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On the GZERO World Podcast, we're bringing you two starkly different views on Ukraine's future and European security. First, Ian Bremmer speaks with Latvian Foreign Minister Baiba Braže about the growing security threats facing the Baltics—from cyberattacks and disinformation to undersea sabotage in the Baltic Sea. When an oil tanker linked to Russia's shadow fleet recently severed a vital power cable between Estonia and Finland, it was a stark reminder of how hybrid warfare is playing out beyond the battlefield. Braže warns that Putin's ambitions extend far beyond Ukraine, aiming to weaken US alliances and destabilize Europe. She also pushes back against claims that Ukraine's NATO ambitions provoked the war, calling them “complete nonsense,” and outlines why Latvia is boosting its defense spending to 5% of GDP.The conversation then shifts to Moscow, where Bremmer speaks with former Russian colonel and ex-Carnegie Moscow Center director Dmitri Trenin. Once considered a pro-Western voice, Trenin's views now align closely with the Kremlin. He argues that the fate of Ukraine should be decided primarily by Russia and the United States—not Ukraine or Europe.Host: Ian BremmerGuest: Baiba Braže & Dmitri Trenin Subscribe to the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer Podcast on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or your preferred podcast platform, to receive new episodes as soon as they're published.
On the GZERO World Podcast, we're bringing you two starkly different views on Ukraine's future and European security. First, Ian Bremmer speaks with Latvian Foreign Minister Baiba Braže about the growing security threats facing the Baltics—from cyberattacks and disinformation to undersea sabotage in the Baltic Sea. When an oil tanker linked to Russia's shadow fleet recently severed a vital power cable between Estonia and Finland, it was a stark reminder of how hybrid warfare is playing out beyond the battlefield. Braže warns that Putin's ambitions extend far beyond Ukraine, aiming to weaken US alliances and destabilize Europe. She also pushes back against claims that Ukraine's NATO ambitions provoked the war, calling them “complete nonsense,” and outlines why Latvia is boosting its defense spending to 5% of GDP.The conversation then shifts to Moscow, where Bremmer speaks with former Russian colonel and ex-Carnegie Moscow Center director Dmitri Trenin. Once considered a pro-Western voice, Trenin's views now align closely with the Kremlin. He argues that the fate of Ukraine should be decided primarily by Russia and the United States—not Ukraine or Europe.Host: Ian BremmerGuest: Baiba Braže & Dmitri Trenin Subscribe to the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer Podcast on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or your preferred podcast platform, to receive new episodes as soon as they're published.
After months of grueling warfare, heavy casualties, costly equipment losses, and with little to show for it, what are Russia's goals heading into the Ukrainian counteroffensive? Is there any hope for resolution in a conflict the Kremlin describes as an existential battle with NATO for the future of Russia itself? On the first episode of the GZERO World podcast's newest season, Ian Bremmer sat down with former director of the Carnegie Moscow Center and Kremlin ally, Dmitri Trenin, to hear the Russian perspective of the war in Ukraine. Bremmer and Trenin spoke just hours before Wagner Group head Yevgevy Prigozhin led an armed rebellion that made it within 125 miles of Moscow, a crisis that represented the single most brazen challenge to the Kremlin's authority in post-Soviet Russia. On the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer podcast, Trenin gives his opinion of Prigozhin's role in Russia's military, Russia's goals in the war, its relationships with allies like China and Belarus, nuclear deterrence, and more. GZERO World strives to present a diverse range of views. Many will strongly disagree with Trenin's opinions, but hearing Russia's perspective on the war could bring a better understanding of the paths to compromise.
After months of grueling warfare, heavy casualties, costly equipment losses, and with little to show for it, what are Russia's goals heading into the Ukrainian counteroffensive? Is there any hope for resolution in a conflict the Kremlin describes as an existential battle with NATO for the future of Russia itself? On the first episode of the GZERO World podcast's newest season, Ian Bremmer sat down with former director of the Carnegie Moscow Center and Kremlin ally, Dmitri Trenin, to hear the Russian perspective of the war in Ukraine. Bremmer and Trenin spoke just hours before Wagner Group head Yevgevy Prigozhin led an armed rebellion that made it within 125 miles of Moscow, a crisis that represented the single most brazen challenge to the Kremlin's authority in post-Soviet Russia. On the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer podcast, Trenin gives his opinion of Prigozhin's role in Russia's military, Russia's goals in the war, its relationships with allies like China and Belarus, nuclear deterrence, and more. GZERO World strives to present a diverse range of views. Many will strongly disagree with Trenin's opinions, but hearing Russia's perspective on the war could bring a better understanding of the paths to compromise. Subscribe to the GZERO World with Ian Bremmer Podcast on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or your preferred podcast platform, to receive new episodes as soon as they're published.
Chris Miller is Associate Professor of International History at Tufts University, where his research focuses on technology, geopolitics, economics, international affairs, and Russia. He is author of Chip War: The Fight for the World's Most Critical Technology, a geopolitical history of the computer chip. He is the author of three other books on Russia, including Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia; We Shall Be Masters: Russia's Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin; and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy: Mikhail Gorbachev and the Collapse of the USSR. He has previously served as the Associate Director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He received his PhD and MA from Yale University and his BA in history from Harvard University. For more information, see www.christophermiller.net.
Economic historian Chris Miller helps Rep. Crenshaw deconstruct all the major arguments against American involvement in the Russia-Ukraine War. Didn't NATO provoke Russia into war? What difference does it make to Americans what happens in Ukraine or the rest of Europe? Wouldn't Putin stop once he has Ukraine? Aren't we at risk of Russia using tactical nukes? Isn't Putin just a wise Christian man who's deeply concerned about woke ideology infecting western civilization? Chris Miller was a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow and a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center. He is the author of “We Shall Be Masters: Russia's Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin” and “Chip Wars: The Fight for the World's Most Critical Technology.” He is an Associate Professor of International History at Tufts University. Follow him on Twitter at @crmiller1.
It's been one year now since Vladimir Putin launched his assault on Ukraine, and China has sought to maintain the same difficult, awkward straddle across a difficult year. Did Beijing's efforts to project the impression that it had distanced itself from Russia in the wake of the Party Congress mean anything? And how should the U.S. manage its expectations of what China can or will do? Evan Feigenbaum, vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, joins us again as he did a year ago. We're also joined by his colleague Alexander (Sasha) Gabuev, who is a senior fellow at Carnegie, who headed the Carnegie Moscow Center until recently.4:37 – Are Beijing's actions surprising?7:34 – The nature of China-Russia relations15:45 – How has Beijing concretely supported Russia?22:07 – Did Beijing know Putin was going to invade?29:48 – European perspectives on the No Limits partnership37:02 – Beijing's assessment of Russia's military performance39:07 – What Beijing has learned from Russia's invasion46:47 – What carrots can the United States offer China?A complete transcript of this podcast is available at TheChinaProject.com.Recommendations:Sasha: Writing From Ukraine: Fiction, Poetry and Essays since 1965 by Mark AndryczykEvan: The Road Less Traveled: The Secret Battle to End the Great War,1916-1917 by Philip ZelikowKaiser: Jessica Chen Weiss on The Ezra Klein Show and The Problem With Jon Stewart; "Avoiding Catastrophe Will Be the True Test of Fractious U.S.-China Relations," an op-ed in the Financial Times by Jude BlanchetteSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
12 novembre 2022 - Orietta Moscatelli dialoga con Dmitrij Trenin, già direttore del Carnegie Moscow Center
The war between Russia and Ukraine has killed thousands of people and displaced 13 million Ukrainians. Yet despite heavy losses on both sides, the conflict shows no signs of abating anytime in the near future. What will it take for both countries to agree to a ceasefire? How does Russia view America's role in this conflict? And should Russia continue to suffer heavy military losses, will Putin make good on his threat to use nuclear weapons? Dmitri Trenin was a colonel in the Russian army for 21 years before becoming Director of the Carnegie Moscow Center. He offers a perspective from Russia on the continued conflict and how it might change in the coming months. The host of the Munk Debates is Rudyard Griffiths - @rudyardg. Tweet your comments about this episode to @munkdebate or comment on our Facebook page https://www.facebook.com/munkdebates/ To sign up for a weekly email reminder for this podcast, send an email to podcast@munkdebates.com. To support civil and substantive debate on the big questions of the day, consider becoming a Munk Member at https://munkdebates.com/membership Members receive access to our 10+ year library of great debates in HD video, a free Munk Debates book, newsletter and ticketing privileges at our live events. This podcast is a project of the Munk Debates, a Canadian charitable organization dedicated to fostering civil and substantive public dialogue - https://munkdebates.com Senior Producer: Ricki Gurwitz
Welcome everyone to the Martiak Market Update with your host Mark Martiak. Mark is a Managing Director of Investments with AGP/Alliance Global Partners, a registered investment adviser and broker-dealer, member of FINRA/SIPC. This show will explore topics ranging from market updates to the global economy and personal finance. Money is knowledge, and Mark wants to help you navigate your relationship with money by offering timely guidance and his unique perspective. Here's Mark Martiak. Mark speaking: Welcome. Thank you for joining me as we discuss key trends shaping our industries and markets. It's been a humanitarian crisis for the people of Ukraine, many of whom have faced devastation as the Russian invasion and war entered a third week. You hear a lot about economic sanctions that have been put in place by countries including the U.S.. During this program, I want to look at sanctions placed on Russia's Oligarchs who are on the move amid a global dragnet that Western governments have cast to ensnare their yachts, villas, jets, and bank accounts. You May HaveWondered: What is a Russian Oligarch?Oligarchs — or extremely wealthy business leaders who are politically connected — http://www.case-research.eu/upload/publikacja_plik/4931074_SA%20296last.pdf (became) http://www.case-research.eu/upload/publikacja_plik/4931074_SA%20296last.pdf (more prominent) in Russia in the 1990s, but they are not unique to Russia. Many Russian oligarchs are heavily involved in and benefit from Russian President https://www.cbsnews.com/news/vladimir-putin-russia-ukraine-dwindling-options-isolation/ (Vladimir) https://www.cbsnews.com/news/vladimir-putin-russia-ukraine-dwindling-options-isolation/ (Putin's regime), with some serving in political positions. For example, when Putin opened a new bridge to Crimea in 2018 — a region https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ukraine-russia-invasion-what-you-need-to-know/ (Russia had annexed) from Ukraine in 2014 — the bridge was built by his friend Arkady Rotenberg's company and the truck he drove across it was made by Sergei Chemezov's state corporation Rostec, according to https://carnegiemoscow.org/commentary/76555 (The) https://carnegiemoscow.org/commentary/76555 (Carnegie Moscow Center,) a think-tank that focuses on domestic and foreign policy. There is often a line of succession for oligarchs in politics. For example, Dmitry Patrushev, the son of Russian Security Council Secretary Nikolai Patrushev, was appointed as Russia's minister of agriculture, according to The Carnegie Moscow Center. Numerous Russian oligarchs and government officials were sanctioned by the U.S. in 2018, in part for the regime's occupation of Crimea and for continuing to instigate violence in Ukraine, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm0338 (according to the U.S.) https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm0338 (Treasury Department), which announced the sanctions. Rotenberg's son and Patruskev were included in that round of sanctions for their involvement with the regime. "Russian oligarchs and elites who profit from this corrupt system will no longer be insulated from the consequences of their government's destabilizing activities," Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin said in a press release about those sanctions. (1) The Biden administration announced it would expand its sanctions on Russian oligarchs, further taking aim at Putin's close-knit, elite network. The Biden administration blames the oligarchs for providing the resources critical to supporting Putin's invasion. "Treasury is committed to holding Russian elites to account for their support of President Putin's war of choice," said Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen. "Today, across the U.S. government and in coordination with partners and allies, we are demonstrating our commitment to impose massive costs on Putin's closest confidants...
As atenções do mundo estão hoje voltadas para a Ucrânia, um país com 44 milhões de habitantes estrategicamente incrustado no coração do Leste Europeu, entre a União Europeia e a Rússia. O início de uma guerra em plena Europa assusta o velho continente e o mundo, devido à perda de vidas humanas e a suas consequências imprevisíveis. Qual é a estratégia de longo prazo que leva o presidente Vladimir Putin a fazer a sua mais ousada jogada geopolítica desde que chegou ao poder, em 1999? Quais as consequências para a Europa e para o mundo? Quais os efeitos da reação empreendida pelos Estados Unidos e pela União Europeia? Qual o papel da China nesse tabuleiro? Para aprofundar essa discussão e projetar cenários, a Fundação Fernando Henrique Cardoso convidou um dos mais respeitados analistas russos, conhecido por sua independência dentro e fora do seu país. CONVIDADO: DMITRI TRENIN Diretor do Carnegie Moscow Center, um dos principais think tanks independentes do país, onde preside o Programa de Política Externa e de Segurança. É coronel aposentado das Forças Armadas da Rússia e, anteriormente, da União Soviética e lecionou durante muitos anos na Universidade de Defesa de Moscou. Em 1993, foi o primeiro cidadão de um país não-membro da OTAN a integrar o Defense College da aliança militar ocidental. Nascido em Moscou em 1955, recebeu seu PhD pelo Institute for US and Canadian Studies/Russian Academy of Sciences, em 1984. É autor de diversos livros, entre eles “Russia” (uma história política concisa do país desde 1900), publicado pela Polity (Cambridge, Reino Unido) em 2019. MEDIAÇÃO: FERNANDA MAGNOTTA Doutora e mestre pelo PPGRI San Tiago Dantas (UNESP/UNICAMP/PUC-SP), é senior fellow no Centro Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais (CEBRI). Professora e coordenadora do curso de Relações Internacionais da FAAP, é colunista de política internacional do portal UOL. SERGIO FAUSTO Cientista político, é diretor da Fundação FHC.
One of Ukraine's biggest food producers has warned of the impact of war on food supply. Dr John Rich is the chairman of MHP, and tells us further Russian advances in Ukraine could prevent farmers from sowing seeds for this year's crops. And we consider the importance of Russia and Ukraine's food production to the global food chain with Arnaud Petit, director of the International Grains Council. Also in the programme, the BBC's Ed Butler explores how much the Ukraine war is actually costing Russia in terms of munitions, equipment losses, sanctions and isolation. Plus, we get a Russian perspective on the events of the last two weeks from Andrei Kolesnikov, who is chair of the Russian Domestic Politics and Political Institutions Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. Today's edition is presented by Fergus Nicoll, and produced by Faarea Masud, Ivana Davidovic and Nisha Patel. (Picture: Last year's harvest in Ukraine. Picture credit: Getty Images.)
In this episode, we continued our special focus on #Russia and #Ukraine. Last time we were here, Russian President Vladimir Putin had just recognized the “People's Republics” of Luhansk and Donetsk, delivered a speech filled with historical myths and grievances, and Belarus had announced that the Russian military units there for exercises were not, in fact leaving. Only a few days later, Russia launched its long-feared invasion of Ukraine, attacking from multiple directions, bombarding cities with missile and artillery strikes, and causing a humanitarian crisis that now stands at over 1,000,000 refugees having fled Ukraine. To tell us where things stand and what more might unfold, we welcome two of our Krulak Center Fellows. Dr. Yuval Weber is one of our Distinguished Fellows here at the Krulak Center. He is a Research Assistant Professor at Texas A&M's Bush School of Government and Public Service in Washington, DC. Prior to Texas A&M, Dr. Weber served as the Kennan Institute Associate Professor of Russian and Eurasian Studies at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School, as a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of Government at Harvard University, and as an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow. Dr. Weber has held research positions at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University, the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, and the Carnegie Moscow Center. He has published on a range of Russian and Eurasian security, political, and economic topics in academic journals and for the popular press in the United States and Russia. Dr. Rosella Cappella Zielinski is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston University specializing in the study of political economy of security. Her book How States Pay for Wars (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016) won the 2017 American Political Science Association Robert L. Jervis and Paul W. Schroeder Best Book Award in International History and Politics. Her other works can be found in Conflict Management and Peace Science, European Journal of International Relations, Journal of Global Security Studies, Journal of Peace Research, and Security Studies, as well as Foreign Affairs, Texas National Security Review, and War on the Rocks. She is one of #TeamKrulak's Non-Resident Fellows, and is also affiliated with the Costs of War Project. In addition to her academic research, she is committed to promoting the study of political economy of national security, and is the founder and Co-Director of Boston University's Project for the Political Economy of Security. Intro/outro music is "Evolution" from BenSound.com (https://www.bensound.com) Follow the Krulak Center: Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/thekrulakcenter Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thekrulakcenter/ Twitter: @TheKrulakCenter YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCcIYZ84VMuP8bDw0T9K8S3g LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/brute-krulak-center-for-innovation-and-future-warfare Krulak Center homepage on The Landing: https://unum.nsin.us/kcic
Continuing our focus on #Russia and #Ukraine, #TeamKrulak Distinguished Fellow Dr. Yuval Weber reviewed Russian President Vladimir Putin's actions and statements up to today (Feb. 21), and what path Putin may follow against Ukraine in the coming days and weeks. Dr. Yuval Weber is one of our Distinguished Fellows at the Krulak Center. He is a Research Assistant Professor at Texas A&M's Bush School of Government and Public Service in Washington, DC. Prior to Texas A&M, Dr. Weber served as the Kennan Institute Associate Professor of Russian and Eurasian Studies at the Daniel Morgan Graduate School, as a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of Government at Harvard University, and as an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow. Dr. Weber has held research positions at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University, the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, and the Carnegie Moscow Center. He has published on a range of Russian and Eurasian security, political, and economic topics in academic journals and for the popular press in the United States and Russia. Intro/outro music is "Evolution" from BenSound.com (https://www.bensound.com) Follow the Krulak Center: Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/thekrulakcenter Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thekrulakcenter/ Twitter: @TheKrulakCenter YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCcIYZ84VMuP8bDw0T9K8S3g LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/brute-krulak-center-for-innovation-and-future-warfare Krulak Center homepage on The Landing: https://unum.nsin.us/kcic
Russian President Vladimir Putin is a man of dark emotions. But it's good that the West still engages with Moscow diplomatically. This is what Andrei Kolesnikov thinks. He is a Senior Fellow and the Chair of the Russian Domestic Politics and Political Institutions Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. We talked about Putin's decision system. if he listens to somebody and what it all means for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Do you want to know when was Putin honest and if he gave us a road map of his intentions? This podcast was recorded on February 17, just before the current round of a huge escalation. Listen to our conversation. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/andrej-matisak/message
In 2008, President George Bush was the star guest at Beijing's opening ceremony. Fourteen years later, under a cloud of diplomatic boycotts led by the US, the guest of honour spot was filled instead by President Putin. Under a confluence of factors over the last decade, China and Russia are closer now than they have been since the Cold War. On this episode of Chinese Whispers, Cindy Yu talks to Alexander Gabuev, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center, about how this situation came about. If the beginning of the end of the Cold War can be traced back to the Sino-Soviet split – allowing a bipolar world to be split into three when China began rapprochement with Nixon's America – then what does today's alliance mean at this moment in geopolitics? For Alex, there were three reasons why China and Russia have got closer. China's hunger for oil and gas makes Russia a much-needed new trading partner (and vice versa). The two were able to fudge territorial disputes along the 3000 mile border they share (Alex points out that Russia has only been able to amass troops on the Ukrainian border because their military presence on the Sino-Russian border is the lightest it has been for a century). They share similar political cultures - strongman-ship supported by powerful and corrupt oligarchs and a nationalistic society - and similar national leaders (‘for the first time after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, we have two leaders that are age mates and soul mates'). ‘The secret sauce' that binds the collaboration together, according to Alex, is the US's increasing confrontation with both. What we see from Washington today is a reverse Kissinger - where the two authoritarian countries are being pushed closer together by an increasingly hawkish America. Take Nord Stream 2 - any weaning off of the German market from Russian gas will simply make the Chinese market even more important for Moscow. But it's not clear that the West has many alternatives. Getting closer to China is not necessarily a good thing for Russia, either. For one, the relationship is unbalanced. In a reversal of Cold War dynamics, the size of China's high value economy today means that Chinese business matters more to Moscow than Russian to Beijing. ‘Ten, fifteen years down the road,' Alex says, ‘China will have more leverage'. Could a more powerful China try to bully its weaker ally in commercial and security spheres? Possibly, but the die may already have been cast: ‘unfortunately, the sources of grievances and conflict between Russia and the US run so deep [that] the Russian leadership is so emotionally invested that there is no easy way out.' On this episode Cindy and Alex also discuss the malleability of national memory (Russian aggression during the 19th century often flies under the radar of Chinese nationalists), in what ways China's relations with the US are still better than with Russia and exactly how China could react to any transgression on the Ukrainian border. Tune in.
As the 2022 winter Olympics kicked off last Friday in Beijing, a high-profile meeting took place on the sidelines between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping. Following their meeting, Putin and Xi released a joint statement emphasizing their shared grievances with respect to the U.S.-led world order, condemning NATO enlargement as well as alleged attempts by outside forces to interfere in their internal affairs. Despite this show of solidarity, however, tensions remain in the relationship between Moscow and Beijing. Alexander Gabuev and David Shullman join Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Jim Townsend to help us make sense of this development. Alexander Gabuev is a senior fellow and the Chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. His research is focused on Russia's policy toward East and Southeast Asia, political and ideological trends in China, and China's relations with its neighbors. David Shullman is Senior Director of the Global China Hub at the Atlantic Council, where he leads the council's work on China. David's research focuses on China's foreign policy and grand strategy, U.S.-China relations, China-Russia relations, and the implications of China's rise for global order and the future of democracy.
In 2008, President George Bush was the star guest at Beijing's opening ceremony. Fourteen years later, under a cloud of diplomatic boycotts led by the US, the guest of honour spot was filled instead by President Putin. Under a confluence of factors over the last decade, China and Russia are closer now than they have been since the Cold War. On this episode of Chinese Whispers, I talk to Alexander Gabuev, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center, about how this situation came about. If the beginning of the end of the Cold War can be traced back to the Sino-Soviet split – allowing a bipolar world to be split into three when China began rapprochement with Nixon's America – then what does today's alliance mean at this moment in geopolitics? For Alex, there were three reasons why China and Russia have got closer. China's hunger for oil and gas makes Russia a much-needed new trading partner (and vice versa). The two were able to fudge territorial disputes along the 3000 mile border they share (Alex points out to me that Russia has only been able to amass troops on the Ukrainian border because their military presence on the Sino-Russian border is the lightest it has been for a century). They share similar political cultures - strongman-ship supported by powerful and corrupt oligarchs and a nationalistic society - and similar national leaders (‘for the first time after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, we have two leaders that are age mates and soul mates'). ‘The secret sauce' that binds the collaboration together, according to Alex, is the US's increasing confrontation with both. What we see from Washington today is a reverse Kissinger - where the two authoritarian countries are being pushed closer together by an increasingly hawkish America. Take Nord Stream 2 - any weaning off of the German market from Russian gas will simply make the Chinese market even more important for Moscow. But it's not clear that the West has many alternatives. Getting closer to China is not necessarily a good thing for Russia, either. For one, the relationship is unbalanced. In a reversal of Cold War dynamics, the size of China's high value economy today means that Chinese business matters more to Moscow than Russian to Beijing. ‘Ten, fifteen years down the road,' Alex says, ‘China will have more leverage'. Could a more powerful China try to bully its weaker ally in commercial and security spheres? Possibly, but the die may already have been cast: ‘unfortunately, the sources of grievances and conflict between Russia and the US run so deep [that] the Russian leadership is so emotionally invested that there is no easy way out.' On this episode we also discuss the malleability of national memory (Russian aggression during the 19th century often flies under the radar of Chinese nationalists), in what ways China's relations with the US are still better than with Russia and exactly how China could react to any transgression on the Ukrainian border. Tune in.
Russia's military build-up on its border with Ukraine has set off alarm bells and led to a flurry of transatlantic diplomacy. Gideon talks to Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, about what President Vladimir Putin is seeking to achieve, and whether he can realise these goals without launching an attack on Ukraine.Read a transcript of this episode on FT.com See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
This podcast episode focuses on the recent upheaval in Kazakhstan and what to expect moving forward. What and who was behind the recent unrest in Kazakhstan? What was the role of Russia? What will become of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev's family, and what are the implications for other former Soviet countries? Podcast host Alexander Gabuev is joined by Assel Tutumlu, an assistant professor at the Near East University, and Temur Umarov, a fellow at Carnegie Moscow Center.
This podcast episode focuses on the recent upheaval in Kazakhstan and what to expect moving forward. What and who was behind the recent unrest in Kazakhstan? What was the role of Russia? What will become of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev's family, and what are the implications for other former Soviet countries? Podcast host Alexander Gabuev is joined by Assel Tutumlu, an assistant professor at the Near East University, and Temur Umarov, a fellow at Carnegie Moscow Center.
An online discussion hosted by the Central Asia Program at George Washington University and co-sponsored with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, and RFE/RL on January 10, 2022. The riots that erupted on January 5, 2021 in Almaty and then spread to Kazakhstan's other cities have taken the government by surprise, but signals of unrest were present since Nazarbayev left the presidency in 2019. The dismissal of the Cabinet, the removal of Nazarbayev from the Security Council presidency, the storm of the Parliament and the Almaty airport, as well as police violence will, without a doubt, mark a turning point in the history of Kazakhstan. At a more geopolitical level, the impact will be decisive too, as the CSTO has, for the first time in its history, sent peacekeeping troops at President Tokayev's request. Who are the protesters? What do they want? What are the genuine grassroots aspects and the instrumentalization of popular resentment by some elites for internal struggles? How can the regime survive such clashes? What will be the regional impact of the crisis in what was until then the most stable and prosperous country of Central Asia? SPEAKERS Merkhat Sharipzhanov, RFE/RL's Sr. Central Newsroom Correspondent, former Director of Kazakh Service; Temur Umarov, Research Consultant at Carnegie Moscow Center; Pauline Jones, Professor of Political Science and Director of the Digital Islamic Studies Curriculum at the University of Michigan (UM); Barbara Junisbai, Associate Professor of Organizational Studies, Pitzer College; Nargis Kassenova, Senior Fellow and Director of the Program on Central Asia at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies (Harvard University); Moderator: Marlene Laruelle, Director and Research Professor, the Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (IERES), The George Washington University.
It is one of the most significant crises with Russia since the end of the Cold War: 100,000 Russian troops on Ukraine's border that the U.S. says could invade within weeks. Meanwhile, American and Russian diplomats have kicked off intense talks. Debra Cagan, a former American diplomat, and Dmitri Trenin, of the Carnegie Moscow Center, join Nick Schifrin to discuss. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders
In this episode of .think Atlantic, IRI's Thibault Muzergues is joined by special guest Samuel Greene to discuss about the post-Soviet space, 30 years after the collapse of the USSR. Sam is Professor in Russian politics and Director of the Russia Institute at King's College London. He lived for more than a decade in Moscow where he worked as Director of the Centre for the Study of New Media & Society at the New Economic School and was also Deputy-Director of the Carnegie Moscow Center. He is also the author of numerous academic articles, op-eds and books on Russia and the post-Soviet space, his latest, co-authored with Graeme Robertson was published in 2019 and is called Putin v the People: The perilous Politics of a Divided Russia. How Putin's Russia is dealing with its Soviet past? Is Vladimir Putin's dream to revive some sort of Soviet Union? Is the concept of post-Soviet still relevant today? Why is Russia being so disruptive in its neighbourhood? Are Russians getting tired of Putin and his reckless geopolitical ambitions? Thibault and his guest discuss all these questions and contemplate what they mean for the larger transatlantic space – and much more. Find David on Twitter: @samagreene Find Thibault on Twitter: @tmuzergues Visit IRI's website at www.iri.org
Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya warns that reforms recently adopted by the State Duma to further the centralization of power in Russia's federal government could endanger the entire political system by pinning too much on the presidency and the Kremlin's "subjective and closed insider logic." "Constitutional Putinism" is supposed to weed out remnants of the destabilizing "opportunism" elevated in Russia's "Yeltsin Constitution," Stanovaya argues in a recent essay for the Carnegie Moscow Center, but Putinism could prove to be even more prone to opportunism if it is incapable of accommodating the multiple power centers that would emerge in a serious political crisis (for example, the loss of United Russia's parliamentary monopoly or a severe decline in the president's popularity). Original Article: https://meduza.io/en/feature/2021/12/17/the-risks-of-constitutional-putinism
In recent months, China and Russia have upgraded their strategic partnership, conducted joint naval drills in the Sea of Japan, and deepened collaboration on nuclear and space technology. Beijing and Moscow have also taken steps to test the credibility of U.S. alliances in the Indo-Pacific and trans-Atlantic regions. But as China-Russia ties have grown increasingly robust, Washington has become more and more concerned, labeling an “increasingly assertive China” and a “destabilizing Russia” as its chief foreign policy challenges and engaging both countries in dialogue and diplomacy. However, this narrative of China-Russia partnership has its limits—widening trade and economic disparities and intensifying competition for influence in Central Asia produce substantial points of tension between the two nations. How will China and Russia navigate the complex, often conflicting, dynamics in their relationship? And how might their interactions impact the United States' regional and global strategy? During a live recording of the China in the World podcast, Paul Haenle spoke with Guan Guihai, Associate Professor and Executive Vice President of the Institute of International and Strategic Studies at Peking University, Jennifer B. Murtazashvili, the Founding Director of the Center for Governance and Markets and Associate Professor at the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Pittsburgh, and Alexander Gabuev, Senior Fellow and the Chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. This panel is the second of the Carnegie Global Dialogue Series 2021-2022 and is also available to be watched online.
In a study of Russian youth attitudes for Carnegie Moscow Center, a research team led by Andrey Kolesnikov and Denis Volkov gathered a total of six focus groups in three cities (Moscow, Yaroslavl, and Bryansk), assembling two groups in each location, one comprising 18-25-year-olds and the other 30-35-year-olds. The project was designed, in part, to test speculation that a supposedly liberal-leaning, relatively oppositionist new generation of Russians will challenge the current regime's grip on power. Kolesnikov and Volkov attribute the "myth" that youths formed the heart of this year's pro-Navalny protests to the Kremlin's own propaganda, arguing that the authorities used this narrative to depict the Navalny movement as an illegal enterprise, thus justifying a police crackdown. At the same time, however, the narrative betrayed the Kremlin's own concerns about "losing" the next generation. Original Article: https://meduza.io/en/feature/2021/11/23/the-next-russians
This episode examines how the UK and Russia are approaching relations with countries of the Middle East as the region experiences major conflict and instability. While there is growing competition as the UK and Russia renew their interests, there may be areas where they could work together to help stabilise the region, notably on handling Iran's nuclear programme. After declining regional interest following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia returned to the Middle East with its 2014 military intervention in Syria – an involvement Moscow has subsequently sought to deepen. Meanwhile, the UK is looking to reshape its regional engagement, notably as part of its post-Brexit readjustment of its foreign and security policies. In this episode, Dr Dmitri Trenin, Director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, and Michael Stevens, a leading authority on the UK's role in the Middle East and North Africa, discuss with Dr Neil Melvin, Director of RUSI's International Security Studies team, how regional competition and limited cooperation between London and Moscow is playing out across the region.
The pandemic has failed to bring geopolitical rivals together, but has it created new divisions, or merely amplified existing disagreements? And have any lessons been learned for dealing with other global challenges, like climate change? Podcast host Alexander Gabuev is joined by Kadri Liik, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, and Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, to examine how the COVID-19 pandemic became a new frontline in Russia's competition with the West.
The pandemic has failed to bring geopolitical rivals together, but has it created new divisions, or merely amplified existing disagreements? And have any lessons been learned for dealing with other global challenges, like climate change? Podcast host Alexander Gabuev is joined by Kadri Liik, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, and Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, to examine how the COVID-19 pandemic became a new frontline in Russia's competition with the West.
Ties between Moscow and Beijing continue their upward trajectory, with their bilateral cooperation expanding across a broad range of areas. In the wake of the withdrawal of US and NATO forces from Afghanistan, Russia and China are coordinating their policies. This past June, NATO expressed concern about Chinese-Russian military cooperation and their joint exercises in the Euro-Atlantic area. While the United States and virtually all its allies are criticizing numerous Chinese policies, Russian President Vladimir Putin told Xi Jinping in a phone call a few weeks ago that he supports China's legitimate actions to safeguard its interests on issues related to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang and the South China Sea, and said he opposes any external interference in China's domestic affairs. Bonnie Glaser talks with Alexander Gabuev about Sino-Russian relations and the reactions of and the implications for the United States and Europe. Alexander Gabuev is a senior fellow and the chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. His research is focused on Russia's policy toward East and Southeast Asia, political and ideological trends in China, and China's relations with its neighbors—especially those in Central Asia.
Nargis Kassenova, a senior fellow at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies' program on Central Asia, and Temur Umarov, a research consultant at Carnegie Moscow Center, join podcast host Alexander Gabuev to discuss how Central Asian governments have reacted to the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, what their priorities are, and whether any of them might be prepared to facilitate U.S. military operations in the region from their own territory.
Nargis Kassenova, a senior fellow at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies' program on Central Asia, and Temur Umarov, a research consultant at Carnegie Moscow Center, join podcast host Alexander Gabuev to discuss how Central Asian governments have reacted to the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, what their priorities are, and whether any of them might be prepared to facilitate U.S. military operations in the region from their own territory.
Russia's position between Europe and Asia has led to differing conceptions of “what Russia is” to its leaders. Russia's vast holdings east of the Urals have often inspired those who led Russia to look eastward for national glory, whether through trade, soft power, or outright force. Yet these Russian “pivots to Asia” often ended soon after they began, with outcomes far more limited than what those who launched them hoped to achieve. Chris Miller's We Shall Be Masters: Russian Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (Harvard University Press, 2021) studies many attempts to chart an Asian policy—from bold imperial dreams of a thriving Russian Far East to Soviet efforts to inspire the developing world through soft power—and why all these policies ended up disappointing their drafters. In this interview, Chris and I talk about Russia's engagement with the Far East, stretching from its initial forays on the Pacific Coast of North America through to the present day. We talk about why “pivots to Asia” are so hard: both for the Russians, and perhaps for other great powers considering the same policy. Chris Miller is an assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is the author of Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (University of North Carolina Press, 2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (University of North Carolina Press, 2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He can be followed on Twitter at @crmiller1. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of We Shall Be Masters. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/asian-review
Russia's position between Europe and Asia has led to differing conceptions of “what Russia is” to its leaders. Russia's vast holdings east of the Urals have often inspired those who led Russia to look eastward for national glory, whether through trade, soft power, or outright force. Yet these Russian “pivots to Asia” often ended soon after they began, with outcomes far more limited than what those who launched them hoped to achieve. Chris Miller's We Shall Be Masters: Russian Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (Harvard University Press, 2021) studies many attempts to chart an Asian policy—from bold imperial dreams of a thriving Russian Far East to Soviet efforts to inspire the developing world through soft power—and why all these policies ended up disappointing their drafters. In this interview, Chris and I talk about Russia's engagement with the Far East, stretching from its initial forays on the Pacific Coast of North America through to the present day. We talk about why “pivots to Asia” are so hard: both for the Russians, and perhaps for other great powers considering the same policy. Chris Miller is an assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is the author of Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (University of North Carolina Press, 2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (University of North Carolina Press, 2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He can be followed on Twitter at @crmiller1. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of We Shall Be Masters. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Russia's position between Europe and Asia has led to differing conceptions of “what Russia is” to its leaders. Russia's vast holdings east of the Urals have often inspired those who led Russia to look eastward for national glory, whether through trade, soft power, or outright force. Yet these Russian “pivots to Asia” often ended soon after they began, with outcomes far more limited than what those who launched them hoped to achieve. Chris Miller's We Shall Be Masters: Russian Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (Harvard University Press, 2021) studies many attempts to chart an Asian policy—from bold imperial dreams of a thriving Russian Far East to Soviet efforts to inspire the developing world through soft power—and why all these policies ended up disappointing their drafters. In this interview, Chris and I talk about Russia's engagement with the Far East, stretching from its initial forays on the Pacific Coast of North America through to the present day. We talk about why “pivots to Asia” are so hard: both for the Russians, and perhaps for other great powers considering the same policy. Chris Miller is an assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is the author of Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (University of North Carolina Press, 2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (University of North Carolina Press, 2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He can be followed on Twitter at @crmiller1. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of We Shall Be Masters. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Russia's position between Europe and Asia has led to differing conceptions of “what Russia is” to its leaders. Russia's vast holdings east of the Urals have often inspired those who led Russia to look eastward for national glory, whether through trade, soft power, or outright force. Yet these Russian “pivots to Asia” often ended soon after they began, with outcomes far more limited than what those who launched them hoped to achieve. Chris Miller's We Shall Be Masters: Russian Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (Harvard University Press, 2021) studies many attempts to chart an Asian policy—from bold imperial dreams of a thriving Russian Far East to Soviet efforts to inspire the developing world through soft power—and why all these policies ended up disappointing their drafters. In this interview, Chris and I talk about Russia's engagement with the Far East, stretching from its initial forays on the Pacific Coast of North America through to the present day. We talk about why “pivots to Asia” are so hard: both for the Russians, and perhaps for other great powers considering the same policy. Chris Miller is an assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is the author of Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (University of North Carolina Press, 2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (University of North Carolina Press, 2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He can be followed on Twitter at @crmiller1. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of We Shall Be Masters. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies
Russia's position between Europe and Asia has led to differing conceptions of “what Russia is” to its leaders. Russia's vast holdings east of the Urals have often inspired those who led Russia to look eastward for national glory, whether through trade, soft power, or outright force. Yet these Russian “pivots to Asia” often ended soon after they began, with outcomes far more limited than what those who launched them hoped to achieve. Chris Miller's We Shall Be Masters: Russian Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (Harvard University Press, 2021) studies many attempts to chart an Asian policy—from bold imperial dreams of a thriving Russian Far East to Soviet efforts to inspire the developing world through soft power—and why all these policies ended up disappointing their drafters. In this interview, Chris and I talk about Russia's engagement with the Far East, stretching from its initial forays on the Pacific Coast of North America through to the present day. We talk about why “pivots to Asia” are so hard: both for the Russians, and perhaps for other great powers considering the same policy. Chris Miller is an assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is the author of Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (University of North Carolina Press, 2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (University of North Carolina Press, 2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He can be followed on Twitter at @crmiller1. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of We Shall Be Masters. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Russia's position between Europe and Asia has led to differing conceptions of “what Russia is” to its leaders. Russia's vast holdings east of the Urals have often inspired those who led Russia to look eastward for national glory, whether through trade, soft power, or outright force. Yet these Russian “pivots to Asia” often ended soon after they began, with outcomes far more limited than what those who launched them hoped to achieve. Chris Miller's We Shall Be Masters: Russian Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (Harvard University Press, 2021) studies many attempts to chart an Asian policy—from bold imperial dreams of a thriving Russian Far East to Soviet efforts to inspire the developing world through soft power—and why all these policies ended up disappointing their drafters. In this interview, Chris and I talk about Russia's engagement with the Far East, stretching from its initial forays on the Pacific Coast of North America through to the present day. We talk about why “pivots to Asia” are so hard: both for the Russians, and perhaps for other great powers considering the same policy. Chris Miller is an assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is the author of Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (University of North Carolina Press, 2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (University of North Carolina Press, 2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He can be followed on Twitter at @crmiller1. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of We Shall Be Masters. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs
Russia's position between Europe and Asia has led to differing conceptions of “what Russia is” to its leaders. Russia's vast holdings east of the Urals have often inspired those who led Russia to look eastward for national glory, whether through trade, soft power, or outright force. Yet these Russian “pivots to Asia” often ended soon after they began, with outcomes far more limited than what those who launched them hoped to achieve. Chris Miller's We Shall Be Masters: Russian Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (Harvard University Press, 2021) studies many attempts to chart an Asian policy—from bold imperial dreams of a thriving Russian Far East to Soviet efforts to inspire the developing world through soft power—and why all these policies ended up disappointing their drafters. In this interview, Chris and I talk about Russia's engagement with the Far East, stretching from its initial forays on the Pacific Coast of North America through to the present day. We talk about why “pivots to Asia” are so hard: both for the Russians, and perhaps for other great powers considering the same policy. Chris Miller is an assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is the author of Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (University of North Carolina Press, 2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (University of North Carolina Press, 2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. He can be followed on Twitter at @crmiller1. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of We Shall Be Masters. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/russian-studies
How does the latest version of Russia's National Security Strategy differ from the last one, released in 2015? Does the inclusion in it of environmental issues mean that this is finally a priority for Russia? Why does the strategy fail to address the growing rivalry between China and the United States? Podcast host Alexander Gabuev is joined by Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, and Anastasia Likhacheva, director of HSE's Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies.
How does the latest version of Russia's National Security Strategy differ from the last one, released in 2015? Does the inclusion in it of environmental issues mean that this is finally a priority for Russia? Why does the strategy fail to address the growing rivalry between China and the United States? Podcast host Alexander Gabuev is joined by Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, and Anastasia Likhacheva, director of HSE's Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies.
In this episode, hosted by Dr Neil Melvin, Director RUSI International Security Studies, Alexander Gabuev, Senior Fellow and Chair, Russia in the Asia-Pacific Programme at the Carnegie Moscow Center, and Dr Artyom Lukin, Associate Professor at Russia's Far Eastern Federal University, discuss how Russia's foreign and security policies in Asia are being affected by the Indo-Pacific regional concept and the Quad security grouping.
“Repression is spreading like gas in a room: as long as there's space there, it's going to expand.” What's Alexander Lukashenko's game plan in Belarus? Could the West have done more when protests broke out last year, and does it have any tools to impact the situation there now? Is there any alternative to Lukashenko that would be acceptable to Russia, or is any future regime now destined to be anti-Russian? Artyom Shraibman, a non-resident scholar at Carnegie Moscow Center, and Sabine Fischer, a senior fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Studies, join podcast host Alex Gabuev to discuss events in Belarus.
“Repression is spreading like gas in a room: as long as there's space there, it's going to expand.” What's Alexander Lukashenko's game plan in Belarus? Could the West have done more when protests broke out last year, and does it have any tools to impact the situation there now? Is there any alternative to Lukashenko that would be acceptable to Russia, or is any future regime now destined to be anti-Russian? Artyom Shraibman, a non-resident scholar at Carnegie Moscow Center, and Sabine Fischer, a senior fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Studies, join podcast host Alex Gabuev to discuss events in Belarus.
Monday, May 24, 2021 Hoover Institution, Stanford University The USSR had thrived during the nuclear revolution of the 1950s, matching America's ability to produce powerful missiles and destructive warheads. But accuracy eluded the USSR. Precision strike was produced by miniaturizing computing power, so it was limited by the capacity of the computer chips crammed into the nose of each missile. The Soviets faced fundamental challenges in their ability to fabricate tiny circuits. Their guidance systems were therefore always substantially less accurate. In the 1970s, President Jimmy Carter had authorized multiple new highly accurate weapons systems taking advantage of Silicon Valley's most advanced integrated circuits. By the 1980s, when these systems began to be deployed, the USSR had no response. Soviet defense officials feared that a precision conventional strike from the U.S. might even disable the USSR's nuclear forces. Ronald Reagan inherited a Soviet leadership convinced that it had already lost the arms race because it could not produce the computational power needed for precision weaponry. Chris Miller is assistant professor of international history at The Fletcher School at Tufts University and co-director of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is author of We Shall Be Masters: Russia's Pivots to East Asia from Peter the Great to Putin (2021), Putinomics: Power and Money in Resurgent Russia (2018) and The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy (2016). He has previously served as the associate director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale, a lecturer at the New Economic School in Moscow, a visiting researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a research associate at the Brookings Institution, and as a fellow at the German Marshall Fund's Transatlantic Academy. ABOUT THE PROGRAM https://www.hoover.org/research-teams/history-working-group This talk is part of the History Working Group Seminar Series. A central piece of the History Working Group is the seminar series, which is hosted in partnership with the Hoover Library & Archives. The seminar series was launched in the fall of 2019, and thus far has included six talks from Hoover research fellows, visiting scholars, and Stanford faculty. The seminars provide outside experts with an opportunity to present their research and receive feedback on their work. While the lunch seminars have grown in reputation, they have been purposefully kept small in order to ensure that the discussion retains a good seminar atmosphere.
Podcast host Alex Gabuev is joined by Andrey Movchan, a nonresident scholar in the Economic Policy Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, and Maria Shagina, a postdoctoral fellow at the Center for Eastern European Studies at the University of Zurich, to discuss the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy. After eight years of Western sanctions, has the Russian economy suffered substantially as a result? Do the latest U.S. sanctions in fact show that Washington is ready to turn the page? How successful has Russia's import substitution been? And how far do sanctions actually play into the Kremlin's hands at home?
Podcast host Alex Gabuev is joined by Andrey Movchan, a nonresident scholar in the Economic Policy Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, and Maria Shagina, a postdoctoral fellow at the Center for Eastern European Studies at the University of Zurich, to discuss the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy. After eight years of Western sanctions, has the Russian economy suffered substantially as a result? Do the latest U.S. sanctions in fact show that Washington is ready to turn the page? How successful has Russia’s import substitution been? And how far do sanctions actually play into the Kremlin’s hands at home?
Alex Gabuev speaks about current trends in U.S.-Russia relations. His take in a nutshell: It probably gets worse before it gets worse! Likewise, we are likely to see much more competition than cooperation between these two players, although there are still low-hanging fruits like in the field of arms control. But other battlegrounds like cyberspace, interference in elections, the Nawalny case and Ukraine make relations rocky. For Team Biden, which comes with highly skilled and dedicated personnel, this means for the foreseeable future that the job is more about managing multiple problems than about solving them all. Furthermore, Alex addresses Russia-China relations and whether the U.S. election pushes Beijing and Moscow closer to each other. Alex Gabuev is a Senior Fellow with Carnegie Moscow Center and a member of the YGLN.
What is motivating Russia's recent military buildup on the Ukrainian border? On April 6, 2021, Maxim Samorukov and Michael Kofman joined Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Jim Townsend to discuss Russian military activity on Ukraine’s border, the international community’s response, and more. Mike Kofman is a Senior Research Scientist at the Center for Naval Analyses' Russia Studies Program, a Fellow at the Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center, as well as an adjunct senior fellow on the Transatlantic Security program at the Center for a New American Security. Maxim Samorukov is a fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center and deputy editor of the Center’s website.
Kadri Liik and Dmitri Trenin join Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Jim Townsend to discuss the current state of Europe-Russia relations and how the United States should approach Russia during the Biden presidency. Liik is a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, and Trenin is the director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, where he also chairs the research council and the Foreign and Security Policy Program.
Andrei Kolesnikov is a senior fellow and the chair of the Russian Domestic Politics and Political Institutions Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. His research focuses on the major trends shaping Russian domestic politics, with particular focus on the fallout from the Ukraine crisis and ideological shifts inside Russian society. Kolesnikov also works with the Gaidar Institute for Economic Policy and is a frequent contributor for Vtimes.io, Gazeta.ru, and Forbes.ru. He sits on the board of the Yegor Gaidar Foundation and is a member of the Committee of Civil Initiatives (the Alexei Kudrin Committee). Andrei has worked for a number of leading Russian publications. He previously was the managing editor of Novaya Gazeta newspaper and served as deputy editor in chief of Izvestia and The New Times. Andrei has taught courses on journalism and modern media at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow. He has won numerous journalism awards, including the Russian Golden Quill (Zolotoye Pero Rossii) Award, the Adam Smith Prize, and the Federal Press Agency Award. Andrei is author of several books, including a biography of Anatoly Chubais and an analysis of how speechwriters have impacted history. FIND ANDREI ON SOCIAL MEDIA Twitter ================================ SUPPORT & CONNECT: Support on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/denofrich Twitter: https://twitter.com/denofrich Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/denofrich YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/denofrich Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/den_of_rich/ Hashtag: #denofrich © Copyright 2022 UHNWI data. All rights reserved.
What are the main risks from the current state of competition between Moscow and Washington? Is there a pragmatic agenda on which both sides are interested in cooperating? What tools can be used to safely manage this great-power competition? Carnegie Moscow Center director Dmitri Trenin and Thomas Graham, a distinguished fellow at the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations, join podcast host Alexander Gabuev to discuss how relations could be reimagined. Trenin and Graham's joint commentary on the same topic can be found here:https://carnegie.ru/commentary/83432
What are the main risks from the current state of competition between Moscow and Washington? Is there a pragmatic agenda on which both sides are interested in cooperating? What tools can be used to safely manage this great-power competition? Carnegie Moscow Center director Dmitri Trenin and Thomas Graham, a distinguished fellow at the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations, join podcast host Alexander Gabuev to discuss how relations could be reimagined. Trenin and Graham's joint commentary on the same topic can be found here:https://carnegie.ru/commentary/83432
Andrei Kolesnikov is a senior fellow and the chair of the Russian Domestic Politics and Political Institutions Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. His research focuses on the major trends shaping Russian domestic politics, with particular focus on the fallout from the Ukraine crisis and ideological shifts inside Russian society. Kolesnikov also works with the Gaidar Institute for Economic Policy and is a frequent contributor for Vtimes.io, Gazeta.ru, and Forbes.ru. He sits on the board of the Yegor Gaidar Foundation and is a member of the Committee of Civil Initiatives (the Alexei Kudrin Committee). Andrei has worked for a number of leading Russian publications. He previously was the managing editor of Novaya Gazeta newspaper and served as deputy editor in chief of Izvestia and The New Times. Andrei has taught courses on journalism and modern media at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow. He has won numerous journalism awards, including the Russian Golden Quill (Zolotoye Pero Rossii) Award, the Adam Smith Prize, and the Federal Press Agency Award. Andrei is author of several books, including a biography of Anatoly Chubais and an analysis of how speechwriters have impacted history.FIND ANDREI ON SOCIAL MEDIATwitter: @AndrKolesnikov
Twenty-six years after it brokered the end of the First Karabakh War in 1994, Russia has once again managed to carve out a leading diplomatic and military role in the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. President Vladimir Putin was instrumental in getting Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev to agree to a ceasefire to end the 44-day war and to accept the deployment of Russian peacekeepers in the region. The presence of nearly 2,000 Russian peacekeepers not only stabilizes the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh but also reinforces the Kremlin's influence in the South Caucasus despite Turkey's attempts to muscle its way into the region. (Photo courtesy of the Carnegie Moscow Center) Radio Canada International spoke about Russia's geopolitical gambit in the South Caucasus with Alexander Gabuev. He is a Senior Fellow and Chair at the Russia in the Asia‑Pacific Program of the Carnegie Moscow Center. Duration: 29 minutes 17 seconds https://www.rcinet.ca/en/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2020/11/NK_PODCAST_EP3_ED1_9641624_2020-11-24T17-50-10.723.mp3
In late September, the frozen conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh rapidly heated up. The six weeks of full-scale war that followed left thousands dead and tens of thousands more displaced. Unlike previous rounds of fighting that resulted in little exchange of territory, however, Azerbaijan’s well-armed and well-prepared military was able to make substantial gains on the battlefield, with significant support from neighboring Turkey. Just as Azerbaijani forces looked poised to advance deep into Nagorno-Karabakh, Russia brokered a deal between the two sides to bring the fighting to an end last week, under terms that Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan called “unbelievably painful.” The agreement requires Armenia to relinquish much of the territory it controlled in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, and for Moscow to dispatch 2,000 peacekeepers to the region. According to Alexander Gabuev, a senior fellow and the chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, the deal is a win for the Kremlin, which has successfully reasserted its influence in the South Caucasus, independent of Western powers. But will the peace hold? Gabuev joins WPR’s Elliot Waldman on the Trend Lines podcast this week to discuss the aftermath of the recent fighting and the outlook for Nagorno-Karabakh. Relevant Articles on WPR: Can Russia Steer the Endgame in Nagorno-Karabakh to Its Advantage? How Russia’s Putin Is Viewing the Crises in His Backyard Why the Long Conflict Over Nagorno-Karabakh Could Heat Up Again Despite High-Level Diplomacy, Old Obstacles Still Block Peace in Nagorno-Karabakh Trend Lines is produced and edited by Peter Dörrie, a freelance journalist and analyst focusing on security and resource politics in Africa. You can follow him on Twitter at @peterdoerrie. To send feedback or questions, email us at podcast@worldpoliticsreview.com.
This past summer, Russian president Vladimir Putin won a referendum to remain in office until the year 2036. Having already put his indelible stamp on Russia, what does Putin want to do with all that time and opportunity? Steve Paikin speaks to Dmitri Trenin, the director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, a think tank and regional affiliate of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Save Meduza!https://support.meduza.io/enFor the past two years, several major state news organizations in Russia have been working with China's biggest media conglomerate to trade publicity about each nation's greatest achievements. Beijing's efforts have fallen mostly flat in Russia, however, thanks to shortages of trained personnel and shortcomings in China's grasp of the Russian mediasphere. Moscow, meanwhile, has struggled as the propaganda pact's junior partner. To learn more about how the Russian and Chinese state media work together, why this cooperation has stumbled, and how geopolitics plays into this relationship, “The Naked Pravda” turned to three experts, as well as Meduza's own investigative editor: (1:23) Meduza investigative editor Alexey Kovalev explains how he first learned about media cooperation between state broadcasters in Russia and China. (5:07) Maria Repnikova, an expert in Chinese media politics and an assistant professor in Global Communication at Georgia State University, warns against using too negative a frame to analyze Chinese foreign broadcasting. (11:48) Alexander Gabuev, who chairs the Carnegie Moscow Center's “Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program,” describes major differences between the Russian and Chinese media markets. (22:23) Professor of International Relations Sergey Radchenko discusses Moscow's cautious approach to the expansion of Chinese influence, like the Belt and Road Initiative. “The Naked Pravda” comes out on Fridays (or sometimes Saturdays). Catch every new episode by subscribing at Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Google Podcasts, or other platforms. If you have a question or comment about the show, please write to Kevin Rothrock at kevin@meduza.io with the subject line: “The Naked Pravda.”
The coronavirus pandemic has only intensified the rivalry between the United States and China, hastening the advent of a new era of bipolarity. How can Russia maintain equilibrium and avoid being drawn into the U.S.-China confrontation as a junior partner of China? Will the collapse of oil prices and subsequent loss of revenue force Russia to rein in its ambitious foreign policy of recent years? Are there renewed hopes for progress in the Donbas peace talks? And will the Kremlin finally be forced to turn its focus to domestic affairs? Carnegie Moscow Center director Dmitri Trenin and Elena Chernenko, a special correspondent at the Kommersant publishing house, join podcast host Alexander Gabuev to discuss these issues and more.
The coronavirus pandemic has only intensified the rivalry between the United States and China, hastening the advent of a new era of bipolarity. How can Russia maintain equilibrium and avoid being drawn into the U.S.-China confrontation as a junior partner of China? Will the collapse of oil prices and subsequent loss of revenue force Russia to rein in its ambitious foreign policy of recent years? Are there renewed hopes for progress in the Donbas peace talks? And will the Kremlin finally be forced to turn its focus to domestic affairs? Carnegie Moscow Center director Dmitri Trenin and Elena Chernenko, a special correspondent at the Kommersant publishing house, join podcast host Alexander Gabuev to discuss these issues and more.
In January, Russian president Vladimir Putin announced sweeping reforms to the country's constitution, resulting in the surprise resignation of his entire cabinet. The 200+ amendments make a number of changes, including outlawing gay marriage, increasing the minimum wage, and removing term limits for the Russian presidency. The amendments were put to a referendum, with voting taking place June 25 - July 1.Andrei Kolesnikov, senior fellow and the chair of the Russian Domestic Politics and Political Institutions Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, joins Laura to discuss what the referendum results suggest about Russian support for Putin and his ideology.Read more from Andrei:The Eternal PutinPutin's Majority 3.0Did Putin Just Appoint Himself President for Life?Planning for a (Not-So) Post-Putin RussiaWhat Are Russians Protesting About?
The US claim of exceptionalism, even supremacy, has long been a strong irritant for the Russians, especially coupled with the hardship and humiliation brought about by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Fast-forward 30 years, how does Moscow see the tearing down of statues and the revision of not just history books but national identity currently underway across the pond? To discuss this, Oksana is joined by Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center.
https://www.patreon.com/user?u=31723331 Welcome to The Know Show. The Know Show is a podcast that aims to make sense of the world, one guest at a time. Hosted by former private tutor Hussain, we break down mind-boggling academic research and challenge authors on their work. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Sam Greene is reader in Russian politics and Director of the Russia Institute at King's College London. Prior to moving to London in 2012 to join King's, he lived and worked in Moscow for 13 years, most recently as director of the Centre for the Study of New Media & Society at the New Economic School, and as deputy director of the Carnegie Moscow Center. He holds a PhD in political sociology from the London School of Economics & Political Science. https://www.kcl.ac.uk/people/dr-samuel-greene https://twitter.com/samagreene https://www.pushkinhouse.org/bookshop/special-offer-putin-v-the-people-the-perilous-politics-of-a-divided-russia-by-samuel-greene-andnbspgraeme-robertson-hardcover?rq=greene ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- IG: https: https://instagram.com/theknowshowpod Facebook: https://Facebook.com/theknowshowpodcast Twitter: https://Twitter.com/theknowshowpod ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- iTunes: https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/the-know-show/id1491931350 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/1K08ujaIZ7tl1H3URZfFRe Google: https://podcasts.google.com/?feed=aHR0cDovL2ZlZWRzLnNvdW5kY2xvdWQuY29tL3VzZXJzL3NvdW5kY2xvdWQ6dXNlcnM6NzUwNTQyMTc2L3NvdW5kcy5yc3M Stitcher: https://www.stitcher.com/s?fid=491878 Podchaser: https://www.podchaser.com/podcasts/the-know-show-984176
Mike Kofman and Alexander Gabuev join Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Jim Townsend to explain the Russia-China defense relationship on the latest episode of Brussels Sprouts. Kofman is the Director of the Russia Studies Program at CNA and a Fellow at the Kennan Institute in the Woodrow Wilson International Center. Gabuev is aSenior Fellow and the Chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, CEIP.
China deployed an array of digital surveillance tools as part of its response to the coronavirus outbreak. Russia is trying to use similar technology but with mixed results. The rapid embrace of such tools is sparking an international debate about the impact on privacy and the need for protections and oversight. In this episode of the Carnegie Moscow Center podcast, Alex Gabuev discusses how digital surveillance tools and facial recognition technologies are being used in the post-Soviet space in the age of COVID-19 with China watcher Leonid Kovachich; Paul Stronski, a senior fellow in the Carnegie Endowment's Russia and Eurasia Program; and Steven Feldstein, a nonresident fellow in the Carnegie Endowment's Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program.
China deployed an array of digital surveillance tools as part of its response to the coronavirus outbreak. Russia is trying to use similar technology but with mixed results. The rapid embrace of such tools is sparking an international debate about the impact on privacy and the need for protections and oversight. In this episode of the Carnegie Moscow Center podcast, Alex Gabuev discusses how digital surveillance tools and facial recognition technologies are being used in the post-Soviet space in the age of COVID-19 with China watcher Leonid Kovachich; Paul Stronski, a senior fellow in the Carnegie Endowment’s Russia and Eurasia Program; and Steven Feldstein, a nonresident fellow in the Carnegie Endowment's Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program.
Talented individuals are fleeing Russia for greener pastures. In this episode of KennanX, Jill Dougherty discusses the causes of Russian talent flight and the pain of leaving one’s country with Sergei Guriev, Professor and Scientific Director of the Master and PhD programmes in Economics at SciencesPo in Paris; Galina Timchenko, Russian journalist and Executive Editor of Meduza, a Latvia-based online news site; and Denis Volkov, Sociologist at the Levada Center and Columnist at the Carnegie Moscow Center.
Carnegie Moscow Center organized a panel discussion on the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region.
In this episode of the Carnegie Moscow Center podcast, host Alex Gabuev talks to two foreign correspondents currently based in Moscow. Robyn Dixon recently returned to Russia as head of the Washington Post Moscow bureau, having previously worked here for eight years through 2003. Our other guest is Max Seddon of the Financial Times, who has been working in Russia since 2012. Together they discuss what it's like to be a foreign journalist in Moscow, what has changed in the last 20 years, the differences in reporting from China and Russia, and how to deliver the most accurate and least biased story from Russia under the current circumstances.
In this episode of the Carnegie Moscow Center podcast, host Alex Gabuev talks to two foreign correspondents currently based in Moscow. Robyn Dixon recently returned to Russia as head of the Washington Post Moscow bureau, having previously worked here for eight years through 2003. Our other guest is Max Seddon of the Financial Times, who has been working in Russia since 2012. Together they discuss what it's like to be a foreign journalist in Moscow, what has changed in the last 20 years, the differences in reporting from China and Russia, and how to deliver the most accurate and least biased story from Russia under the current circumstances.
In December, Gazprom launched its 8,000-km Power of Siberia gas pipeline to China. Sergei Kapitonov, an energy analyst at the Skolkovo School of Management, talks to Carnegie Moscow Center's Alexander Gabuev about the timing of the launch and the prospects and risks of delivering Russian gas to a single buyer.
In a period of such rapid global change, how does the Kremlin view China? Dmitri Trenin, Director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, joins Andrea Kendall-Taylor to discuss Russian foreign policy, the country's cooperation with China, and more.
Changes in foreign trade—the backbone of economic prosperity for Putin's Russia—reflect the giant shifts in Moscow's relations with the outside world. Five years after the annexation of Crimea, Russia is moving away from the West and trading less with the EU, while increasing the share of its trade with Asia, in particular with China. Alex Gabuev, a senior fellow and chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, examines the implications of this for Russia, the EU, and the Eurasian Economic Union with podcast guests Tatiana Flegontova, deputy head of the Institute for International Economics and Finance, and Dr. Janis Kluge, a senior associate at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
Changes in foreign trade—the backbone of economic prosperity for Putin’s Russia—reflect the giant shifts in Moscow’s relations with the outside world. Five years after the annexation of Crimea, Russia is moving away from the West and trading less with the EU, while increasing the share of its trade with Asia, in particular with China. Alex Gabuev, a senior fellow and chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, examines the implications of this for Russia, the EU, and the Eurasian Economic Union with podcast guests Tatiana Flegontova, deputy head of the Institute for International Economics and Finance, and Dr. Janis Kluge, a senior associate at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
In September 2014, following the annexation of Crimea, the outbreak of war in the Donbas, and the introduction of the first Western sanctions against Russia, the Kremlin announced a "pivot to Asia." Five years on, what's the outcome of this policy? Have Russia and China really formed a new, much stronger partnership? Alex Gabuev, a senior fellow and chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, sat down to discuss just that with Vita Spivak, head of analytical projects at the Expert creative agency.
In September 2014, following the annexation of Crimea, the outbreak of war in the Donbas, and the introduction of the first Western sanctions against Russia, the Kremlin announced a "pivot to Asia." Five years on, what's the outcome of this policy? Have Russia and China really formed a new, much stronger partnership? Alex Gabuev, a senior fellow and chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, sat down to discuss just that with Vita Spivak, head of analytical projects at the Expert creative agency.
Last week's Russia-Africa Summit in the Black Sea city of Sochi marked Moscow's formal re-entry into the African diplomatic arena. The Russians put on a good show, promising Chinese-style "win-win" development and "no strings attached" aid, all of which was enthusiastically embraced by the 40 African leaders who attended the summit. But something just doesn't make sense here. While it's evident that President Putin has a lot to gain from Africa, especially the continent's 54 votes that often vote as a bloc at international organizations like the U.N., it is not immediately apparent how African governments stand to benefit from closer ties with Russia. By almost any measure, Russia's a small player in Africa and that will not likely change any time soon. The Russians aren't going to buy African oil, nor will they spend a lot to build infrastructure, become a source of private-sector FDI and there won't be a lot of aid coming from Moscow either. Mostly, Russia sells Africa weapons. A lot of weapons. Which is not exactly what a continent needs where many regions are struggling with civil war, religious extremism, and growing instability. Furthermore, deeper engagement with Russia also risks alienating Africa's primary international partners in Brussels, Beijing, and Washington, who unlike Moscow, do provide billions of dollars in badly-needed aid, investment and do considerably more trade with the continent. So, what's going on here? Why do African leaders seem so enamored with Russia given that it's a potentially high-risk, low-return proposition? Vita Spivak has been asking those same questions. Vita is the Analytical Project Head at the Moscow-based credit ratings agency Expert RA. She recently wrote an article published on the Carnegie Moscow Center website that explored some of these issues and the emerging diplomatic dynamic between Russia and China in Africa. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the confusing diplomacy that's taking place now among Russia, China, and Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @vitaspivak SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe
Tens of thousands of demonstrators have taken to the streets to protest the ban on opposition candidates in the upcoming Moscow city council elections. More than two thousand people have been arrested since the protests started, and opposition leaders, including Alexei Navalny, have been detained. What do these protestors want? And what might they mean for Putin's political future? Jen talks to Carnegie Moscow Center expert Alexander Gabuev about what's motivating the demonstrators, and why the government has cracked down so forcefully.
This episode examines recent developments in Sino-Russian relations and the effects on the United States. Our guest, Mr. Alexander Gabuev, explains the impetus behind the growing geostrategic and military collaborations between China and Russia. He discusses how mutual economic interests and close relations between Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin have strengthened and diversified the partnership between the two countries. Mr. Gabuev also evaluates critical areas of political and economic friction in the relationship, including the protection of technology and intellectual property, management of influence in Central Asia, and China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Mr. Alexander Gabuev is a senior fellow and the chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. He is a Munich Young Leader of the Munich International Security Conference as well as a member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy (Russia). His research is focused on Russia’s policy toward East and Southeast Asia, political and ideological trends in China, and China’s relations with its neighbors, especially those in Central Asia.
This episode examines recent developments in Sino-Russian relations and the effects on the United States. Our guest, Mr. Alexander Gabuev, explains the impetus behind the growing geostrategic and military collaborations between China and Russia. He discusses how mutual economic interests and close relations between Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin have strengthened and diversified the partnership between the two countries. Mr. Gabuev also evaluates critical areas of political and economic friction in the relationship, including the protection of technology and intellectual property, management of influence in Central Asia, and China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Mr. Alexander Gabuev is a senior fellow and the chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. He is a Munich Young Leader of the Munich International Security Conference as well as a member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy (Russia). His research is focused on Russia’s policy toward East and Southeast Asia, political and ideological trends in China, and China’s relations with its neighbors, especially those in Central Asia.
Russia’s Threat – Putin’s Global Ambition. Tom Nichols, professor at the U.S. Naval War College, speaks about the threat Russia poses to the West and how Russia employs hybrid warfare to disrupt the democratic institutions of liberal democracies. Andrei Kolesnikov, senior fellow and chair of Carnegie Moscow Center’s Russian domestic politics program, discusses the domestic challenges Vladimir Putin faces and how this may influence his approach to foreign affairs. Janis Garisons, Latvia’s state secretary for the Ministry of Defence, comments about the threat Russia poses to his country and the role that NATO forces play to counteract that influence. Marcus Kolga, senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, discusses how Russia has mounted disinformation campaigns against Canada in the past and how it may do so again leading up to next year’s federal election.
As U.S. relations with China and Russia deteriorate under the Trump administration, bilateral relations between Moscow and Beijing grow stronger. In this podcast, Paul Haenle spoke with Dmitri Trenin and Alexander Gabuev, director of and senior fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center, respectively, about dynamics between the three countries and whether U.S. policy is driving China and Russia closer together.
The Helsinki meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin concluded with a tumultuous press conference filled with jaw-dropping statements on both sides. Carnegie experts Andrew Weiss and Alexander Gabuev joined Jen Psaki to dissect the summit and what it means for US-Russia relations going forward. Andrew S. Weiss is the James Family Chair and vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he oversees research in Washington and Moscow on Russia and Eurasia. Prior to joining Carnegie, he was director of the RAND Corporation's Center for Russia and Eurasia and executive director of the RAND Business Leaders Forum. (More on Weiss -https://carnegieendowment.org/experts/824) Alexander Gabuev is a senior fellow and the chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. His research is focused on Russia's policy toward East and Southeast Asia, political and ideological trends in China, and China's relations with its neighbors—especially those in Central Asia. (More on Gabuev - https://carnegie.ru/experts/1017)
Vladimir Putin was elected to his fourth term as president of Russia on March 18, 2018. His continued leadership has important implications for the international community, including China. On this episode of the China in the World Podcast, Paul Haenle sat down with Alexander Gabuev, senior fellow and the chair of the Russia in the Asia-Pacific Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, to discuss the state of Russia-China relations, including issues like the Belt and Road Initiative and North Korea.
Jen Psaki sat down this week with Andrei Kolesnikov, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center, and Andrew Weiss, the vice president for studies overseeing the Carnegie's Russia and Eurasia program for the latest episode of DiploPod. They discussed what to expect from the upcoming Russian elections, how President Putin has changed, and the surprising results from a new poll conducted by the Carnegie Moscow Center, in partnership with the Levada Center, about the desire for reform within Russia. Andrei Kolesnikov is a senior fellow and the chair of the Russian Domestic Politics and Political Institutions Program at the Carnegie Moscow Center. His research focuses on the major trends shaping Russian domestic politics, with particular focus on the fallout from the Ukraine crisis and ideological shifts inside Russian society. (More on Kolesnikov - http://carnegie.ru/experts/?fa=1015) Andrew S. Weiss is the James Family Chair and vice president for studies at the Carnegie, where he oversees research in Washington and Moscow on Russia and Eurasia. Prior to joining Carnegie, he was director of the RAND Corporation's Center for Russia and Eurasia and executive director of the RAND Business Leaders Forum. (More on Weiss - http://carnegieendowment.org/experts/824)
Dmitri Trenin, Director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, on understanding Russia under Vladimir Putin. PRODUCTION | ChromeRadio in partnership with The Monthly Barometer and Anadeo, Chamonix | Producer - Catriona Oliphant | Post-production - Chris Sharp.
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has relaunched our podcast—newly titled “DiploPod”—with the first interview in a series that will run through the end of the year. The series will focus on the dual nuclear threats posed by Iran and North Korea. Dmitri Trenin joins Jen Psaki for a candid discussion about the fallout from Russia's meddling in the 2016 election, why North Korea may prefer Russia over China as an interlocutor, the view from the Kremlin of President Trump's threats of military action, and how Russia may benefit from the end of U.S. rapprochement with Iran. Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, has been with the center since its inception. He also chairs the research council and the Foreign and Security Policy Program. (More on Trenin - http://carnegie.ru/experts/?fa=287)
In this latest book, Dmitri Trenin, the longtime director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, explains why the Cold War analogy is misleading. Relations between the West and Russia are certainly bad and dangerous but, he argues, they are bad and dangerous in new ways. Trenin outlines the crucial differences, which make the current rivalry between Russia, the EU, and the United States more fluid and unpredictable. By unpacking the dynamics of this increasingly strained relationship, Trenin makes the case for handling Russia with pragmatism and care and cautions against simply giving into fear.
Russia and the Arab World Alexander Zasypkin, Ambassador of Russia to Lebanon, Introduction Nikolay Kozhanov, Nonresident Scholar at the Carnegie Moscow Center, “The Russian - Arab Relations Today” Talal Nizameddin, Dean of Student Affairs at AUB, “The Making of Russia’s Foreign Policy Today”