Podcasts about us pakistan

In this edition of Wilson Center NOW, we are joined by Michael Kugelman, Director of the Wilson Center's South Asia Institute.  He discusses the continued unrest in Pakistan and the deadly clashes in the capital Islamabad between security forces and supporters of jailed former prime minister Imran Khan. Kugelman also highlights recent sectarian violence and increased terrorism from militant groups, the nation's economic outlook, and what the return of President Trump will mean for US-Pakistan relations.

Episode 155 of Sport Unlocked, the podcast dissecting the week's sports news issues. On the agenda on June 7, 2024 with Rob Harris, Martyn Ziegler and Tariq Panja. Man City's new legal battle with PL, 115 charges update & spending rules explained Germany football poll slammed for racism ahead of Euros; Juve back in ECA; Fenerbahce public on Mourinho salary African Cup of Nations without dates Infantino at Palestine game Pakistan's football plans Why was Salt Bae with UEFA VIPs at the Wembley Champions League final? New lucrative World Athletics event - will it make an impact? Cricket in the US - pitch turmoil but home T20 World Cup success ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠sportunlockedpod@gmail.com ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠and ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Twitter @SportUnlocked⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Check out videos from the interviews on Sport Unlocked's ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠YouTube channel⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠, ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Instagram ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠or ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ pages Music No Love by MusicbyAden ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://soundcloud.com/musicbyaden⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Creative Commons — Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported — CC BY-SA 3.0 Free Download / Stream: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://bit.ly/_no-love⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Music promoted by Audio Library ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://youtu.be/JgXz25Tw5d4⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠o⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠

For the past 77 years, since the founding of Pakistan at the partition of British held India, the United States and Pakistan have worked together to try and bring stability to this region of the world. As the fifth largest country in the world, as measured by population, and sitting at a geopolitical strategic crossroads, Pakistan remains an important partner on a wide range of issues of global, regional, and national interest. Whether it is managing their own relations with India, balancing the interests of the United States and China, or working on transnational issues such as climate change and terrorism, this country plays a key role in responding to the various challenges facing the world today. In this episode, we speak with Pakistan's Ambassador to the United States, Masood Khan, to explore the role that Pakistan would like to fill in the international system, to discuss where interests overlap, and to identify what Pakistan wants to see from its relationship with the United States. Through this conversation, we highlight the importance of understanding the deeper relationships than what is typically talked about. By discussing how the US-Pakistan relationship goes deeper than counterterrorism, we can better understand the ways this relationship can be leveraged to benefit both countries. Ambassador Masood Khan is currently serving as Pakistan's Ambassador to the United States, a role he has held since 2022. Prior to that he was the President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir from August 2016 to August 2021. Immediately before becoming the President he was the Director General of the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad, one of the top think tanks in Pakistan.Ambassador Masood Khan had a distinguished diplomatic career. Most notably, he served as: Spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 2003 to 2005; Pakistan's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva, Switzerland, from 2005 to 2008; Pakistan's Ambassador to China from 2008 to 2012; and Pakistan's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations Headquarters, New York, from 2012 to 2015. In his earlier diplomatic career, he held important diplomatic positions in China, The Netherlands, United Nations (New York) and the USA (Washington D.C. from 1997 to 2002).Over the years, he has also held leadership positions in the international community which include: President of the Conference on Disarmament, Chairman of the Committee on Internet Governance of the 2005 World Summit for Information Society. President of the Biological Weapons Review Conference 2006, President of the Governmental Group of the International Labour Organization (ILO), Chairman of the ILO Reform Committee, Chairman of the Council of the International Organization for Migration Chairman of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation in Geneva. Chairman of the Group of 77 and China. In New York, Ambassador Khan represented Pakistan as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council from 2012 to 2013 and became the President of the Security Council in January 2013.While in New York, he was also the Vice President of the Economic and Social Council, Vice President of the UN General Assembly and President of the Executive Board of UNICEF. Ambassador Masood Khan also remained Pakistan's Chief Negotiator (Sherpa) for the US-led Nuclear Security Summits, from 2009 to 2015.

This week, host Dev Goswami and defence expert Shiv Aroor delve into the harrowing events of November 26, 2008, when 10 Pakistani terrorists infiltrated south Mumbai via the sea, launching a series of devastating attacks.Recounting the gruesome assault orchestrated by the Pakistani terrorist group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), which claimed 166 lives and left over 300 injured, Shiv shares his firsthand experience of being present outside the Trident-Oberoi on Marine Drive that fateful evening.The duo examines how this incident spotlighted glaring deficiencies in India's intelligence apparatus—highly-trained security forces, including the Mumbai Police, Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), National Security Guard (NSG), and Marine Commandos (MARCOS).Was this India's 'Kargil moment'? Shiv argues it was ‘far worse'. They scrutinise the factors contributing to the failures, including questions about the ‘political will' of the then UPA government to not respond aggressively, influenced by the geopolitical landscape, particularly the US-Pakistan relationship.What are the lessons learned and the evolution of India's security posture since the tragedy? And why Shiv advocates against labeling it solely as a ‘terrorist attack', for a nuanced understanding of the attacks?Tune in to know!Produced by Anna PriyadarshiniSound mix by Kapil Dev Singh

Abhijit Chavda is a multi-faceted individual known for his work as a theoretical physicist, historian, geopolitical analyst, writer, and podcaster. His work and insights offer expansive libraries of content on geopolitics, contemporary world affairs, history from an Indian perspective, and more, making him a well-regarded figure in these fields. In this episode Vinamre and Abhijit talk about - The reality of India-Pakistan separation which goes beyond the Hindu-Muslim conflict - Why Russia is attacking Ukraine and how NATO is becoming more powerful without anyone noticing - Why our education system is flawed and heavily skewed to impress the western ideas This is a must-watch episode for you if you are interested in detailed intricacies of geopolitics. Chapters: 00:00 - Intro 01:10 - Role of Imran Khan in the politics of Pakistan 03:35 - Reality of vassal state of US - Pakistan 04:06 - Why was Pakistan created 05:36 - The real power centers of Pakistan 06:40 - People of Pakistan don't have the power 07:15 - Pakistan Army is a mercenary body 08:20 - What does it mean to have power 08:52 - Is India a soft-power globally? 10:00 - What is power projection? 11:00 - Is the Forbes list of powerful country right? 11:53 - Is China on it's way to becoming superpower? 13:00 - What is UN & NATO? 14:23 - How Rishi Sunak came into power? 15:00 - How UK holds the control of the world 16:30 - The Suez Canal chokepoint 18:18 - Russia and UK fought to acquire India 19:44 - Russia desperately wanted warm-waters access 21:40 - The great game to acquire central Asia 22:37 - Geopolitics is not a game of morality 24:14 - Is the great game taking place covertly by tourists? 25:40 - The upcoming crisis between NATO & Russia 26:43 - How NATO is expanding without anyone noticing 28:50 - NATO funding this proxy-war 30:00 - Is Zelensky a puppet of more powerful people? 31:52 - Tucker Carlson interview with Vladmir Putin 34:00 - This event can lead to a worldwide war 35:57 - At what point countries with Nukes will use their ultimate power 37:38 - The Cuban Missile Crisis 38:01 - When will Israel use their nuclear missiles 39:03 - When can India use it's nuclear weapons 40:22 - What is Putin's end game with the current war 42:23 - Why was NATO created in the first place 44:36 - Is India really a superpower? 46:10 - Why the manufacturing center is shifting from China 48:30 - Why India is not an expansionist 49:30 - The power difference between India & China 52:00 - How Vinamre's friend got hacked by Chinese hackers 52:53 - Are Chinese students in U.S funded by Chinese government? 54:58 - This is why Indian Govt. banned Chinese Apps 56:00 - Pakistan is sending students to UK for this 58:56 - What will make people do Anti-India activities? 01:00:06 - Is Liberal Arts an academic threat to students? 01:02:21 - Humanitarian courses selectively explore oppression 01:03:03 - Professors look at Hindu culture in a bad way 01:05:51 - Why is western philosophies standardised 01:07:50 - We have to stop seeking validation from Americans 01:10:10 - Our education system is TRASH 01:12:57 - What is a Civilisation and Artificial Nations 01:15:15 - The Chinese civilisation is based on the bedrock of India 01:19:40 - Ending Notes

Simplifying the vetting process of travelers to the USMonte Hawkins, director of the National Vetting Center, discusses the current role of the center and how it looks to expand in the future. The future of US-Pakistan relationsHusain Haqqani, director of South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute, discusses the relationship between the U.S. and Pakistan.FCC bans Chinese telecom equipmentJack Corrigan, research analyst at Georgetown's Center for Security and Emerging Technology discusses the Federal Communications Commission's ban of Chinese telecom and video surveillance equipment.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

The recent comments by US President Joe Biden set off a short-lived firestorm in Pakistan, while also bringing front and center Pakistan's nuclear program and the safety of its weapons. In this episode, Uzair talks to Dr. Christopher Clary about Pakistan's nuclear weapons and their safety, discussing what the risks are and how Pakistan has invested in securing its nuclear weapons. Dr. Christopher Clary is an Assistant Professor of Political Science University at Albany. His research focuses on the sources of cooperation in interstate rivalries, the causes and consequences of nuclear proliferation, U.S. defense policy, and the politics of South Asia. Reading Recommendations: - Eating Grass by Feroz H. Khan - Pakistan's Pathway to the Bomb by Mansoor Ahmed - The Limits of Safety by Scott Sagan Chapters: 0:00 Introduction 2:10 Remarks by Biden 5:40 Recent developments around nukes 10:10 Political instability and nuclear safety 15:00 AQ Khan's role 23:20 Changes after AQ Khan 33:30 Are there any concerns? 39:30 Is Pakistan too big to fail? 45:00 Impact of Biden's statement on US-Pakistan relations 49:30 Reading recommendations

When the White House spokesman speaks about both India and Pakistan as US partners with “different points of emphasis”, he confirms for India the logic of its non-alignment.

Pakistan needs the US. But there is the question of what Washington thinks Islamabad can deliver in its current state. In Pakistan, even China has burnt its fingers.

⚔️ HELP Us Defend Against Hindutva: https://gofund.me/f081c6ea 

Our big news story today centers on a US-Pakistan national that was sentenced to death for killing a close friend after she rejected his romantic advances. The case focuses on domestic violence in Pakistan and a bill that has been making its way through their Senate that will help put an end to the crippling normality of abuse in the country. In other news, the Supreme Court has declined to hear a GA case regarding intellectual disability, 56 prosecutors nationwide have written a letter urging the abolition of the death penalty and a Texas death penalty case has been reopened after a documentary came out arguing the defendant's innocence. I hope you enjoy this week's episode and stay tuned for the deep dive on Friday!

On October 13, the Center for Middle East Policy addressed how the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan, understanding the role Pakistan will play, both in the region, and with the United States, has become increasingly important. Subscribe to Brookings Events on iTunes, send feedback email to events@brookings.edu, and follow us and tweet us at @policypodcasts on Twitter. To learn more about upcoming events, visit our website. Brookings Events is part of the Brookings Podcast Network.

Farahnaz Ispahani is a Public Policy Fellow at the Wilson Center in Washington, DC and the author of the book Purifying The Land of The Pure: The History of Pakistan's Religious Minorities (Oxford University Press, 2017). In 2015, she was a Reagan-Fascell Scholar at the National Endowment for Democracy, where she worked on women and extremist groups with a particular focus on the women of ISIS. A Pakistani politician, Ispahani served as a Member of Parliament and Media Advisor to the President of Pakistan from 2008-2012. She returned to Pakistan with Former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 2007 after opposing the Musharraf dictatorship in the preceding years. In Parliament she focused on the issues of terrorism, human rights, gender based violence, minority rights and US-Pakistan relations. The most notable pieces of legislation enacted with her active support include those relating to Women's Harassment in the Workplace and Acid Crimes and Control, which made disfiguring of women by throwing acid at them a major crime. She was also a member of the Women's caucus in the 13th National Assembly, which was instrumental in introducing more legislation on women's issues than has ever been done before during a single parliamentary term. Ms. Ispahani spent the formative years of her career as a print and television journalist. Her last journalistic position was as Executive Producer and Managing Editor of Voice of America's Urdu TV. She has also worked at ABC News, CNN and MSNBC. She has contributed opinion pieces to The Wall Street Journal, Foreign Policy, The National Review, and others.

Matsyanyaaya #1: What Does Pakistan’s Cadmean Victory in Afghanistan Mean for IndiaBig fish eating small fish = Foreign Policy in action— Pranay Kotasthane(This is a draft of my article which appeared first in Times of India’s Tuesday, August 23rd edition.)Taliban's takeover of Kabul is forcing India to reassess its aims and objectives concerning Afghanistan. Of primary interest is the impact of this development on Pakistan. On this question, two views have come to light over the last few days.The first view cautions against the increase in terrorism from Pakistan. The recommendation arising from this view is that India needs to coalesce anti-Pakistan factions in Afghanistan. The counter-view focuses on the inevitability of a split between the Taliban and Pakistan. The assumption being that once the Taliban assumes political control over Afghanistan, it is bound to take some stances that will go against the interests of its sponsor. The recommendation arising from this view is that India should sit back. It should let things unfold because Pakistan's victory is a Cadmean one — it comes with massive costs for Pakistan's economy, society, and politics.Which of these two divergent views is likely to play out?  To understand what the Taliban's victory means for Pakistan — and hence India — it is useful to model Pakistan as two geopolitical entities, not one. The first entity is a seemingly normal Pakistani state, presumably concerned first and foremost with the peace and prosperity of its citizens. The second entity is what my colleague Nitin Pai has named the Pakistani military-jihadi complex (MJC). Comprising the military, militant, radical Islamist and political-economic nodes, the MJC pursues domestic and foreign policies to ensure its survival and dominance. For the MJC, positioning and defeating the existential enemy — India — is key to ensure its hold over the other Pakistan.Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan will be perceived differently by these two Pakistani entities. The non-MJC Pakistan would be worried about the Taliban's march to power. It would fear the spillover of terrorism inside its borders, orchestrated by groups such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. Politically, a powerful Taliban would pose the threat of breathing new life in the Durand Line question. On the economic front, the prospect of a dependent Taliban government further draining Pakistan's dwindling resources would be another cause of concern. In short, if this entity were in charge of Pakistan's foreign policy, it wouldn't have doggedly invested in the Taliban.That's quite clearly not the case. Taliban's takeover, on the other hand, is a strategic victory for the MJC. Over the last two decades, it has played a risky game sheltering and guiding the Taliban's actions while also supporting the US in its Afghanistan campaign. When things went wrong, the MJC was able to pass the blame to the other, weaker Pakistan. Recently, it played a role in steering the Afghan Taliban to sign the Doha agreement. It worked over the last two decades to reduce the Indian economic and political footprint in Afghanistan. Given the efforts it has put in, the MJC is sure to perceive the Taliban's comeback as an indisputable victory. This success would bolster the MJC's strategy of long-term commitment to terrorist groups. More importantly, it consolidates its relative dominance over the other Pakistan.  How does this affect India?As the MJC's domestic position strengthens, its anti-India aims will grow stronger. There is a possibility of the MJC moving its terror outfits to Loya Paktika in eastern Afghanistan, a hotbed of anti-India activities in the past. This scenario would allow the MJC to use terrorism against India while claiming it has no control over these elements.Many commentators have argued that the world in 2021 will not let off perpetrators of terrorism easily. But they seem to forget that the return of the Taliban illustrates that the opposite is true. As long as terrorism is portrayed as an instrument of a domestic insurgency, the world will continue to look away. For instance, the Taliban continued terrorist attacks inside Afghanistan even as it was negotiating with the US at Doha. And yet, the US, UK, Russia, and China chose to bring the group back in power.  Second, to see the MJC threat from the issue of terrorism alone is to miss the bigger picture. By demonstrating the success of its policies in Afghanistan, the MJC would be energised to use other methods of asymmetric warfare against India. More than the means, the Taliban's victory is the reaffirmation of its objectives.    What should India do?First and foremost, India must prepare for a reduced economic and diplomatic footprint in Afghanistan. Given the positive role India has played there over the last two decades, a sunk cost fallacy might drive India to make overtures to the Taliban. Such a policy is unlikely to pay dividends. The MJC will ensure that India's presence is severely restricted. In Afghanistan, it would be better to wait for the tide to change.  Second, India would need to raise its guard on the Pakistan border. With the perceived threat of Indian presence close to Balochistan going away, the MJC is likely to be more adventurous in using conventional and non-conventional warfare against India. Domestically, it means returning Jammu & Kashmir to near-normalcy becomes all the more urgent. More the discontent there, the easier it would be for the MJC to exploit the situation.  Third, strengthen the partnership with the US. The MJC has always been dependent on external benefactors for its survival. While China is playing that role today, it alone is insufficient to bear the burden. The MJC will be desperate to get the US to finance its ambitions based on its credentials to influence outcomes in Afghanistan. Hence, it's vital that India's relationship with the US must remain stronger than the relationship that MJC has with the US. Finally, amidst the current focus on US failures in Afghanistan, it shouldn't be forgotten that both India and the US need each other to confront the bigger strategic challenge: China.Regardless of the turn that Taliban-Pakistan relations take, an ideological victory for the MJC is bound to have repercussions in India. India must prepare to face the renewed challenge. (This is a draft of my article which appeared first in Times of India’s Tuesday, August 23rd edition.)India Policy Watch: Our Past, Our FutureInsights on burning policy issues in India- RSJA topic we often like to explore here is the history of thought. We cover a fair amount of western philosophy and we have tried gamely to include Indic thought while writing about current issues. In fact, a recurring section on international relations in this newsletter is called ‘matsyanyaya’. I’m no expert but I suspect writing here has helped me with a point of view on the Indian state and its relation to the history of Indian thought. Broadly, I have made three points on this over multiple editions:A nation is an imagined community and any newly independent State had to work on constructing this imagination. This meant they had to make three moves. One, they had to have a modern conception of themselves which was distinct from their past. Two, to make this ‘modernity’ acceptable, they had to present this conception as a ‘reawakening’ of their community. This gave them a link to their past. This past was a living truth for the members of this community and it couldn’t simply be erased. Three, historians were then called in to rewrite the past which served this narrative. This is the classic Benedict Anderson recipe and India is a fine example of using it in 1947. (Edition # 62)The Indian state formed post-independence was based on a radical act of forgetting the past. The Indian constitution wasn’t merely a legal framework to run the state. It was also a tool for social revolution. Society wasn’t trusted to reform itself with the speed that was necessary for India to modernise. It had to be induced from the outside by the state. (Edition #28)The hope was the liberal state would change the society before it could catch up. This hasn’t turned out to be true. Now the society looks likely to change the state in its image. And what’s the society like today? Like Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, once put it: ‘jab dil bhara ho aur dimaag khali hai’. Its heart is full of emotional torment but its mind is devoid of imagination. The society has somewhat vague notions of its ancient glory and civilisational sense of superiority because of it. But it’s not sure of what to make of it in today’s world. (Edition # 118 and Edition #128)So, I was happy to pick up Pavan K. Varma’s new book The Great Hindu Civilisation: Achievement, Neglect, Bias and the Way Forwardwhich as the name suggests covers these grounds. Varma is a former civil servant and a prolific writer whose works I have found tremendously engaging. Over the years he has written on a wide range of subjects - the great Indian epics, Ghalib and Gulzar, the Indian middle class, Kamasutra, Krishna and Draupadi. His last book was a well-researched biography of Adi Shankaracharya that also doubled up as a short introduction to various schools of Hindu philosophy with a special emphasis on Vedanta. Suppressing A Great CivilisationIn The Great Hindu Civilisation (‘TGHC’), Varma makes three arguments based on his deep understanding of ancient Indian texts and his scholarship on Indian history:Argument 1: India is a civilisational state. The achievements of ancient India in philosophy, metaphysics, arts, statecraft and science are unparalleled. These have been lost to us. We must reclaim their wisdom and apply it to our lives. Varma writes:Above all, it is my premise that this Hindu civilisation has few parallels in terms of the cerebral energy invested in it…. It was sustained by the unrelenting application of mind, in every field—metaphysics, philosophy, art, creativity, polity, society, science and economics. Nothing in it was random or happenstance. … When people are ruptured from their heritage, they are essentially rootless, not always lacking proficiency in their specific area of work, but essentially deracinated, mimic people, inured to another’s culture more than their own. Hindu civilisation was based on moulik soch or original thought, where each aspect of creativity was studied, examined, interrogated, discussed and experimented upon in the search for excellence. But when this great legacy was summarily devalued and looked upon as a liability to modernity, it left an entire people adrift from their cultural moorings, lacking authenticity and becoming a derivative people.Argument 2: Marxist historians, western Hinduphobic intellectuals, deracinated Indians and a self-serving Indian elite have long played a charade that there’s hardly anything real as a Hindu civilisation. This has given us a distorted picture of our past, about the impact of Islamic invaders and British colonialism on our culture and has prevented any honest inquiry into the real achievements of our civilisation. A false fear of Hindu aggrandisement is repeatedly stoked up at any such pursuit. The usual cast of deracinated suspects is named - Macaulay, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Amartya Sen, Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib, Wendy Doniger and, of course, Nehru. Though Varma cushions the jabs on Nehru a bit by blaming it on his associates or his naiveté. As he argues:Marxist historians devalue the civilisational tag of ancient India by analysing it exclusively in class and economic terms. Certainly, this is also one way of studying the past, but the problem is twofold. Firstly, this approach excludes all other dimensions, and insists that this is the only way to evaluate history. Secondly, the tools used are highly derivative, an almost complete transplant of Marx’s outdated, uninformed and stereotypical analytical framework in the Indian context.There is, of course, a basic irony in Hinduism’s derogation by some ‘liberals’. One would have thought that liberal opinion would be appreciative of a religion that relies less on dogma and more on debate. It would make a virtue of the fact that Hinduism enables diversity to thrive when many other faiths are prescriptive and rely on diktat. However, instead of lauding this eclecticism, they conclude that Hinduism is only about diversity ad infinitum.  Argument 3: Since the Hindu society has been systematically denied its real history, reactionary and lumpen elements have appropriated the task of peddling their version of history. This is the price to pay for distorting history instead of facing up to the truth. If we have to counter the thugs who have political and state patronage today, we have to make the ordinary Indians truly aware of their real Hindu heritage. This knowledge of the liberal, encompassing nature of Hindu philosophy is the best antidote to any fundamentalist ideology. He writes:The prescriptive element that the new, so-called evangelists of Hinduism are bringing in is anathema for most Hindus. Hinduism has always been a way of life. Hindus don’t like to be told what to do and what not to do, what to eat and what to drink, what to wear and how to behave, what to watch and what to read, who to meet and who not to, how to practise their religion and how to be good Hindus.The real danger is that we are witnessing the emergence of a lumpen leadership that believes that it has a monopoly to interpret Hinduism and Hindu civilisation. Since time immemorial, Hindus have faced many travails and setbacks but have survived them by drawing upon the great strengths of their culture: tradition and faith. Even in the greatest adversity, Hinduism have never allowed its core cerebration and idealism to be compromised. So What?My reaction while reading the book ranged from vigorous nods of approval to what is colloquially referred to as ‘abey yaar’. I will elaborate further here.Firstly, I agree with Varma about India being a civilisational state and Hinduism or sanatanadharma being a common cultural thread that runs through the length and breadth of this land. This is a lived experience for all of us and Varma quotes many examples of common rituals and practices that have been around for centuries to back this assertion. Denying this is an exercise in futility and serves no useful purpose except alienating a large section of Indians. Secondly, I’m happy to concede Varma’s contention that ancient Hindu civilisation was the pinnacle of human achievement during its time. “There was a holistic interconnectedness that informed it, and this unified vision permeated all aspects of its highly complex intellectual construct.”   Fair enough. A bit over the top but that’s fine. My question is what do we do with such an ancient but highly complex intellectual construct now? Almost every text Varma refers to was written hundreds of years before CE. Many of these are metatexts unmoored from their context or what formed the basis for such scholarship. One could read the hymns of Rig Veda on the conception of the universe today but what does that do to our understanding of science. To merely say it is similar to what quantum physics postulates today has limited meaning. It is the equivalent of saying Da Vinci designed all sorts of futuristic machines so let’s study him for scientific insights today. Even Arthashastra can be read to appreciate the philosophy of statecraft and economics of ancient India but beyond a concept or two that might be relevant today, what purpose will it serve? The problem here is there has been no reinterpretation or updates on these texts over two thousand years. I come from a town that houses one of the four mathas (seats) of Shankaracharya. I always wondered what stopped the scholars of the matha to do more to make their knowledge accessible. Resources? Scholarship? Interest? My personal experience suggests even they do not know what to do with this knowledge in the modern world. To draw a parallel, the reason a few texts of Greek philosophers are still taught selectively in western universities is because many philosophers of the renaissance and enlightenment used them to build further on their thoughts on ethics, politics and the state . Nobody reads their views on science, for instance, anymore. That’s because later philosophers falsified it. Similarly, there’s an unbroken chain of thinking from Adam Smith to a Piketty or a Sowell (choose your poison) today. So, it makes sense to selectively read Smith to get a basic understanding of how economic thought has evolved and then apply it further today. This is missing with the great ancient texts that hold Varma in raptures. How will reading texts of Aryabhatta and Bhaskara help mathematics students of today? Knowing about them could be useful to impress others about our great mathematical tradition but what beyond that? Will our rank on PISA change because of it? I suspect not. I will be keen to hear from readers on this.Varma also goes overboard at places and loses objectivity. Natya Shastra was probably a great achievement as a treatise on arts and theatre. But to imagine that western thought on aesthetics began from a series of articles on ‘The Pleasures of the Imagination’, a 1712 piece by Joseph Addison in the Spectator, as he writes, is to ignore the entire history of ancient Greek playwrights or even Shakespeare whose plays were running in London almost a hundred years before Addison’s articles. Here Varma possibly betrays the same flaws he accuses the likes of Doniger or Romila Thapar through the book. Anyway, I find no convincing answer from Varma on how a deeper understanding of these texts will help us today. Some kind of pride and a sense of identity is alluded to as the benefits through the book but I failed to appreciate its material manifestation.Thirdly, Varma talks about caste and patriarchy in Hindu civilisation but almost in passing. There are possibly 15 pages (if that) on this topic across the book. Even in them, Varma talks about the usual tropes first. That the original Hindu texts were suffused with liberal doctrine, how Shankara came across a Chandala in Kashi and placed him at par with the Brahmin or the usual list of women of ancient India - Gargi, Maitreyi or even the fictional Draupadi - to suggest how open Hinduism in its original version was. Only after this does Varma go on for a few pages on how things went bad over time. Finally, he writes:However, in spite of such high-minded protestations, there is no denying that the working of caste in actual social practice was a pervasive evil. It was—and is—an indelible blot on the civilisational legacy of India; it kept large parts of the populace institutionally cut-off from the many achievements of Hindu India, and also unleashed inhuman suffering for no other reason than the accident of birth.Yet, in spite of such unforgiveable failings, the overall achievements of this period of our history are truly remarkable, and are crying out for a much delayed recognition. What we need to realise is that across the length and breadth of Bharatvarsha, there evolved, over millennia, a civilisation that showed a profound application of mind to every aspect of organised as well as abstract human behaviour. It demonstrated the capacity of great and courageous divergent thinking, refusing to restrict itself to simplistic certitudes, and a willingness to wade deep into concepts and constructs that challenged conventional thought. Varma thinks of caste as an unforgivable failing. Is it a mere failing? Or, is it, as it has been often argued, the inevitable outcome of our civilisational construct? Who can tell? If after all these centuries, the one pervasive cultural reality that has prevailed in our society is caste, how should we think about it? The same argument holds for patriarchy and the place of women in our society. The reclaiming of the wisdom of the texts that Varma advocates - can it be done without facing up to the ‘material’ reality of caste and patriarchy that will accompany it? At abstract, Varma may be right. But the act of reclaiming won’t restrict itself to the realm of the abstract. I will come back to this at the end of the piece. Fourthly, is Varma the first scholar to question the version of our history that has been fed to us by the colonialist academia? Is he the first to lament the state of the culturally unmoored Indian elite and educated class who need to be brought home to the glory of our ancient civilisation? If not, what happened to previous such attempts? This is an area that has held my interest for a few years. And I’d like to highlight two 20th century intellectuals who spent their lifetime studying ancient Indian texts, translating them and looking to find their relevance in the modern context - Shri Aurobindo and Hazari Prasad Dwivedi. These are no ordinary names. They were first-rate intellectuals with rare felicity in both western and eastern philosophies. Varma quotes Aurobindo a few times in the book. So, what did they conclude? I’m going to stick my neck out and make some broad generalisation here. Aurobindo started this pursuit with an aim to find the modern relevance of our ancient texts and to spread it far and wide. What did he end up with? A very personal journey into the self that was mystical and detached from the material. Anything else couldn’t be transferred. That’s what he concluded. Dwivedi translated some of the great works of our past and wrote on our literary history in Hindi. But, in the end, he had to contend with the reality of the present. If we were such a great civilisation, why is our present the way it is? And he wasn’t content blaming the colonial rule or our lack of appreciation of our past. There was something else that was missing. Now you could persuade me to believe it was the ‘foreign’ invaders for over thousand years that’s responsible for our present. Maybe it is true. But that rupture is a reality and that discontinuity is so large that any attempt to bridge it through a modern reinterpretation of ancient texts can only be an academic ‘feel good’ exercise. Not a way forward to the future. Separately, it is worth pointing out here another area where I think Varma had a weak argument. How did Hinduism survive the Islamic or Turkish onslaught and the Mughal hegemony while other countries like Indonesia or Malaysia turned Muslim under the sword. This is a question that’s often asked in many debates of this kind. Varma’s answer is below:The Bhakti movement was Hinduism’s response to the violent and proselytising Islamic invasion. In this sense, it was as much about renewal as it was about self-preservation. If Hinduism had not shown the suppleness and energy to reinvent itself, and had remained brittle and fossilised as in earlier structures without the mass support enabled by the Bhakti movement, it may have suffered the same fate that befell it (and Buddhism) in Indonesia with the advent of Islam.   There are two problems with this thesis. One, the Bhakti movement in many areas of India predate the Islamic conquest of those areas. Between the 10th-12th centuries, large parts of West, South and East India where the Bhakti movement gained strength were still under Hindu (or Jain) kings. Two, what do a cursory look at the Bhakti movement and its output reveal? Women and those from the bottom of the social pyramid often led the way. Their songs spoke of their desire to be one with God without an intermediary in between. Those who opposed them were mostly upper-caste Hindu men. The Bhakti movement was indeed a rupture in Indian cultural history. But, to me, it appears it was more an internal response of the most exploited section of Hinduism to its entrenched caste establishment. Not to Islam. Fifthly, Varma is sincere in his defence of real Hinduism against what he calls the “illiterate bigotry of the self-anointed new ‘protectors’ of Hinduism.” He writes:Knowledge is a great enabler. Anyone who has studied Hinduism, or acquired even a basic familiarity about its lofty eclecticism and deep cerebration, would laugh out of the room those who seek to conflate this great faith only with violence and exclusion. Varma almost thinks the ‘lumpenisation’ of Hinduism (as he calls it) is a phenomenon in the abstract that has arisen because people don’t know real Hinduism. It might be true but empirical evidence goes against it. Any ‘nationalist’ exercise of reclaiming the past after the advent of modern nation-states runs the risk of ‘instrumentalising’ this past for political gains in the present. This holds true everywhere - in pre-WW2 Germany or Japan, in current-day Turkey and in communist China. For instance, there’s nothing that the Party in China learns from Confucius or some ancient Han dynasty view of the Middle Kingdom that it sincerely wants to apply today. It is a mere ‘instrument’ to homogenise its people, perpetuate the party supremacy or use it for diplomatic parleys with other nations. Varma believes one can ‘thread the needle’ by taking the great and the good from the past while avoiding the instrumental use of it which manifests in form of bigotry and minority persecution. But it is a difficult task. So here’s the thing. How should I think of Nehru, Ambedkar and other ‘liberals’? Those who decided to use the Constitution to rid India of the ‘deadwood of the past’. One way to think of them is as intellectuals who appreciated the glory of our ancient past but realised any kind of reclaiming of that past in the modern conception of the state will bring along with it all the baggage and the ‘deadwood’. They feared the good of that past will be buried soon under the ‘unforgivable failings’ that accompany it. So, they let it be. And decided to begin afresh. Varma is in a different reality today. He sees the hijacking of Hinduism, as he would put it, in front of his eyes. The ‘instrumental’ use of religion for narrow purposes by those who don’t understand it at all. Yet, he hopes it is possible to thread the needle between the good and the bad of the past. The likes of Nehru feared this would happen and tried to avoid it. Varma finds it around him and yet wants to go down that path. Maybe because he’s a good man and an optimist. Having read him over the years, I’d like to believe so. A Framework a Week: How to Analyse an AnalysisTools for thinking public policy— Pranay KotasthaneIf I were given the power to change one subject in school syllabi, I would introduce analytical thinking. In the Information Age, we are exposed to several opinions on any given topic. Impactful analogies and powerful metaphors can change our thinking about a topic. Sometimes, our views end up being a regurgitation of the last good opinion piece we’ve come across. Hence, wouldn’t it be great if we have a framework to analyse opinions, whether in the form of papers, articles, or books? That’s where Analytical Thinking comes in. To systematically think about how we think can help us deeply reflect on an opinion instead of being swayed by the fast brain into outrage or vehement agreement. Last week, I revisited this eightfold path for analysing the logic of a book/article/paper in the book The Thinker's Guide to Analytic Thinking by Linda Elder and Richard Paul. The framework forces us to reflect on eight dimensions:The main purpose of this article is ____. (Here you are trying to state, as accurately as possible, the author’s intent in writing the article. What was the author trying to accomplish?)The key question that the author is addressing is ____. (Your goal is to figure out the key question that was in the mind of the author when he/she wrote the article. What was the key question addressed in the article?)The most important information in this article is ____. (You want to identify the key information the author used, or presupposed, in the article to support his/her main arguments. Here you are looking for facts, experiences, and/or data the author is using to support his/her conclusions.)The main inferences in this article are ___ (You want to identify the most important conclusions the author comes to and presents in the article).The key concept(s) we need to understand in this article is (are) __. By these concepts the author means __. (To identify these ideas, ask yourself: What are the most important ideas that you would have to know to understand the author’s line of reasoning? Then briefly elaborate what the author means by these ideas.)The main assumption(s) underlying the author’s thinking is (are) _ (Ask yourself: What is the author taking for granted that might be questioned? The assumptions are generalizations that the author does not think he/she has to defend in the context of writing the article, and they are usually unstated. This is where the author’s thinking logically begins.)If we accept this line of reasoning (completely or partially), the implications are ___. (What consequences are likely to follow if people take the author’s line of reasoning seriously? Here you are to pursue the logical implications of the author’s position. You should include implications that the author states, and also those that the author does not state.) If we fail to accept this line of reasoning, the implications are __. (What consequences are likely to follow if people ignore the author’s reasoning?)The main point(s) of view presented in this article is (are) _. (The main question you are trying to answer here is: What is the author looking at, and how is he/she seeing it? For example, in this mini-guide we are looking at “analysis” and seeing it “as requiring one to understand” and routinely apply the elements of reasoning when thinking through problems, issues, subjects, etc.).[Elder, Linda; Paul, Richard. The Thinker's Guide to Analytic Thinking (Kindle Locations 353-365). Foundation for Critical Thinking. Kindle Edition]The framework is intense but is super helpful in analysing topics you want to master. It shares similarities with the Indian debating tradition called the purva paksha — representing your opponent’s view faithfully before criticising it. Matsyanyaaya #2: US Credibility and India’s OptionsBig fish eating small fish = Foreign Policy in action— Pranay KotasthaneThe humanitarian crisis triggered by a botched US withdrawal has sparked an old debate on reliability in international relations. In several countries which count themselves as US partners, the question being posed is: will the US prove to be a fickle partner, like it did in Afghanistan?For a long time, I have wondered if using terms such as reliability or reputation is a case of category error. Trust, reliability, all-weather friendship apply to human relationships. Transplanting these ideas to an amoral domain such as international relations does not make sense, is what I believed. The current debate surrounding US credibility helped me update my priors. First up, if you want to read the literature on reliability and reputation in international relations, Paul Poast has a typically useful Twitter thread compiling important works on this topic. Out of these articles, Don Casler’s post stands out in its clarity. He writes in Duck of Minerva:“One major issue in discourse about credibility is that policy and media elites often conflate a group of interrelated but distinct concepts: credibility, reputation, and resolve.Credibility is the perceived likelihood that an actor will follow through on her threats or promises. Reputation is a belief about an actor’s persistent characteristics or tendencies based on her past behavior. Resolve is the willingness to stand firm and pay costs in the face of pressure to back down.In theory, an actor’s reputation for resolve — along with her capabilities and interests — contributes to her credibility by shaping observers’ estimates whether she is likely to follow through on her commitments.However, reputation and credibility are ultimately beliefs held by others. If we want to predict how foreign governments will react to U.S. foreign policy decisions, then we need to understand their theories about how the world works.” The last line is important from the Indian perspective. The sense of being wronged by the west is a continuing strand in India’s conception of the world. Specifically, the US’ anti-India stance in the 1971 war continues to cast a long shadow over India-US relations. The cohort that already holds these views will use the US withdrawal to reaffirm its scepticism.Even so, I would argue that this perceived lack of US credibility is not the most important determinant of India-US relations for three reasons:One, the younger cohort of millennials and post-millennials perceive the US differently. Their imagination about the US is shaped by the India-US civil nuclear deal, a decline in US-Pakistan bonhomie, and perhaps most importantly, the deep connections between the markets and societies in the two countries. Two, a common strategic adversary — China — reduces the salience of the reputation question. In an amoral setting, interests trump reputational concerns. When facing a powerful common adversary, you don’t get to pick or change your partners. Seen this way, China’s aggressive and arrogant approach further cements the India-US relationship. Perhaps, this would be a good time for the Quad to make a few major announcements on trade and technology to douse the reputation question. Three, the US backing of the Pakistani military-jihadi complex is less of a problem than it was a decade ago. The US administration’s statements on Kashmir and Balakot airstrikes are vastly different from what the older cohort of policymakers in India is used to. The US would do well to continue this strategy instead of empowering the military-jihadi complex with the false hope that it would make the Taliban behave. So, what do you think? In a world with just two options, should India choose a less reliable, more powerful partner or a more reliable, less powerful partner? HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters[Video] Pavan K. Varma talks about his book The Great Hindu Civilisation at HLF with Advaita Kala. I might have been a tad unfair about some arguments of Varma. So, it is best to read the book or listen to him directly.[Podcast] Ghazala Wahab was on Puliyabaazi discussing Indian Islam and its variants. In times when Hindu-Muslim bayaanbaazi is far more prevalent, we believe conversations such as these can help dismantle false notions the two communities hold. [Survey] Takshashila has put out India’s Global Outlook Survey. The survey is an effort to bridge the knowledge gap around how Indian policymakers, the strategic affairs community and ordinary citizens view India’s role in the world. Do take the survey. Get on the email list at publicpolicy.substack.com

In this episode, Dr Happymon Jacob speaks with Zahid Hussain (Senior Pakistani Journalist and Author) about the future of Afghanistan in the aftermath of US military withdrawal. Mr Hussain provides a succinct view of hostilities already underway in different parts of Afghanistan. He also provides a measure of different possibilities ranging from a full-blown civil war to a political settlement. He is sceptical about a sweeping Taliban takeover of Afghanistan as it happened in the mid-1990s. The overall ability of the Afghan government to survive and fight back would depend on continued support from the United States, he argues. Mr Hussain also provides a nuanced picture of the Taliban today, as against its earlier more puritanical avatar. He unpacks Pakistan's Afghan predicament in detail and provides an assessment of US-Pakistan relations going forward. As far as India's Afghan policy is concerned, he sees no harm in India talking to the Taliban.

For over 70 years, the United States and Pakistan have navigated a challenging yet productive security relationship. While it has not always been smooth sailing, Pakistan has been and remains a critical strategic partner in a turbulent region for the United States. What is the nature of the US-Pakistan relation, how can this strategic partnership … Continue reading The Complicated US-Pakistan Relationship

Simon's live report for CNA with Paul Sng anchoring.

In this edition of #GlobalPrint, National & Strategic Affairs Editor Jyoti Malhotra discusses why India is opening up its economy to China alongside disengagement on the icy heights of Ladakh, and making overtures to the US & Pakistan.

World News in 7 minutes. Wednesday 23rd September 2020. Transcript here: send7.org/transcriptsToday: EU summit postponed. Italy questions Suarez. UK second wave restrictions. Kenya parliament must follow gender rule. Mali ECOWAS sanctions. Venezuela criticises US. Pakistan death sentence for fire starters. Australia stranded whales. Sherpa Snow Leopard dies.Please leave a review on apple podcasts or on podchaser in English or your native language.With Stephen Devincenzi and Khadija Tahir.--------------------SEND7 (Simple English News Daily in 7 minutes) tells news in intermediate English. Every day, listen to the most important stories in the world in slow, clear English.This easy English news podcast is perfect for English learners, people with English as a second language, and people who want to hear a fast news update from around the world. Learn English through hard topics, but simple grammar. SEND7 covers all news including politics, business, natural events and human rights. For more information visit send7.org/contact

FAKIR SYED AIJAZUDDIN, OBE, FCA, is a leading art-historian, specializing in the history of the Punjab and contemporary politics. In addition to his corporate career in the oil industry, banking and insurance, he served as Provincial minister for Culture, Tourism, & Environment, and was Chairman Lahore Arts Council. He has taught at LUMS and FCC University. Latterly, he was the Principal, Aitchison College, Lahore He has published 19 books on miniature painting, on 19th century British artists working in India, on diplomacy, on old Lahore (1800-1900, 1900-1947), on antique maps of Pakistan, an account of Henry Kissinger's secret visit to China in 1971, another on US-Pakistan diplomatic relations between 1969 and 1974, two books on his alma mater Aitchison College, Lahore covering its years 1886-1986 & 1886-2011, and two volumes of memoirs covering 1942-1971 and 1972-79. His most recent book is Sketches from a Howdah: Charlotte, Lady Canning's Tours, 1858-61. In this podcast we talk about : - COVID 19 from a historical perspective - Economic implications short and long term - Social Darwinism & Imperialism - Financial implications on a global & national level - Possible solutions Mr. Aijazuddin Website: fsaijazuddin.pk

Pakistan's Prime Minister Imran Khan's meets with US President Donald Trump at the White House. Plugged In with Greta Van Susteren examines the state of the relationship between the two leaders and the two countries and their common interest in ending the war Afghanistan. Joining the program: VOA White House Bureau Chief Steve Herman; VOA Islamabad Bureau Chief Ayesha Tanzeem; Michael Kugelman, Deputy Director of the Asia Program and Senior Associate for South Asia at the Wilson Center; and Hasib Alikozai from VOA's Extremism Desk.

Does Imran Khan's meeting with Donald Trump on Monday herald an upswing in US-Pakistan ties? General Prakash Menon and Pranay Kotasthane join Aditya Ramanathan to make sense of Khan's visit and what it means for India and Afghanistan.

Urdu: Interview with an advocate of #Khilafah in #Pakistan regarding US-Pakistan relations & whether Pakistan is truly independent or not www.fb.com/1independentpak

The United States and Pakistan have had a steady relationship for 70 years. But in that period, the affiliation has been beset by ups and downs, including the Osama bin Laden saga. Now, yet another “misunderstanding,” as characterized on this episode by Aizaz Chaudhry, Pakistan’s ambassador to the U.S., threatens to derail this critical relationship. And interestingly enough, new information related to the bin Laden story surfaces in this podcast.

They're one of our biggest allies in the war on terror, except for all those times when they're being the exact opposite. On this episode, Adam and Quincy discuss the tense state of US-Pakistan relations. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Host Carol Castiel and Sarah Zaman, host of VOA Urdu's TV show "View 360," talk with Michael Kugelman, South Asian analyst at the Woodrow Wilson Center, about US policy toward Pakistan in light of a recent US freeze on security assistance to Islamabad and the degree to which Washington's and Islamabad's interests converge or diverge in Afghanistan and India.

We talk with Junaid Ahmad, Director of the Center for Middle Eastern Politics & assistant professor at the University of Lahore in Pakistan, about the United States changing South Asian Foreign Policy. President Trump has sent mixed messages by taking to Twitter to accuse Pakistan of harboring terrorist, while at the same time acknowledging its contributions as a partner in combatting terrorism in the region. Junaid gives us a great analysis of the changing geopolitical landscape and in depth understanding of the current state of Pakistan. Host & Producer- Tariq I. El-Amin Engineer- Ibrahim Baig Executive Producer- Abdul Malik Mujahid Music Manuele Atzeni - NeVe - http://bit.ly/2ujOH9y Image: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Atlas_of_Pakistan#/media/File:Pakistan_ethnic_1973.jpg

First we mention some points about how & why US-Pakistan relations are changing. Then we give a short preview of what content to expect from Radio Islam in 2018. In the second half, we speak with Zara J, founder of Black Muslim Singles Society (blackmuslimsinglessociety.com). She tells us about her experiences in the matchmaking arena and about the complexities that need to be taken into account when looking for that special Muslim/a. Guest: Zara J Host/Producer: Tariq I. El-Amin Executive Producer: Abdul Malik Mujahid Music: Ant the Symbol - Browns Island - http://bit.ly/2vJuzSs Beat.dowsing - bones - http://bit.ly/2x2GdIe Antony Raijekov - By the Coast (2004) - http://bit.ly/2t2vKZq

Senior Analyst Kamran Bokhari walks us through the underlying forces dictating the US-Pakistan bilateral relationship and outlines the different roles and interests of other major stakeholders in South Asia. Sign up for free updates on topics like this! Go here: hubs.ly/H06mXwR0

The Annual Sarfraz Pakistan Lecture, Wolfson College, Oxford, 30 Nov 2015 Christophe Jaffrelot is Professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at the King's India Institute, and Research Director at the CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique). He also teaches South Asian politics and history at Sciences Po (Paris) and is an Overseas Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He was Director of CERI (Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Internationales) at Sciences Po, between 2000 and 2008. His research interests include: theories of nationalism and democracy; mobilization of the lower castes and untouchables in India; Hindu nationalist movement; ethnic conflicts in Pakistan; the Dargah culture (with special reference to Ajmer sharif as a shared sacred space) and the relations between businessmen and politicians in India (with special reference to Gujaratis). This annual lecture aims to promote Pakistan studies within Oxford to a wide, non-specialist audience.

Queen Elisabeth II's Diamond Jubilee serves as the centerpiece for today's classic episode of TGWP. Rob and Chris choke down some burger meat and discuss a smorgasbord of topics including Asperger's Syndrome, US/Pakistan relations, and Rob's crackpot theory that Queen Elizabeth I was a man. Meanwhile, Chris mocks Rob's speech impediment and points out the inherent racism behind Black History Month falling in February.

Queen Elisabeth II's Diamond Jubilee serves as the centerpiece for today's classic episode of TGWP. Rob and Chris choke down some burger meat and discuss a smorgasbord of topics including Asperger's Syndrome, US/Pakistan relations, and Rob's crackpot theory that Queen Elizabeth I was a man. Meanwhile, Chris mocks Rob's speech impediment and points out the inherent racism behind Black History Month falling in February.

Cameron Munter, former U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan, and Prof. of International Relations at Pomona College.

Cameron Munter, former U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan, and Prof. of International Relations at Pomona College.

US Ambassador to Pakistan Richard Olson will discuss the US-Pakistan relationship as it is, and what it could become. Weathering setbacks over the years, the relationship has proven itself resilient. Ambassador Olson will explain why it is in our national interest to continue to engage with Pakistan and why this will require more than a transactional or single-issue relationship with Pakistan.Speaker Richard Olson is the US Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Embassy of the United States of America.The conversation will be moderated by Anja Lucia Manuel, Partner, RiceHadleyGates LLC.For more information please visit: http://www.worldaffairs.org/events/event/1358

Writer and analyst Dr. Mohammad Taqi joined Carlotta Gall to discuss her book and the US-Pakistan relationship in an event moderated by Hudson Senior Fellow Husain Haqqani.

Writer and analyst Dr. Mohammad Taqi joined Carlotta Gall to discuss her book and the US-Pakistan relationship in an event moderated by Hudson Senior Fellow Husain Haqqani.

The top secret raid on Osama bin Laden's compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan pretty much summed up the relationship between the US and Pakistan, one of mutual distrust and minimal cooperation. Both nations have made mistakes with this tragic and often tormented relationship, but for better or worse argues Daniel Markey, the US must continue to invest time and resources into this geostrategic partner. Markey has delved deep into the historical aspects of the US-Pakistan connection and will analyze US policy in Pakistan since 9/11 and regional dynamics such as the rise of China to explain how Washington can prepare for the worst, aim for the best and avoid past mistakes.Daniel Markey is the Senior Fellow for India, Pakistan and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations.For more information about this event, visit: http://www.worldaffairs.org/events/event/1209#.Up0UK2RDvhs

Ambassador Touqir Hussain is a former senior diplomat from Pakistan, having served as Ambassador to Brazil, Spain and Japan (1998 - 2003). Ambassador Hussain held senior positions in the Pakistani Foreign Office, including that of Additional Foreign Secretary heading the bureaus of the Middle East and of the Americas and Europe.

The world’s second largest Muslim country, with 180 million people, Pakistan faces multiple challenges: a growing militancy, struggling economy, lack of effective governance, and an exploding population. Internal episodes, such as the Taliban attack on Karachi’s naval air base and the killing of journalist Syed Saleem Shahzad, coupled with external strains, like the killing of bin Laden, have brought Pakistan to a critical juncture. Anja Manuel, a Principal at the RiceHadley Group, will discuss what these events mean for the future of this South Asian power, and how US foreign policy in the region can adapt.

SAJA, the South Asian Journalists Association & BlogTalkRadio present the latest in our series of high-profile conversations (75+) about South Asia and the South Asian diaspora. We will be discussing the assassination of Salmaan Taheer, the governor of Punjab province and what it means for the future of Pakistan, US-Pakistan relations, the war on terror and much more. We'll be joined by veteran Pakistan watchers in the U.S. and Pakistan (as well as those who knew him well) and we'll take your calls live. Feel free to send us questions at saja at columbia.edu More information, links and resources at http://bit.ly/sajataseer