was from Yamato and had gone abroad to study, and was now making his way back home. It appears as though the embassy had no idea that Ohoama had passed away as we are told that they had to be informed by the Dazai—the Viceroy of Tsukushi.  Once they were informed, they all put on mourning clothing, turned towards the east—towards the capital of Yamato—and they bowed three times and then cried out lamentations three times. I would note that there is another record in the first month of the following year, which states that Gim Sangnim and his colleagues were informed of Ohoama's death and lamented three times.   That could just be a misplaced duplicate of the previous entry, about the embassy—possibly it got recorded multiple times and different ways and on different dates.  It isn't exactly clear.  Either way, it seems that this was not meant to be an official condolence envoy, but just a regular embassy bringing trade goods disguised as tribute.  In fact, in the 2nd month of 688 we are told that the Viceroy of Tsukushi presented the tribute from Silla to the capital.  It is said to have included gold and silver, thin silks, cloth, skins, copper, and iron.  There were also images of the Buddha, all kinds of coloured fine silks, birds, and horses.  Sangnim himself had presents of gold and silver, colored stuffs, and various rarieties—80 items all told.  Sangnim and his crew probably didn't travel to Asuka, because we are told that as of the 10th day of the 2nd month of 688 they were being entertained in the Tsukushi government house, where they were given various gifts by the court, and then they headed out on the 29th day of that month. A year after that, in the first month of 689, Norimaro and Karita returned from Silla, suggesting that the two embassies really had just passed each other—such were the issues with international travel back in the day. Now, normally, we don't hear much about what happened during these embassies.  The Nihon Shoki doesn't typically record anything, possibly because they just didn't have any records.  And the records in the Samguk Sagi often don't mention anything, either.  It is possible that it was just considered too routine to mention the ins and outs.  However, in this instance, we may have some insight, because it is mentioned later in the narrative. You see, four months behind Norimaro and Karita came the formal Silla condolence envoy.  It was headed by Gim Dona, of Geupson rank—so a vice minister instead of a prince heading up the embassy.  Silla also sent student-priests Meiso, Kwanchi, and others, along with a gold-copper image of Amida Buddha and a gold-copper image of Kannon and an image of Daiseishi Boddhisatva, along with colored silks and brocades. A month after they arrived, the condolence envoy received a message from none other than Queen Uno no Sarara herself, but this was not necessarily a good thing.  In fact, she appears to be dressing down the Silla envoys and the Silla court more generally, because of how things had gone with Norimaro and Karita—and this possibly also explains why it took so long for them to get to Silla and back. According to the Yamato court, Norimaro and Karita were sent to Silla to announce the death of Ohoama.  However, Silla protocol stated that persons charged to deliver a royal message had always had the rank of Sopan. This appears to be equivalent to the rank of Japchan, and indicates the third rank in Silla's system.  Because of this, Queen Uno's message goes on to state, Norimaro and Karita were not allowed to deliver their message about Ohoama's passing to the court.  However, back when Karu—Koutoku Tennou—had passed away in 654, Kose no Inamochi went to announce the funerals dates, and he was received by Gim Shunshun listened to the report.  So saying that it is someone of the third rank that is needed goes against precedent. Furthermore, when Naka no Oe passed away in 671, Silla sent Gim Salyu, who was of 7th rank, but now they send someone of 9th rank.  So if precedent was to be followed, wouldn't that also be a problem? This whole thing is really fascinating in that it demonstrates the kind of delicate balance and back and forth that was going on—and I suspect that it was growing even more specific as each country was adopting more rules and laws, and compiling them into codes.  It is notable that the Chronicles make sure to state the rank of each ambassador from Silla, at least in the last several reigns.  That suggests that the government was tracking such things, and that it was important. The rest of the screed by the Yamato court seems a little more about setting out Yamato's position on Silla-Yamato relations.  Here Yamato puts words into the mouths of former Silla officials, claiming that they always addressed Yamato's sovereign with deference.  Yamato claimed Silla had promised service to Yamato since the remote royal ancestors, promising that the oars of the ships bringing tribute to the archipelago would "never become dry", and yet this time, there was only one ship that came to offer condolences.  Furthermore, the Silla kings were to serve the sovereigns of Yamato faithfully, but they had now broken the faith. Therefore their tribute goods were sealed up and returned back. That said, they weren't completely breaking off communications.  This was a rebuke, certainly, but they were willing to keep channels open with hopes that relations might improve in the future. My read on all of this is that the Yamato envoys to Silla had been snubbed by that court for not being of appropriate station by Silla's rules.  Therefore, in a tit-for-tat move, Yamato was treating the condolence envoy similarly. That doesn't mean they didn't show them any hospitality, though.  Queen Uno no Sarara had the Viceroy, Awada no Mabito no Ason, give the student-priests Meiso and Kanchi, who had just come back with the condolence envoy, 140 kin of floss silk for their teachers back in Silla, in apparent gratitude.  And then a few days later they were entertaining the condolence envoys in Wogohori in Tsukushi, and giving them various presents for their trouble. This is likely the kind of "don't shoot the messenger".  Sure, they were returning the tribute and sending a message to Silla, but that wasn't the fault of Gim Dona and his colleagues.  And they were now taking a rather disappointing message back with them—I doubt anyone wanted to be in Gim Dona's shoes as he told the court what had transpired. Gim Dona and crew left shortly after that.  From there, we don't have a lot of information on what happened.  The Silla annals of the Samguk Sagi don't record Gim Dona's embassy, let alone what happened when they came back.  However, Silla  would send future envoys, and diplomatic relations between the two countries continued throughout the reign.  The Silla embassies from that point on are largely, for our purposes, unremarkable.  I may mention them if they relate to other items of note, but for the most part there is really only two other embassies of note, and they were in the year 693.  The first was from Silla, led by Gim Gangnam of Sasan rank, along with Gim Yangweon of Hannama rank—so 8th and 11th rank in the Silla hierarchy, apparently.  They had come to announce the death of King Sinmun, who had passed away the previous year.    And so, on the 16th day of the 3rd month, an embassy was prepared to depart for Silla.  It was headed up by Okinaga no Mabito no Oyu, of Jikikwoshi rank—much as Norimaro had been.  He and his proposed vice envoy, Ohotomo no Sukune no Kogimi, who was Gondaini rank—27th of 48—were both given gifts prior to their election as ambassadors, and were sent as condolence envoys, themselves. Meanwhile, let's take a look at Yamato's interactions with the Tang dynasty. First of all, we see a note in the 6th month of 689 that presents of rice were given to Xu Shouyen, Sa Hungko, and others from the land of the Great Tang.  So was this an embassy?  Not quite. Remember that little scuffle back in the 660s on the Korean Peninsula?  That special military operation by Silla and Tang forces against Baekje, where Yamato had tried to assist, only to have their navy bested by Tang forces? Well during the fighting , there had been numerous prisoners taken, on both sides.  Xu Shouyen and Sa Hungko were two such prisoners.  Except that "prison" in this case was largely being sent to live off the land.  They were probably forced to do labor, though if they had special skills, such as reading and writing, they may have been put to work in another way.  Indeed, we later see these two mentioned not as prisoners or even slaves, but as teachers of "pronunciation".  They were even given rice-land and stipends of their own.  Granted, this is decades after they first came to  Yamato, so this wasn't exactly a smooth ride. But it wasn't just Tang prisoners in Yamato.  Yamato soldiers had also been captured and taken prisoner by Tang forces.  And so, in the 9th month of 690, we see three priests who had gone to the land of Tang to study returned in the company of a Silla escort envoy, and they brought back with them a soldier, Ohotomobe no Hakama, from the Upper Yame district in Tsukushi. The three priests, Chishiu, Gitoku, and Jougwan all made their way to the capital, arriving several weeks after they first made landfall in Tsukushi.  At this point, Prince Kawachi was the Dazai in charge of affairs out there, and soon after the priests arrived at Naniwa and made their way to the capital, in Asuka, messengers going the other way made it out to Tsukushi with orders to give presents and gifts to the Gim Gohun, the escort envoy who had shuttled them all back from the continent. But even more impressive was the royal edict that was dated a week later for Ohotomobe no Hakama.  It lays out the circumstances of his capture and what happened to him that he stayed in the land of the Tang for so long.  You see, Hakama was one of many soldiers who was captured during the war to defend Baekje.  But three years after that conflict, the Tang dynasty was no longer trying to keep them prisoner.  This was a time when you didn't necessarily need to have buildings with walls to keep people prisoner—you just moved them to a new area where they could farm or otherwise set up a livelihood, or starve.  Travel was dangerous and expensive, especially if you didn't speak the language.  Nonetheless, if you did wish to return, there wasn't a lot stopping you, beyond just having the means to do so. And so this group of Wa soldiers got together and debated what to do.  We are told that it was four men—Hashi no Hoto, Kohori no Oyu, Tsukuhi no Satsuyama, and Yuge no Gen Jitsuni—the last one apparently having taken a local name on the continent.  Amongst themselves, they wanted to return to the archipelago not just to see their families and friends, but also to let people back home know about the changing conditions on the mainland.  As you may recall, around this time, Yamato was fiercely building up forces and defenses because they were convinced that there was going to be an attack by the Tang and Silla forces at any moment. The only problem that these four had in getting back was that they had, well, nothing.  They had neither the clothing nor provisions to make such a journey.  What would they eat and how would they pay for passage?  As such, they were unable to get back.  Hearing this, Ohotomobe no Hakama spoke up.  He declared that, as much as he also wished to return, he could at least help them out.  He offered to be sold into slavery so that his companions could obtain money with which to buy food and clothing. And so they did.  Hakama was sold, and he probably had no idea what happened to the four after that. It turns out, however, that they did make it back and were able to give the Yamato court some idea of what had happened.  Meanwhile, Hakama remained in a foreign land as a slave for some 30 years, until he was finally able to make it back to Yamato, apparently with the help of the three monks. This whole story was relayed to the court, and when the Queen heard it, she decided to act.  And thus the edict.  Not only did she recount his story and praise him for his loyalty, but he was granted certain honors.  First off, he was granted the rank of Mudaishi—the 39th rank in the court hierarchy, which gave him not a small amount of status, especially if he stayed in Tsukushi.  He was also granted5 pieses of coarse silk, 10 bundles of floss silk, 30 tan of cloth, and 1000 sheaves of rice.  On top of that, though, he received four chou of rice-land, which was given to him and his descendants, until at least his great-grandchildren.  Finally, his parents, siblings, and children, were also exempted from having to ever provide corvee labor. Now, nobody could give him back his 30 years, but this was quite the consolation prize, at the time.  To basically get rank and status, a stipend down four generations, and exemption from forced labor for him and his relatives, that was pretty incredible, if you think about it. Hakama wasn't the only one who had suffered in the country of the Great Tang and was rewarded for it.  Mononobe no Kusuri, from Iyo, and Mibu no Moroshi, in Higo, were also paid out handsomely in consolation for their sufferings,  though we aren't given details on their stories, or even when they came back. There are also other descriptions of Tang men, but it seems that these were individuals in a similar position to Xu Shouyen and Sa Hungko—they had been captured and were now living in Yamato.  That they were integrating into Yamato society seems clear from the fact that they were given rank and similarly treated like vassals of the throne. What we don't see, however, are any further diplomatic missions.  Those wouldn't start up for a while, and so even if Queen Uno no Sarara had wanted to confer with another female monarch, it would have to have been done through the auspices of Silla, who at t his point seem to have largely controlled the flow of goods, people, and thus information between the straits. And with that, I think we can close out this episode.  Moving forward, we have more details about a lot of different things, and yet others are still lacking.  It is my goal to try and be a little more selective about the passages we pull from the Chronicles.  We don't need to go over every natural disaster or prayer to the wind-gods.  We will take a look at things like the completion of the Fujiwara capital, as well as the 22 volumes of the Asuka-Kiyomihara law codes.  And then there are a few persons of note that we should probably mention as well, such as the appearance of Fujiwara no Fubito.  We should also talk about some of the other royal edicts that were made. All of that for later.  For now, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

No episódio de hoje do Kiwicast, recebemos Isabela Juzkow eRafael Tanaka, o casal por trás da Inspiralisa, maior comunidade de criadores no Procreate do Brasil, com mais de 9 mil alunos e 1 milhão faturado na Kiwify.A história deles começa em 2018, sem estratégia, sem equipamento e sem a menor ideia do que estavam construindo. Isabela foi numa loja, comprou a aquarela mais barata que existia, aquelas de 12 cores que a gente usava na escola, foi pra casa e fez a primeira arte. Rafael olhou e viu oque ela ainda não conseguia ver: um negócio.O primeiro vídeo foi gravado com iPhone 6, tremido, em cimada cabeça dela. O tripé era de cano PVC. A iluminação era uma lâmpada da reforma da casa. Não tinha microfone, não tinha calendário editorial, não tinha nicho. Tinha só vontade de compartilhar.Rafael ainda foi além: largou o emprego numa multinacionalpara apostar de vez no que estavam construindo juntos. Hoje são noivos, sócios e referência nacional em arte digital.No Kiwicast, eles falaram sobre:● Por que esperar a hora certa é o maior erro de quem quer empreender● Como começaram sem equipamento, sem audiência e sem estratégia● O que Rafael enxergou no potencial de Isabela antes dela mesma● Por que ele largou uma multinacional para construir o negócio junto com ela● Como transformaram um hobby em uma operação de 9 mil alunos● O que aprenderam errando antes de qualquer resultado chegarAprenda com quem vive o mercado digital na prática.Dá o play e deixe nos comentários qual foi o melhor insight que você tirou do episódio.Nosso Instagram é @Kiwify

Broadcast from KSQD, Santa Cruz on 5-07-2026: Dr. Dawn debunks the 1971 "220 minus age" maximum heart rate formula, noting a 2025 study found individual predictions were off by up to 20 beats per minute. She recommends the Tanaka equation (208 minus age) times 0.7, but emphasizes tracking improvement trends rather than absolute numbers. ConsumerLab testing found Safe Catch Wild Elite Pure Tuna and Wild Ahi Yellowfin Tuna had no detectable mercury, prompting Dr. Dawn to reconsider eating tuna after years of avoidance due to concerns about mercury bioaccumulation and its effects on nerve microtubules. A meta-analysis of 115 studies involving 55,000 men found limiting ejaculation before IVF leads to increased sperm DNA damage and poorer motility. Clinical trials showed 46% IVF pregnancy rates with less than 48 hours abstinence versus 36% with longer periods. A personalized mRNA vaccine for pancreatic cancer showed striking results: of 16 patients whose tumors were surgically removed, half produced killer T-cells targeting cancer, and seven of those eight remain alive six years later. Pfizer and Valneva's Lyme disease vaccine reduced infection by over 70% in a trial of 9,400 people ages five and up. Nearly half a million Americans contract Lyme annually, and chronic infection can cause nervous system damage and chronic fatigue. Dr. Dawn explores the gray-market peptide ecosystem, where compounds are sold as "research chemicals" with wink-and-nod marketing. A 2018 Belgian study found purity levels ranging from 5% to 99.9%, with some samples containing arsenic, lead, or industrial contaminants. A study of 450 people found that blocking smartphone internet access for two weeks improved sustained attention equivalent to reversing 10 years of age-related cognitive decline, with depression symptom improvements comparable to cognitive behavioral therapy. A multi-country study of 241 unresponsive patients found that 25% showed brain activity indicating consciousness when asked to imagine playing tennis during advanced brain scans. Scientists call this cognitive motor dissociation, and by some estimates tens of thousands of Americans may be misdiagnosed. Chinese researchers grew functional adrenal cortex organoids that responded to pituitary hormones and produced cortisol when transplanted into mice. They also introduced genetic mutations to create organoid models of Cushing's syndrome for drug testing. A Science paper identified the neural pathway connecting psychological stress to eczema flare-ups: sympathetic neurons from the stellate ganglion recruit eosinophils to the skin. Researchers traced the pathway using pseudo-rabies virus injected into skin. Mouse studies showed prenatal stress causes elevated corticosterone in amniotic fluid, which activates fetal mast cells derived from the yolk sac. Offspring develop eczema-like lesions in areas receiving mechanical stimulation, but symptoms resolve around 24 weeks when bone marrow-derived mast cells replace the activated ones. Callers ask about CBN side effects. Dr. Dawn explains cannabinoids prolong anandamide's calming effects by slowing its breakdown, and considers 30-45mg over a night reasonable, but cautions against escalating doses given limited research.

Pulling back the curtain on what it really takes to lead at the highest level—this episode features global powerhouse Lance Tanaka. Hosted by Travis Brady, we dive into Lance's journey as an executive leader with Pepsi and Nike, a seasoned executive coach of 24+ years, board member, and author who has influenced Fortune 100 leaders across the world. This episode dives into how he built his global impact, the defining moments that shaped his leadership philosophy, and what it truly means to elevate influence from idea to impact. Discover the real story behind his evolution, the lessons learned from the top, and how you can apply them to your own brand and business. Tune in and get inspired to think bigger, lead stronger, and create lasting impact. Click the link to join the next brotherhood event in Arizona.    https://arizonabrotherhood.com/bhmastermind   One of the best ways to grow your brand and business is through speaking! We have speaking partnerships available for those who are serious about their brand and want to grow their business. Want to get on stages this year? Were looking to partner with purpose driven business owners like you. click here to schedule a time to see if it's a good fit. https://link.expertmarketly.com/widget/bookings/brand-x-events   Building your brand or re-branding to grow your business? Checkout the "Find Your Brand-X Factor Docuseries. This video series is dedicated to helping you find, create, and evolve your brand and create the story behind your brand.  

Welcome to this episode of Monday Night Project, this week we cover WWF Superstars April 20th 1991 where we will see :- The British Bulldog vs. Mike Starr The Orient Express (Kato & Tanaka) (w/Mr. Fuji) vs. Rob Allen & Scott Casey Ted DiBiase (w/Sensational Sherri) vs. Jim Powers The Legion Of Doom (Animal & Hawk) vs. Mark Ming & Randy Sharkey The Warlord (w/Slick) vs. Dale Wolfe The Dragon vs. Louie Spicolli The Mountie (w/Jimmy Hart) vs. Jim Evans Follow the show on facebook Memphis Continental Wrestling Cast (facebook.com/memphiscast) Visit our brand new tshirt store at https://www.unforgettablevision.com/roster/old-bakery-productions You can watch the show at www.patreon.com/memphiscast

Satan's primary weapon in the last days is deception, particularly self-deception that leads us to believe we can transform ourselves through good works or religious activities. The story of Nicodemus reveals that even respected religious leaders can miss the essential truth of spiritual rebirth. Despite his position and knowledge, Nicodemus had never experienced the transformation that only the Holy Spirit can provide. Jesus taught him that we cannot change our fallen nature through human effort - we need complete spiritual transformation. The solution is found by looking to the cross, where Christ's sacrifice provides the power for the Holy Spirit to create new hearts within us.

First back-to-back league wins of the season and the sun was out at Elland Road. James, Rocco and Darragh react to Leeds 3-0 Wolves, including James Justin's ridiculous overhead kick, Noah Okafor continuing his ludicrous late-season run, Karl Darlow's impossible save, and Brenden Aaronson's neck-push red-mist moment. Then a look ahead to Bournemouth away on Wednesday — the best in-form side in the country, 13 unbeaten, Iraola leaving — before the big one: Chelsea at Wembley in the FA Cup semi-final. No peril, just a free hit and 35,000 Leeds fans descending on London. Are we safe? Can we finish in the top 10? Is James Justin now worth £50m (according to one brave Leicester fan)? LINKS

Manchester United 1-2 Leeds United. In this week's Inside Elland Road Podcast, Graham Smyth and Chris O'Connor relive another historic night for Daniel Farke and his heroic Leeds United players and react to the post-game Mancunian meltdowns.The pair also talk about the mentality needed for the game against Wolves and make their predictions as the Whites look to ease clear of the drop zone.

What a night at the Theatre of Dreams! James, Rocco and Darragh react to Leeds United's historic 3-1 victory over Manchester United at Old Trafford — our first league win there since 1981. The lads break down a brave Farke lineup, a Tanaka masterclass, two stunning Okafor finishes, Calvert-Lewin getting his hair pulled (yes, really), and Pascal Struijk and Jaka Bijol bossing the back line. We dig into Daniel Farke's growing legacy at Elland Road (4th best manager of all time?), why Karl Darlow has made the gloves his own, and how the recruitment team have nailed every signing this season. Plus: relegation maths (we're staying up, calling it now), the Wolves game on Saturday, FA Cup semi-final vs Chelsea at Wembley, and the glorious Scum social media meltdown that's made the last 24 hours even sweeter. MOT!

- Data Dump

The Hogan Era podcast episode 242 is all about Professor TanakaThe most significant name in professional wrestler history is Hulk Hogan. Hulk was not only the greatest star in his era but also one of the greatest ever to grace the WWE ring. Hulk was the face of WWE in the 1980s as well as early 1990s until he departed for WCW.Follow us on Twitter and IG @TwoManPowerTripTeepublic.om/stores/tmptStore - https://twomanpowertrip.dashery.com/

For each episode of Cure of the WHAT Now?! (Whoops we forgot for our first 2 episodes of the season) we record various cold open candidates to put into the episode. We only put one (sometimes two if we want a bonus outro) in the official episode. So now you get to enjoy all of the other jokes we recorded, hooray! May (S4E3) 1:03    Ridiculous Overcompensation 1:10    Kokoro Forgets Everything 1:29    Intense Handshake Training 1:43    Presidential Bodyguard 2:14    I'm so Kirakira! 2:26    Coming Out Story 3:00    We have a Handshake Event at Home 3:24    Peach Invasion 3:50    Meroran's Love 4:35    Woman in the Chair 4:51    Pie 4:59    Travel the World Together 5:24    You Get a PreCure Power! You Get a- 5:35    Antenna 5:42    Different Hairstyle 5:53    Masked Wrestling 6:29    Animal Dreams 6:58    Flustered 7:12    Tri State Area 7:19    Gender Reveal 7:35    Bitcoin 8:01    Low Emotion 8:09    New Song 8:34    Absolute Terror June (S4E4) 8:53    Aro Queen 9:06    Real Witchcraft 9:15    For a Girl's Love 9:29    Risk Her Secret Identity 9:37    Smack That Girl 9:52    Hit Him with Sticks 10:06    Unexpected Boyfriend 10:33    MILF Hunting 10:45    Butler 10:51    Zakkuri's Mom 11:00    Kingdom Hearts 11:10    Leave Her Alone 11:19    Friendship Lessons 11:24    Meroron's End x2 11:41    Two Cuttys 11:49    Cure Cutty 11:57    Zakkuri's Betrayal 12:12    Mech Suit July  (S4E5) 12:19    Tryouts 12:28    Tryouts Take 2 Extended 12:28    Tryouts Take 2 12:49    Kirai Lock's True Owners 13:15    Orbital Laser 13:22    Nana's True Fav 13:29    Online fandoms 13:36    Zukyoon's effect 13:43    Diagnosis 13:52    More wishes 13:57    Spoon based weaponry 14:06    Wig Snatch 14:18    Generation V reference 14:34    Strange Fairy Body 14:53    Bad Working Conditions 15:13    Crossover opportunity 15:19    Mourning Era 15:28    New Song 15:33    Pururiminda... Purururu- 16:02    Puruminda 16:22    Zakkuri's childhood friend 16:48    Rules of Magic 17:11    Anti Zakkuri techniques August (S4E6) 17:35    Get Bit 17:41    Kibi Dongo 17:56    Into the Soup 18:03    Cage Match 18:19    A Ghost The Whole Time 18:28    Hypnotic Glasses 18:51    Alt Signature 19:02    Let's a fry 19:34    Subliminal Lyrics 19:50    If you're really good at what you do 20:02    Cute Bellybutton 20:27    Tech Startup 21:04    Rizzless 21:11    Sigma 21:36    Shrunk to the Size of a Mouse 22:07    Sunflower Aliens 22:32    Couple's Therapy 22:47    Whumping September  (S4E7) 22:56    Cooler Idol Merchandise 23:29    Familiar catch phrases 23:41    Alternate Fan Letters 23:49    Registration Kurayaminda 23:58    Group transformation 24:07    Father Daughter Kyun Kyun Beat 24:16    Inclusive Evil Organization  24:38    CureTube trends 24:55    Fairies in a Trenchcoat 25:03    Real, actual ad 25:12    Sheer power of horniness 25:24    Yakuza Grandpa 25:42    Joel's Disturbing Inner Monologue 26:19    Witch's Curse 26:33    10th Kingdom Reference 26:55    Granddaughter-grandma Idol Fist Touch 27:06    Cure Kyu chan 27:26    Gameshow 27:44    Chokkirine's Book 28:00    Finally, some representation! December  (S4E8) 28:16    Lessons on Voting 28:33    Lessons on Having a Political Platform 28:55    Redacted 29:08    The REAL Center of Idol PreCure 29:14    Awakenings 29:22    Not Human 29:34    Body Horror 29:42    Single Digit Fan-based Battle Shonen 29:52    Watson style Hat 29:58    Only One Song 30:10    Secret Ghost Reveal 30:21    Dance Battle 30:29    Missing Introduction 30:42    Drop Kicked 30:49    Passionate Speech 31:00    Efficient Darkness Creation January  (S4E9) 31:08    Chokkirine in Disguise 31:25    No Redemption? 31:38    Existential Despair 31:57    Women Supporting Women & Bananime 32:35    Gay Angst 33:21    Tanaka's Santa Suit 33:40    Hannukah 33:50    New Magic System + Book Series 34:45    Asking for Help 35:04    Ornament Making 35:16    Puppy Reindeer 35:24    Outside Help 36:13    Pokemon Master Finale  (S4E10) 36:27    Kokoro Danganronpa Protag 36:43    Everything's Chocolate 37:25    Cat Girl Kokoro 37:36    Stay Together Forever 37:50    Paint it Pink 38:06    Pink Flash! 38:13    Everyone's a Goth 38:44    Heel Face Foreshadowing 38:59    Suspicious Kazuma 39:23    Silenced by the Patriarchy 39:41    Meroron's Thing, but full circle 40:03    Scissor Beam Cannon 40:23    Pop Them In her Mouth 40:37    Crisis On Infinite PreCures 40:55    My Brain Trembles 41:08    Wacky Wavy Inflatable Arm Tube Man 41:31    Kingdom Hearts is Light! 41:50    Enough With the Transformations! 42:01    Paper Mario Reference 42:28    Substantial Case 42:39    Head Empty 42:46    All the Loves 43:00 Bonus Round: All "If they weren't COWARDS!"

We discuss reports this morning linking Tanaka with a move away from Elland Road as well as heroes and villains from another mad week with Leeds United.

Leeds United in the FA Cup semi-final. In this week's Inside Elland Road Podcast, Graham Smyth and Chris O'Connor unpick the madcap quarter-final win over West Ham United and react to the semi-final draw and that game at Wembley against Chelsea.The pair also talk about taking on Manchester United at Old Trafford and make their predictions as the Whites return to Premier League duty.

James and Rocco react to a dramatic FA Cup quarter-final at the London Stadium - Leeds reach the semi-finals for the first time in 39 years. We get into Ao Tanaka's brilliant opener, the Anton Stach injury and the Kilman challenge that still has everyone divided, Lucas Perri's heroics in the shootout, the 11-minute added time meltdown that nearly cost us, and what a Chelsea semi-final at Wembley means for this club. We also preview Monday night's Premier League trip to Old Trafford.

Good presentations are not built on politeness first. They are built on attention first. Whether it is a university graduation speech, a chamber of commerce address, a sales presentation in Tokyo, or a boardroom briefing in Otemachi, the opening has to grab people before they drift to their phones, their inbox, or their own internal monologue. Too many speakers confuse formal with effective. They open with clichés, acknowledgements, and safe pleasantries that are completely predictable. That is exactly the problem. Audiences remember stories, vivid scenes, and human moments far more than ceremonial throat-clearing. If you want to be memorable in business, leadership, or public speaking, stop opening like everyone else and start presenting like a real person with something worth saying. Why do so many presentations start badly? Most presentations start badly because the speaker chooses politeness over impact. The audience gets a predictable formula instead of a compelling reason to listen. You see it everywhere: graduation speeches, conference talks, association events, internal company meetings, and even sales kick-offs. The speaker begins by thanking the university, the dean, the chamber of commerce, the organisers, or the worthy guests. It sounds proper, but it is also stale. In Australia, Japan, the US, and Europe, the pattern is the same: formal openings often kill energy before the message even begins. In a post-pandemic world, attention spans are shorter and distraction is constant. Executives at firms like Toyota, Rakuten, or PwC are not judging you only on content; they are judging whether you can command a room. Do now: Audit your first 30 seconds. If your opening sounds interchangeable with a hundred other speeches, replace it. What is a better way to open a speech or business presentation? A better opening is a short, relevant story that creates curiosity immediately. It gives the audience a reason to lean in before you move into thanks, data, or formalities. The best opening story is brief, relatable, and emotionally positive. For a graduation speech, that may be a defining moment from university life. For a business presentation, it may be a meeting, customer moment, leadership lesson, or turning point from your industry. The key is relevance. A room full of graduates, salespeople, or senior leaders does not want abstract theory; they want something real. This is where many speakers go wrong. They front-load acknowledgements and leave the human material until later, if they use it at all. A smart presenter flips that order. First, win attention. Then, handle appreciation and context. That approach works better in SMEs, multinationals, start-ups, and professional associations alike. Do now: Open with one brief story before the formal thank-yous. Make it topical, uplifting, and tied to the audience's shared experience. Why are stories more memorable than facts alone? Stories make information stick because they turn abstract ideas into human experience. People remember scenes, not just statements. Data matters, especially in B2B presentations, board reports, and strategy sessions. But raw information by itself is hard to retain. A story wraps facts inside context, tension, and emotion, which makes the message easier to remember. This is true whether you are presenting quarterly results, leadership lessons, or customer insights. Research in communication and learning has long shown that narrative improves recall because the brain processes connected events more easily than disconnected numbers. In practical terms, if you want people to remember a KPI, a market shift, or a lesson from failure, embed it in a story. In Japan, where relationship context and credibility carry enormous weight, that narrative framing can be particularly powerful in executive communication. Do now: For every important fact in your talk, ask: what story helps this point land and stay remembered? What makes a presentation story vivid and effective? A strong story becomes vivid when the audience can see it. Specific people, place, season, and timing help listeners step into the scene with you. Vagueness weakens impact. Precision builds mental pictures. Instead of saying, "I met a client once," say, "Two years before Covid, on a muggy Tokyo summer day, I walked into a wood-panelled boardroom in Otemachi to meet the new president." That one line carries atmosphere, geography, business context, and emotion. It gives the audience breadcrumbs they can follow. Recognisable people also help. If listeners know the person, company, district, or era, they visualise it faster. This technique works across cultures, but it is especially useful in high-context business environments such as Japan and much of Asia-Pacific, where setting and relationship clues matter. Great presenters do not dump details everywhere; they select details that create a picture. Do now: Add concrete story markers: who was there, where it happened, what season it was, and why that moment mattered. How many stories should you use in a presentation? Use enough stories to support the message, but not so many that they crowd out the point. The length of the presentation determines the number. A five-minute commencement speech may only need two stories: a strong opening anecdote and one more meaningful example. A 40-minute business presentation has room for more, especially if you are covering multiple themes such as leadership, sales, teamwork, or change. The mistake is not only using too few stories; it is using stories with no purpose. Every story should earn its place by illustrating a lesson, reinforcing a decision, or moving the audience emotionally toward your conclusion. In large corporations, consultants often overload decks with charts. In smaller firms, speakers sometimes rely too heavily on improvisation. The best balance sits in the middle: a clear structure with carefully chosen stories that illuminate the main argument. Do now: Match story count to speaking time. Keep short talks tight and longer talks disciplined. What should leaders, speakers, and salespeople do to avoid boring presentations? They should stop being predictable and start being intentional. A memorable presentation begins with audience psychology, not speaker habit. Before your next talk, identify what the audience is likely expecting and then avoid giving them the most boring version of it. That does not mean being theatrical for the sake of it. It means being thoughtful. Choose a relatable opening, shape the message around shared experiences, and make your key points easier to recall through stories. Whether you are a university speaker, a sales leader, an entrepreneur, or a corporate executive, your role is not just to deliver information. Your role is to make the message live in the minds of the listeners. In 2025 and beyond, with AI-generated content flooding every channel, the human advantage is not more words. It is more resonance, specificity, and presence. Do now: Rewrite your opening tonight. Replace generic gratitude with a short story your audience will actually remember. Conclusion Predictable presentations are easy to give and easy to forget. Strong presentations are different. They respect the audience's time, seize attention early, and use stories to make ideas memorable. The opening matters most because it sets the tone for everything that follows. If you begin with a cliché, you create distance. If you begin with a vivid, relevant human moment, you create connection. That is the real presentation edge. Not more polish. Not more jargon. Not more slides. Better choices about how to start, how to frame, and how to make the audience see what you see. Next steps for leaders and presenters Rewrite your first 30 seconds so they trigger curiosity. Turn your most important message into a story with place, time, and people. Cut any opening line that sounds ceremonial but adds no value. Match the number of stories to the time available. Rehearse for impact, not just accuracy. FAQs How do I start a presentation without sounding boring? Start with a short story, surprising observation, or shared moment instead of a formal thank-you list. The goal is to create attention first and then move into acknowledgements naturally. Are thank-yous always bad in a speech? No, but they are usually bad as an opening. Appreciation matters, yet it works better after you have already engaged the audience. Do stories work in technical or business presentations? Yes, stories are often the best vehicle for technical or commercial points. They help audiences remember data, decisions, and lessons by giving the information context. How detailed should a story be in a presentation? Detailed enough to create a vivid image, but not so detailed that it drags. A few precise markers such as time, place, and person are usually enough. Can this approach work in Japan as well as Western markets? Yes, and it can be especially effective in Japan when the story respects context, relationships, and audience expectations. The principle is universal, even if delivery style varies by market. Author bio Dr. Greg Story, Ph.D. in Japanese Decision-Making, is President of Dale Carnegie Tokyo Training and Adjunct Professor at Griffith University. He is a two-time winner of the Dale Carnegie One Carnegie Award (2018, 2021) and recipient of the Griffith University Business School Outstanding Alumnus Award (2012). As a Dale Carnegie Master Trainer, Greg is certified to deliver globally across leadership, communication, sales, and presentation programmes, including Leadership Training for Results. He has written several books, including the best-sellers Japan Business Mastery, Japan Sales Mastery, and Japan Presentations Mastery, alongside Japan Leadership Mastery and How to Stop Wasting Money on Training. His works have also been translated into Japanese, including Za Eigyō (ザ営業), Purezen no Tatsujin (プレゼンの達人), Torēningu de Okane o Muda ni Suru no wa Yamemashō (トレーニングでお金を無駄にするのはやめましょう), and Gendaiban "Hito o Ugokasu" Rīdā (現代版「人を動かす」リーダー). Greg also publishes daily business insights on LinkedIn, Facebook, and Twitter, and hosts six weekly podcasts. On YouTube, he produces The Cutting Edge Japan Business Show, Japan Business Mastery, and Japan's Top Business Interviews, which are widely followed by executives seeking success strategies in Japan. I was recently asked to be interviewed by a University senior for a project he was doing on communication in business.  I don't know if I was a good choice.  After I left High School, I was working for an insurance company during the day and joined then dropped out of a night course on Communication at the Queensland University of Technology. The "communication" study idea sounded great, but what I found was the course was very theoretical and not what I was expecting.  Subsequently, I have become a disciple of content marketing, which basically means you see your company as a publishing firm, in addition to your main thrust of your business.  We push out copious quantities of information on speciality topics for free, to signal to potential buyers, that we are experts in these areas.  In that sense, I agreed to the interview, because I have released 4 books, 1480 podcasts and have written thousands of blogs, so I thought maybe I qualify.   In the course of our interview, he mentioned that he was going to give the commencement speech at the graduation ceremony later this year.  We have all seen these types of affairs.  The student selected to give the talk, begins by thanking the University, the Dean of the Faculty, the worthy Professors and teaching staff and congratulates all of the fellow graduates.  Boring and predictable.    As we know, the opening of our talk has to be a gripper.  It has to keep the audience away from their mobile phones and instead transfixed on us.  Anything which smacks of clique, predictability, platitudes or bromides will dissipate the attention on us.  "I would like to thank the university…" is a death knell of an opening, so let's avoid that one.  In business it is the same thing.  "I would like to thank the Chamber of Commerce…", is another dud opening.   This senior had been at that institution for four years, so he will be brimming with experiences, memories, events accumulated during that time.  We have been in our companies for many years, working away in our industries, so we have accumulated tons of stories.  Our stories are a good place to start.  We need to look at who is in our audience and divine an occurrence which will be relatable for the listeners, something topical, pertinent and uplifting.  It should be uplifting.  We don't want some downer memory being trotted out for such a festive occasion.   There should be a series of stories in this talk.  The first one has to be short though.  We are going to get to all the usual words of appreciation to everyone, but before that we can grab attention with a quick story.  If we had some defining moment at the university, something which was profound and which shows the institution, the professors or the students in a shining light, that would be a good choice.  If it is a business talk then we can look for something about this association or the hosts organisation we can say nice things about.   After we deliver this little episode, we get to the ordained appreciation piece and then we should look for other stories we can tell in the time remaining, to make a point about the experience we have collectively had. In a five minute commencement speech, there will be time for maybe one more story, but in a forty minute business talk, there is plenty of scope.  Anytime we have data we wish to impart, then carefully bundling that up inside a story is bound to get it remembered, rather than just trying to deliver the information by itself.   Stories work better when they have some key elements included in the retelling.  Placing people the audience knows in the story is very powerful.  It could be a contemporary figure or a historical figure, it doesn't matter, because we can easily see them in our mind's eye and that is what we want.  We need to include the season, the location and the timing.  Again, we are laying breadcrumbs for our audience, to get them to the same visual image and join us inside our story. For example, "Two years ago prior to Covid, on a muggy Tokyo summer day, I made my way to the gorgeous wood panelled Boardroom of our client in Otemachi, to meet Mr. Tanaka the new President".   We know how muggy Tokyo is in the summer, we remember life before Covid, we know there are a lot of expensive high rise office buildings in Otemachi, we can see the luxurious Boardroom scene and may we even know this President Tanaka through the media or through industry contacts.  We are in that room.    When we engage our audience to that extent then we are able to get our key messages across more easily.  Let's avoid being predictable and instead seek out openings and stories which will keep our audience rivetted to us and what we are saying.  

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YouTube Video:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ilxviq1vbvITanaka Radio Playlist: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLkK7KO2TnEcx18YuX8g5OOOLBMomrIvCE

Fluent Fiction - Japanese: Mystery on the Bridge: Blossoms, Art, and Unspoken Love Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ja/episode/2026-03-07-23-34-00-ja Story Transcript:Ja: 春のうららかな日、上野公園は桜の花びらで満たされていました。En: On a lovely spring day, Ueno Park was filled with cherry blossom petals.Ja: ピンクと白の花のシャワーが風に揺れ、公園には花見を楽しむ人々が溢れていました。En: The pink and white flowers swayed in the wind, and the park was bustling with people enjoying hanami.Ja: 家族の楽しげな声があちこちから聞こえてきます。En: The joyous voices of families could be heard from all directions.Ja: そんな中、一つの橋に突然現れた絵がみんなの注目を集めていました。En: Amidst this scene, a painting that suddenly appeared on a bridge captured everyone's attention.Ja: その絵は鮮やかで、どこからともなく現れた謎の作品でした。En: The painting was vivid, a mysterious work that had appeared out of nowhere.Ja: 絵を見つめる人々は、いったい誰がこんな美しいものを描いたのか、不思議に思っていました。En: People staring at it wondered who could have painted such a beautiful piece.Ja: 美術学生の雪子もその絵を見に来ました。En: Bijutsu student Yukiko also came to see the painting.Ja: 彼女は卒業プロジェクトのアイデアを探していたのです。En: She was searching for ideas for her graduation project.Ja: 同時に、彼女の幼なじみの浩志が大阪から遊びに来ていました。En: At the same time, her childhood friend Koji was visiting from Osaka.Ja: 浩志は、雪子に密かに恋心を抱いていましたが、その気持ちを打ち明ける勇気はありませんでした。En: Koji secretly harbored feelings for Yukiko but lacked the courage to confess them.Ja: 「雪子、あの絵、すごいよな？」浩志は興奮した声で言いました。En: "Yukiko, that painting is amazing, isn't it?" Koji said excitedly.Ja: 「うん、本当にすごい。でも誰が描いたのかな？」雪子はあたりを見渡しました。En: "Yeah, it's really amazing. But I wonder who painted it?" Yukiko looked around.Ja: すると、近くにいた露店の店主、恵美が近づいてきました。En: Just then, a nearby stall owner, Emi, approached them.Ja: 「昨夜、怪しい人影が橋のそばで何かしているのを見たわ」と彼女はぽつりと言いました。En: "Last night, I saw a suspicious figure doing something near the bridge," she said quietly.Ja: でも、詳しいことは教えてくれませんでした。En: But she didn't provide any more details.Ja: 雪子はもっと知りたかったので、恵美さんに質問をしましたが、恵美さんは頑なに口を閉ざしました。En: Yukiko wanted to know more, so she asked Emi questions, but Emi remained stubbornly silent.Ja: 一方で浩志は、恵美さんをあまり急かさないように雪子に言いましたが、雪子はどうしても知りたくて、さらに質問を続けました。En: Meanwhile, Koji advised Yukiko not to press Emi too hard, but Yukiko was determined to find out and continued with her questions.Ja: そこへ、突然激しい雨が降ってきました。En: Suddenly, a heavy rain began to pour.Ja: 絵が雨で流されそうになり、雪子は慌てて抱えていた傘を広げ、絵を守りました。En: The painting was in danger of being washed away, so Yukiko hastily opened the umbrella she was carrying to protect it.Ja: その姿を見て、恵美さんはゆっくりと口を開きました。En: Seeing this, Emi slowly began to speak.Ja: 「あの絵を描いたのは、あなたのクラスメートの田中くんよ。」と。En: "The one who painted that picture is your classmate, Tanaka-kun."Ja: その言葉を聞いて、雪子は驚きました。En: Hearing those words, Yukiko was astonished.Ja: 田中くんはとても内向的で、こんな大胆な場所に絵を描くとは想像もしませんでした。En: Tanaka-kun was very introverted, and she never imagined he would create such a bold painting in a public place.Ja: しかし、その意外な事実が彼女の心を刺激し、新しいインスピレーションを与えました。En: However, this unexpected fact stimulated her imagination and gave her new inspiration.Ja: そして、雨が止んだあと、浩志は決心しました。En: After the rain stopped, Koji made a decision.Ja: 「雪子、実は、ずっと君が好きだったんだ。」En: "Yukiko, actually, I've always liked you."Ja: 雪子は驚きつつも、その告白に嬉しさを感じました。En: Yukiko, surprised, felt happiness at his confession.Ja: 彼女は絵と浩志から、新しい道を見出しました。En: She discovered a new path through the painting and Koji.Ja: プロジェクトにインスパイアされただけでなく、浩志との関係も新しい一歩を踏み出しました。En: Not only was she inspired for her project, but she also took a new step forward in her relationship with Koji.Ja: その橋の絵は、ただの謎ではなく、雪子にとって大切な春の思い出となりました。En: The painting on the bridge was not just a mystery but became a cherished spring memory for Yukiko.Ja: 彼女は、これからも思いがけないところからインスピレーションを受け入れ、個人的な成長と芸術的追求の両立を図ることを決心しました。En: She decided to embrace inspiration from unexpected places, striving for both personal growth and artistic pursuit. Vocabulary Words:lovely: うららかなfilled: 満たされていましたpetals: 花びらswayed: 揺れjoyous: 楽しげなamidst: そんな中vivid: 鮮やかmysterious: 謎のfascinated: 不思議に思ってgraduation: 卒業project: プロジェクトharbored: 抱いてlack: ありませんでしたconfess: 打ち明けるsuspicious: 怪しいstubbornly: 頑なにpress: 急かさないastonished: 驚きましたintroverted: 内向的bold: 大胆なunexpected: 意外なstimulated: 刺激しcourage: 勇気cherished: 大切なembrace: 受け入れpursuit: 追求blossom: 花見splendid: すごいdetermined: 決心cherish: 大切に

As the countdown begins to the AFC Women's Asian Cup, kicking off in Australia on 1 March, SBS Japanese spoke with Sydney-based player and coach Keiko Tanaka about the tournament and her expectations for Nadeshiko Japan. - 3月1日にオーストラリアで開幕するAFC女子アジアカップ。シドニーで選手として、そしてコーチとしても活動する田中景子さんに、大会の見どころや、なでしこジャパンへの期待について聞きました。

Join Ivoclar (AND US!) this February at LMT Lab Day in Chicago. Ivoclar will be offering 16 different educational lectures over the three-day event, giving dental professionals plenty of opportunities to learn, connect, and grow. Visit labday.com/Ivoclar to view the full schedule and register, and be sure to stop by and see the Ivoclar team in the Windy City. Walking the Lab Day Chicago floor? Make it worth it. Stop by the FOLLOW-ME! hyperDENT booth (E-27, East Hall) and take part in their Milling Roadmap—a quick, scavenger-hunt-style activity that leads you to key milling partners like Axsys, Imagine, DOF, and Roland. Collect stamps at booths you're likely visiting anyway and get entered to win some great giveaways—including this year's grand prize: a foldable Honda electric scooter. You're already walking the floor. Now it might carry you. Come see and talk to Elvis and Barb at all these amazing shows coming up in 2026* Cal-Lab Association Meeting in Chicago Feb 19-20 https://cal-lab.org/ LMT Lab Day Chicago Feb 19-21 https://lmtmag.com/lmtlabday Dental Lab Association of Texas Meeting in Dallas Apr 9-11 https://members.dlat.org/ exocad Insights in Mallorca, Spain Apr 30 - May 1 https://exocad.com/insights-2026 This week Elvis and Barb sit down with Helen Tanaka — a removable, implant, and digital workflow specialist whose career started in one of the most relatable ways possible: as a dental lab driver. What began as a job delivering cases quickly turned into a full-blown passion once she stepped inside the lab and saw what technicians were creating. From trimming dies and waxing copings to managing labs, supporting implant surgeries, teaching doctors chairside, and leading removable and implant teams, Helen shares a journey built on curiosity, persistence, and a deep drive to understand the why behind everything in dental technology. Helen talks about working her way through crown and bridge fundamentals before discovering her true passion in removables, dentures, implants, and occlusion. After getting real-world lab experience, she attended dental technology school, studied all six specialties, and continued expanding her knowledge through advanced occlusion training and continuing education. She explains why understanding morphology, materials, and occlusal principles is critical — especially today — and why technicians must know more than just the steps of fabrication. For Helen, dentures and implant prosthetics offer the ultimate puzzle, combining anatomy, function, and problem-solving in ways that keep her constantly engaged. The conversation dives deep into digital dentistry, guided surgery, and removable workflows, with Helen sharing her early experiences launching digital denture and sleep appliance programs long before the workflows were polished. She discusses digital record capture, stackable surgical guides, implant planning, photogrammetry, and where digital still needs improvement — especially for removable prosthetics. While she embraces technology, she stresses that software is only as good as the technician behind it, and that skipping fundamentals creates bigger problems later. Digital is powerful, but it doesn't replace understanding. Education is a major theme throughout the episode. Helen regularly teaches doctors and technicians, speaks at courses, supports live implant conversions, and works with dental students. She emphasizes that many clinicians today lack confidence in dentures and removable workflows, often because fundamentals are under-taught, and she sees technicians as essential partners in closing that gap. She and the hosts discuss how removable cases are frequently rushed, underpaid, and misunderstood — even though they replace a critical body function — and why slowing down, capturing correct records, and returning to basics solves many of the “mystery” failures labs see every day. Helen also shares stories from her time with large organizations and clinical teams, including MicroDental, ClearChoice, Arklign, and implant education centers, where she has worked in technical service, management, training, and quality oversight roles. She talks about networking, mentoring, never burning bridges, and investing in people coming up in the industry. Her approach to both dentistry and life centers around curiosity and accountability — always asking why, always backing decisions with data, and always trying to do the right thing even when no one is looking. Throughout the episode, the energy stays fun and honest, with stories about speeding delivery runs, early digital growing pains, chairside save-the-case moments, and the reality of fixing cases that skipped key steps. Helen brings passion, technical depth, and a strong belief that knowledge should be shared, not guarded. It's a conversation about growth, fundamentals, digital evolution, and why great technicians still matter more than ever. If you want to grow your business, you need clear insight into what's happening inside your operation and across your customer journey. That's where Icortica comes in. At Canadian Dental Labs, Icortica has become a cornerstone of how we operate—giving us at-a-glance visibility into performance, helping us focus our efforts, spot opportunities early, and solve problems before they grow. It takes the guesswork out of decision-making and shows us what to do next. Plus, the Icortica team is incredibly responsive and feels like a true partner in our success. If you're serious about growing your business and understanding your customers better, Icortica can get you there. Learn more at icortica.com/voices — Icortica, helping dental labs grow. Join us at exocad Insights 2026, happening April 30–May 1, 2026, on the stunning island of Mallorca, Spain. This two-day event features powerhouse keynotes, hands-on workshops, live software demos, and top-tier industry showcases—all in one unforgettable setting. Barb and Elvis will be on site bringing you exclusive interviews, plus don't miss the FIRST 5k run on the coast! And of course, cap it all off with the legendary exoGlam Night under the stars. Tickets are limited. Visit exocad.com/insights-2026 and use code VFTBPalma15 for 15% off.Special Guest: Helen Tanaka.

Welcome to this episode of Monday Night Project, this week we cover WWF Prime Time March 17th 1991 where we will see :- Shawn Michaels vs. Mr. Perfect The British Bulldog vs. Jim Corbitt Blindfold Match Koko B. Ware vs. Rick Martel Greg Valentine vs. Scott Allen Hulk Hogan vs. Gen. Adnan WWF World Tag Team Title #1 Contendership Battle Royal The Bushwhackers (Butch & Luke) vs. Demolition (Crush & Smash) vs. The Legion Of Doom (Animal & Hawk) vs. The Nasty Boys (Brian Knobbs & Jerry Sags) vs. The Rockers (Marty Jannetty & Shawn Michaels) vs. The Orient Express (Kato & Tanaka) vs. Power And Glory (Hercules & Paul Roma) Bret Hart (w/Jim Neidhart) vs. Brian Knobbs (w/Jerry Sags & Jimmy Hart) The Undertaker (w/Paul Bearer) vs. Tugboat Follow the show on facebook Memphis Continental Wrestling Cast (facebook.com/memphiscast) Visit our brand new tshirt store at https://www.unforgettablevision.com/roster/old-bakery-productions Check out Youtube.com/@memphiscast & patreon.com/memphiscast for videos   You can watch the show https://www.patreon.com/posts/wwf-prime-time-148222085?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link

Send us a textIn this heartfelt and globally enriched conversation, Joey Pinz sits down with storyteller, journalist, and events leader Kris Tanaka, whose life has been shaped by language, culture, and a deep commitment to human connection. Kris shares her remarkable journey studying Japanese from childhood, living a decade in Japan, and learning how language influences behavior, relationships, and even emotional expression.Together, they explore the nuances of communication, the cultural layers behind expressions that don't translate, and how travel expands empathy and perspective. Kris also speaks about her Hawaiian roots, the concept of ohana, and how growing up in a cultural melting pot shaped her worldview.In her role at CyberRisk Alliance, Kris explains why MSSP Alert Live succeeds: participation, purposeful networking, and the magic of spontaneous connections. She discusses what makes events thrive, how to maximize value from industry conferences, and why cybersecurity professionals inspire her daily.The conversation also dives into personal growth—pivoting careers, overcoming fear of change, redefining success, finding inspiration in everyday “magic,” and the emotional impact of helping others shine.

Last time we spoke about the second Russian Counter Offensive over the Heights. Night operations opened the action: scouts moved in darkness, wires were cut, and Hill 52 fell before dawn, followed by Shachaofeng as dawn pressed the front. The Russians responded with a heavy counterattack, tanks, aircraft, and sustained artillery, yet the Japanese adapted quickly, shifting guns and reinforcing sectors to hold the crest. By 3–5 August, Japanese and Soviet forces fought in a fragmented front across multiple sectors: Hill 52, Changkufeng, Shachaofeng, the lake. Japanese commanders coordinated between infantry, engineers, and mountain artillery, while seeking long-range support from Kwantung Army. Soviet artillery sought to disrupt lines of communication and press from the Crestline with massed tanks and air strikes. Despite intense bombardments and repeated tank assaults, Japanese regimental guns, antitank teams, and close-quarters defense bore the brunt of the defense, inflicting heavy Soviet losses. Yet in the end the Japanese had yet again repelled the enemy from the heights.   #183 The end was near for Changkufeng Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While the front-line fighting raged on 6 August, Tokyo moved to supply the 19th Division with the coveted long-range artillery and antiaircraft support. In the evening, the Korea Army officially learned from the AGS that, by Imperial order, the Kwantung Army would add the strength already informally approved: four 7.5-centimeter field guns, two 15-centimeter cannons, two 10-centimeter railway guns, and two 7.5-centimeter antiaircraft guns. The North China Area Army would also provide mobile antiaircraft units. The Korea Army estimated that the field and heavy artillery reinforcements would reach the town of Tumen on 7–8 August. The new guns were expected to ease the division's pressure in due course. The fighting continued on the 7th. The 75th Infantry observed that, despite the Russians' vigorous attacks aimed at capturing Hill 52 and Changkufeng on 6 August, they failed at both objectives and were repelled with heavy losses. Because of the Soviets' ignominious defeat at Changkufeng, they seemed determined to seize Hill 52 on 7 August. Most of the shallow and isolated Japanese positions at Hill 52 had been shattered by bombardments. Some men retrieved Japanese corpses still piled atop one another; the wounded were to proceed to the rear by themselves. Many had not eaten since the morning of 6 August, yet morale remained high. It was decided to knock out the Soviets' advancing tanks under the cover of darkness, employing infantry and engineers. At 03:00, these elements moved against the armor 150 meters behind the Russian wire, killed some advancing infantry, and destroyed two tanks. The infantry platoon leader, Warrant Officer Kanaoka, jumped aboard a tank, pried open the turret, and fought with his blade as blood dripped from the blade. The eastern sky brightened as he stood there smiling and holding his bloodied sword; at that moment, Private First Class Kimura exploded a grenade inside the tank, which promptly blew up. The assault force returned safely at dawn. At dawn, from heavy-weapon positions 200–300 meters in front, the Soviets opened fire, exploiting gaps between the smashed armor. Since 04:00, sixty Russian tanks had been moving south on the far side of Khasan. By daybreak, more than ten machines could be seen in the dip northeast of Hill 52, with several dozen other tanks newly active along Hill 29 Crestline as infantry deployed in gullies. At 05:30, Russian artillery began firing from all directions. In addition to shelling from Gaho, Hill 29, and Maanshan, the Soviets directed flank fire against Hill 52, using two rapid-fire guns 700 meters northeast and three mountain guns on the slope of Changkufeng. As the works at Hill 52 were progressively pulverized, K. Sato dispatched reinforcements from the 76th Regiment there. Near 11:00, the Russian barrage intensified and became more accurate; positions were destroyed one by one, and casualties rose. A new apex of fury occurred between 13:30 and 14:30, when a pall of smoke blanketed the region, producing a ghastly impression. Russian planes bombed and strafed Hill 52 from 11:00; a raid by twelve bombers against the western slope at 13:30 was particularly fierce, though many bombs fell harmlessly into the Tumen. The Russian lines were built up gradually, and all types of Soviet weapons were employed. From 14:30, about 100 Russians approached, led by four tanks, and penetrated the defense positions. Close-quarter counterattacks were launched by elements of three Japanese infantry companies, a machine-gun platoon, and an engineer platoon. One officer recalled "It was tough and costly fighting. Men were overrun by tanks, some losing limbs." Nine engineers linked up with the infantry, placing explosives under tank turrets and blowing up two machines. During the crisis, with tanks and infantry overrunning his lines. From the right wing, in the Eleventh Company sector, the Japanese fought fiercely against Soviet heavy weapons and infantry who had advanced to point-blank range. Master Sergeant Suzuki, acting company commander, on his own initiative ordered the main force to counterattack. Through coordinated action, the Japanese knocked out four tanks that had penetrated their positions. Two enemy battalions that had "come close bravely" were nearly wiped out. Total Soviet strength committed in this sector amounted to three battalions and forty tanks. Japanese losses on the Hill 52 front were heavy indeed: seventy-four had been killed and eighty-five wounded, one hundred fifty-nine out of three hundred twenty-eight men in action. The remnants of one infantry company were commanded by a superior private; sergeants led two other infantry and two machine-gun companies. Seven of thirteen heavy weapons were inoperable.  Meanwhile 9th Company elements defended Noguchi Hill, 800 meters southeast of Changkufeng. By 05:00 on 7 August, Soviet troops facing the hill numbered 200 infantry, five tanks, and two rapid-fire guns. From positions set up the previous night along the lake, the Russians opened fire at dawn while 50 soldiers moved to attack with the tanks in support. Captain Noguchi's men poured fire on the enemy and inflicted heavy losses. But the Russians, who possessed superior supporting fire, fought their way forward until, after 40 minutes, they got within 70 meters. The Soviet tanks disappeared into a dead angle near the lakeshore. When the fog lifted at 06:00, the Russians on the southeast slope of Changkufeng fired down at Noguchi Hill with four heavy machine guns. Seven tanks, advancing anew from the gully northeast of Hill 52, came as close as 80 to 200 meters, deployed to encircle, and opened fire. By now, eight Japanese had been killed and five wounded; most of the light machine guns and grenade dischargers had been crippled and all three heavy weapons were out of action. The Russians attacked again at 08:00, hurling grenades and shouting. A dozen tanks operated in support of two infantry companies. The Japanese responded with grenades; yellow and black smoke masked the heights, and the scene was extremely impressive. Desperate hand-to-hand combat raged along the sector for a half-hour until the Soviets fell back after suffering enormous losses.  At 10:40, the Russians assaulted with infantry from the southeast front and from the Changkufeng direction, aided by tanks from the zone between. Captain Noguchi sortied with his remnant, charged the Russians, and drove them off. In this fighting, however, he was shot in the chest and most of his subordinates were killed or wounded. Somehow the captain stayed on his feet. He and six survivors threw grenades at the Russians, who were now behind the Japanese, and then he led a last charge back to the highest positions. Once the enemy had been evicted, Captain Noguchi collapsed. Only three or four soldiers were in fighting condition. The captain begged them to report to Sato, but, refusing to abandon him, the men managed to help him down to the rear. It was 11:30. Captain Noguchi's unit, which had fought bravely since the first combat on 6 August, had been destroyed. Of 78 officers and men, 40 lay killed and another 31 wounded. The hill had been lost. Meanwhile, Soviet bombardment of the Hill 52 district had been heavy, and phone contact with the regiment was severed. Suddenly, the indomitable Captain Noguchi appeared at headquarters, and the regiment finally learned that the foe had penetrated the defenses. The bleeding captain pleaded for a counterattack and kept trying to return to the fight; K. Sato had to restrain him by ordering him to leave for the rear. It was true that the position Captain Noguchi had occupied was the key point connecting Hill 52 and Changkufeng. But Sato reasoned that if they held solidly to the latter hills, their defenses would never be in danger, and it would be easy to retake Noguchi Hill at any time by concentrating fire from all the high ground and by employing artillery, once strength could be spared. Around sunset, however, Sato received an order from the brigade, and a report came from Changkufeng that "our troops' brave fighting has tied us over the crisis." Reassured, Sato proceeded to Hill 52, cheered on Kojima and the soldiers, and examined the condition of the wounded and the heaped-up corpses.  The 75th Infantry estimated that there had been 900 Russian casualties in the right sector and that more than ten tanks and three heavy machine guns had been put out of action. The regiment itself had lost four officers killed and had four wounded. In the entire right sector which included 1,332 men in action, 140 had been killed and 180 wounded. Seven soldiers of the 75th Infantry were also listed as missing in action but presumed dead. Total casualties including the missing, as a percentage of those listed as engaged, amounted to 25 percent for the right sector unit. On the 7th, the unit had lost 19 machine guns and 11 grenade dischargers. As of 18:00 on 7 August, Japanese intelligence estimated that the Russians had committed a grand total of 25 infantry battalions, up six from 6 August, 80 artillery pieces, up 10, and 200 tanks . Situation maps showed one Soviet infantry battalion east of Changkufeng, another north of Hill 52, armor and infantry in unknown strength east of that hill, and artillery positions from northeast to southeast of Khasan. On the 7th, spotters also observed seven large steamers entering Posyet and Khansi, as well as one 10,000-ton vessel at Yangomudy. At least 200 or 300 enemy soldiers in the Karanchin sector were working to strengthen positions. Units moving south from Novokievsk included 350 trucks, 60 tanks, and 400 troops. Heading north from the region of the battlefield were 100 trucks and 150 horsemen. Meanwhile, on the front in eastern Manchuria, elements of the Kwantung Army's 8th Division had forcibly ousted a small party of Soviet border trespassers. The "punch" had gone out of the Russians in the Hill 52 sector after their thorough defeat on 6 and 7 August, but they continued to build up firepower, deploying heavy weapons and artillery observation posts. The bombardments grew more accurate; even regiment and brigade headquarters lost their last dead angles. By daylight on the 8th, two Soviet infantry battalions plus tanks were deployed on the Hill 52 front. Their main forces were distributed along a line 800 meters from the Japanese, and snipers and machine gunners held positions 200 to 300 meters away. "Each time they detected movement, they sniped at us and interfered with our observation." From 09:00, the Japanese sustained scattered artillery fire. At 13:30 there was a bombing raid by 15 planes, but no casualties were incurred. Soviet guns pounded Hill 52 around 18:30, and the Japanese suffered four or five casualties, but morale was generally high, and they sought to strengthen and repair their positions throughout the night. On the Changkufeng front, which had drawn rather serious attention, Russian heavy guns opened slow fire after 05:00 from east of Khasan and from Maanshan. Through the night of 7–8 August, Soviet infantry had assembled near the lake crossing. Russian troop strength increased beyond one-and-a-half battalions. The defenders ran out of grenades and had to resort to rocks, but by 10:00 the Soviet assault waves began to weaken after five hours of fierce resistance. Supporting the Japanese lines had been barrages by grenade launchers, flank fire by a heavy-machine-gun platoon at Chiangchunfeng, and supported by the mountain artillery. Around 10:30, the attackers fled to Khasan. The battlefield quieted, but enemy snipers dug foxholes 300 meters away and kept up persistent fire, and infantry mounted repeated attacks in varying strength.    Since morning, the mountain gun and the two battalion guns at Fangchuanting had engaged infantry and machine guns that appeared on the middle of the Changkufeng crest as well as in the Hill 52 area. The timely fire from these guns caused severe losses, especially to Russian observation posts. But Lieutenant Maeoka, who commanded the mountain platoon from Changkufeng, was wounded badly at 10:30. The mountain battalion also fired at targets in the Changkufeng sector from the Korean side of the Tumen. At 13:20, the Russians pressed new attacks against Changkufeng from three sides, using a total of two companies and three tanks. Although they got close and attacked persistently, they were driven off each time; these afternoon efforts were not very vigorous. Fighters strafed at low altitude and more than ten bombers attacked near 15:00, igniting fires in the village of Fangchuanting. The raids by planes and guns caused frequent cuts in signal lines again. At 06:50 on the 8th, Soviet forces in the left sector resumed their efforts until they were pinned down at 100 meters and had to dig in. Excepting spotter posts, everyone must enter shelters from warning till all-clear. Meanwhile, T. Sato estimated that although enemy attacks were aimed mainly against Changkufeng, there existed some danger that hostile forces would cross the Tumen near Yangkuanping and launch a sudden attack against our left rear, as actions in that area had become pronounced. He accordingly issued an order at 17:00: all of us, superiors as well as subordinates, must overcome exhaustion, make nighttime guardings rigorous, and leave the foe not the slightest opening between friendly battalions or from the shores of the Tumen River.  Suetaka estimated in the morning of the 8th that the Russians were trying to generate propaganda advantageous to them at home and abroad by staking their honor and seizing Changkufeng quickly. From the standpoint of overall political tactics, it was imperative to thwart their intentions. The enemy relied consistently on elements that remained on the Crestline southeast of Changkufeng and served as a base; they must be deprived of that attack base. If his assault plans were to be successful, the 37th Brigade would require reinforcement. The first battalion-size elements of Cho's infantry were arriving. As an initial step, Hanyu's battalion should cross the Tumen and join the brigade, while the main body of the regiment, due that afternoon, should be ready to enter the lines. The division chief of staff issued an order in the name of Suetaka, stipulating that the division would secure its positions while adhering to the great policy of nonexpansion. At 22:30 Morimoto speculated that the Russians were hoping for the good fortune of retaking Changkufeng. Strict guard measures were enjoined. Eventually, before midnight, Suetaka met Cho at Seikaku station. To implement Suetaka's request that the Russian foothold southeast of Changkufeng be wiped out soon, Morimoto decided in the morning to employ the new battalion from Cho's regiment. But since Hanyu's unit was delayed by enemy fire, Morimoto had to turn to the reserve 76th Regiment. At 16:00 Okido was told to prepare an attack, using one infantry battalion and an engineer squad. The mission was to take advantage of darkness to expel the foe remaining on Changkufeng, secure the heights in concert with the elements on the hill, and smash any serious attack at night. At 17:00 Okido issued his detailed order. Enemy elements were located near the cliff close to the northern top of Changkufeng. Apparently hostile bases existed in scattered fashion on the southern slopes as well, as well as a rather large base on the middle of Akahage "Red Bald" Hill, formerly held by Captain Noguchi's company. The regiment was to drive those forces north of Hill 52. The 3rd Battalion commander, Major Hashimoto Seishiro, was to direct both companies' assaults, and, once the foe had been ousted, secure the locations until dawn, after which he would return to the reserve unit.  On the 8th, at 19:30, Hashimoto proceeded with his battalion staff to the foot of Changkufeng and conferred with Major Sato and Captain Shimomura, the majors commanding the units with which he was to cooperate. The assault units moved out from Chiangchunfeng, but their timing was thrown off by a half-hour of artillery checking fire from northeast of the lake. At 20:50, Captain Iwai's 10th Company, supported by a machine-gun platoon, attacked the rock corner on the east side of Changkufeng. After cutting down Soviet sentries, the Japanese rushed in; 40–50 Russian soldiers retreated toward Akahage. On that hill there had been only 20–30 Soviet troops to begin with, but their strength had been built up to two companies plus tanks and infantry guns. The Russians laid down violent small-arms fire, causing 17 Japanese casualties in a short period, after which 30–40 enemy soldiers sought to counterattack. The Japanese drove back this effort, readied their own offensive, and continued to launch close assaults against the heavy-machine-gun nest at the rock corner. Simultaneously, Captain Shidara's 7th Company jumped off with five attached demolition engineers. The 1st Platoon broke through the entanglements and cut down lookouts while the 2nd Platoon proceeded to mop up footholds on the north side—about ten Russian soldiers who dotted the slope at four locations. In the process, the company ran into the positions Iwai had been attacking. Terrain and enemy fire dictated a detour south of the ridgeline. Shidara's men moved up behind Iwai on the right, joining Hashimoto's command. The battalion commander consolidated his lines and directed reconnaissance preparatory to an attack against Akahage. Hours passed; Okido, at the command post, decided it might be wiser to wait till daybreak and call for artillery support. Hashimoto then issued his own instructions from the eastern salient, cautioning his men to dig in well. Near 04:00 the redeployments were completed, but construction did not progress due to the rocky terrain; soldiers were barely able to scoop knee-high firing trenches by daybreak. Total Russian losses on the 8th were estimated to exceed 1,500. More than 100 tanks were claimed publicly, and it was "confirmed" that since the 1st, six planes had been shot down, two of which had fallen behind Japanese lines. In Tokyo, the war ministry and the Gaimusho denied categorically that the Russians had retaken Changkufeng. Soviet troops had attempted to rush positions 600 feet from the crest at 1400 hours; after two and a half hours of furious hand-to-hand fighting, they were beaten off with presumably heavy casualties on both sides. Soviet tanks were reported moving north from Posyet Bay, though it remained unclear whether this indicated withdrawal or strategic movement. Right sector casualties were relatively light on 8 August: eight killed and 41 wounded, the 75th Infantry suffering five and 38 of these respectively. Officer casualties were proportionately high: two wounded in the 75th Regiment, one in the 76th Regiment, and a fourth in the mountain artillery. Personnel rosters of the 75th Regiment, as of 30 July and 8 August, showed a reduction from 1,403 to 826, down 41 percent. The cumulative effect of Japanese losses and the scale of Soviet commitment troubled the Korea Army. Suetaka reported Japanese casualties as: through 2 August, 45 killed, 120 wounded; from 3-5 August, 25 killed, 60 wounded; since 6 August, killed unknown, 200 wounded. Remarkably, the same casualty totals were released publicly by the war ministry on the night of the 8th. Throughout 9 August at 15:20 the Japanese were hit by a very intense barrage from Hill 29. The mountain gun was damaged by shellfire and had to be moved to the foot of Fangchuanting. Tanaka had ordered his artillery to conduct long-range artillery neutralization and communications-cutoff fire, and short-range neutralization as well as checking fire. The accuracy of our artillery elements had improved, and the power of our guns had been enhanced greatly. On the left, from 05:30, T. Sato dispatched an antitank platoon, under cover of mist, to finish off immobilized Soviet tanks whose main armament was still operational and which had done some severe firing the day before. As the day wore on, spirits rose, for the men heard the roar of friendly 15-cm cannon laying down mighty neutralization fire against enemy artillery. Near 14:15, Russian troops were detected creeping forward in the woods 400 meters away on the right. Supporting mountain artillery wiped out this threat in short order. Suetaka decided to move his division headquarters to Seikaku and his combat command post to the Matsu'otsuho message center. Anxiety about the Wuchiatzu sector to the north had diminished greatly; in addition, the entire strength of the division had already been brought to the front. Lastly, dealings with the Seoul and Tokyo levels had by now become rather secondary in importance. Suetaka could discern the steady, disturbing exhaustion of his front-line troops. On the other hand, newly arrived Cho was raring to go. After receiving authorization from Suetaka, Cho allowed Nakajima's battalion to cross the river at Matsu'otsuho but kept Osuga's battalion on the Korean bank as division reserve. Since Tanaka had surmised that the Russians' intention was to direct their main offensive effort against the Japanese right wing, it seemed best to transfer the mountain guns to strengthen the right sector positions. The brigade order of 17:30 endorsed Tanaka's shift of defensive emphasis, particularly with regard to the artillery and the new elements from Cho's regiment. Morimoto added that the core of the Soviet assault force southeast of Changkufeng amounted to two infantry battalions. T. Sato accordingly ordered Obo's battalion to integrate its heavy firepower and deliver swift fire in timely fashion. Soon afterward, Obo discerned a massed battalion of Russian infantry, who had been hauled up by trucks, on the northeastern skirt of Changkufeng. He unleashed every available weapon, organic and attached, at 19:30. The Soviets seemed taken completely by surprise; they showed extreme bewilderment and dispersed in an instant. The right sector unit estimated that on 9 August it had caused 450 casualties, stopped five tanks, and knocked out one light artillery piece and seven heavy machine guns. Japanese casualties in the right sector had amounted to 28 killed and 43 wounded. Ammunition expenditures were considerably higher than on the 8th.  During the night of 9–10 August, the 74th Infantry reinforcements crossed the Tumen steadily. In the early hours, Okido concluded that Soviet attack designs had been frustrated for the time being. The Hill 52 front was relatively calm. Soviet automatic weapons and riflemen were still deployed 200 to 300 meters from Japanese positions, where they sniped selectively. Russian artillery was quiet, apparently as the result of the movement of the main Japanese artillery force to the right wing and the arrival of long-range guns. The 75th Regiment command post at Fangchuanting was the focal point of Japanese artillery activity. Firing began at 07:10, when four battalion guns engaged and smashed two Soviet mountain pieces.  As for Soviet ground assaults, one company attacked at Changkufeng as early as 05:20 under cover of fog but was driven off after 40 minutes. The Russians struck again from three directions in formidable strength between 09:00 and 10:00. Morimoto, growing concerned about the danger of irruptions through gaps between Changkufeng and Shachaofeng, sent elements of Nakajima's battalion to Chiangchunfeng. Since the right wing of the Russians atop Changkufeng was spilling onto the western slopes, at 10:30 Nakajima had his heavy machine guns and battalion guns lay down strong fire from the peak of Chiangchunfeng. Meanwhile, heavy weapons from the left sector were also contributing to the repulse of the morning assaults. A battalion of Soviet infantry attacked Changkufeng all afternoon. Fierce gunfire by the 75th Regiment at 14:00 routed troops massing on the slopes facing the red flag. Considerable losses were inflicted on 75 Russians sighted northeast of Hill 52. An enemy company on the Khasan shore and another two east of Akahage Hill were attempting to occupy positions from which to strike Fangchuanting with the support of two rapid-fire guns. By 17:00 the Russians had been repulsed by the energetic fire of Japanese small arms, battalion guns, and artillery. Soviet forces dispersed toward the lakeshore and Hill 52, leaving many corpses behind. The last important firing by Japanese battalion guns at Fangchuanting on the 10th was a mission against the eastern slopes of Changkufeng at 18:00. Thereafter, the battle zone grew still.  In the left sector, T. Sato concluded that, to secure Changkufeng, it would be best to reinforce flank fire instead of concentrating on the direct attack or defense of the Changkufeng district. He therefore made arrangements with Okido to borrow one machine-gun platoon and assign it to Obo. As of 05:30, enemy troops were still holding a line 300 meters from the positions of Obo's right battalion and 800 to 1,000 meters ahead of Takenouchi's left battalion. Shortly afterward, good news was received at the left sector command post: the last battalion of the 73rd Regiment was to have left Nanam at 16:00 on 9 August and would arrive in the near future. On the right wing of the left sector, the Russians facing Kadokura's company began to operate energetically from 09:00, advancing in two lines, 150 meters apart, with a total strength of one company: two platoons up, one platoon back. They were supported by forces on the high ground north of Khasan and on Akahage. Kadokura waited for the enemy to close to 200 meters before ordering his men to open fire; particularly effective was the flanking fire by the machine-gun company and by elements of Okuda's company. Many heavy artillery shells were hitting the Japanese lines now, but defensive fire pinned down the attacking infantry for a while, 100 meters from the breastworks. Then 30 or 40 Soviet soldiers, covered by firepower, worked forward as close as 30 meters, hurling grenades and giving every indication of mounting a charge. The Japanese responded with grenades. At the same time, the left-flank squad of Kadokura's company was being annihilated. Thus encouraged, Russian assault troops plunged close, whereupon Kadokura assembled his available men, a dozen or so, from the command teams and runners—and grappled with the foe at point-blank range. An ammunition man joined in the melee and broke up the Soviet assault by expert use of hand grenades. The second echelon gradually fell back around 10:30, in the face of heavy fire laid down by the machine guns and Okuda's company. The Russians appeared to be adjusting their deployment but made no further efforts to close. At Changkufeng, meanwhile, two or three enemy companies were approaching the crest. Left sector raiding fire caused the Russians to flee. Japanese casualties in the old right sector had been nine killed and 22 wounded on 10 August. It was estimated that Soviet casualties amounted to 600 killed or wounded, with five heavy machine guns knocked out. By this time, the Soviets had committed their maximum infantry and artillery strength: 27 battalions and 100 guns, the same as on 9 August but up 17 battalions and 60 units since 3 August. Higher headquarters reported no tanks at the front, though 75th Infantry situation maps indicated some Soviet armor still faced Hill 52 sector. Although Japanese officers insisted that Changkufeng Hill remained in Japanese possession, they acknowledged increased casualties due to the accuracy of Soviet shelling. Losses were not as severe as might have been expected because the enemy did not time their charges with their bombardments; Japanese troops lay in trenches and met the attackers with grenades. Every combat unit of the 19th Division had been committed. Nevertheless, the maimed and the fresh battalions had amounted to a combined maximum strength of only 12 infantry battalions and 37 artillery pieces, primarily 75-mm mountain guns, without armor or aircraft. These forces had to cope with 27 enemy infantry battalions and 100 artillery pieces, including many long-range guns, as well as sizable tank and aerial units. Every echelon, regiment, division, and army, had voiced the need for troop replacements and reinforcements.  By evening of 10 August, the situation had deteriorated to the point that the division chief of staff sent Seoul a very long and painful message that ended with: "There is danger of radical change in combat situation in few days if matters go on. It is estimated that this division has only one or two days left in which it can retain definite freedom of action,initiative to advance or retreat. Even if overall situation should develop to our advantage in next three or four days, we ought to be patient from broader standpoint, and be satisfied with our achievement, that Japanese Army has manifested its strength against enemy till now. While we do retain freedom of action, it would be appropriate to solve incident now through speedy diplomatic negotiations. Such measures are entirely up to Korea Army and high command but, so far as division is concerned, there is no other way except of course to make desperate efforts to maintain occupation line for sake of mission. Please take these matters into sympathetic consideration and conduct appropriate measures urgently". I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Night raids and artillery opened the fight, with Hill 52 and Changkufeng changing hands amid intense Soviet tank and air assaults. Japanese forces, aided by engineers, infantry, and mountain guns, mounted tenacious defense, repelling repeated Soviet breakthroughs though suffering heavy casualties. By August 10, Japanese divisions faced mounting exhaustion and warnings of potential strategic shifts, while both sides suffered substantial casualties and material losses.

Last time we spoke about the Japanese Victory over Changkufeng. Japan's generals hatched a plan: strike at night, seize the peak, then bargain if need be. Colonel Sato, steady as a compass, chose Nakano's brave 75th Regiment, selecting five fearless captains and a rising star, Nakajima, to lead the charge. Ahead, scouts and engineers threaded a fragile path through darkness, while distant Soviet tanks rumbled like distant thunder. At 2:15 a.m., wire breached and soldiers slipped over the slope. The crest resisted with brutal tenacity, grenades flashed, machine guns spit fire, and leaders fell. Yet by 5:15 a.m. dawn painted the hill in pale light, and Japanese hands grasped the summit. The dawn assault on nearby Hill 52 and the Shachaofeng corridor followed, with Takeshita's and Matsunobe's units threading through fog, fire, and shifting trenches. Narukawa's howitzers answered the dawn with measured fury, silencing the Soviets' early artillery as Japanese infantry pressed forward. By daybreak, the Russians were driven back, their lines frayed and retreating toward Khasan. The price was steep: dozens of officers dead or injured, and a crescent of smoke and memory left etched on every face.    #181 The Russian Counter Offensive over the Heights Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After admitting the loss of Changkufeng and Shachaofeng by dawn on 31 July, the Russian government issued a communique the next day asserting that Soviet troops had "hurled back a Japanese division… after a two-day battle" involving tanks, artillery, and aircraft. Some hours after the Japanese penetration, Soviet regulars rushed to the scene and drove out the invaders. Japanese losses amounted to 400 men; Soviet losses were 13 killed and 55 wounded. On Soviet soil, the Japanese abandoned five cannons, 14 machine guns, and 157 rifles, while the Russians admitted losing one tank and one gun. A Soviet reconnaissance pilot may have fallen into Japanese hands after bailing out. "Both before and during the Japanese attack… Soviet troops did not once cross the Manchukuoan frontier,which deprived them of the possibility of surrounding or outflanking the invaders." By 1 August, Russian ground forces were deployed and the Soviet Air Force took action. Soviet aircraft appeared at 24:30 to reconnoiter. Soon after, more than ten planes flew in formation, launching strikes against forward units. Eight sorties, light bombers and fighters, roughly 120–150 aircraft in flights of two or three dozen, bombed and strafed. Raids were conducted by as many as 30 planes, though no Soviet losses were reported. The Russians also hit targets on the Korean side of the Tumen. The 75th Regiment judged that the Soviet Air Force sought only to intimidate. Russian planes dropped several dozen bombs on the Kyonghun bridge, but the span was not struck; damage was limited to the railway, producing an impression of severity that was misleading. The lack of air cover troubled the troops most. Japanese casualties on 1 August were modest: three men wounded in the 75th Infantry, and one wounded and a horse killed in the 76th. However the three Japanese battalions expended over 15,000 machine-gun and 7,000 rifle rounds that day. The appearance of Soviet air power at Changkufeng drew anxious international attention. Shanghai reports electrified observers, who anticipated that major Russo-Japanese hostilities would transform the China campaign overnight. Some observers were openly dismayed, foreseeing a prolongation of the mainland war with potential benefits to Soviet interests. Japanese Army spokesmen sought to downplay the situation. Officers in Hsinking told correspondents that the raids, while serious, represented only a face-saving measure. The Red Army was reportedly attempting to compensate for losses at Changkufeng and other disputed positions, but aside from the bombings, the frontier remained quiet. If the Russians were serious, observers noted, they would have bombed the vital Unggi railway bridge, which remained untouched; raids focused on minor bridges, with limited damage. In Tokyo, foreign observers believed the appearance of about 50 Soviet heavy bombers over North Korea signaled an extension of the incidents and that the Japanese government was taking urgent measures. Military leaders decided not to escalate but prepared for emergencies. The Korea Army Headquarters denied Soviet bombing of Harbin in Manchuria or Najin and Chongjin in Korea. Regarding retaliation, an American correspondent reported that the Japanese military had no intention of bombing Russian territory. Although Soviet use of aircraft introduced a new dimension of danger, the main efforts remained ground-based on both sides. After Japanese troops cleared Changkufeng and Shachaofeng, the Russians appeared to be redeploying to contract their defensive frontage; no troops or works remained west of Khasan. Four or five Russian infantry companies and ten artillery pieces stood between the lake and Paksikori, while the main forces, with numerous gun sites, were concentrated west of Novokievsk. On the Kwantung Army front in southeast Manchuria, no changes were observed. "The Russians were apparently shocked by their defeat at Changkufeng and must suddenly have resorted to negative, conservative measures." Korea Army Headquarters assessed the situation as of the evening of 31 July: "The enemy must fear a Japanese advance into the Novokievsk plain and therefore is concentrating his main forces in that district. Our interests require that we anticipate any emergency, so we must prepare the necessary strength in the Kyonghun region and reinforce positions at Wuchiatzu."  At 20:45 on the 31st, the 19th Division received a detailed message from the Hunchun garrison commander describing his northward deployments. Suetaka was heartened; he "earnestly desired to bring about the end of the incident as a result of the fighting of 30–31 July but was equally resolved to defend the border firmly, based on Japanese interpretation of the Hunchun pact, in case the Soviet side did not perform intensive self-reflection." First, Suetaka issued instructions from Kyonghun at 8:15 on the 31st via K. Sato: "It is our intention that Changkufeng and the high ground northwest of Shachaofeng be secured, as well as the high ground south of Shachaofeng if possible. Enemy attacks are to be met at our positions, but you are not to pursue far." Second, Colonel Tanaka was instructed not to fire as long as Russian artillery did not bombard friendly forces. "Except for preparing against counterassaults, your actions will be cautious. In particular, harassing fire against inhabited places and residents is prohibited." Suetaka was finally armed with formal authority, received at 22:05 on 1 August. He did not delay in implementing it. At 23:00 he ordered the immediate rail movement of strong reinforcements: the alerted infantry brigade headquarters, as well as four infantry battalions and the remaining mountain artillery battalion. Thus, Suetaka could deploy forward not only the forces he had requested but also a brigade-level organization to assume control of the now sizeable combat elements massed at the front for "maneuvers." Earlier that afternoon he had already moved his division's message center forward to the Matsu'otsuho heights at the Tumen, and he regularly posted at least one staff officer there so that the center could function as the division's combat headquarters. An additional matter of explosive potential was built into the divisional order: provision of Japanese Air Force cover for rail movements forward, although use of aircraft had been prohibited by all higher headquarters; Nakamura intended only ground cover. At the front, Japanese units spent most of their time consolidating their hard-won positions. By 3 on 1 August, a column of Soviet forces with vehicles was observed moving from the east side of Khasan. Late in the day, the division received an extremely important telegram from the 2nd (Intelligence) Section of the Kwantung Army: "According to a special espionage report from our OSS in Khabarovsk city, Red Army authorities there have decided to retake the high ground along Changkufeng." From other intelligence, the Kwantung Army concluded that the Russians were rebuilding in the Novokievsk region. Frequent movements observed immediately to the rear of the Soviet battle zone caused K. Sato to grow apprehensive about a dawn counterattack on the 1st, and he reinforced Changkufeng with the 6th Company. The second of August was marked by continuation of Soviet air attacks and the anticipated Russian counteroffensive. According to Japanese intelligence, Marshal Blyukher had arrived in Khabarovsk, and Lieutenant General Sokolov was in Voroshilov. An offensive buildup, estimated at about 3,000 men plus tanks and guns, was reported in the Kozando area by evening on the 1st. Hirahara, commanding the battalion at Changkufeng, grew concerned about Hill 52. With day's end approaching, he reinforced the defenses further and ordered the battalion medical officer to establish a dressing station at Fangchuanting. Around 15:00 Soviet artillery began firing at forward areas, especially gun positions; the bombardments were described as severe. Japanese artillery sought to conserve ammunition, firing only at worthwhile, short-range targets. Main Russian ground actions focused on the far-right (Hill 52) and far-left (Shachaofeng) sectors, not Changkufeng. In line with Hirahara's orders, two infantry companies and four heavy machine guns were moved by 8:00 from Changkufeng to the heights 800 meters southeast. Soviet heavy artillery pounded the zone between Fangchuanting and Hill 52; observing the enemy became difficult. Russian planes engaged at 9:00 fighters, then bombers, to soften defenses and gun positions. Meanwhile, the Soviets deployed firepower southeast of Khasan, while two infantry battalions and more than ten tanks advanced through the pines on the western slopes. Japanese regimental guns and two machine-gun platoons at Hill 52 attacked the enemy heavy machine guns and neutralized them. By 10:00 the Russians had advanced with heavy weapons to the high ground 800 meters from Hill 52. From Changkufeng, the battalion guns engaged heavy weapons. Hirahara moved with the engineers and battalion guns to the heights to which he had transferred reinforcements earlier, took command, and prepared an assault. Initially, Soviet troops advanced in formation, but after cresting a dip, they dispersed and moved onto the high ground opposite Hill 52. Heavily armed, they drew within 700 meters, with artillery and heavy machine guns providing coverage. By 10:00 Sato requested Shiozawa's mountain guns across the Tumen to unleash a barrage against Hill 52's front. For about half an hour, the battery fired. By 10:30, the Soviet advance grew listless. Believing the moment ripe, Hirahara deployed his men to charge the foe's right wing, ordering rapid movement with caution against eastern flank fire. On the heights north of Hill 52, Inagaki watched the struggle; with the telephone out and the situation urgent, he brought up firepower on his own initiative. Taking the main body of the 1st Machine Gun Company, along with the battalion guns, he moved out at noon, making contact with the 10th Company on Hill 52 around 14:00, where the Japanese machine guns and battalion guns joined the fray. The Russians, losing momentum, were checked by Japanese heavy weapons and by mountain guns from Hill 82. Hirahara's main battalion advanced onto the high ground north of Hill 52 around noon. By 15:00, two enemy companies began to fall back, climbing the western slopes of Hill 29 as the main forces retreated piecemeal to a dip. By 16:00, Suetaka observed that his units were continuing to secure their positions and were "gradually breaking the hostile intention." Despite heat and rain, front-line troops showed fatigue but remained vigilant. Between 11:00 and 16;00, Sato inspected the lines and directed defensive positions, particularly at Hill 52. After a poor initial performance, the Russians awaited reinforcements before attempting another assault on Hill 52. They moved up a mechanized corps, and by 15:00 50 tanks massed east of Maanshan. Around 17:00, the Russians began moving south along the high ground across Khasan. Another two Soviet battalions advanced along the Tumen hills, led by armor. Hirahara anticipated an assault at twilight, especially after 18:00, when nine bombers struck Hill 52. Earlier, Takeshita had received reports from the antitank commander, Lieutenant Saito, that at 17:00 several enemy tanks and three infantry battalions were advancing from Hill 29. Convinced of an imminent Soviet strike, Takeshita ordered the defense to conceal its efforts and to annihilate the foe with point-blank fire and hand-to-hand fighting. He sought to instill confidence that hostile infantry could not reach the positions. Before 19:00, the enemy battalions came within effective range, and Japan opened with all available firepower. Rapid-fire antitank guns set the lead tank alight; the remaining tanks were stopped. Support came from Hisatsune's regimental guns and two antitank gun squads atop Changkufeng. The Russian advance was checked. By nightfall, Soviet elements had displaced heavy weapons about 400 meters from Japanese positions. As early as 16:00, Suetaka ordered a mountain artillery squad to cross the river. Sato told Takeshita at 7:30 that there would be a night attack against Hill 52. Takeshita was to annihilate the foe after allowing them to close to 40–50 meters. The Russians did mount a night assault and pressed close between 8 and 9 p.m. with three battalions led by four tanks. The main force targeted Takeshita; all ten Russian heavy machine guns engaged that side. Japanese machine guns and battalion guns joined the fray. The Russians pressed within 30 meters, shouted "Hurrah! Hurrah!" and hurled grenades before advancing a further 15 meters. The Japanese repelled the first waves with grenades and emplaced weapons, leaving light machine guns and grenade dischargers forward. Soviet illuminating shells were fired to enable closer approaches within 100 meters. Japanese grenade-discharger fire blasted the forces massed in the dead space before the works. While the Hill 52 night attack collapsed, other Russian units, smaller in strength and with one tank leading, moved against the hill on the left that the Japanese had not yet occupied that morning. The Russians advanced along the Khasan slope north of Hill 52, came within point-blank range, and shouted but did not charge. By 22:00, the Japanese, supported by machine guns, had checked the foe. Thereupon, the 6th Company, now under a platoon leader, Narusawa, launched a counterattack along the lake. "The enemy was bewildered and became dislocated. Buddies were heard shouting to one another, and some could be seen hauling away their dead." The Soviet troops held back 300–400 meters and began to dig in. Sato decided artillery should sweep the zone in front of Hill 52. At 21:30, he requested support, but the mountain guns could not open fire. Still, by 23:00, not a shadow of an enemy soldier remained on the Hill 52 front, where the Japanese spent the night on alert. In the northern sector, eight Russian tanks crossed the Japanese-claimed border at 5:25 on 2 August and moved south to a position northwest of Shachaofeng. Around 7 Russian artillery opened fire to "prepare" the Japanese while a dozen heavy bombers attacked. An hour later, the ground offensive began in earnest, with one and a half to two infantry battalions, a dozen machine guns, and several tanks. Supporting Takenouchi's left wing were several batteries of mountain artillery and two heavy batteries. Well-planned counterfire stopped the offensive. There was little change north of Shachaofeng and in the southeast, where Kanda's company held its positions against attack. On Takenouchi's front, Akaishizawa notes 120-degree daytime heat and nighttime chill. Men endured damp clothes and mosquitoes. To keep warm at night, soldiers moved about; during the day they sought shade and camouflage with twigs and weeds. No defense existed against cold night rain. Nocturnal vigilance required napping by day when possible, but the intense sun drained strength. For three days, Imagawa's company had only wild berries and dirty river water to eat. At 6:00 on 2 August, Colonel Tanaka exhorted his artillery to "exalt maximum annihilation power at close range, engage confirmed targets, and display firepower that is sniperlike—precise, concentrated, and as swift as a hurricane." Tanaka devised interdiction sectors for day and night attacks. At 10:30, the artillery laid down severe fire and eventually caused the enemy assault to wither. Around 24:40, Rokutanda's battalion detected a Russian battalion of towed artillery moving into positions at the skirt of Maanshan. When the first shells hit near the vanguard, a commander on horseback fled; the rest dispersed, abandoning at least eight artillery wagons and ten vehicles. Suetaka, observing from the Kucheng BGU, picked up the phone and commended the 3rd Battalion. Japanese casualties on 2 August were relatively light: ten men killed and 15 wounded. Among the killed, the 75th Infantry lost seven, the 76th Infantry two, and the engineers one. Among the wounded, the 75th suffered nine and the 76th six. Infantry ammunition was expended at an even higher rate than on 30–31 July. In Hirahara's battalion area, small arms, machine guns, ammunition, helmets, knapsacks, and gas masks were captured. A considerable portion of the seized materiel was employed in subsequent combat, as in the case of an antitank gun and ammunition captured on 31 July. Soviet casualties to date were estimated at 200–250, including 70 abandoned corpses. Twelve enemy tanks had been captured, and five more knocked out on 1–2 August; several dozen heavy bombers and about 5,000 Soviet ground troops were involved in the concerted offensives.  Nevertheless, reports of an imminent Soviet night attack against Hill 52 on 2–3 August alarmed Suetaka as much as his subordinates. Shortly after 20:00 accompanied by his intelligence officer, Suetaka set out for the hill, resolved to direct operations himself. Somewhat earlier, the division had sent Korea Army Headquarters a message, received by 18:30, reflecting Suetaka's current outlook: 30 to 40 Soviet planes had been bombing all sectors since morning, but losses were negligible and morale was high. The division had brought up additional elements in accord with army orders, and was continuing to strive for nonenlargement, but was "prepared firmly to reject the enemy's large-scale attacks." Impressed by the severity of the artillery and small-arms fire, Suetaka deemed it imperative "quickly to mete out a decisive counterassault and thus hasten the solution of the incident." But Japanese lines were thinly held and counterattacks required fresh strength. This state of affairs caused Suetaka to consider immediate commitment of the reinforcements moving to the front, although the Korea Army had insisted on prior permission before additional troops might cross the Tumen. Suetaka's customary and unsurprising solution was again to rely on his initiative and authorize commitment of every reinforcement unit. Nearest was T. Sato's 73rd Regiment, which had been ordered the night before to move up from Nanam. Under the cover of two Japanese fighters, these troops had alighted from the train the next morning at Seikaku, where they awaited orders eagerly.   K. Sato was receiving reports about the enemy buildup. At 20:10 orders were given to the 73rd Regiment to proceed at once to the Matsu'otsuho crossing and be prepared to support the 75th. Involved were T. Sato's two battalions, half of the total infantry reinforcements. Suetaka had something else in mind: his trump, Okido's 76th Infantry. At 23:40 he ordered this regiment, coming up behind the 73rd, to proceed to Huichungyuan on the Manchurian side of the Tumen, via Kyonghun, intercept the enemy, and be ready to go over to the offensive. On the basis of the information that the division planned to employ Okido's regiment for an enveloping attack, K. Sato quickly worked out details. He would conceal the presence of the reinforcements expected momentarily from the 73rd Regiment and would move Senda's BGU and Shimomura's battalion to Huichungyuan to cover the advance of the 76th Regiment and come under the latter's control. Japanese forces faced the danger of Soviet actions against Changkufeng from the Shachaofeng front after midnight on 2 August. Takenouchi had been ready to strike when he learned that the enemy had launched an attack at 01:00 against one of his own companies, Matsunobe's southwest of Shachaofeng. Therefore, Takenouchi's main unit went to drive off the attackers, returning to its positions at 02:30. The Russians tried again, starting from 04:00 on 03 August. Strong elements came as close as 300 meters; near 05:00 Soviet artillery and heavy weapons fire had grown hot, and nine enemy fighters made ineffective strafing passes. By 06:30 the Russians seemed thwarted completely. Hill 52 was pummeled during the three battles on 2 August. Taking advantage of night, the Russians had been regrouping; east of the hill, heavy machine guns were set up on the ridgeline 500 meters away. From 05:00 on 03 August, the Russians opened up with heavy weapons. Led by three tanks, 50 or 60 infantrymen then attacked from the direction of Hill 29 and reached a line 700–800 meters from the Japanese defenses. Here the Russian soldiers peppered away, but one of their tanks was set ablaze by gunfire and the other two were damaged and fled into a dip. Kamimori's mountain artillery reinforcements reached Nanpozan by 07:15 on 03 August. Tanaka issued an order directing the battalion to check the zone east of Hill 52 as well as to engage artillery across Khasan. A site for the supply unit was to be selected beyond enemy artillery range; on the day before, Russian shells had hit the supply unit of the 3rd Mountain Artillery Battalion, killing two men and 20 horses. The exposed force was ordered to take cover behind Crestline 1,000 meters to the rear. After 09:00 on 03 August, the artillery went into action and Japanese morale was enhanced. Near 09:00, Soviet bombardment grew pronounced, accompanied by bomber strikes. The Japanese front-line infantry responded with intensive fire, supported by mountain pieces and the regimental guns atop Changkufeng. Enemy forces stayed behind their heavy weapons and moved no further, while their casualties mounted. At 11:00 the Russians began to fall back, leaving only machine guns and snipers. One reason the Soviets had been frustrated since early morning was that K. Sato had seen the urgency of closing the gap midway between Changkufeng and Hill 52 (a site called Scattered Pines) and had shifted the 2nd Company from Changkufeng. Between 06:00 and 07:40, the company fired on Soviet troops which had advanced north of Hill 52, and inflicted considerable casualties. A corporal commanding a grenade launcher was cited posthumously for leading an assault which caused the destruction of three heavy machine guns. In the afternoon, the Japanese sustained two shellings and a bomber raid. Otherwise, the battlefield was quiet, since Russian troops had pulled back toward Hill 29 by 15:00 under cover of heavy weapons and artillery. At Hill 52, however, defense posed a problem, for each barrage smashed positions and trenches. During intervals between bombardments and air strikes, the men struggled to repair and reinforce the facilities. Changkufeng was again not attacked by ground troops during the day but was hit by planes and artillery. Trifling support was rendered by the mountain gun which had been moved to the Manchurian side of the Tumen. Japanese infantry reinforcements were on the way. By 23:00 on 02 August, T. Sato had left Shikai. His 73rd Regiment pushed forward along roads so sodden that the units had to dismantle the heavy weapons for hauling. The rate of advance was little more than one kilometer per hour, but finally, at 05:20 on 03 August, he reached Chiangchunfeng with the bulk of two battalions. The esprit of the other front-line troops "soared." K. Sato, who was commanding all forces across the Tumen pending Morimoto's setting up of headquarters for the 37th Brigade, had T. Sato take over the line to the left of Changkufeng, employing Takenouchi's old unit and the 73rd Regiment to cover Shachaofeng. T. Sato set out with his battalions at 06:00 amid heavy rain. By 07:30, under severe fire, he was in position to command the new left sector. According to division orders to Morimoto, this zone was to include the heights south and northwest of Shachaofeng, but, in the case of the former, it was "permissible to pull back and occupy high ground west of the heights south of Shachaofeng." T. Sato contemplated using his regiment to encircle the foe on the north side of the lake, while Okido's 76th Infantry formed the other prong. Most of the day afterward, Soviet artillery was active; the Japanese responded with barrages of their own. Eventually, from 15:30, the entire enemy front-line force in this sector began falling back under violent covering fire. Morimoto's initial operations order, received at 18:00, advised T. Sato officially that he was coming under command of the 37th Brigade. The night of 03–04 August passed with the units uneasy, striving to conduct security and reconnaissance while working on the battered defenses. Total Japanese casualties on 3 August were light again: six men killed and ten wounded, four of the dead and seven of the wounded being suffered by the 75th Infantry, the rest by Takenouchi's battalion. Ammunition was expended at a lower rate than on the preceding day. The Japanese War Ministry reported no significant change since nightfall on 03 August. Thereafter, the battlefield seemed to return to quiescence; Japanese morale was high. In the press abroad, Changkufeng attracted overriding attention. The world was no longer talking of "border affrays." Three-column headlines on page 1 of the New York Times announced: "Soviet Hurls Six Divisions and 30 Tanks into Battle with Japanese on Border, 2 Claims Conflict, Tokyo Reports Victory in Manchukuo and Foes' Big Losses, Moscow Asserts It Won." The startling claim that six Soviet divisions were in action seemed to have been supplied for external consumption by Hsinking as well as Seoul. According to Nakamura Bin, the Russians employed 4,000 to 5,000 men supported by 230 tanks. Although Japanese casualties were moderate, Soviet artillery bombardment had stripped the hills of their lush summer grass. According to the uninformed foreign press, "the meager information showed both sides were heavily armed with the most modern equipment. The Russians were using small, fast tanks and the Japanese apparently were forewarned of this type of weapon and were well supplied with batteries of armor-piercing antitank guns." On 03 August the Russians lost 200 men, 15 tanks, and 25 light artillery pieces. One feature of the fighting was Japanese use of "thousands of flares" to expose fog-shrouded enemy ranks during a Soviet night attack. During the "first phase counteroffensive" by the Russians on 2–3 August, the 75th Regiment judged that the enemy's choice of opportunities for attacking was "senseless"; once they started, they continued until an annihilating blow was dealt. "We did not observe truly severe attacking capacity, such as lightning breakthroughs." With respect to tactical methods, the Japanese noted that Soviet offensive deployment was characterized by depth, which facilitated piecemeal destruction. When Russian advance elements suffered losses, replacements were moved up gradually. Soviet artillery fired without linkage to the front-line troops, nor was there liaison between the ground attacks staged in the Shachaofeng and Hill 52 sectors. Since enemy troops fought entirely on their own, they could be driven off in one swoop. Additionally, although 20–30 Russian tanks appeared during the counterattacks, their cooperation with the infantry was clumsy, and the armor was stopped. Soviet use of artillery in mobile warfare was "poorness personified." "Our troops never felt the least concern about hostile artillery forces, which were quite numerous. Even privates scoffed at the incapability of Russian artillery." It seemed that "those enemies who had lost their fighting spirit had the habit of fleeing far." During the combat between 31 July and 03 August, the defeated Russians appeared to fear pursuit and dashed all the way back to Kozando, "although we did not advance even a step beyond the boundary." On 4 August Suetaka prepared a secret evaluation: the enemy attacks by day and night on 2 August were conducted by front-line corps built around the 40th Rifle Division. "In view of the failure of those assaults, the foe is bound to carry out a more purposeful offensive effort, using newly arrived corps reinforcements." Russian actions on 02 August had been the most serious and persistent offensive efforts undertaken since the outset of the incident, but they were about the last by the front-line corps whose immediate jurisdiction lay in the region of the incident. Consequently, the enemy's loss of morale as a result of their defeat on 30–31 July, combined with their lack of unity in attack power, caused the attacks to end in failure. "We must be prepared for the fact that enemy forces will now mount a unified and deliberate offensive, avoiding rash attacks in view of their previous reversal, since large new corps are coming up." I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In the shadowed night, Japan's Sato chose Nakano's 75th to seize a peak, sending five captains and a rising Nakajima into darkness. At 2:15 a.m., they breached wires and climbed the slope; dawn lit a hard-won crest, then Hill 52 and Shachaofeng yielded to resolve and fire. The day wore on with brutal artillery, fluttering bombers, and relentless clashes. By August's edge, casualties mounted on both sides, yet Japanese regiments held fast, repelling night assaults with grit. 

Last time we spoke about the battle over Changfukeng Hill. In the frost-bit dawn by the Chaun and Tumen, two empires faced a cliff of fate: Soviet and Japanese, each convinced that Changkufeng belonged to them. Diplomats urged restraint, yet Tokyo's generals brewed a daring plan, strike at night, seize the crest, then bargain. Sato and Suetaka debated risk and restraint, weighing "dokudan senko" against disciplined action as rain hissed on the ground. Night fell like velvet. Nakano, a quiet, meticulous regimental leader, gathered the 75th Regiment's veterans, choosing five fearless captains and a rising star, Nakajima, to carry the charge. Scouts and engineers moved ahead, weaving a fragile path across the Tumen: wire-cutters in the dark, signals humming softly, and the thunder of distant Soviet tanks rolling along the shore. At 02:15, after breaches breached and silent men slid through wire, the Japanese surged up the slopes with bayonets glinting, swords ready, and nerves as taut as steel. The crest lunged with savage resistance: grenades flashed, machine guns roared, and leaders fell. By 05:15, dawn broke, and the hill, Course of blood and courage, stood in Japanese hands.   #180 A premature Japanese Victory over Changkufeng Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On 31 July 1938, dawn seemed to indicate Changkufeng Hill was in Japanese hands. From his command post, Colonel Sato Kotoku, his regimental staff, and most of Hirahara's 3rd Battalion had been anxiously watching the progress of the 1st Battalion's operations since 12:30 on 31 July. Around 03:00, the Japanese infantry commanders issued "heroic orders to charge," audible above the withering fire. Sato expected the crest to fall in little more than an hour; when no signal shell burst over the hill, he grew apprehensive, praying for success with his heart breaking. A mile away on Hill 52, the troops could discern no voices, only gunfire and the spectacular glow of flares and tracers. As one soldier recalled "It was like fireflies," another soldier added "it was like a carnival". To Sasai, on the heights at Kucheng, it was, as he put it, "c'était un grand spectacle." By the way I think its one of the only times I've read a Japanese soldier using French, what he said translates to "it was a large spectacle", I am from Quebec so I speak baguette. The mist moved up Changkufeng Hill, and Japanese troops followed it, fighting for hours. Fearing Nakano's battalion might have been wiped out, Sato's staff prayed for fog. Sato later admitted, "By dawn we were failing to take our objectives."   At the base of Chiangchunfeng, Sato held the 6th Company in reserve, ready to attack Changkufeng from the left. He would have preferred not to commit it, given the danger of an accidental fire-fight with friendly forces. Nevertheless, as combat intensified, Sato decided to push the company into support of the 1st Battalion. After orders at 03:15, Ito moved toward the northwest side of Changkufeng. The Russians laid down heavy fire, especially from a well-placed machine-gun position on the far left. Ito's company, suffering heavy and needlessly casualties, had to hold near the middle of the slope. A runner was sent to the regimental command post requesting artillery support after dawn. By 04:30, Sato could discern the Changkufeng crest, where fierce close-quarters fighting raged between Japanese and Russians on the south edge, while the enemy continually sent reinforcements, troops followed by tanks, up the northern slope. Ito's company was visible on the western slope, bravely bearing a Japanese flag. 10-15 minutes later, grenade-discharger fire began to blast the Soviet positions. At 04:40, Ito, redeploying at dawn, observed elements of the 1st Company near the hill's summit. Contact was established with Inagaki's men. The Russians began to show signs of disarray under the grenade dischargers and the heavy weapons deployed by the reserve battalion at Chiangchunfeng. Thereupon Ito's company charged as well, capturing the northwest corner of Changkufeng roughly concurrently with the main body of the 1st Battalion under Sakata. Ito was wounded and evacuated; two sergeants were later cited in dispatches. Meanwhile, the 10th Company, led by Takeshita of the 3rd Battalion, was to conduct a separate night assault against fire points around Hill 24, about 1,000 meters north of Changkufeng. The aim was to disrupt Russian withdrawal along the slopes to the rear and to hinder reinforcements. At midnight, the company left the skirts of Chiangchunfeng in fog and darkness. Moving stealthily over the undulating terrain, they faced knee-deep bogs and tall vegetation. After evading sentries, they penetrated behind the enemy. By 02:00, five teams totaling 16 men under Sergeant Uchibori were ready to strike Hill 24. Takeshita led the charge from the right and overran the defenders by 02:20. The Russians, numbering 20 to 30 riflemen with one machine gun, fled toward Khasan, leaving four soldiers behind whom the Japanese bayoneted. Takeshita's company continued to consolidate Hill 24, awaiting counterattacks, which soon followed. At 04:00, eight tanks, with headlights on, launched an attack from the Shachaofeng sector, supported by an infantry company . Takeshita reinforced Uchibori's unit with assault teams; the Russian infantry were routed, and five tanks were knocked out. At dawn, about 100 Soviet troops were observed retreating from the direction of Changkufeng, surprised and mowed down by heavy and light machine guns at ranges of about 300 meters. At 06:30, the Soviets attacked again with an infantry battalion and a machine-gun company from north of Khasan. The Japanese allowed them to close, then concentrated the firepower of both infantry platoons plus heavy machine guns. After a 30-minute firefight with heavy casualties on the Soviet side, the Russians fell back. Again, at 07:10, the Soviets struck from the north of Khasan, this time with one company and five tanks. Russian infantry, supported by three tanks, pushed in front of the Japanese positions, but machine-gun and small-arms fire forced them to retreat eastward, the tanks being stopped 50 meters from the lines. Meanwhile, two Japanese enlisted men on patrol near the lake encountered armor; they attacked and, after taking casualties, returned with captured ammunition and equipment. One rapid-fire piece had been providing covering fire behind Takeshita's unit and opened fire on three tanks attacking north of Changkufeng, helping to stop them. As daybreak arrived, Takeshita's company cleared the battlefield, retrieved casualties, and reinforced the defenses. Then an order from the regiment transferred the main body to Changkufeng. Leaving one platoon at Hill 24, Takeshita came directly under Hirahara's command. Takeshita was later officially cited by the regiment. If Hill 52 fell, Changkufeng would be lost. The Russians understood the importance of this constricted sector as well. Their armor could swing south of Khasan, while the terrain to the north was boggier and could be made impassable by the field-artillery battery emplaced on the Korean side of the Tumen. To check hostile reinforcements into this vital region, Sato had dispatched an infantry element to Hill 52 early. Northward, he had 1st Lieutenant Hisatsune emplacement the two 75-millimeter mountain pieces belonging to his infantry gun battery, together with two of 2nd Lieutenant Saito's three 20-millimeter anti-tank guns and the two 37-millimeter infantry rapid-fire guns belonging to 2nd Lieutenant Kutsukake's battalion gun battery. At 23:00 on 30 July, in accord with Nakano's orders, Hisatsune moved these six guns to the ridgeline between Changkufeng and Hill 52. Apart from the guns to the left, defense of Hill 52 was entrusted to the experienced Master Sergeant Murakoshi Kimio, 2nd Platoon leader in Nakajima's company. After the Shachaofeng affair, Murakoshi was ordered to occupy the hill. Moving along the shore on 30 July, his unit encountered neither friendly nor hostile troops. The regimental records note that "some enemy unit came into the dip east of Hill 52 since morning on the 30th, and both sides were watching each other." Murakoshi deployed his three rifle squads, totaling 34 men. After Nakano's battalion jumped off on 31 July, the platoon observed not only the "fireworks display" but also Soviet motorized units with lights aglow, moving on high ground east of Khasan. Later, tanks could be heard clanking toward Hill 52. Around 04:00, Murakoshi organized anti-tank teams and sent them into action. Most accounts emphasize the anti-tank efforts, rather than the fire of Murakoshi's machine gunners. Three privates, carrying anti-tank mines, undertook daring assaults once the terrain obliged the Russian tanks to slow. They laid their mines, but the soil proved too soft, and the attempt failed. In the most publicized episode, Private First Class Matsuo, nicknamed a "human bullet," was badly wounded by machine-gun fire from a tank and knocked from the vehicle, but he managed to reboard with a satchel charge and, it is said, stop the tank at the cost of his life. The platoon leader and his remaining 20 men, having withdrawn 200 meters below their positions, poured torrents of fire at the infantry accompanying the tanks. Flames from the antitank mine assaults provided blazing targets. In concert with Hisatsune's six infantry guns emplaced on the Crestline southeast of Changkufeng, Murakoshi knocked out the remaining two tanks. When the tanks were immobilized, the Soviet troops did not press forward; exposed to Japanese fire, their losses mounted. By daybreak, the Russians had pulled back. Official records describe one Soviet company with four heavy machine guns, led by mounted officers. After hours of intense combat, Colonel Sato and his staff observed that all operations were succeeding by dawn. It was fortunate that Japanese units had posed a threat from the east; only then did the Russians begin to retreat. "But what an incomparably heroic first combat it had been… the scene at Changkufeng was sublime and inspiring. Private feelings were forgotten, and all bowed their heads in respect for the gallant fighting by matchless subordinates." As soon as Sato confirmed that Changkufeng had been occupied, he sent an aide to assess casualties. "When the colonel learned about the death of his capable and dependable officers," a lieutenant recalled, "he… murmured, 'Is that so?' and closed his eyes. The dew glistened on his lids." Meanwhile, in addition to the battle of annihilation at Changkufeng, Major Takenouchi of Okido's regiment was to conduct the dawn assault in the Shachaofeng area. His 1st Battalion and attached elements numbered 379 men; Kanda's company of the Kucheng Border Guard Unit added another 49. An engineer platoon was attached. At 18:00 on 30 July, Takenouchi issued his orders. According to that evening's regimental maps, north of Khasan were two battalions of Soviet infantry and 20 tanks. South of Shachaofeng, the Russians had entanglements and machine-gun nests, with additional emplacements to the rear, west of the lake, and armor moving south toward Changkufeng. Northwest of Shachaofeng lay the main body of Takenouchi's battalion. Signal lines connected his headquarters with Sato's command post. The only Soviet patrol activity noted, as of evening, was in the direction of Matsunobe. Around 02:00, machine guns chattered south of Changkufeng, signaling an increasing intensity of Sato's night assault. On Takenouchi's front, the Russians went on alert, firing illuminating shells and opening fire from the north side of Changkufeng. At 02:30, Matsunobe's unit finished breakfast and moved to the jump-off site. The terrain was difficult and there was considerable enemy tracer fire, but, thanks to effective reconnaissance, the force reached its destination without loss by 04:00. Matsunobe eliminated an outpost unit using rear-area scouts who struck from the rear and gave the enemy little opportunity to respond. Then the Japanese prepared for the main attack as they awaited daybreak. At 04:00, the supporting mountain artillery platoon took position between Matsunobe and Takenouchi. Throughout this period, the sounds of fighting grew more violent toward Changkufeng; machine guns were especially active. At 05:00, three enemy tanks could be seen moving up the northern slope of Changkufeng, but soon after news arrived that friendly forces had seized the crest. With sunrise imminent, the Japanese guns assumed their role. The longest-range support Takenouchi could expect was Narukawa's two 15-centimeter howitzers, emplaced across the Tumen north of Sozan. This battery took position at 04:20, after which the commander went to join Sato just behind the front. Several thousand meters of telephone line had been strung across the river, linking observation post and battery. Narukawa watched the fierce struggle at Changkufeng and prepared to support the dawn assault, while honoring the desperate effort of Ito's company for covering fire. Firing began at 05:10, though range data were not adequate. After little more than ten rounds, the enemy heavy machine guns on the Shachaofeng front subsided. A veteran artilleryman proudly remarked, "These were the first howitzer shells ever fired against the Soviet Army." At 05:20, Takenouchi's own heavy weapons added effective counterfire. Matsunobe and his company had crept to a line 150 meters in front of the Russian positions, taking advantage of dead angles and covered by light machine guns. Three Soviet tanks, however, had pressed forward against the main body. Two Private First Class soldiers, members of a close-quarters team, waited until the lead tank reversed course, then dashed in from the rear and blew it up. Two other soldiers attacked the third tank with mines but could not destroy it because of the tall grass. In a dramatic action that always thrilled Japanese audiences, a Private First Class jumped aboard with a portable mine, while a superior private jammed explosives into the tank's rear and allegedly blew off both treads, though the tank continued firing. While Matsunobe's company laid a smoke screen and prepared to charge, the Soviet tank was knocked out by rapid-fire guns. Master Sergeant Sudo's platoon seized the opportunity to race forward 15 meters and overrun two firing points at 05:40. When the Russians counterattacked with 60 infantrymen and three new tanks, Matsunobe ordered the grenade-discharger squad to fire while he had Sudo pull back to the foot of the hill. Close-quarter teams knocked out the tanks in succession. By this time the Russians had been shaken badly, allowing Matsunobe's main force to surge into two more positions. Five or six remaining Soviet soldiers were wiped out by a combination of Japanese pursuit fire and Soviet gunfire emanating from east of Khasan. After 06:00, the Japanese held the high ground at Shachaofeng. Kanda's unit had achieved a similar result, swinging around Matsunobe and skirting the left of the Soviet positions. Russian artillery opened from the east, but the Japanese used the terrain to advantage and suffered no casualties. Around this time, enemy forces in the Changkufeng area began to retreat, a portion by motor vehicle. Takenouchi had Matsunobe secure the site and, at 06:13, directed the main battalion to advance toward the north side of Khasan. A stubborn four-hour battle then ensued as Soviet forces delayed their retreat and the covering unit occupied the northern edge of the lake. Takenouchi estimated the enemy's strength at two infantry companies, a company of 12 heavy machine guns, and one heavy battery. Several Russian counterattacks were mounted against Matsunobe, while Takenouchi reinforced Kanda. The battalion attacked with great intensity and by 10:30 had managed to encircle the right flank of the enemy defenses at the northwest edge of Khasan. The Russians began to fall back, though one company of infantry resisted vigorously. At 10:50, the Soviet rear-guard company opened fire with machine guns while several tanks delivered heavy machine-gun and cannon fire. Soviet artillery, firing rapidly, also joined the resistance to Takenouchi's advance. Firepower pinned down the Japanese in this sector from late morning until nightfall.    For reasons of necessity as well as doctrine, the night assault on Changkufeng Hill received no artillery support. The dawn assault to clear Shachaofeng, however, required all available firepower, even if limited. Firing diagrams reflect no howitzer fire directed north of Changkufeng; this is understandable since Narukawa had only two pieces to handle numerous targets. A Soviet tank element was driven off, west of the lake, by 03:00 from the skirt of Chiangchunfeng by 3rd Battalion heavy weapons. Sasai, at the Kucheng command post, contends that Japanese artillery scored a significant success: school-tactics were followed, and the battery stood ready in case the night assault by the infantry failed. By dawn, Russian remnants clung to the crest, though the infantry had "peeled the skin" from their defenses. "In the morning, one of our howitzer shells hit near Changkufeng, whereupon the last of the enemy fled." Survivors of the night assault recalled no direct artillery support by Japanese artillery, though firing charts suggest some; Soviet sources dispute this. Regimental records note: "After firing against positions southwest of Shachaofeng, the Narukawa battery fired to cut off the enemy's retreat path from Shachaofeng and to neutralize the foe's superior artillery. Results were great." In the morning, Sato returned to Chiangchunfeng, observed the difficult anti-artillery combat by the Narukawa battery, and commended their performance. He watched howitzer fire disrupt Soviet artillery positions opposite Shachaofeng and estimated enemy strength at a battalion. Sato saw Russian horse-drawn artillery blasted from its sites and pulled back north of Khasan. Narukawa's first targets were positions and tanks south of Shachaofeng. Northeast of the lake, one battery of Russians headed north after dawn. In Narukawa's firing pattern, north of the lake, a Soviet motorized unit of more than ten vehicles withdrew in the afternoon. A new Russian artillery formation moving north of Khasan that afternoon received the heaviest fire from the howitzers. On that day Narukawa's two active pieces fired a total of 74 rounds. The only other Japanese artillery support for the infantry consisted of the half-battery of 75-millimeter mountain guns already forward. The platoon under 2nd Lieutenant Ikue moved west of Shachaofeng, starting from behind Kanda at 04:00, and bombarded Soviet positions to the northeast. Firing a lighter projectile than Narukawa's pieces, Ikue's men fired 162 shells and 37 shrapnel rounds at the Russians. Colonel Tanaka, the artillery regiment commander, reached the front during the night as battle's fury peaked from Changkufeng. Tanaka's mission was to take over Narukawa's battery and support infantry combat from dawn. Upon establishing his headquarters, Tanaka sent a liaison officer to the 75th Regiment. The 3rd Mountain Artillery Battalion completed unloading at Shikai Station in the night, and at 03:40, it entered emplacements on the north side of Nanpozan. Tanaka ordered Rokutanda to repel any enemy attacks that might be staged from Changkufeng and north of Yangkuanping. The battalion made good use of prior surveys and proved helpful in thwarting offensive attempts from the vicinity of Shachaofeng after daybreak. Rokutanda also coordinated with Narukawa to cut off the Soviet retreat route after enemy motorized and infantry forces began to fall back from Shachaofeng.   At Changkufeng, once the last Russians had been routed, two hours of quiet settled over both sides. The Japanese busied themselves with cleaning up the field, retrieving casualties, and bearing the dead to the rear. The few Japanese historians who have worked with 75th Regiment records have argued with a dramatic passage describing dawn: "From 05:15, after the top had been secured by us, the fog began to drift in. At about 05:30 rain started to drench the whole area; therefore, enemy artillery had to stop firing. God's will." Sakata counters that no Russian artillery shelled the peak after his men had cleared it. Sato agrees; only in the afternoon did at least 20 Soviet guns, emplaced north of the lake, open fire at Changkufeng. At first, Russian shells fell harmlessly into a pond nearby; Sato recalls fish splashing out. Thereafter, Soviet gunners gradually corrected their aim, but the Japanese took cover behind rocks and sustained no casualties. Soviet shellfire may have begun at dawn but appeared to be directed mainly toward Shachaofeng, where Soviet defenders were not evicted until an hour after Changkufeng fell. Tanaka, however, argues that when he arrived at the front at 05:00, Russian artillery was firing on objectives west of the Tumen, and several shells struck his men and guns. Japanese firing charts show that Soviet guns initially bombarded Takenouchi's sector at Shachaofeng from two positions north and northeast of Khasan. After these Russian positions were forced to evacuate, the new Soviet gun unit that arrived in the afternoon engaged not only Changkufeng but also the area of the Japanese regimental headquarters. A Japanese military history suggests that Chiangchunfeng, the site of the observation post for the heavy field-artillery battery, was hit early in the morning, just after Takenouchi's ground assault against Shachaofeng had begun. The only other Russian artillery fire noted is the early-morning bombardment of the region of Hill 52. This shelling emanated from a point southeast of the lake but appeared directed primarily against Hisatsune's guns, which pulled back to Changkufeng at 06:00. Takeshita's company, which had jumped off at 02:00 and struck to the rear of Changkufeng toward the heights southwest of Shachaofeng, sustained severe enemy artillery fire after dawn. The main body secured the positions it had captured, while one platoon occupied Hill 24. On Takenouchi's front, intense enemy artillery fire continued after the Shachaofeng district was cleared, but the battalion maintained its position throughout the day. At 20:00, Takenouchi pulled back to the heights northwest of Shachaofeng. Elements of Matsunobe's unit on the right flank clung to advanced positions southeast of Shachaofeng. Regarding the theological allusion to merciful rain at dawn, no interviewee recalled a torrential downpour at Changkufeng. One soldier remembered descending from the crest at 08:30, taking breakfast, and returning for battlefield cleanup an hour later, at which time it began to drizzle. The 75th Regiment's weather record for Sunday, 31 July, simply states, "Cloudy; sunrise 05:08."   At 06:40, Colonel Sato ordered Hirahara's 3rd Battalion to relieve Nakano's mauled 1st Battalion and Ito's company atop Changkufeng. The 1st Battalion was to become the regimental reserve force, assemble at Chiangchunfeng, and collect its dead and wounded. Shortly after 08:00, Hirahara arrived at the crest of Changkufeng. Sakata was still upright, blood-streaked. "It's all right now," Hirahara told him. "You can go down." Sakata limped away with the remnants of the 1st Battalion. At the command post he met Sato, who praised him, promised to replace his damaged sword with one of his own, and told him to head for the hospital. When he protested, Sato bellowed, more in pride than anger, "To the hospital with you!" Sakata went, leaving Kuriyama as acting company commander. That morning, Sato climbed Changkufeng and gave Hirahara instructions. He commended the heavy field artillery battery commander, Narukawa, for his effective support of Takenouchi's dawn attack at Shachaofeng. Before returning to his command post, Sato carefully supervised the collection of Japanese dead. He looked into the face of each man and bade him farewell, a regiment officer recalls. "His sincerity and sorrow inspired reverence in all of us." In the afternoon, Sato sent Oshima back to Haigan to report the victory to forces in the rear, to visit the families of the fallen, and to "exert a beneficial influence on the native inhabitants lest they become confused and upset by the recent fighting." After the Russians had been ousted from Changkufeng and Shachaofeng, information became available to Japanese headquarters concerning the extent of the victory and the price. The 75th Regiment put Soviet casualties at 300 men in each area and claimed a total of 17 tanks knocked out during the operations—seven at Changkufeng, three at Hill 52, seven at Shachaofeng. Assault infantrymen noted that few Soviet bodies were found in the crestline positions, other than those cut down by cold steel; many Russians were presumably wounded by grenades. Colonel Sato asserts that 30 Soviet corpses were picked up in the Changkufeng area after the night attack. Most Japanese survivors judge that Soviet casualties were at least double those incurred by their own forces. The Japanese used much of the materiel they had captured. The price had been grim in the assault units: 45 killed, 133 wounded. In both Colonel Nakano's and Colonel Takenouchi's battalions, about 25 percent of the officers and almost 10 percent of the men were killed or wounded. The main assault waves, chiefly the 1st and 2nd infantry companies and 1st Machine-Gun Company of Colonel Nakano's unit, suffered as many as one-half or two-thirds casualties, down to platoons and squads. Before the night attack, Colonel Nakano's battalion had a total of 401 men. The strength of Shimomura's battalion had diminished by only 17: Hirahara's by 10. Nakano's unit lost over 80 percent of all Japanese killed and wounded in the Changkufeng–Hill 52 sector.  Japanese accounts were lavish in their praise of Colonel Sato's conception and execution of the night-dawn assaults. "Everybody had conducted several inspections of the front, yet only two or three individuals were acquainted with the precise sector where we carried out our assault." The costly lack of comprehensive intelligence necessitated reduction of firing points in succession and made the assault on the peak, the true key, possible only at the end. "This was a rather difficult method. It would have been better to have thrown one small unit against one firing point invariably and to have used the main force to break through the depth of the foe swiftly." On the larger benefits of the night operation, Akaishizawa wrote, "We prevented the main hostile forces, numbering several thousand troops concentrated east of Khasan about 600 or 700 meters behind Changkufeng, from laying a finger on us." Sato regards the night attack as a success: "The Soviets would have taken over the entire region unless checked." But with respect to Suetaka's words of praise for Sato himself, one candid division staff officer does not share what he calls "extravagant laudation." "The night-attack plan had been devised long in advance. I do not see anything particularly brilliant about it. Only in terms of results could one call the assault well done." Sakata concurs but stresses that training paid off: "All the men in my company followed their leaders to the crest and thus displayed their teamwork and unity," despite the unexpectedly severe casualties. The Soviets seemed particularly apprehensive about the possibility of Japanese armored operations. Antitank weapons were deployed on the eastern slopes of Changkufeng, ready to fire against the axis of Hill 52, which theoretically was good tank country. Illuminating shells and flares were employed profusely in concert with heavy machine guns firing blue tracers from the time Japanese troops entered the zone of wire defenses. Tanks supplemented the fire network, as did artillery zeroed in east of Khasan. But it was the grenades, in "heaps and mounds," that troubled the attackers most: "This tactic must be one of the most important aspects of Soviet infantry training, together with snipers. Our night assault unit did not sustain too many casualties until the crest but, since we could not run up into the positions, the foe was able to hurl many milk-bottle-size grenades. Our forces must be given more training with hand grenades".  The first phone call to Seoul did not come until Changkufeng had been assaulted and cleared. Around 05:00 the division learned that victory had been achieved at Changkufeng; the first reports mentioned no Japanese casualties. "Thank God!" was the reaction. Suetaka and the major toasted Sato's victory with sake. "At 06:00, one company of the Sato unit occupied Shachaofeng and expelled the Soviet forces across the border." Not long afterward, the division, like the 75th Regiment, began to learn the extent of the casualties. Although personal sorrow displaced initial elation, there was grim satisfaction that the insolent Russians had been ousted and the dignity of the Imperial Army maintained. It was hoped and expected that the Korea Army would share this view. Seoul had learned of the Japanese assaults only after the fact and in a rather cursory fashion. Nakamura ordered the front-line units to secure the heights and to localize the affair by limiting the strength used in that area and by ensuring cautious action.  Nakamura's orders to not expand upon the victory were criticized heavily. However Tsuchiya recalled "The decision was taken too easily. Perhaps some had covert opposition, but no one spoke up. I think there was some misunderstanding of individual positions. Yet the crisis should have been analyzed carefully. It is too bad that there was no direct supervision by the Chief of Staff." For Tsuchiya, the Korea Army would have been in trouble if the incident had dragged on because of Soviet buildup and Japanese casualties and low mobilization. Although Nakamura likely wished the 19th Division to abandon unnecessary actions regardless of victory or defeat, he did not seem to care; he showed no intention of inspecting the local scene. Yet Tsuchiya felt such a keen sense of responsibility that he was prepared to commit suicide if matters went wrong. Inada argued that Nakamura did not visit the front to avoid expanding the troubles and disturbing the troops. Analyzing the Korea Army's nebulous control, Imaoka notes that Nakamura had only recently arrived in Korea and had little time before fighting began, but something seemed lacking in the army's exercise of command. Thus, Nakamura never met Suetaka until after the incident had been resolved, although the governor-general came from Seoul to visit Suetaka at the battlefront and to express appreciation in person. "It was quite proper to adhere to the policy of nonenlargement, but the Korea Army should have furnished more positive operational guidance in such a case when a subordinate division was in serious trouble." There were important lessons to be learned here, Tsuchiya recalled  "The 19th Division attacked the Russians twice in 36 hours without army orders or approval. How is it that the division commander, a lieutenant general and certainly not an reckless man, could have been allowed so much margin to act independently?" Some suggest that Suetaka tended to violate the spirit of the law, especially in force majeure. Others think that Suetaka was loyal, deliberate, and law-abiding, a worrier who could be expected to follow orders. Why risk one's career—one's life, given that self-censure loomed—when headquarters' decision was available? Military discipline and national interest dictated prior consultation and compliance. Or did Suetaka, like other notable generals, think gambles were justified by the goddess of Victory? I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. A daring Japanese night assault, led by Colonel Sato and his bold captains, threaded through fog, wire, and enemy fire. As dawn broke, the crest fell into Japanese hands, after brutal stand-ins on Hill 52 and Shachaofeng. Glinting grenades, roaring tanks, and disciplined infantry forged the victory, at a heavy price: dozens of officers and many men lost.   

The feds interview Baca's flinty #2 man and heir apparent, Paul Tanaka, who professes ignorance about who gave the order to hide Anthony Brown. In 2013, as the FBI probe enters its fifth year, feds finally get a chance to grill Baca. He touts his achievements as a reformer but admits he resents that the FBI excluded him from the jail probe and snuck in the cell phone. His answers are evasive and riddled with falsehoods. In Jan. 2014, as the feds close in, he resigns after 15 years as sheriff. Tanaka is convicted of conspiracy and obstruction of justice. Baca enters a plea that will give him a maximum of six months in prison, but a judge deems it too lenient, setting the stage for the sheriff's trial.Their questioning showed how politics and power shaped Los Angeles law enforcement. What began as a probe into jailhouse abuse had reached the top of the nation's largest sheriff's department. Chris Goffard, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter and host of Dirty John, explains how the scandal unraveled the careers of two of the county's most powerful figures.Topics in this episode include: Sheriff Lee Baca, Paul Tanaka conviction, FBI interrogation, Los Angeles jail scandal, obstruction of justice.