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Politically-driven chaos is disrupting U.S. scientific institutions and creating challenges for science in Canada. Science is a global endeavour and collaborations with the U.S. are routine. In this special episode of Quirks & Quarks, we explore what Canadian scientists are doing to preserve their work to assert scientific sovereignty in the face of this unprecedented destabilization. Canadian climate scientists brace for cuts to climate science infrastructure and data U.S. President Donald Trump's attacks on climate science are putting our Earth observing systems, in the oceans and in orbit, at risk. Canadian scientists who rely on U.S. led climate data infrastructure worry about losing long-term data that would affect our ability to understand our changing climate. With: Kate Moran, the president and CEO of Ocean Networks Canada and Emeritus Professor of Oceanography at the University of Victoria Debra Wunch, Physicist at the University of TorontoChris Fletcher, Department of Geography and Environmental Management at the University of WaterlooU.S. cuts to Great Lakes science and monitoring threaten our shared freshwater resourceU.S. budget and staffing cuts are jeopardizing the long-standing collaboration with our southern neighbour to maintain the health of the Great Lakes, our shared resource and the largest freshwater system in the world. With: Jérôme Marty, executive director of the International Association for Great Lakes Research and part-time professor at the University of OttawaGreg McClinchey, policy and legislative director with the Great Lakes Fishery CommissionMichael Wilkie, Biologist at Wilfred Laurier UniversityBrittney Borowiec, research associate in the Wilkie Lab at Wilfred Laurier UniversityAaron Fisk, Ecologist and Canada Research Chair at the University of WindsorUnexpected ways U.S. culture war policies are affecting Canadian scientists One of the first things President Trump did after taking office was to sign an executive order eliminating all DEI policies in the federal government. This is having far-reaching consequences for Canadian scientists as they navigate the new reality of our frequent research partner's hostility against so-called “woke science.”With:Dr. Sofia Ahmed, Clinician scientist, and academic lead for the Women and Children's Health Research Institute at the University of Alberta Angela Kaida, professor of health sciences and Canada Research Chair at Simon Fraser University in VancouverDawn Bowdish, professor of immunology, the executive director of the Firestone Institute for Respiratory Health and Canada Research Chair at McMaster UniversityKevin Zhao, MD/PhD student in immunology in the Bowdish Lab at McMaster UniversityJérôme Marty, executive director of the International Association for Great Lakes ResearchCanada has a ‘responsibility' to step up and assert scientific sovereigntyA 2023 report on how to strengthen our federal research support system could be our roadmap to more robust scientific sovereignty. The Advisory Panel on the Federal Research Support System made recommendations to the federal government for how we could reform our funding landscape. The intent was to allow us to quickly respond to national research priorities and to make Canada a more enticing research partner in world science. With: Frédéric Bouchard, Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences and professor of philosophy of science at the Université de Montreal. Chair of the Advisory Panel on the Federal Research Support System.
Light the fuse, it's about to get incendiary as the socially conscious, politically-motivated music of the late Tupac Shakur comes into focus this week. Dave and Adam are joined by music journalist Dean Van Nguyen, whose brand new book Words For My Comrades: A Political History of Tupac Shakur is now on shelves in all good bookstores - or you can pick it up online here. And so this week's Top 5 explores the standout declarations of the late rap icon, while examining the contradictions, controversies, and critical thoughts that continue to surround him decades on from his murder at the age of 25. Meanwhile, don't miss the latest episode of Film Club on our Patreon page - it's our first 'versus' face-off in which two beat 'em up giants collide as Street Fighter (1994) and Mortal Kombat (1995) do battle. Sign up to patreon.com/noencore now for weekly bonus episodes!As for this week's edition of NO ENCORE prime...ACT ONE: Nine Inch Nails return to the live stage to kick off the Peel It Back world tour at Dublin's 3Arena. Dave and Adam duly report back. ACT TWO (15:25): This week's news section takes in the making of a Snow Patrol anthem, Liam Gallagher hitting out at a city council, the collision between moshing and smartwear, the tribute band industry, and the militaristic thoughts of one Ryan Tedder. ACT THREE (50:33): Top 5 Politically-Charged Tupac Songs. -Follow Dean on Instagram / LinkedIn Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Michael speaks with retired Secret Service agent and ABC News contributor Don Mihalek about the alarming rise in politically motivated violence following the targeted killings of Minnesota lawmakers. Mihalek explains how grievances, political polarization, and easy access to personal information—fueled by the internet and dark web—are creating unprecedented threats to public officials. He warns that local leaders, once considered safe from such dangers, are increasingly vulnerable "soft targets." The conversation explores the shifting threat landscape, the burden on law enforcement, and the troubling implications for civic participation and democracy. Original Air Date June 16, 2025.
As much as we tried to celebrate last week's excellent economic numbers regarding the food and fibre, the bullishness of Fieldays, the boost in elective surgery and the boom in teacher numbers, what you can't ignore is the manufacturing read for April. It hit a brick wall. It fell over six points and is below the 50 point expansionary mark. A couple of key things about that - while services and sentiment and spending figures have been bad manufacturing, for months now, has been on the increase each and every month. It has been above 50, it has been growing. It has been a significant green shoot in the overall economic picture. The other thing is employment. That is a sub category that had its biggest reversal in the history of the index. What makes this worse? For those of you saying "oh, it will be Trump", the experts don't think it is. So the big question is, how much of it is the world? Remember the World Bank last week reduced global growth all over the place. So how much of it is the world vs how much of it is the U.S? Has New Zealand Inc hit a tough spot? For trainspotters it was suggested fairly far and wide at the time that April and May seemed to be an issue. All the momentum that we felt we had at the start of the year had suddenly run out of puff. These numbers would tend to suggest the vibe was real. Ironically this week we get the GDP figures for Q1, that's January, February and March, and the broad consensus is that we will have seen good growth. They think about 0.7% for the quarter. If you annualised that out it gives you a number very close to 3%, which anyone would take in this troubled and turbulent world. But we can't annualise it out, not with manufacturing numbers like this. It might be short term. It may involve the Reserve Bank and that idea they had that things were a bit neutral and therefore not needing a gee up. They may well be hopelessly wrong. Politically it's a hole in the head the Government don't need, because its not like they aren't pedalling fast. But when one of your major economic reads that was good, now isn't, it doesn't take an economics degree to recognise a big, fat, red flag. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
As much as we tried to celebrate last week's excellent economic numbers regarding the food and fibre, the bullishness of Fieldays, the boost in elective surgery and the boom in teacher numbers, what you can't ignore is the manufacturing read for April. It hit a brick wall. It fell over six points and is below the 50 point expansionary mark. A couple of key things about that - while services and sentiment and spending figures have been bad manufacturing, for months now, has been on the increase each and every month. It has been above 50, it has been growing. It has been a significant green shoot in the overall economic picture. The other thing is employment. That is a sub category that had its biggest reversal in the history of the index. What makes this worse? For those of you saying "oh, it will be Trump", the experts don't think it is. So the big question is, how much of it is the world? Remember the World Bank last week reduced global growth all over the place. So how much of it is the world vs how much of it is the U.S? Has New Zealand Inc hit a tough spot? For trainspotters it was suggested fairly far and wide at the time that April and May seemed to be an issue. All the momentum that we felt we had at the start of the year had suddenly run out of puff. These numbers would tend to suggest the vibe was real. Ironically this week we get the GDP figures for Q1, that's January, February and March, and the broad consensus is that we will have seen good growth. They think about 0.7% for the quarter. If you annualised that out it gives you a number very close to 3%, which anyone would take in this troubled and turbulent world. But we can't annualise it out, not with manufacturing numbers like this. It might be short term. It may involve the Reserve Bank and that idea they had that things were a bit neutral and therefore not needing a gee up. They may well be hopelessly wrong. Politically it's a hole in the head the Government don't need, because its not like they aren't pedalling fast. But when one of your major economic reads that was good, now isn't, it doesn't take an economics degree to recognise a big, fat, red flag. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
AP correspondent Julie Walker reports on a manhunt for the suspect who killed a Minnesota lawmaker and her husband and wounded a second lawmaker.
Democracy scholars often assume that ethnic homogeneity is good for democracy. Politically mobilised ethnic minorities, the assumption goes, stoke divisions and can destabilise democracy. In his latest book Ethnic Minorities, Political Competition, and Democracy: Circumstantial Liberals (Oxford UP 2024), Jan Rovny turns this assumption on its head and argues that not only minorities are not bad for democracy but in fact they can help strengthen and protect it. In this episode, he talks with host Licia Cianetti about why this is the case, under what circumstances, and how the book's lessons from minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can travel well beyond the region and might even provide insights to interpret recent voting patterns in the US. Jan Rovny is Professor of Political Science at the Center for European Studies and Comparative Politics at Sciences Po, Paris. Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Founding Director of CEDAR. Her book on these themes is The Quality of Divided Democracies: Minority Inclusion, Exclusion and Representation in the New Europe (University of Michigan Press, 2019). The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Democracy scholars often assume that ethnic homogeneity is good for democracy. Politically mobilised ethnic minorities, the assumption goes, stoke divisions and can destabilise democracy. In his latest book Ethnic Minorities, Political Competition, and Democracy: Circumstantial Liberals (Oxford UP 2024), Jan Rovny turns this assumption on its head and argues that not only minorities are not bad for democracy but in fact they can help strengthen and protect it. In this episode, he talks with host Licia Cianetti about why this is the case, under what circumstances, and how the book's lessons from minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can travel well beyond the region and might even provide insights to interpret recent voting patterns in the US. Jan Rovny is Professor of Political Science at the Center for European Studies and Comparative Politics at Sciences Po, Paris. Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Founding Director of CEDAR. Her book on these themes is The Quality of Divided Democracies: Minority Inclusion, Exclusion and Representation in the New Europe (University of Michigan Press, 2019). The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science
A new report compiled by DataEQ has placed the City of Tshwane as the best-performing metro in South Africa in terms of public sentiment, while Johannesburg ranked lowest. The Pulse of the People quarterly report shows that Tshwane recorded the least negative sentiment, driven by praise for clean water access, proactive leadership, and visible service improvements such as cleanup campaigns and law enforcement. In contrast, Johannesburg drew the highest level of public dissatisfaction. Jon Gericke spoke to Sarah Lamb, Head of Client Services at DataEQ.
Democracy scholars often assume that ethnic homogeneity is good for democracy. Politically mobilised ethnic minorities, the assumption goes, stoke divisions and can destabilise democracy. In his latest book Ethnic Minorities, Political Competition, and Democracy: Circumstantial Liberals (Oxford UP 2024), Jan Rovny turns this assumption on its head and argues that not only minorities are not bad for democracy but in fact they can help strengthen and protect it. In this episode, he talks with host Licia Cianetti about why this is the case, under what circumstances, and how the book's lessons from minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can travel well beyond the region and might even provide insights to interpret recent voting patterns in the US. Jan Rovny is Professor of Political Science at the Center for European Studies and Comparative Politics at Sciences Po, Paris. Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Founding Director of CEDAR. Her book on these themes is The Quality of Divided Democracies: Minority Inclusion, Exclusion and Representation in the New Europe (University of Michigan Press, 2019). The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world.
Democracy scholars often assume that ethnic homogeneity is good for democracy. Politically mobilised ethnic minorities, the assumption goes, stoke divisions and can destabilise democracy. In his latest book Ethnic Minorities, Political Competition, and Democracy: Circumstantial Liberals (Oxford UP 2024), Jan Rovny turns this assumption on its head and argues that not only minorities are not bad for democracy but in fact they can help strengthen and protect it. In this episode, he talks with host Licia Cianetti about why this is the case, under what circumstances, and how the book's lessons from minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can travel well beyond the region and might even provide insights to interpret recent voting patterns in the US. Jan Rovny is Professor of Political Science at the Center for European Studies and Comparative Politics at Sciences Po, Paris. Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Founding Director of CEDAR. Her book on these themes is The Quality of Divided Democracies: Minority Inclusion, Exclusion and Representation in the New Europe (University of Michigan Press, 2019). The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
There is no end. There is only the continuing struggle, acted out in cycles of social movements. The process of winning one set of demands creates new levels of citizen consciousness and empowerment, and generates new movements on new demands and issues.Today we're going through the conclusion of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that the public is unaware (or feels defeated in face) of the violations of the general public's rights/values/interests.Prove the failure of Institutions - A prolonged period of increasing stress on the system. Ripening Conditions - The calm before the storm. Nobody feels like anything is happening.The Take Off - Seemingly overnight, a social problem becomes something EVEaRYONE is talking about, based on a trigger event AND a non-violent action campaign, that can be repeated on a local level throughout the country.Identity Crisis of Powerless: (The movement is meant to move on to stage 6, but many activists move into this stage, instead.) Many activists lose sight of the long game + quit.Majority Popular Support: Long game of garnering the public's support for your cause. It feels like nothing is happening, but depends on grassroots engagement to challenge the status quo.Success: when the long process of building opposition reaches a new plateau + the new social consensus turns the tide of power against the powerholders, an endgame process leads to the movement's success. This process can take three forms: dramatic showdown, quiet showdown, or attrition.Continuing the Struggle: Celebrate success, Follow up (local, national, etc.), Work on other demands, New social consciousness issues, Beyond reform to social change. Alternative systems not just opposing the ones that exist.THE SOURCE: Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlAND "Doing Democracy In the 21st CenturyAND The Moyer ModelDONATE:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Telegram founder Pavel Durov has effectively been under house arrest in France since he was arrested there ten months ago. For the first time, he explains why. (00:00) Being Arrested in France (10:50) France's Attempt to Humiliate and Tarnish Durov (17:21) How Telegram Makes Money (22:06) Did Anyone Defend Durov? (31:56) Europe's Mission to Make Privacy Illegal Paid partnerships with: SimpliSafe: Visit https://simplisafe.com/TUCKER to claim 50% off & your first month free! Beam: Get 30% off for a limited time using the code TUCKER at https://ShopBeam.com/Tucker Identity Guard: Get a 30-day free trial and over 60% off when you sign up at https://IdentityGuard.com/Tucker XX-XY Athletics: Use code TUCKER25 for 25% off at https://thetruthfits.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The movement needs to recognize successes achieved, follow up on the demands won, raise larger issues, focus on other demands which are in various stages, and propose larger alternatives and a new paradigm.Today we're going through step 7 (success) of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that the public is unaware (or feels defeated in face) of the violations of the general public's rights/values/interests.Prove the failure of Institutions - A prolonged period of increasing stress on the system. The intensity of public feeling, opinion, and upset required for social movements can happen only when the public realizes that the governmental policies violate widely held beliefs + values. Ripening Conditions - The calm before the storm. Nobody feels like anything is happening.The Take Off - Seemingly overnight, a social problem becomes something EVERYONE is talking about, based on a trigger event AND a non-violent action campaign, that can be repeated on a local level throughout the country.Identity Crisis of Powerless: (The movement is meant to move on to stage 6, but many activists move into this stage, instead.) Many activists lose sight of the long game + quit.Majority Popular Support: Long game of garnering the public's support for your cause. It feels like nothing is happening, but depends on grassroots engagement to challenge the status quo.Success: when the long process of building opposition reaches a new plateau + the new social consensus turns the tide of power against the powerholders, an endgame process leads to the movement's success. This process can take three forms: dramatic showdown, quiet showdown, or attrition.Continuing the Struggle: Celebrate success, Follow up (local, national, etc.), Work on other demands, New social consciousness issues, Beyond reform to social change. Alternative systems not just opposing the ones that exist.There is no end. There is only the continuing struggle, acted out in cycles of social movements. The process of winning one set of demands creates new levels of citizen consciousness and empowerment, and generates new movements on new demands and issues.THE SOURCE: Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlDONATE:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The City of Johannesburg is reportedly defending the awarding of almost R1 billion in massive transport contracts to politically connected families. This is despite concerns from the Auditor-General. Jon Gericke spoke to Daily Maverick Associate Editor Ferial Haffajee,
Today we're going through steps 6 - 7 of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that the public is unaware (or feels defeated in face) of the violations of the general public's rights/values/interests.Prove the failure of Institutions - A prolonged period of increasing stress on the system. The intensity of public feeling, opinion, and upset required for social movements can happen only when the public realizes that the governmental policies violate widely held beliefs + values. Ripening Conditions - The calm before the storm. Nobody feels like anything is happening.The Take Off - Seemingly overnight, a social problem becomes something EVERYONE is talking about, based on a trigger event AND a non-violent action campaign, that can be repeated on a local level throughout the country.Identity Crisis of Powerless: (The movement is meant to move on to stage 6, but many activists move into this stage, instead.) Many activists lose sight of the long game + quit.Majority Popular Support: Long game of garnering the public's support for your cause. It feels like nothing is happening, but depends on grassroots engagement to challenge the status quo.Success: when the long process of building opposition reaches a new plateau + the new social consensus turns the tide of power against the powerholders, an endgame process leads to the movement's success. This process can take three forms: dramatic showdown, quiet showdown, or attrition.Continuing the Struggle: Celebrate success, Follow up (local, national, etc.), Work on other demands, New social consciousness issues, Beyond reform to social change. Alternative systems not just opposing the ones that exist.There is no end. There is only the continuing struggle, acted out in cycles of social movements. The process of winning one set of demands creates new levels of citizen consciousness and empowerment, and generates new movements on new demands and issues.THE SOURCE: Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlDONATE:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Will we ever come together politically as a nation? James Twyman says only if we listen to Aretha Franklin and show "Respect"
"Rather than feeling depressed and powerless, activists now need to recognize the power and success of themselves and their movement." - Bill MoyerToday we're going through steps 5 - 6 of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that the public is unaware (or feels defeated in face) of the violations of the general public's rights/values/interests. Prove the failure of Institutions - A prolonged period of increasing stress on the system. The intensity of public feeling, opinion, and upset required for social movements can happen only when the public realizes that the governmental policies violate widely held beliefs + values. Ripening Conditions - The calm before the storm. Nobody feels like anything is happening.The Take Off - Seemingly overnight, a social problem becomes something EVERYONE is talking about, based on a trigger event AND a non-violent action campaign, that can be repeated on a local level throughout the country.Identity Crisis of Powerless: (The movement is meant to move on to stage 6, but many activists move into this stage, instead.) Many activists lose sight of the long game + quit. Majority Popular Support: Long game of garnering the public's support for your cause. It feels like nothing is happening, but depends on grassroots engagement to challenge the status quo. Success: when the long process of building opposition reaches a new plateau + the new social consensus turns the tide of power against the powerholders, an endgame process leads to the movement's success. This process can take three forms: dramatic showdown, quiet showdown, or attrition.Continuing the Struggle: Celebrate success, Follow up (local, national, etc.), Work on other demands, New social consciousness issues, Beyond reform to social change. Alternative systems not just opposing the ones that exist. There is no end. There is only the continuing struggle, acted out in cycles of social movements. The process of winning one set of demands creates new levels of citizen consciousness and empowerment, and generates new movements on new demands and issues.THE SOURCE: Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlDonate:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Today we're going through steps 4 - 5 of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).In stage 5, large swaths of activists quit because they feel powerless, despair, and generally like they've failed.Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that the public is unaware (or feels defeated in face) of the violations of the general public's rights/values/interests. Power-holders lie about their intentions and the most of the public buys into the status quo.Prove the failure of Institutions - A prolonged period of building up the stress on the system. The intensity of public feeling, opinion, and upset required for social movements to occur can happen only when the public realizes that the governmental policies violate widely held beliefs and values. Ripening Conditions - The calm before the storm. Nobody feels like anything is happening.The Take Off - Seemingly overnight, a social problem becomes something EVERYONE is talking about, based on a trigger event AND a non-violent action campaign, that can be repeated on a local level throughout the country.Identity Crisis of Powerless: (The movement is meant to move on to stage 8, but many activists move into this stage, instead.)Majority Popular SupportSuccessContinuing the StruggleTHE SOURCE: Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlDONATE:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Description of "The Clay Edwards Show: Best of June 6, 2025" In this engaging episode of The Clay Edwards Show, host Clay Edwards delivers a compelling mix of community advocacy, local news, political analysis, and heartfelt storytelling from Jackson, Mississippi. The show kicks off with an urgent plea for blood donations for Grayson Foster, a Mississippi College track star who lost a leg in a motorcycle accident. Edwards shares donation details, including the Mississippi Blood Services code EQ32, stressing that all blood types are needed to support Foster's recovery. Edwards introduces his “FAFO (F'd Around and Found Out) Championship,” spotlighting Rodriquez Tyrell Pinson's arrest in Canton, Mississippi, after fleeing Gluckstadt police in a stolen Ford F350. With humor, Edwards notes Pinson's vowel-heavy name and the chase's setting near the Econo Lodge, detailing charges like felony eluding and receiving stolen property. Politically, Edwards expresses disappointment in Pelahatchie's Rashonda, a former official who labeled the town racist after losing an election. He challenges her claims, arguing that political disagreements, not race, fueled the backlash, and shares his own experiences of being heckled while campaigning. The episode celebrates the “Philadelphia Miracle,” where white conservative Republicans won four out of five municipal races in the majority-Black city of Philadelphia, Mississippi. Guest Shewaski Young, Neshoba County Republican Party secretary, attributes the upset to grassroots efforts—door-knocking, radio ads, and community outreach—offering a potential model for flipping rural Democratic areas. Edwards analyzes Jackson's political landscape, predicting that demographic shifts will make it nearly impossible for white candidates to win mayoral or council seats, citing the defeat of former mayor Chokwe Lumumba as a turning point. He urges habitual candidates to redirect their efforts and praises the election of John Horne, hoping he'll stabilize Jackson by working with the legislature and attracting business. In a touching segment, Edwards shares a story about his girlfriend's son and friends rescuing a newborn kitten, which was handed over to “Miss Julie,” a local woman dedicated to animal rescue. Edwards praises her kindness, humorously apologizing to “conservative cat ladies” for past jests and reflecting on the goodness in communities. The show concludes with a powerful D-Day tribute, emphasizing unity under the American flag, and a fiery discussion on the Elon Musk-Donald Trump feud, with Edwards dismissing conspiracy theories and calling for the release of Epstein documents. Broadcast from the Men's Health & Women's Wellness Studios, this episode blends hard-hitting commentary with community spirit, airing on 103.9 FM WYAB and streaming on SaveJXN platforms.
"The crisis of identity + powerless is a personal crisis for activists. After the experience of a movement in take-off stage, their view of the world and themselves is transformed. They come to realize that the problem is more serious than they had thought, the governmental institutions, powerbrokers, and democratic processes which they thought would help solve social problems were actually part of the problem, and that the problem can only be resolved if they are part of the solution. Rather than feeling depressed and powerless, activists now need to recognize the power and success of themselves and their movement." - Bill MoyerToday we're going through steps 3-4 of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that the public is unaware (or feels defeated in face) of the violations of the general public's rights/values/interests. Power-holders lie about their intentions and the most of the public buys into the status quo.Prove the failure of Institutions - A prolonged period of building up the stress on the system. The intensity of public feeling, opinion, and upset required for social movements to occur can happen only when the public realizes that the governmental policies violate widely held beliefs and values. Ripening Conditions - The calm before the storm. Nobody feels like anything is happening.The Take Off - Seemingly overnight, a social problem becomes something EVERYONE is talking about, based on a trigger event AND a non-violent action campaign, that can be repeated on a local level throughout the country.Identity Crisis of Powerless: (The movement is meant to move on to stage 8, but many activists move into this stage, instead.)Majority Popular SupportSuccessContinuing the StruggleTHE SOURCE: Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlDONATE:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Today we're going through steps 3-4 of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that people are unaware or feel defeated in face of the violations of the general public's rights. Power-holders lie about their intentions and the most of the public buys into the status quo.Prove the failure of Institutions - Build up stress on the system - The intensity of public feeling, opinion, and upset required for social movements to occur can happen only when the public realizes that the governmental policies violate widely held beliefs and values. Ripening Conditions - The calm before the storm. Nobody feels like anything is happening.The Take Off - Seemingly overnight, a social problem becomes something EVERYONE is talking about, based on a trigger event AND a non-violent action campaign, that can be repeated on a local level throughout the country.THE SOURCE: Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlDONATE:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Politically, I'm happy the Democrat party is failing this badly. But, if half of America is failing as badly as this political party, this is bad for America. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Today we're going through steps 1 - 3 of Bill Moyer's 1987 Movement Action Plan (A Framework for Effective Social Movements).Normal Times - "Business as usual" - Politically quiet times that people are unaware or feel defeated in face of the violations of the general public's rights. Power-holders lie about their intentions and the most of the public buys into the status quo.Prove the failure of Institutions - Build up stress on the system - The intensity of public feeling, opinion, and upset required for social movements to occur can happen only when the public realizes that the governmental policies violate widely held beliefs and values. THE SOURCE:Bill Moyer's (MAP): https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/moyermap.htmlDONATE:www.pcrf.netGET AN OCCASIONAL PERSONAL EMAIL FROM ME: www.makeyourdamnbedpodcast.comTUNE IN ON INSTAGRAM FOR COOL CONTENT: www.instagram.com/mydbpodcastOR BE A REAL GEM + TUNE IN ON PATREON: www.patreon.com/MYDBpodcastOR WATCH ON YOUTUBE: www.youtube.com/juliemerica The opinions expressed by Julie Merica and Make Your Damn Bed Podcast are intended for entertainment purposes only. Make Your Damn Bed podcast is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/make-your-damn-bed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Politically, I'm happy the Democrat party is failing this badly. But, if half of America is failing as badly as this political party, this is bad for America. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
On Tagata o te moana this week: Politically it is unsettled in parts of the region, while the Pacific is also trying to cope with dengue outbreaks. The continuing washup involving the Manawanui and next week academics in Auckland look at the links between health and climate.Go to this episode on rnz.co.nz for more details
[EP 25-216] It's the end of an era for the Democrats. Trump's resurgence reminds me of a boxer who arrives in his prime as many of his idols are aging out. One by one, the newbie cements his place in history by defeating the old guard one by one, sending them all into retirement.Politically speaking, Trump represents the newbie. And he's taking down the establishment by defeating the “original gangstas” (OGs) one by one.Obama is a shell of what he used to represent. Remember when this guy could command crowds of tens of thousands? Anywhere. I don't know if I've ever seen a politician fall so far, though Sarah Palin may be a close second. However she never rose to the prominence of Obama. Nor did she have the potential for such radical change.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-kevin-jackson-show--2896352/support.
What if the stories at the end of Genesis weren't just family drama—but political storytelling? In this episode, Nate and Shelby revisit six key moments from Genesis 27 to 50—including Jacob stealing Esau's blessing, Dinah and Shechem, Judah and Tamar, and Joseph's rise in Egypt—to explore how these stories may have been written to explain Israel's political identity, tribal dynamics, and national origin. We talk about: Why Jacob and Esau's rivalry reflects Israel vs. Edom What Jacob's wrestling match really says about the name "Israel" How the story of Dinah might not be about justice at all The subversive role of Tamar and why she's called righteous Why Joseph marrying an Egyptian priest's daughter created tension later And how Genesis closes by blessing tribes that already existed These aren't just ancient stories—they're layered political texts that reveal how Israel saw itself and its neighbors. Join us as we read Genesis a little more historically, and a little more honestly. Thoughts, questions, stories? Please email contact@almostheretical.com Become a member and get: 1. Bonus episodes and aftershows 2. All full-length, ad-free episodes 3. Access to Heretical Together (our private community of 350+ listeners) Become a member: almostheretical.com/premium Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The business rescue of Daybreak - a poultry farm bought by the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) in 2015 for R1.2 billion rand - is not the only horror story involving the irresponsible use of the Government Employee Pension Fund (GEPF). In this interview with BizNews, Zirk Gous, the spokesperson for the Association for Monitoring and Advocacy of Government Pensions (AMAGP), says: “…we need to act on 33 billion rands which are squandered in irresponsible political high-risk investments. And that is an urgent thing.” He says the “core problem” is that both the Government Employee Pension Fund and the Public Investment Corporation are “under total political control…so the people which should be called to account for the pain and the suffering of the Daybreak employees (are the) Minister of Finance, (the) Board of Trustees of the GEPF, the Board of Trustees of the Public Investment Corporation.” Meanwhile, says Gous, they are investigsations options to prevent further bad investments. “…the key to that will be we will have to amend the legislation, the Government Employee Pension Law. We will have to amend the Public Investment Corporation Act to remove the political control.”
Dr Ntsikelelo Breakfast, political analyst and academic at Nelson Mandela University, to unpack whether the Oval office meeting has worked to Julius Malema’s political benefit. Presenter John Maytham is an actor and author-turned-talk radio veteran and seasoned journalist. His show serves a round-up of local and international news coupled with the latest in business, sport, traffic and weather. The host’s eclectic interests mean the program often surprises the audience with intriguing book reviews and inspiring interviews profiling artists. A daily highlight is Rapid Fire, just after 5:30pm. CapeTalk fans call in, to stump the presenter with their general knowledge questions. Another firm favourite is the humorous Thursday crossing with award-winning journalist Rebecca Davis, called “Plan B”. Thank you for listening to a podcast from Afternoon Drive with John Maytham Listen live on Primedia+ weekdays from 15:00 and 18:00 (SA Time) to Afternoon Drive with John Maytham broadcast on CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show go to https://buff.ly/BSFy4Cn or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/n8nWt4x Subscribe to the CapeTalk Daily and Weekly Newsletters https://buff.ly/sbvVZD5 Follow us on social media: CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
The Tory press and pundits reacted as rationally as you'd expect to the new UK-EU deal, accusing Starmer of sneaking back into the EU, betraying the British taxpayer, and all their favourite themes. But exactly what are they saying and how much of it is legit? Plus, with the potential abolition of the Department for Culture, Media, and Sport, we ask why governments can't see the positives of culture? And in the Extra Bit for subscribers, it's 20 years since The Thick of It hit our screens. Politically, does it still hold up? Today's special guest is Emma Kennedy, writer and host of our sibling science and psychology podcast Why? – new series out now! • Get tickets for Oh God, What Now? Live at 21 Soho, London, with special guest Marcus Brigstocke. • Don't miss our fascinating new series Crime Scene. Latest episode: Who killed the Essex Boys? www.patreon.com/ohgodwhatnow Presented by Dorian Lynskey, Rafael Behr and Zoë Grünewald. Producer: Chris Jones. Audio. Production by Robin Leeburn. Music by Cornershop. Group Editor: Andrew Harrison. Managing Editor: Jacob Jarvis. OH GOD, WHAT NOW? is a Podmasters production. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Critically-acclaimed Andor has returned. Politically sophisticated and emotionally bracing, Tony Gilroy's Star Wars series about the birth of a rebellion has returned for a second and final season. Does it live up to its first season's incredible highs and adult-minded storytelling? We discuss and review the show, its odd release schedule, and where it ranks within the shaky Star Wars canon.
This week on The Carbon Footprint, we tackle the big stuff — like the new Pope (or is he just rebranded?), a 911 operator who's had enough of your emergencies, and Warren Buffett finally deciding to retire (just in time for the market to crash, probably). Oh, and we get real about the struggle of being Puerto Rican.Dark humor? Always. Politically correct? Never heard of her. If you're easily offended, you're probably listening to the wrong show.Subscribe, laugh, and lower your expectations — one carbon footprint at a time.
The Liberals will need as much time as possible before taking on a prime minister determined to tidy up outstanding problems.
On Episode 23: We welcome Dr. Cher'Don Reynolds, fresh off her CNN appearance, to break down how President Trump's tariff hikes are hitting small businesses like hers that rely on imports from China and beyond. We also dive into claims of insider trading in Congress—are politicians like Nancy Pelosi cashing in while everyday Americans ride out market chaos?
In our third hour, we welcome Bob McDonnell and Delores McQuinn to the show, to discuss BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION; additionally, Rich addresses and advocates for the idea of bipartisanship. Plus, we check in on the markets with Greer Financial's Michael Greer.
Today, using the political compass as our mapping tool, we explore diversity of opinion in BBC Radio comedy.If you enjoyed this video, please give it a like, share it somewhere, all that stuff. Thank you!And please subscribe to this excellent Substack, if you haven't already.In case you missed them, here are my pieces from earlier in the week.Gigs Coming UpHere is a list of shows I have coming up, in case of interest.The big one is The Mid-Year Review Wearing on next Tuesday, May 20 in London. Otherwise it's:* London, Crazy Coqs, May 14. SOLD OUT. (Waiting list only)* London, Backyard, May 20. The Mid Year Review Tickets here* Sevenoaks, Out of Bounds Comedy Club, July 11. Tickets here.* Bedford, Quarry Theatre, July 27. Tickets here.* London, Crazy Coqs, Sept 24. Tickets here.* London, Crazy Coqs, Nov 5. Tickets here.* London, Crazy Coqs, Dec 3. Tickets here.Happy Sunday! Until next time,DominicIf you are thinking of buying gold to protect yourself in these uncertain times, the bullion dealer I use and recommend is the Pure Gold Company. Pricing is competitive, quality of service is high. They deliver to the UK, the US, Canada and Europe or you can store your gold with them. Find out more here. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe
Send us a textDo you remember Drop Dead Gorgeous from 1999? We do and we don't. We remember that it has a stacked cast in Kristen Dunst, Denise Richards, Ellen Barkin, Kirstie Alley, Britney Murphy, Amy Adams & Allison Janney just to name a few. Seriously, there is a lot more. We also remember it being hilarious. We also think that hilarity might be very politically incorrect now. Either way, we couldn't be more excited. So join us as we go back to the end of the 90s and watch this documentary-style comedy. Do You Remember Liking This Movie?
Special Edition of Politically Conscious: Georgia Legislative RecapIn this episode, we unpack the abrupt end to Georgia's legislative session, sparked by a transgender policy clash. Political Strategist Leo Smith joins us to highlight the key legislation that did pass and the next steps for both lawmakers and voters as federal funds shift back to the states under the Trump administration. Plus, we dive into Keisha Lance Bottoms' announcement to run for Governor and what it means for Georgia's pivotal role as a swing state.
Our political experts weigh in on Trump's unpredictable use of tariffs—should Americans be concerned or wait for results? They also react to Trump backing Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth after leaked military plans against Yemen, and share thoughts on the Georgia Democratic Caucus walking out over a transgender rights dispute.
A city councilor threatens to withhold funds for a Portland State University project. The city is possibly repaying a local business owner for over $100,00 in sidewalk improvements. And we dig into the latest city audit tackling our crumbling infrastructure. Joining host Claudia Meza on today's Friday news roundup are Oregonian City Hall reporter Shane Dixon Kavanaugh and our very own executive producer, John Notarianni. Discussed in Today's Episode: Portland City Councilor Threatens PSU Project Funding Over Response to Pro-Palestinian Library Takeover [Oregonian
Get the stories from today's show in THE STACK: https://justinbarclay.comKirk Elliott PHD - FREE consultation on wealth conservation - http://GoldWithJustin.comJoin Justin in the MAHA revolution - http://HealthWithJustin.comTry Cue Streaming for just $2 / day and help support the good guys https://justinbarclay.com/cueUp to 80% OFF! Use promo code JUSTIN http://MyPillow.com/JustinPatriots are making the Switch! What if we could start voting with our dollars too? http://SwitchWithJustin.com
Politically speaking, is America a Christian nation? Is there any country that you would define as a “Christian Nation”? In this interview, I discuss the following with my guest scholar: ►Did Washington, Adams, Jefferson and Madison believe that America is a Christian nation? ►Is Canada a Christian nation? ►Is Britain a Christian nation? ►What is America's 'Civil Religion'? ►What does the term 'secular' mean? No. It's not that simple!►Has America experienced a secular surge? ►We have the Religious Right in our politics. So, why don't have a Secular Left? ►Is it true that until about the 1970s, religion was not a partisan issue? ►Is religion in America a zero-sum game? ►Is it possible to secular and religious at the same time? ►What does it mean that the decline of Christianity in America has stopped?
California governor Gavin Newsom said the other day that talking about due process for Abrego Garcia is a “distraction.” A distraction that team Trump wants. No. Fighting to defend due process, to defend civil liberties is never a distraction. And Democrats, if you won't fight to defend due process, then don't bother fighting to defend anything. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Alan's Soaps https://www.AlansArtisanSoaps.comUse coupon code TODD to save an additional 10% off the bundle price.Bioptimizers https://Bioptimizers.com/toddEnter promo code TODD to get 10% off your order of MassZymes today.Bizable https://GoBizable.comUntie your business exposure from your personal exposure with BiZABLE. Schedule your FREE consultation at GoBizAble.com today. Bonefrog https://BonefrogCoffee.com/toddThe new GOLDEN AGE is here! Use code TODD at checkout to receive 10% off your first purchase and 15% on subscriptions.Bulwark Capital Bulwark Capital Management (bulwarkcapitalmgmt.com)Get a second opinion on the health of your retirement portfolio today. Schedule your free Know Your Risk Portfolio review. go to KnowYourRiskRadio.com today.Renue Healthcare https://Renue.Healthcare/ToddYour journey to a better life starts at Renue Healthcare. Visit https://Renue.Healthcare/ToddIt's occurred to me that God is changing the world through people with common sense. God uses the simple things to shame the wise and the weak things to shame the powerful. Let's examine how he's doing this through immigration.Episode Links:President Bukele says he will REFUSE to send MS-13 gang members back to the United States from El Salvador. BUKELE: “How can I smuggle a terrorist into the United States? Of course I'm not going to do it. The question is preposterous!” “Why do you want terrorists on the streets?”MAGA is big mad at Rep. Jasmine Crockett. “We done picking cotton. We are. You can't pay us enough to find a plantation.” Methinks it's less about immigrants working the fields and more about how MAGA can't force Black folks to do it. Rep. Sarah McBride says MAGA Republicans have "consistently exploited immigration to gain power, and now, they are exploiting it again to grow their power illegally."Lawrence O'Donnell claims that Trump wants to start rounding up US citizens and deporting them..Actually, @POTUS said it on camera, too (multiple times) — and made clear he'd only consider it within the confines of the law.
Last time we spoke about Operation Jinzhou and the defense of Harbin. In the tumultuous landscape of early 1930s China, Chiang Kai-shek hesitated to engage in combat, fearing internal factions and the looming threat of the CCP. Zhang Xueliang, commanding a substantial force, felt pressure from both the Japanese and his own government. As tensions escalated, the Kwantung Army launched a brutal campaign against Jinzhou, leading to its fall. Amidst chaos, resistance leaders like Ma Zhanshan and Ding Chao emerged, rallying against Japanese aggression, determined to protect their homeland despite limited support. In November, the Jilin Provincial Anti-Japanese Government formed under Cheng Yun, rallying over 3,000 troops led by Feng Zhanhai against Japanese forces. After several battles, including the retaking of Shulan, they faced fierce resistance but ultimately had to retreat. As the Japanese advanced, the Jilin Self-Defense Army was established, but after intense fighting, Harbin fell to the Japanese on February 6. Despite earlier victories, the Chinese resistance crumbled, leading to the establishment of Manchukuo and the end of organized resistance in Manchuria. #145 What was Manchukuo? Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. To start off this episode I want to turn back to our old friend Ishiwara Kanji. Ishiwara's ambition to dominate Manchuria was primarily a means to an end: to secure resources and a strategic position against America. After gaining control of Manchuria, Ishiwara shifted his focus toward another objective: fostering racial cooperation among Asian peoples. His vision for Manchukuo, or rather his interpretation of it, served as a launching pad for his idea of an East-Asian league, rooted firmly in his Final War theory. During his time in Manchuria in 1932, this Pan-Asian concept of Manchukuo distinguished him from many of his colleagues in the Kwantung Army and marked him as unconventional within the Imperial Japanese Army . As many of you may know, Manchukuo was a fraudulent puppet state designed to legitimize Japan's takeover of Manchuria. The Japanese high command aimed to disguise their invasion of this part of China as an indigenous independence movement. To achieve this, they installed Puyi, the last Qing emperor, as the figurehead of Manchukuo while promoting ideals of racial harmony. This facade was necessary, as controlling a population that harbored resentment towards them required some effort to win their favor. Fortunately for the Japanese, there were factions in Manchuria that actually desired independence. This region was the heartland of Nurhaci's Manchu people—yes that guy we spoke about all the way back in the beginning of this podcast. The Japanese had considerable leverage, framing their actions as a noble revival of the Qing dynasty or a restoration of power to the Manchu. Additionally, there was a significant Mongolian presence, and Inner Mongolia would soon play a role in these events. Manchuria was reluctantly drawn into the nationalist movement, and it shared Japan's apprehension towards the USSR, having faced its own struggles against it for a long time. Moreover, a large population of Japanese settlers in Manchuria welcomed the takeover, as the Zhang Xueliang regime had not been particularly accommodating to them, implementing various discriminatory measures. Zhang Xueliang's alliance with the Nationalists effectively sealed the fate of the Japanese settlers, who anticipated expulsion. As military operations progressed, Ishiwara and Itagaki convened with other prominent Kwantung officers to strategize control over Manchuria. They met with Officer Katakura, Chief of Staff Miyake, and Dohihara Kenji from the Mukden special service, reviewing a prior plan by Colonel Dohihara for a multi-ethnic autonomous nation in Manchuria. This entity was to be led by Puyi, possessing complete autonomy in internal matters, while defense and foreign relations would be managed by Japan. Ishiwara drafted the plans by September 22nd, which were sent to Tokyo on October 2nd. Although Tokyo's high command disapproved of the objectives, they collaborated with the Kwantung Army for five months to establish a new state based on two main principles: the purported indigenous movement for Manchurian independence and the administrative framework for Kwantung Army control. The Kwantung Army proceeded to utilize Manchuria's traditional structure of local self-governing bodies. Throughout 1931, they bribed, persuaded, and threatened local leaders to foster a movement for autonomy against the Kuomintang hardliners. One of their first initiatives was the establishment of the "Jichi Shidobu Self-Government Guidance Board," responsible for coordinating regional independence movements in collaboration with the Kwantung Army to, as Miyake put it, "guide Manchuria to self-government." The board was headed by Yu Ch'ung-han, a Mukden elder statesman educated in Japan and a former advisor to Zhang Zuolin. It comprised 20 Japanese and 10 Manchurian members. Such organizations attracted Japanese civilians in Manchuria, who supported the so-called multiracial political structure, as they could exploit it for their own interests. The Kwantung Army heavily promoted slogans like “racial harmony, racial equality, and the righteous way.” Their control over Manchuria was solidified by placing Japanese advisors in all governmental bodies with ultimate veto power, ensuring that everything was effectively under Japanese control. While it seemed that Ishiwara's vision was unfolding as planned, by 1933, he became a fierce critic of the very system he had helped establish. It's quite ironic that the man who played a key role in initiating the conquest of Manchuria would be unable to exert his influence in shaping Manchukuo. While Ishiwara Kanji served as the operations officer officially responsible for planning and executing military operations to capture Manchuria, the political arrangements for the new state fell outside his control. Nevertheless, Ishiwara was very vocal about his views on the development of Manchukuo, strongly advocating for racial harmony. He persistently urged his colleagues that the economic growth of Manchukuo should embody the spirit of racial cooperation. Ishiwara believed that the economic interests of Manchukuo would naturally align with those of the Kwantung Army, as both aimed for the unity of Asia against the West. He was gravely mistaken. Ishiwara was driven by his theory of a final war, and everything he did was aimed at preparing for it; thus, his fixation on racial harmony was part of this broader strategy. In March 1932, the self-government guidance board was dissolved, transferring its functions and regional organizations to newly established bureaus within the Manchukuo government. In April, an organization called the Kyowakai (Concordia Association) was formed, led by Yamaguchi Juji and Ozawa Kaisaku, with the goal of promoting racial harmony. This initiative received support from members of the Kwantung Army, including Ishiwara, Itagaki, and Katakura. The Kwantung Army invested heavily in the organization, which quickly gained traction—at least among the Japanese. General Honjo expressed concerns about the organization's potential political influence in Manchukuo; he preferred it to remain an educational entity rather than evolve into an official political party. By "educational role," he meant it should serve as a propaganda tool for the Kwantung Army, allowing them to exert influence over Manchukuo without significant commitment. But to Ishiwara the Concordia Association was the logical means to unify the new nation, guiding its political destiny, to be blunt Ishiwara really saw it should have much more authority than his colleagues believed it should. Ishiwara complained in August of 1932, that Manchuria was a conglomerate of conflicting power centers such as the Kwantung army, the new Manchukuo government, the Kwantung government, the Mantetsu, consular office and so on. Under so many hats he believed Manchukuo would never become a truly unified modern state, and of course he was one of the few people that actually wanted it to be so. He began arguing the Kwantung army should turn over its political authority as soon as possible so “Japanese of high resolve should hasten to the great work of the Manchurian Concordia Association, for I am sure that we Japanese will be its leaders. In this way Manchukuo will not depend on political control from Japan, but will be an independent state, based on Japanese Manchurian cooperation. Guided by Japanese, it will be a mode of Sino-Japanese friendship, an indicator of the present trends of world civilization” Needless to say the Concordia Association made little headway with the Chinese and it began to annoy Japanese leaders. The association gradually was bent into a spiritless propaganda and intelligence arm of the IJA, staffed largely by elite Japanese working in the Manchukuo government. Ishiwara started utilizing the Concordia Association to advocate for various causes, including the return of leased territories like the Railway zone, the abolition of extraterritoriality, and equal pay for different races working in Manchukuo—efforts aimed at fostering racial harmony. However, this advocacy clashed significantly with the Japanese military's interests, damaging Ishiwara's reputation. As a result, the staff of the Kwantung Army began to shift dramatically, leaving Ishiwara increasingly isolated, except for Itagaki and a few loyal supporters. The higher-ups had grown weary of the disruptive Concordia Association and gradually took control, ensuring that discussions about concessions were halted. In August 1932, Ishiwara received a new assignment, and he appeared eager to leave Manchuria. Now that finishes off our story of Ishiwara, he will return later on in future episodes. Again if you want a full sort of biography on him, check out my youtube channel or Echoes of War podcast where I have a 4 part series on him. Now I want to get more into the specifics of what exactly was this new state known as Manchukuo? During the mayhem that was the invasion of Manchuria, by October 6th of 1931, the Japanese cabinet had finally relented and decided to no longer interfere with the establishment of a new regime in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia. The remaining disagreement between the Japanese government, Tokyo General HQ and the Kwantung army was not whether or not to establish a new regime, but whether or not to promote the establishment of a new regime. Japan obviously did not want to break the Washington system established by the treaty of Versailles. Yet they of course wanted to expand Japanese interest in Manchuria. So it was to be a delicate game of chess balancing their interests in coordination with the western powers. This was specifically why Prime Minister Wakatsuki Reijiro had opposed direct participation of Japanese soldiers in the establishment of a new regime, because clearly it would open Japan to condemnation from the west. Over the course of the invasion, Japan managed to occupy the 3 northeastern provinces of Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang by establishing pro-japanese regimes within each under Zhang Shiyi, Xi Qia and Ma Zhanshan respectively. On September 20, 1931, Jianchuan proposed the establishment of a Japanese-backed regime led by Puyi during a meeting with Honjo Shigeru, the commander of the Kwantung Army. Obviously Jianchuan was in league and under the influence of our old friend Doihara. Two days later, on September 22, the Kwantung Army General Staff developed the "Solution to the Manchuria-Mongolia Issue," based on Doihara's suggestion to create a Five-Nation Republic in Manchuria and Mongolia, with Japan as the "leader." The plan outlined the establishment of a new regime under Puyi, supported by Japan, to govern the 3 northeastern provinces and Mongolia. The new regime would entrust Japan with national defense and diplomacy, as well as the management of key transportation and communication infrastructure. It also proposed appointing Xi Qia, Zhang Haipeng, Tang Yulin, Yu Zhishan, and Zhang Jinghui to oversee garrisons in locations such as Jilin, Taonan, Rehe, Dongbiandao, and Harbin. To execute this plan, the Japanese Kwantung Army, led by Chief of Staff Itagaki, utilized local intelligence agencies and some mainland ronin to initiate a so-called strategic operation. To facilitate the plan's implementation, the Kwantung Army informed the commander of the Japanese Army in Tianjin that afternoon, requesting immediate "protection" for Emperor Xuantong. After the Kwantung Army took control of Jinzhou, it believed the moment was right to establish the hastily assembled puppet regime. To secure the full backing of the Japanese government and the military leadership, the Kwantung Army decided to send Itagaki back to Tokyo for negotiations. At that time, Itagaki had a fairly detailed plan to present. The proposed "Manchuria-Mongolia Central Government" aimed to create a centralized power structure that would be distinct from mainland China, effectively becoming a truly "independent" nation. They intended to appoint local collaborators as officials at all levels and were prepared to fabricate "public opinion" to obscure global perceptions of Japan's scheme to establish this regime. This of course was highly influenced by the announcement from the League of Nations that they would be investigating the entire incident in what would become known as the Lytton Commission. Thus they believed it was essential to set up the regime before the League of Nations investigation team arrived in Manchuria. They understood that if these actions were "carried out directly by Japan," they would violate both the Nine-Power Treaty and the League of Nations. However, they reasoned that if the Chinese initiated the separation themselves, it would not contradict the principles of those treaties. The Kwantung Army established puppet organizations using collaborators, starting with the "Liaoning Provincial Local Maintenance Association," which was formed on September 25, 1931. The association's chairman, Yuan Jinkai, represented the civil governance faction of the Fengtian clique. After the First Zhili-Fengtian War, he was appointed governor of Fengtian Province by the Zhili government, which led to his unpopularity with Zhang Zuolin. At the time of the incident, he was already retired. The association's vice chairman, Kan Chaoxi, had previously served as the governor of Rehe and commander of the Third Division. He fell out of favor with Zhang Zuolin due to his involvement with Guo Songling and subsequently retired. A common characteristic of the puppet organizations created by the Kwantung Army is that they always included Japanese advisors, regardless of their level. The "Liaoning Provincial Local Maintenance Association" was no exception, hiring Kanai Shoji, head of the health section of the local department of the Manchurian Railway and chairman of the Manchurian Youth League, as its top advisor. In the Japanese-occupied Fengtian, this highest advisor effectively became the leader of the maintenance association. While the association was ostensibly responsible for maintaining local order, it actually functioned as a tool for Japan to establish a puppet regime. Recruiting discontented officials and creating puppet institutions was just a minor part of the Kwantung Army's strategy to set up a puppet regime. The crucial factor in this endeavor was gaining the support of influential local warlords. To achieve this, the Japanese Kwantung Army, along with various intelligence agencies, employed a mix of soft and hard tactics, including coercion and incentives. As a result, they successfully pressured figures such as Yu Zhishan, Zhang Haipeng, Zhang Jinghui, Xi Qia, Zang Shiyi, and Ma Zhanshan to defect to the Japanese forces. Following the Mukden Incident, former Qing nobles who had hoped to restore the Qing Dynasty believed the moment had arrived. Xi Qia, a member of the former Qing royal family and the Chief of Staff of the Jilin Provincial Army at the time, took advantage of the Jilin governor's absence due to his mother's funeral to open the gates of Jilin and surrender to Japan. This made Xi Qia the first Chinese official to collaborate with the Japanese invaders since their invasion of China. He sent a secret letter to the abdicated Qing emperor Puyi, urging him to return to "the birthplace of the ancestors, restore the Qing Dynasty, and rescue the people from their suffering," with the backing of "friendly nations". Xi Qia and the former Manchu nobles, who had elevated him to acting governor of Jilin Province, proposed to the Japanese to invite Puyi to the Northeast to establish a monarchy. The Japanese Kwantung Army had already identified Puyi as a suitable puppet leader. After the 15 year war had concluded, under interrogation, Shirono Hiroshi confessed that the reason why the Japanese chose Puyi was: First, Puyi had “no connection with the Kuomintang in mainland China”; Secondly, "some old classes in the Northeast and Mongolia still have traditional yearnings for the Qing Dynasty"; Third, “the peasants in general… seemed to welcome the kingly political system implemented by the Aisin-Gioro family.” On November 8th, 1931, Doihara orchestrated the "Tianjin Incident" and covertly removed Puyi from his home in the Japanese Concession in Tianjin. They traveled through Dagukou, Yingkou, and Lushun before arriving in Fushun. By February 5th, 1932, the Japanese army had taken control of Harbin, stabilizing the situation in North Manchuria. Afterwards the Kwantung Army Headquarters organized a series of "National Construction Staff Meetings" to plan for a "National Construction Conference" involving collaborators. On February 16th, leaders from the Northeast provinces, including Zhang Jinghui, Xi Qia, Ma Zhanshan, Zang Shiyi, Xie Jieshi, Yu Chonghan, Zhao Xinbo, and Yuan Jinkai, gathered for the "Northeast Political Affairs Conference" at the Yamato Hotel in Shenyang. The meeting was led by Honjo Shigeru, the commander of the Kwantung Army. They decided to invite Puyi to rule the puppet state of "Manchukuo" and assigned government positions to the attendees. Notably, Itagaki Seishirō was appointed as the head of the Fengtian Special Agency and the chief advisor to the Military and Political Department of Manchukuo. On February 18th, the "Northeast Administrative Committee" issued a "Declaration of Independence," stating: "From now on, we declare that the regions of Manchuria and Mongolia will be separated from the Chinese central government. Based on the free choice and appeal of the residents of Manchuria and Mongolia, these regions will achieve complete independence and establish a fully independent government." On February 23rd, Itagaki met with Puyi in Fushun to inform him that he would be the "ruler" of Manchukuo. Although Puyi had hoped to reclaim the throne, he was disappointed with the "ruler" designation but felt compelled to accept it. On the 29th, the "All-Manchuria National Construction Promotion Movement Conference" passed a resolution urging Puyi to take on the role of ruler. In February, the Japanese army began its offensive against Rehe. Meanwhile, the League of Nations declared that it would not recognize Manchukuo. On March 1st, Japan orchestrated the establishment of "Manchukuo," appointing Puyi as its "ruler" under the reign title "Datong." China firmly rejected the notion of Manchukuo's "independence" and lodged a strong protest against Japan on the same day. On March 8th, Puyi officially declared his inauguration as the "ruler of Manchukuo" in Xinjing. Concurrently, officials were appointed to various "offices," "ministerial positions," and "ministries," leading to the formal establishment of Manchukuo. The following day, Puyi conducted an inauguration ceremony, and on March 10th, a secret agreement was signed with Japan. Japanese Ambassador to Manchuria, Nobuyoshi Mutō, and "Prime Minister" Zheng Xiaoxu signed the Japan-Manchuria Agreement in Changchun, with the Japanese government issuing a statement recognizing "Manchukuo." In October of 1932, the League of Nations Assembly released the Lytton Commission Report. Alarmed by the Mukden incident, the League of Nations had dispatched a group of investigators, led by British statesman Lord Lytton, to uncover the truth of what was going on. The commission traveled to Manchuria, gathering testimonies and examining evidence. Their task was daunting: Japan insisted its actions were defensive, protecting its economic interests and citizens. Meanwhile, China accused Japan of orchestrating the railway incident as an excuse for invasion. Months later, the Lytton Report emerged, painting a balanced yet damning picture. On February 24, the commission concluded that the "Mukden Incident" was staged by Japanese troops. It condemned Japan's actions as a violation of Chinese sovereignty, rejecting their claims of self-defense. Moreover, the report did not recognize the puppet state of Manchukuo, established by Japan in Manchuria. Instead, it called for Manchuria's return to Chinese control under an arrangement respecting regional autonomy. Though praised for its fairness, the report lacked teeth. Later on the League urged Japan to withdraw, but Japan walked out of the League instead, solidifying its grip on Manchuria. Manchukuo's territory would span the former provinces of Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang, excluding the Kwantung Leased Territory. It would also gradually incorporate eastern parts of Inner Mongolia, Chengde City and Rehe Province. The 1932 "Japan-Manchuria Protocol" established that the sovereignty of the Kwantung Leased Territory belonged to "Manchukuo." This entity acknowledged the Qing Dynasty's agreement to lease the Guandong Territory, which includes Lushun and Dalian, to Japan. As a result, the Guandong Territory remained under direct Japanese control and was not included in the "administrative division of Manchukuo." By 1934 Manchukuo was divided into 14 provinces, 2 special cities and 1 special district: Andong Province , " Fengtian Province ", Jinzhou Province , Jilin Province , Rehe Province , Jiandao Province , Heihe Province , Sanjiang Province , Longjiang Province , Binjiang Province, Xing'an East Province , Xing'an West Province , Xing'an South Province , Xing'an North Province , Xinjing Special City , Harbin Special City , and North Manchuria Special District. By 1939 this would increase to 19 provinces and 1 special city. Politically, Puyi served as the nominal head of state for "Manchukuo." He took on the role of ruler on March 8, 1932, adopting the reign title "Datong." On March 1, 1934, Puyi conducted a "coronation ceremony" in Xinghua Village, located south of "Xinjing," and renamed "Manchukuo" to the "Great Manchurian Empire." In this capacity, Puyi was designated as the "emperor," with the reign title "Kangde." "Manchukuo's administrative structure was led by the 'State Council,' headed by the 'Premier.' This pseudo 'State Council' included the 'Ministry of Foreign Affairs,' 'Ministry of Civil Affairs,' 'Ministry of Finance,' 'Ministry of Justice,' 'Ministry of Industry,' 'Ministry of Transportation,' 'Ministry of Culture and Education,' and 'Ministry of Military Affairs.' The 'Ministry of Finance' was later renamed the 'Ministry of Economy,' while the 'Ministry of Military Affairs' retained its name. The 'Ministry of Industry' was split into the 'Ministry of Agriculture' and the 'Ministry of Labor,' and additional departments like the 'Ministry of Health and Welfare' were established. Each ministry was led by a 'minister,' but real power rested with the Japanese vice ministers. The head of the 'General Affairs Department of the State Council,' who was also Japanese, effectively served as the 'Premier.' This role was first held by Komai Tokuzo, followed by Hoshino Naoki and Takebe Rokuzo. Every Tuesday, the Japanese vice ministers convened to discuss and make decisions on 'national' policies and various specific matters in a meeting known as the 'Fire Tuesday Meeting.'" The legislative assembly of "Manchukuo" was known as the "Legislative Yuan," with Zhao Xinbo serving as its first "President." However, true legislative authority rested with the Kwantung Army. Manchukuo operated without a formal constitution, instead relying on a series of special laws. The advisory group was referred to as the "Senate," led by a "Speaker," with Zang Shiyi being the inaugural holder of that position. The highest judicial authority in puppet Manchukuo was the "Supreme Court," with Lin Qi as the first "Supreme Justice" and Li Pan serving as the "Supreme Prosecutor General." The judicial agency was the "Imperial Household Agency," headed by Xi Qia. Following the September 18th Incident, Zhang Xueliang maintained a policy of "non-resistance." Most of the former Northeastern Army was "ordered" to retreat south of Shanhaiguan without engaging in combat. Those who could not withdraw were split into two factions: one group, motivated by national integrity and a shared animosity toward the enemy, rose to fight against Japan and became a significant part of the renowned Northeast Volunteer Army. The other faction consisted of traitors who surrendered, acknowledged the enemy as their leader, and acted as the enforcers and thugs for the Japanese invaders. These collaborators and the forces they commanded formed the backbone of the puppet Manchukuo army. Simultaneously, they recruited defectors and traitors, as well as bandits and social miscreants, thereby bolstering the ranks of the puppet Manchukuo military. They were under the influence of the highest advisors from the puppet Manchukuo Military and Political Department, which was made up of Japanese military officials. Directly controlled by the Kwantung Army, they served as vassals and accomplices of Japanese imperialism. "The State Council of Manchukuo" served as the governing body of the puppet state. It functioned as the highest political authority in the region. Structurally, it operated under the direct control of the head of state, Puyi. However, in practice, the State Council was heavily influenced by the Japanese Kwantung Army, with many key positions occupied by Japanese officials. The breakdown of power is as follows: "Head of State": "Emperor" ( before the transition to the imperial system , the ruler) "Emperor's direct agencies": Imperial Household Agency - Shangshufu - Senate - Military Attaché Office - Military Advisory Council - Sacrifice Office "Yuan": State Council - Courts - Legislative Yuan - Control Yuan "National Army": Royal Guards - River Defense Fleet - Flying Squadron - Xing'an Army - Jiandao Special Forces "Police": Maritime Police Force - Security Bureau Other "agencies": General Affairs Department (not official) External Group: Concord Society To fulfill its goal of annexing Northeast China, Japan initiated a "national policy immigration" campaign under the guise of development, intending to relocate 1 million households and 5 million Japanese citizens from Japan to Northeast China over two decades. Additionally, around 2 million Koreans were moved to the region as political immigrants. In April 1936, the Japanese Kwantung Army convened an "immigration" meeting in Changchun, where they developed the "Manchuria Agricultural Immigration Million Households Migration Plan." By September 1944, there were 1,662,234 Japanese immigrants (including early settlers) residing in various areas of Northeast China. Following 1945, most Japanese immigrants were repatriated, notably during the large-scale repatriation in Huludao, although the issue of Japanese orphans also arose. After the September 18th Incident, in response to the invasion by Japanese fascists, people from all nationalities and professions in China resisted fiercely. The Japanese fascists employed military forces, police, and special repressive agencies to brutally suppress the anti-Japanese movement, inflicting significant suffering on the Chinese populace. In addition to collaborating with the Kwantung Army for extensive military encirclement and suppression, the Kwantung Military Police Force oversaw other repressive agencies during peacetime and became the primary force behind the implementation of white terror. As for its economy, Manchuria is rich in natural resources. By 1936 its coal reserves were about 3 billion tons, iron reserves roughly 4 billion and had other minerals including Gold, Magnesite, Bauxite, Oil shale, Diamonds. Its forestry and fishery industry was quit rich as well. During the Zhang Zuolin era, Manchuria's industrial base was already well-developed, and Japan required a robust military industry to support its aggressive war efforts. Steel production was primarily located in Anshan and Benxi, while the chemical industry was centered in Liaoyang. The coal industry was concentrated in Fushun, Benxi, and Fuxin. Oil shale and synthetic fuel production were mainly found in Fushun and Jilin. Magnesite mining took place in Haicheng and Dashiqiao, and hydropower generation was focused in Jilin and along the Yalu River. Fengtian (now Shenyang) served as the hub for machinery, arms, and aircraft industries, whereas light industries, including textiles and food production, were concentrated in cities like Dalian, Dandong, Harbin, and Qiqihar. The industrial sector of the puppet state was largely controlled by the South Manchuria Railway Company. Following the establishment of the puppet state, investments from various Japanese conglomerates rapidly flowed into Northeast China. After 1937, the puppet state implemented an economic control policy for the industrial sector, adhering to the principle of "one industry, one company," which led to the creation of monopoly companies for each industry. Under this framework, the South Manchuria Railway transferred its industrial operations and reorganized them into a massive conglomerate called the "Manchuria Heavy Industry Development Corporation ," which monopolized all steel, coal, chemical, and electric power industries in the region. Additionally, over 40 specialized companies were established, including the "Manchuria Electric (Telephone and Telegraph) Company," "Manchuria Machinery Manufacturing Company," "Manchuria Mining Company," "Manchuria Airlines," "Manchuria Artificial Oil Company," "Manchuria Textile Company," "Manchuria Wool Textile Company," "Manchuria Chemical Industry Company," "Manchuria Forestry Company," "Manchuria Gold Mining Company," "Manchuria Livestock Company," "Manchuria Fisheries Company," "Manchuria Tobacco Company," "Manchuria Agricultural Commune," and "Manchuria Development Commune." These companies were jointly established by Japanese investors and the "Manchukuo" government, with profits shared according to their respective investments. In case of losses, the Manchukuo government guaranteed 10% of the profits for Japanese investments. To transform Manchuria into a base for its aggressive expansion against China and the Pacific War, Japan imposed strict control and extensive exploitation of the region's economy and resources. The primary focus of this control and exploitation was on mineral resources such as coal, iron, and oil, as well as essential industries. Under the intense plundering and strict oversight of Japanese imperialism, Northeast China's economy rapidly became colonial, leading to severe hardships for its people. Due to Japan's stringent economic control policies and large-scale colonial exploitation, the local industry and mining sectors suffered, national industries declined, and the rural economy collapsed, resulting in a swift transformation of Northeast China into a colony. To maximize the extraction of colonial resources, the Japanese invaders minimized the consumption levels of the local population. Since 1935, they implemented comprehensive distribution controls on vital strategic materials and everyday necessities. This distribution control policy plunged the people of Northeast China into extreme poverty and suffering. The 1936 resource survey report from the State Council of the puppet Manchukuo indicated that the region had an arable land area of 40 million hectares (equivalent to 4 billion mu), with 25 million hectares classified as cultivated land. Additionally, the forested area covered 170 million hectares. The annual production figures included 2.5 million tons of soybeans, 2 million tons of wheat, 700,000 tons of rice, 1 million tons of millet, 8 million tons of sorghum, 5 million tons of corn, 600,000 tons of other grains and beans (excluding soybeans), 300,000 tons of cotton, and 160,000 tons of tobacco. The livestock population consisted of 4 million horses, 3 million cattle, 30 million sheep, and 40 million pigs. The total annual grain output in the puppet Manchukuo was approximately 20 million tons. Of this, around 7.5 million tons were consumable grains for local farmers throughout the year, while 4 million tons were designated as seed grains. Furthermore, the region was responsible for supplying rations to Japanese and Korean immigrants. In compliance with the demands of the Kwantung Army, the puppet Manchukuo was obligated to deliver over 1 million tons of grain to Japan annually. The grain collection process commenced in mid-August and concluded at the end of November, imposing a significant burden on farmers. Japanese colonists were exempt from agricultural taxes and received monthly rations. The puppet state of Manchukuo had a “military force” known as the “Manchukuo Army.” It was divided into three components: "rear security" and "law and order maintenance," all under the control of the Japanese Kwantung Army. Initially, its military capabilities were limited, with the Kwantung Army handling most combat operations. However, as the main forces of the Kwantung Army shifted south and manpower became scarce, the anti-Japanese armed groups in Northeast China were suppressed and weakened. Consequently, the puppet Manchukuo began to assume more military responsibilities on its own, with many of its soldiers being Korean Japanese recruited from the Korean Peninsula. The entire Northeast was segmented into eleven military control zones, each led by an individual known as a commander. The military authority of the puppet state of Manchukuo was under the control of the Japanese Kwantung Army. Any troop movements, training exercises, equipment modifications, or personnel changes required approval from the Kwantung Army Headquarters. The puppet Manchukuo Army had nine ranks: general, colonel, and lieutenant. Upon graduating from the military academy, individuals were promoted to second lieutenant. After two years, they advanced to first lieutenant, and then to captain after another three years. Following that, a captain would be promoted to major after three years, then to lieutenant colonel after another three years. After four years, a lieutenant colonel would become a colonel, who would then be promoted to major general after four years. After three additional years, a major general could rise to the rank of lieutenant general, and finally, after four years, a lieutenant general could achieve the rank of general. The highest military rank was general, which was a lifetime appointment. Above the rank of general was an honorary title modeled after the Japanese marshal. Individuals such as Zhang Jinghui, Zhang Haipeng, Yu Zhishan, and Ji Xing were conferred the title of general. Thus was born a puppet state that would contribute to the 15 year war in Asia. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Yes perhaps this episode was a bit on the boring side of things, but its important to take a critical look at what exactly Manchukuo was. The new puppet state would be used for various means during the 15 year war and would ultimately be the crown jewel in a long list of conquered territories by the Japanese Empire.
You and I don't decide elections, and it's unfortunate. It's the Norm's and Norma's, the uninformed who decide elections. Women in Congress and the difficulties of new parents and doing their duty. Everyone has to make choices. Serious issues approached with a lack of seriousness. The people we send into office don't want to be in the game. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
“Liberation Day” has come and gone. The massive tariff announcement from the White House that landed just after markets closed on Wednesday. It's a sweeping 10% universal tariff on all goods, effective Saturday, April 5th, with even higher rates for countries like China (34%), the EU (20%), Japan (24%), and an eyebrow-raising 46% for Vietnam. Cars assembled abroad? They're getting hit with a 25% tariff starting May 3rd.Put simply, the market didn't take kindly to this. It's been a financial bloodbath: the Dow fell 1,400 points (around 3.8%), with the S&P and NASDAQ down even more. Apple and Nvidia alone lost a combined $470 billion in value, and the dollar hit a six-month low. Investors are clearly spooked by what could be the beginning of a global trade war. I'm not an economist, and I plan to have some real-deal experts on the show next week to discuss this in more detail, but from where I sit, this feels like a high-stakes gamble.Politically, this is an all-in move by Trump. If his critics are right, this could usher in financial ruin. But if the market recovers, prices stabilize, and jobs return, then maybe — just maybe — he's onto something. The key indicators to watch: inflation and jobs. If grocery bills soar, he's in trouble. If not, and if some manufacturing jobs make their way back to the U.S., this could be a paradigm shift.We're witnessing something that happens maybe once in a generation — one of America's major political parties changing its stance on a foundational economic principle. The GOP, long champions of free trade, are now planting their flag in protectionist soil. I grew up associating tariffs with progressive, union-backed economic arguments. Yet here we are, with a Republican president pushing a policy that would've made progressives cheer in decades past.Trump's economic approach would have been seen as left-wing populism not too long ago. The idea that tariffs can be used to protect American jobs is not new, but seeing it come from the right is a dramatic turn. It makes this moment politically fascinating, even if it brings financial risk.The big question remains: who's right? Every economist I've ever read has warned against tariffs, citing global market efficiencies and the cost to consumers. But Trump is betting on a different equation — one where protecting American industries and reducing the trade deficit leads to long-term gains.As I look at this from my seat, the numbers make me queasy. A 46% tariff on Vietnam because of a trade deficit calculation? That feels arbitrary at best. Aiming for a zero trade deficit with every nation doesn't necessarily reflect economic reality. We'll see how this unfolds, but for now, it's a major inflection point in both economic policy and political identity.Chapters00:00:00 - Intro and Tariff Thoughts00:09:29 - Interview with Karol Markowicz00:25:00 - Update00:26:39 - Eric Adams Goes Independent00:30:10 - NSC Firings00:33:11 - Senate Republican's Budget Plan00:37:28 - Interview with Karol Markowicz, continued01:06:13 - Wrap-up This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.politicspoliticspolitics.com/subscribe
Hey friends! Welcome to Girls' Night! I'm so excited about today's episode. Today we're talking about what's going on in the United States politically — how to wrap our minds around it, how to stay informed without losing our minds, and how to participate in a way that creates the real, lasting change we want to see for our communities. A few caveats here: Why are we talking about politics? Because I don't know about you, but this topic DEFINITELY is coming up at my girls nights. And if we talk about something at our real life girls nights, I want to make sure we're talking about it here too! I know that not all of our listeners live in the United States. I actually don't currently live in the United States. But the majority of our listeners are in the States, and as I'm learning as a US citizen living abroad, the things that are happening back in my home do really affect the rest of the world. But if this episode doesn't really apply to you, feel free to skip! We'll catch up with you at the next one. So, who's going to walk us through all of these questions and help us find some peace and clarity? My friend, Sharon McMahon, of course. After years of serving as a high school government and law teacher, Sharon McMahon took her passion for education to Instagram, where more than a million people rely on her for non-partisan, fact-based information as "America's Government Teacher." In a time where flashy headlines and false information often take the spotlight, Sharon is a reliable source for truth and logic. In this episode I ask her if what's happening in the US is truly unprecedented and how it measures up to other seasons our country has been through. We talk about how to get along with people who think differently from you and what that looks like, how to stay sane while also staying informed, and how to make the real, lasting change we want for our communities. If you've been feeling overwhelmed or unsure about what's been happening in our country the past several months, you're not alone. In these uncertain times, it's refreshing to hear a voice of clarity and hope. That's exactly what Sharon brings to the table. I can't wait for you to hear from her! One last thing before we dive in: This season, we're doing a really fun giveaway each week as a thank you for supporting this show (and the women who put it together!). This week, we'll be picking one winner of a $50 visa gift card — perfect for hosting a girls night of your own! To enter, all you have to do is take a screenshot of the show as you're listening, and share it on social media. Make sure to tag me! I'm @SMayWilson. One last thing: I know that some of our episodes are pretty personal (in fact, a lot of them are) and so I want you to know that you don't have to share the exact episode you're listening to in order to enter the giveaway. You can just share the show in general. (That way you're not accidentally giving your Aunt Susan and all your old high school friends information about your personal life that you don't necessarily want them to have!) Okay, with that said, let's dive into my conversation with Sharon! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Preview: Colleague Jonathan Schanzer explains the IDF deployment in southern Syria may well bring Israel in conflict with the well-armed and now politically troubled Turkey. More later. 1934 TURKEY AVIATORS
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