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Today's HeadlinesHope for Syrian home rebuilders as sanctions persistKids fall behind as Manipur unrest continuesNowruz outreach is only a snapshot of God's bigger picture for Iran
In this hilarious episode, Gavin is joined by Tony and Kuki for some seriously wild storytelling. Gavin shares the chaotic details of his trip back to the UK — including getting robbed in London! Tony talks about his recent move and how he somehow managed to fall off the back of the moving truck (yes, really). Meanwhile, Kuki reveals her intense love for Big Macs — and how she can't help but wiggle her bum in excitement for food — plus her strong opinions about camel's milk. It's non-stop laughs you won't want to miss!
Recent clashes have erupted in Manipur between Kuki protesters and security forces after the central government ordered the resumption of free movement across districts. The Kuki tribes are demanding a separate administration before allowing unrestricted movement, a demand intensified following ethnic clashes with the Meitei community since May 2023. Protesters have engaged in disruptive actions, including blocking roads and confronting security forces, leading to injuries. The conflict stems from long-standing disputes over land rights, political representation, and the Kuki community's historical pursuit of a separate territory. These demands have been resisted by Meitei organisations, furthering the divide and instability in the region. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Lempinimet ovat loukkaavia, etenkin Sampsuli, Kuiva liha, Kuki ja Suttura! Osoittava sormi osui myös Suviin, eikä selittelyille löytynyt tilaa. Lisäksi Esko avasi syvät arpensa ja paljasti, millä nimellä häntä on kutsuttu vastentahtoaan. Kuuntele pistoksia sydämiin aiheuttava keskustelu täältä!
Jana Kukić je master psiholog i psihološki savetnik. Fokus njenog rada je pomaganje osobama da usvoje nove načine sagledavanja i ponašanja, da otklone neke emocionalne i praktične probleme poput anksioznosti, panike, niskog samopouzdanja, odlaganja, stresa, treme pred javni nastup... _______________________________________________________________________________________________ Sponzori ⚡️ Crux suplementi: Ja koristim Ashwagandu pred svako snimanje podkasta ili pred neku meni lično važnu aktivnost koja zahteva moj fokus i energiju. Pružite prirodnu snagu svom umu i telu:
Santiago Ramírez conversó extendidamente con la pianista y compositora que expresa jazz y música docta a través de su piano.
Police confirm 6 people have been missing since earlier this week after violence in Zairawn & Borobekra police station. No group has claimed responsibility. Talks with Kuki groups ongoing.
Episode 217 of the #AskAbhijit show: Ask me your best questions in the live chat, and I shall answer them.
Israel strikes Houthi targets in Yemen as it continues to bomb Lebanon, Kuki militants seek release of ‘secessionist' in Manipur, 'Lalu kin got firm with robust assets for a pittance': ED, Harry Brook shatters Virat Kohli's record with a fine half-century against Australia in series decider, Director Hemanth Rao calls IIFA 'disrespectful', launches scathing attack on opaque process
மணிப்பூரில் கூக்கி மக்களின் தற்போதைய நிலை | Status of Kuki People in Manipur | Latest Developments இந்த கலந்துரையாடலில், புவியியலில் முதுகலைப் பட்டம் பெற்றிருந்தும், வேலைவாய்ப்பிற்கான முயற்சியை கைவிட்டு, தனது மக்களையும் நிலத்தையும் பாதுகாக்க ஆயுதம் ஏந்திய கூக்கி போராளியின் கருத்துக்களைக் கேட்கிறோம். குறிப்பாக, கூக்கி மக்களின் இன்றிய நிலை என்ன என்பதையும் கடந்த சில வாரங்களில் நடந்தவை அவர்களை எப்படி பாதித்தது என்பதையும் விசாரிக்கிறோம். கூக்கி மக்களுக்கான அரசியல் தீர்வு | Dr. Seilen Haokip on DEMAND for KUKILAND & ITS POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE https://youtu.be/mS06OijmVz8
This is the Catchup on 3 Things by The Indian Express and I'm Flora Swain.Today is the 2nd of September and here are the headlines.Aam Aadmi Party MLA Amanatullah Khan was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate hours after the probe agency raided his residence today. Reacting to the raids this morning, Khan claimed that the agency has been bothering him for the past two years. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court granted bail to AAP former communications in-charge Vijay Nair in money laundering case linked to the Delhi excise policy ‘scam' case. News agency PTI reported, Nair has been in jail for 22 months, where the maximum punishment is seven years.In a flare-up of violence in Manipur's inter-district boundary areas after several months, two people were killed and ten, including two police personnel and a television reporter, injured in gunfire and bombings in Imphal West. An official statement by the Manipur police stated that in an unprecedented attack in Koutruk area, alleged Kuki militants have deployed numerous rocket-propelled grenades using high-tech drones. A senior police officer estimated that seven such “explosives” had been used to target the village. The Army and the Jammu Kashmir Police have launched searches near the Sunjuwan Military Station in Jammu after a soldier was allegedly wounded in gunfire that came from outside the camp. Meanwhile, security sources said three pistols and some ammunition had been seized in Ramgarh sector along the international border in Samba district, prompting searches in the area. Sources further added, the arms and ammunition appeared to be dropped by a drone. Netflix's latest series, IC 814: The Kandahar Hijack directed by Anubhav Sinha, based on the 1999 hijack of the Indian aircraft IC 814 by five terrorists, is in the eye of the storm. According to the news agency ANI, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting has summoned the Netflix content head Monika Shergill after social media users accused the makers of the web series of deliberately changing the names of the hijackers to “Bhola” and “Shankar”.Data accessed by The Indian Express shows, that the number of undocumented Indians crossing over from Canada to the US on foot has reached an all-time high. This spike has placed Canada's visa screening process under the lens — more so, due to parallel concerns over Canada-bound Indian passengers seeking asylum in the UK while in transit. According to the latest US Customs and Border Protection data, an all-time high of 5,152 undocumented Indians entered the US from Canada on foot this June alone.This was the Catch Up on 3 Things by The Indian Express
The Dr B S Harishankar Memorial Lecture, Bharatiya Vichara Kendram, Trivandrum, 27th August 2024.A Malayalam version of this has been published by Janmabhumi newspaper at https://janmabhumi.in/2024/09/01/3258051/varadyam/geo-political-implications-for-bangladesh/It was startling to hear from retired Ambassador G Sankar Iyer on Asianet's program with Ambassador TP Sreenivasan that the celebrated Malayalam author Vaikom Mohammed Basheer (once nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature) said in 1973: “In Bangladesh, we have created yet another enemy.” With his novelist's insight, Basheer understood that the Two-Nation Theory held sway among certain sections of Bengalis.In the current crisis situation in 2024, the ongoing pogrom against Hindus (amounting to a virtual genocide) and the forced resignation of teachers, police officers and other officials based only on the fact that they are Hindus (there are videos that show them being beaten and humiliated even after resigning) suggests that anti-Hindu feeling is running rampant in Bangladesh. It is another kristallnacht.This is coupled with anti-India feeling. For instance, the current floods in Bangladesh are being blamed on India opening a dam in Tripura after torrential rains, although the Indian government has said that it provided all the hydrological data that it always has. The fact of the matter is that the departure of Sheikh Hasina is a blow to India's geo-political ambitions. It now appears as though India erred in “putting all its eggs into one basket” by cultivating only her Awami League, and not the Bangladesh National Party of her arch-rival Khaleda Zia. The indubitable fact that Indian influence in Bangladesh has now been supplanted by forces inimical to India raises the question of who might be behind the regime change operation. Beyond that, there is the question of whether it was indeed a popular uprising based on the suppressed ambitions of the people that led to the ouster of Sheikh Hasina.The third question is what this means for Bangladesh, India and the region going forward, especially as climate change may alter the very geography of the area. It is predicted that as much as 11% of the land area of Bangladesh could be underwater by 2050. This could displace 18 million people, which would lead to unprecedented migration of their population into India. Regime Change operation: Who benefits from it?Cui bono? Who benefits? That Latin phrase is used to consider who might be motivated to commit a crime (the other part is who has the means to commit it). In this case of regime change in Bangladesh, there are several entities who might benefit. Obviously Pakistan. That country has never lived down its balkanization in 1971, and it had a number of its sympathizers already in place at that time. There were many who collaborated with the Pakistani Army in identifying Hindus and facilitating their killing or rape or ethnic cleansing, and also Muslims who were their political opponents. These are the people Sheikh Hasina referred to as “razakars”, and they are essentially in control now. China is a clear winner whenever something happens that hurts India's interests. There is the perennial issue of the Chicken's Neck, that narrow strip of land that connects the Seven Sister states of India's Northeast to the Gangetic Plain. It is a permanent threat to India that somebody (most probably China) will cut this off and truncate India, with the Northeast then becoming part of a Greater Bangladesh, with associated genocide of Hindus and Buddhists. Former Ambassador Veena Sikri spoke to Ambassador TP Sreenivasan about something very odd indeed: Sheikh Hasina made a state visit to China in mid July, and she was thoroughly humiliated there. Xi Jingping refused to meet her; and she cut her visit short by one day and returned to Dhaka. This is an unheard-of protocol violation for a State Visit; what it suggests is that China had decided that Sheikh Hasina was on the way out. This is in sharp contrast to a Xi visit in 2016 when he made grand promises about Belt and Road Initiative investments. The United States also has interests. Sheikh Hasina had alleged two things: * An unnamed Western power wants St Martin's Island (aka Coconut Island) off Cox's Bazaar as a military base to keep an eye on both China and India, * An unnamed Western power intends to form a new Christian Zo nation (for Mizo, Kuki, Chin) just like Christian homelands were carved out in East Timor and South Sudan.The implication was that the unspecified Western power was the US. It is not entirely clear that the US benefits greatly from a military base in the Bay of Bengal but there has been a long-running Great Game initiated by the British to keep India down as a supplier of raw materials and a market for their products. The US may have inherited this mantle.Intriguingly, the US Deep State and its proxies in the Western media had built a narrative around Sheikh Hasina as a model leader for developing Asia, a woman who also succeeded in improving the economic status of her country. That Bangladesh's per capita GDP had overtaken India's, and that its garment industry was doing well were used to mock India's own economic achievements. The switch to Hasina being a ‘dictator' was a sudden change in narrative.There is, therefore, enough circumstantial evidence to suggest that there was a foreign hand in the happenings in Bangladesh, although we will have to wait for conclusive evidence. Was this indeed a regime-change coup or a true popular uprising?It is true that Bangladesh under Sheikh Hasina's fifteen-year rule was not a perfect democracy. But there are mitigating factors, including a violent streak that led to the assassination of her father and independence hero Sheikh Mujibur Rahman just four years after the bloody birth of the new State after the Pakistan Army's assault on its Bengali citizens. The toppling and desecration of his statue shows that his national hero status may not be accepted by the entire population: in fact it looks like friends of Pakistan wish to erase his entire legacy. The history of democracy in independent Bangladesh is checkered and marred by violence. Before he was deposed and killed in 1975, Mujibur Rehman himself had banned all opposition parties. After Mujib, there was outright military rule till 1986, when the erstwhile Chief Martial Law Administrator Hussain Mohammed Ershad became the elected President. When Ershad was deposed after (student-led) agitations in 1991, Khaleda Zia (BNP or Bangladesh National Party) became the PM and after that she and her arch-rival Sheikh Hasina (Awami League) alternated in power. The BNP boycotted the 2018 elections partly because Khaleda Zia was jailed on allegations of corruption. In all of these twists and turns, ‘students' were involved. In 1971, when Yahya Khan launched Operation Searchlight, the Pakistani army went straight for students and professors in Dhaka University, especially if they were Hindus. Later too, ‘student' protests were instrumental in the overthrow of Ershad. The proximate cause of the troubles in 2024 was also a ‘student' uprising. There had been a 30% quota in government jobs for the children of freedom fighters; along with other such set-asides e.g. for minorities and women, a total of 56% of government jobs were ‘reserved' by 2018. This reservation system was largely abolished by Sheikh Hasina's government in 2018 after yet another student agitation. In June 2024, a High Court in Bangladesh overturned the 2018 judgment as unconstitutional. Even though the Supreme Court reversed it, and restored the status quo ante (of drastically reduced reservations to 7% in total), the peaceful ‘student' agitation suddenly morphed into a violent confrontation led by members of the Jamaat e Islami (an Islamist party) and the BNP. There was police firing. The Daily Star, a respected daily, found out that 204 people were killed in the first few days, out of which only 53 were students. It appears the supposed ‘student revolution' was taken over by professional agitators and agents provocateurs, and it rapidly led to the overthrow of Sheikh Hasina, with escalating violence, especially against Hindus, and the Army getting involved. Even though the Army is in charge now, there is a smokescreen of an ‘interim government' that allows entities like the UN an excuse to not impose sanctions on Bangladesh. It is hard to take it on face value that this was a popular uprising; circumstantial evidence suggests that there was a clear agenda for regime change, and since it suits both China and the US to keep India constrained, either of them could have been behind it. The diplomatic snub to Hasina in July suggests the Chinese were well aware of the coming coup. On the other hand, the sudden U-turn in the narrative about Hasina in the Western media suggests that the US might have decided to dump her. The process by which the regime change happened is also similar to what happened in other countries that experienced ‘color revolutions'. The actions of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), and of some diplomats in supporting the BNP, have been offered as possible evidence of US bad faith.What is obvious is the role of the fundamentalist group, the Jamaat e Islami, which has strong connections with Pakistan. It seems likely that they were the enforcers, and had invested assets within the armed forces. They have called for the secular Bangladesh constitution to be replaced by Islamic Sharia law, and for non-Muslims to be treated as second-class citizens. The Yunus government has just unbanned the Jamaat e Islami.The attacks on Hindus, including large numbers of lynchings, rapes, and abductions of women, suggests that there is a religious angle and the Jamaat e Islami's prejudices are coming to the fore. Notably, the entire Western media, Amnesty International, the United Nations, and the USCIRF, human rights specialists all, had nothing at all to say about the horrific oppression of Hindus. The New York Times even had a headline about “revenge killings” of Hindus, as though somehow the 8% minority Hindus had been responsible for whatever Sheikh Hasina was accused of. Upon being called out, the NYT changed the headline to just “killings” of Hindus with no explanation or apology.The role of Professor Mohammed Yunus is also intriguing: he had been invited to head an interim government in 2007 but abandoned the attempt and in fact left politics. He had been close to Sheikh Hasina at one point, for instance he got the licenses for his Grameen Phone during her rule, but they later fell out. Yunus' Nobel Peace Prize and his earlier stint in the US have raised questions about whether he is in fact managed by US interests.Given all this, it is much more likely that it was a coup than a popular agitation. It remains to be seen who was behind the coup. What next for India and the region?There are several long-term challenges for India. None of this is positive for India, which is already facing problems on its periphery (eg. Maldives and Nepal). The coup in Bangladesh also makes the BIMSTEC alliance as unviable as SAARC.1. Deteriorating India-Bangladesh RelationsThe overthrow of Sheikh Hasina, seen as a close ally of India, has led to a rise in anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh. The new government may not be as friendly towards India, especially on sensitive issues like trade and security. This could jeopardize the gains in bilateral ties over the past decade. The presence of hardliners among the ‘advisers' to the interim government suggests that India will have little leverage going forward.2. Increased Border Security RisksIndia shares a long, porous border with Bangladesh. The political instability and potential increase in extremist groups could lead to more infiltration, smuggling, and illegal migration into India's northeastern states, posing internal security risks. Monitoring the border region will be critical. As it is, there are millions of illegal Bangladeshis and Rohingya residing in India, which actually poses a threat to internal Indian security.3. Economic FalloutBangladesh is India's largest trading partner in the region, with $13 billion in commerce under the Hasina government. A deterioration in relations could hurt Indian exports and investments. The economic interdependence means India also has a stake in Bangladesh's stability and prosperity. Brahma Chellaney pointed out that Bangladesh is in dire straits, and has requested $3 billion from the IMF, $1.5 billion from the World Bank, and $1 billion each from the Asian Development Bank and the Japan International Cooperation Agency to tide over problems. 4. Climate Change ChallengesBoth countries are vulnerable to the effects of climate change, including rising sea levels, floods, droughts and extreme weather events. Bangladesh is especially at risk due to its low-lying geography. Millions of climate refugees could seek shelter in India, straining resources and social cohesion. 5. Geopolitical ImplicationsThe regime change has opened up space for China to expand its influence in Bangladesh. India will need to balance its ties with the new government while countering Chinese inroads in the region. The U.S. is also closely watching developments in Bangladesh. Instability in the region plays into the hands of Pakistan, whose medium-term ambition would be to detach India's Northeast as revenge for the creation of Bangladesh and for increasing normalization in J&K.6. Quota ImplicationsIndians, especially those agitating for ‘proportional representation' should note that the Bangladesh quota system was abolished in its entirety by Sheikh Hasina's administration in 2018 in response to student demands. India has a constitutional limit of 50% for reservations, but some are agitating for even more, which is a sure recipe for resentment and possibly violence. It is not inconceivable that it could be the spur for regime change in India as well.7. Human rights for Hindus and Buddhists; Citizenship Amendment Act and the Right to ReturnThe Hindu population in Bangladesh has fallen dramatically from about 28% in 1971 to about 8% now, and there is every indication that this is a demographic under extreme duress. Buddhist Chakmas in the Chittagong Hill Tracts are also under stress. India should enhance the CAA or create a formal Right to Return for Hindu and Buddhist Bangladeshis. Writing in Open magazine, Rahul Shivshankar pointed out that Hindus had faced attacks and threats in 278 locations across 48 districts.In summary, the fall of the Hasina government and the long-term threat of climate change compel India to rethink its Bangladesh policy. Fostering stable, democratic and economically prosperous neighbors is in India's own interest. Rebuilding trust and deepening cooperation on shared challenges will be key to navigating the new realities in the region.2350 words, Aug 26, 2024 Get full access to Shadow Warrior at rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com/subscribe
About a year ago, a conflict began in Manipur, a mountainous state in northeastern India. What set off the fighting was a dispute between a predominantly Hindu Meitei majority and a Christian minority called the Kuki. Aptos resident Niang Hangzo is originally from Manipur, but moved to California in the 1990s. Her family back home became refugees more than a year ago. And ever since, she's transformed into an activist here in California fighting to draw attention to this crisis. KQED's Lakshmi Sarah traveled to India to follow Niang's family story. And we visit a vinyl listening party at Oakland's couchdate. The event combines all the cozy comforts of home with the fun of going out: stimulating conversation, maybe eye contact with a cute stranger, all while the music vibrates around you. This unique social space, especially for creative people of color, is the brainchild of a mixed-race entrepreneur who wants to create an inclusive community for all. KQED's Ariana Proehl has his story. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
O tao na fa'aaogaina e tagata muamua i le 'ova i le 250 tausaga ua mavae, ua toe faafo'i mai i auga tupulaga a i latou na muamua feiloa'i ma papalagi, le ali'i folau o Semisi Kuki (James Cook).
Strahinja Kukić je autor knjige "Zdravo Živo", MSc sporta i fizičkog vaspitanja i diplomirani nutricionista dijetetičar. _______________________________________________________________________________________________
Last time we spoke about General Douglas MacArthur's operations against western New Guinea Operation Desecrate One, and the death of Admiral Koga. MacArthur unleashed hell from the skies above against Hollandia and other key target in the Western parts of New Guinea. Accompanying this was Operation Desecrate One, a carrier raid against Palau followed by strikes on Yap and Woleai in the eastern Carolines, in order to prevent the Japanese from reinforcing Western New Guinea. Lastly the commander in chief of the IJN, Admiral Koga, like his predecessor, met his end at the hands of an aircraft crash. But the Japanese had not just lost their commander in chief, they also lost the Z Plan to the allies. The Z Plan documents were taken by Filipino guerillas and found their way to Nimitz who would put them to good use in the future battle of the Philippine sea. This episode is the Battle of Kohima Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. We are back in the exciting Burma Front to start off this podcast. The Japanese attack against Imphal was being directed by the ambitious and to be frank, quite insane General Mutaguchi Renya. Mutaguchi sought to seize Imphal by a combination of guile, dislocation and surprise. Mutaguchi needed to destroy the British-Indian army at Imphal while also cutting off their rear escape at Kohima. Operation U-Go, was not Go-ing very well, yet I made a pun. The Indian troops were digging their heels in, providing much more resistance than expected. Added to this the Chindits unleashed Operation Thursday, delivering a dangerous thrust into the Japanese flank. Now last we left off, the Japanese 33rd and 15th divisions were launching their first attacks against Imphal, while General Sato's 31st division advanced northwest upon Kohima. Sato's intentions were to cut off the British-Indian defenders by taking Kohima and seizing the vast depots and stores of Dimapur. To defend Kohima and Dimapur, General Slim had given the task to Major-General Robert, whose HQ was at Dimapur. Robert had the Kohima Garrison at his disposal, roughly 2500-strong men led by Colonel Hugh Richards since March 22nd, built around the 1st Assam Regiment. The 1st Assam Regiment was led by Lt Colonel William Felix “Bruno” Brown, and they had orders to “fight to the last man” at the Jessami-Kharasom position. Now relief was going to be provided by Lt General Montagu Stopford whose 33rd corps, formed around the 5th and 7th indian divisions and British 2nd division arrived in early april. Stopford planned to concentrate his men at Jorhat, about 105km north-east of Dimapur, where they could be ready to launch a counterstroke against Dimapur. A single brigade would be dispatched as soon as it arrived to defend the Nichugard Pass, about 13km south-east of Kohima on the road to Dimapur. They would support the 161st Brigade already at Dimapur and the 23rd Long Range Penetration Brigade of Brigadier Lancelot Perowne was going to reinforce Kohima by April 12th. Lancelot's group would disrupt and cut the Japanese lines of communication back to the Chindwin. Meanwhile, General Yamauchi's 15th division and General Sato's 33rd division were on their way towards the Imphal-Kohima road. South of them was the Honda Raiding Unit, built around the 3rd Battalion of the 67th Infantry Regiment. Their job was to cut off the road at the Kangpokpi Mission in the Ukhrul area. Luckily for Honda and his men, they were able to dodge the catastrophic battle at Sangshak. His unit would reach the road by the 28th, blowing up a bridge near Kangpokpi. There were other units performing similar roles, such as Colonel Matsumura Hiroshi's 60th regiment who were given the task of cutting off the road at Satarmaina. After the Battle of Sangshak, the Hiroshi's Unit advanced through Lamu, Tongou, Shongphel, Nungga and Angam cutting the Imphal-Kohima Road at Satarmaina by April 3rd. There was also Colonel Omoto Kisaso's 51st regiment, who advanced against Hill 4950 by March 31st encountering little to no resistance. After this they advanced further and took Hill 4192 on April 1st. Up in the north, the 3rd battalion, 138th regiment had advanced through Layshi without much opposition while the bulk of the division approached Jessami. On the 26th, Colonel Torikai Tsuneo's 138th regiment crashed into defensive positions held by the 1st Assam Regiment who held their enemy at bay for 5 days. General Slim watched over the developments at Sangshak and Jessami with great interest. Then a unit captured Japanese order from Sangshak confirmed his worst fears. “Within a week of the start of the Japanese offensive, it became clear that the situation in the Kohima area was likely to be even more dangerous than that at Imphal. Not only were the enemy columns closing in on Kohima at much greater speed than I had expected, but they were obviously in much greater strength.” Slim had expected a strike against Kohima by a Japanese regiment, but the entire 31st Division was on its way. “We were not prepared for so heavy a thrust. Kohima with its rather scratch garrison and, what was worse, Dimapur with no garrison at all, were in deadly peril.” Luckily, the rapid arrival of the 161st Brigade at Dimapur and the dispatch of the 33rd Corps to reinforce Kohima could give him a fighting chance. Both locations received attacks on the 26th, and over the next five days both units held their own. But they had lost communications with Kohima, and recall orders could not be issued. A American colonel flew a Piper Cub to airdrop orders, which Brown finally received on the 31st. Brown pulled back April 1st, but Lt Young never got the message. On his own ordered his men out. “I shall be the last man,” he declared, and with difficulty got his company moving toward Kohima. No one ever saw Young alive again, nor was his body identified. The 1st battalion, 58th regiment had also been dispatched from Ukhrul on the 24th and would cut the Imphal-Kohima road at Tuphema by March 30th. After the disastrous battle at Sangshak, General Miyazaki ordered a battalion to head over to Pulomi, while the 3rd battalion, 58th regiment advanced to Kohima via Chakhabama and the rest of his unit advanced to Kohima using the road. Sato planned to launch a two-pronged assault against Kohima, with Colonel Fukunaga Ten's 58th regiment from the south while the 138th regiment swung around Naga village to cut off the Dimapur road. This saw a race to feed units into Dimapur before the Japanese arrived. The first units of Major General Grover 2nd division arrived in piecemeal to Dimapur between April 1st and 11th. They came by small-gauge steam train arriving at Dimapur in a panic. The undefended base area expecting attack at any moment and riven with rumors of the impending arrival of the Japanese. Stopfords men were still several days away by the end of March, prompting Slim to order Brigadier Dermot Warren's 161st brigade to rush over to Kohima. By April 3rd, Stopford established his HQ at Jorhat, where he made a disastrous blunder. Stopford at this point was still under the belief the Japanese main objective was Dimapur. He had some false intelligence indicating Japanese units were at any moment in the process of outflanking Kohima. With this knowledge he ordered 161st to evacuate Kohima immediately. For the units currently at Kohima, they could not believe the order. Warren, Colonel Hugh Richards and the civilian Deputy Commissioner, Charles Pawsey - were aghast at, and vehemently protested the decision. When told that the Japanese were outflanking Kohima to the north Pawsey scoffed, retorting that if true, 'my Nagas would have told me'. Major General Ranking, believing that Stopford was making a mistake, went over the head of his new superior officer and called Slim directly by telephone to petition him to leave Warren at Kohima. General Slim, perhaps unwilling to overrule Stopford, and in any case as convinced as Stopford that Dimapur was the Japanese objective, confirmed Stopford's original order. Warren's 161st Brigade, which had been in the process of organizing the desperately needed defense of the ridge, left Kohima virtually undefended only one day before Japanese attacks began. Had Warren's men been allowed to remain where they were the trauma of the siege that followed would have been much reduced and the stranglehold that Sato was able to maintain on the vital road to Imphal for two long months would have been significantly weaker than it turned out to be. Thus reluctantly, Warren pulled his men back towards Nichugard Pass, leaving only Colonel Richards with the original garrison. Meanwhile Sato's unit were rapidly advancing through the mountainous terrain of the Naga Hills. Japanese and INA reconnaissance patrols were able to help the unit forage for food on the go, adding to their speed. Perhaps they took some time to eat turtle eggs like Wingate advised. Sorry just had to bring up that weird one, been stuck on my mind. On the morning of April 4th, the 58th regiment began assaulting the southern edge of Kohima at GPT ridge while Miyazaki's other units were advancing through the hills and valleys leading into Kohima from the east. Colonel Hugh Richard alerted Stopford of the Japanese assault, who immediately realized his grave error. Stopford desperately sent Warren's men back over to Kohima. Yet only 446 men of the 4th Royal West Kents would manage to get to Kohima in time to help her garrison. They dug in on Kohima Ridge, which is really a series of hills running north-south along the road to Imphal. Gently sloping saddles connect each feature. Since development as a supply base a year earlier, some of its various hills had become known by their function. From south to north, they were GPT “General Purpose Transport” Ridge, Jail Hill, DIS “Detail Issue Store”, FSD “Field Supply Depot”, Kuki Picquet, and Garrison Hill. A northwest extension of Garrison Hill housed a hospital and became known as IGH “Indian General Hospital” Spur. Thick woods, interspersed with the town's and base's structures, covered most of these hills. Garrison Hill was terraced and landscaped, and included the home, complete with clubhouse and tennis court of the deputy commissioner for the area, Charles Pawsey. The Imphal-Dimapur Road skirted the ridge to the east before turning west past Garrison Hill. Treasury Hill and a Naga Village settlement overlooked the ridge from the northeast; those heights also extended north to the hamlet of Merema. Southward loomed the imposing Pulebadze Mountain, whereas three miles to the west rose a knoll topped by the village of Jotsoma. Kohima Ridge thus was overlooked by surrounding heights: Pulebadze to the south, Jotsoma to the west, and the Naga Village/Merema to the east and northeast. The same night they dug in on the ride, Sato had just launched attacks against Garrison Hill. The remainder of the brigade were not able to get in and would remain on Jotsoma ridge to the west, where Warren had emplaced his mountain guns to support the defenders. On April the 5th, the action kicked up with Fukunaga's 58th regiment attacking from the south while a vanguard overcame the Shere Regiment's sentries on the Naga Hill to the north, successfully securing a place for their artillery at Naga village. 4 mountain guns would support Miyazaki's attack, also allowing the Japanese to seize the GPT ridge. In a surprise raid, elements of the 3rd battalion, 58th regiment were able to grab the old town part of Kohima and Treasury Hill. As a result of this, Miyazaki wrongly assumed the enemy had simply withdrawn from Kohima, so he ordered his men to begin an advance upon Cheswema. This in turn gave the defenders some time to reinforce their lines. Japanese pressure on the perimeter increased on the morning of April 6, with repeated attacks by the 58th Regiment on Jail Hill. Heavy artillery and mortar fire quickly denuded trees of their foliage, snapping branches and scattering jagged splinters to accompany the whine and hiss of exploding shrapnel. By 11am the surviving defenders were forced off Jail Hill and down into the steep valley through which ran the road, and then up into the relative safety of the trees on DIS Hill, where Major Shaw's C Company were desperately digging in. The Japanese attack was relentless and, although they secured Jail Hill dominating the south-eastern edge of the Kohima Ridge, they suffered extensive casualties, including Captain Nagaya, the commander of 3rd battalion, 58th Regiment, who was killed. Major Donald Easten was also ordered to retake Jail Hill with D Company, 4th Royal West Kents, but by now the Japanese had already dug deeply into the hillside and could not be ejected without considerable expenditure of life. Easten took his company and dug them in around FSD Hill. Since Jail Hill dominated the southern edge of the ridge defensive lines, the disappearing tree cover quickly became a problem for the defenders who were becoming more and more visible to the enemy. It got some bad, the defenders were soon forced to only move positions at night. A company of the 4/7th Rajputs were able to reinforce Kohima by the end of the night, yet overall now 2500 defenders were surrounded by over 15,000 Japanese. The lost of GPT and Jail Hill also meant the defenders had lost access to water, excluding a small spring on Garrison Hill. Richards was forced to limit the men to a single pint of water per day. On the night of the 6th, a company of the 2nd Battalion, 58th Regiment launched a frontal attack against DIS Hill screaming wildly. The fire from the awaiting Royal West Kents scythed into the attackers, as did bombs from Sergeant Victor King's mortars, landing within meters of the West Kent positions. Miyazaki kept sending more and more men, until some infiltrated the defenders positions ending in a confused hand to hand combat brawl. By dawn on the 7th, a counterattack from FSD Hill would be broken by the ferocious Japanese machine-gun and artillery fire. Sergeant-Major Haines led a spirited attack against these positions, dashing 37 meters up the hill with a mixed group of West Kents and Gurkhas, bayonets fixed and lobbing grenades amongst the bashas. Those Japanese who ran were cut down by waiting Bren guns; those who stayed put were burned alive as the thin structures caught fire. The bakery, whose large brick ovens in peacetime produced several thousand loaves of bread each day, was more impervious to these tactics, but combat engineers destroyed the doors with the help of large quantities of gun cotton. Instead of merely blowing in the doors the ensuing explosion destroyed the entire building, only the brick ovens inside withstanding the blast. Escaping Japanese were brought down by rifle fire. Unusually, two Japanese soldiers were taken prisoner, and although one died later of his wounds, the other provided details about the strength and dispositions of the attacking forces. Captain Shiro Sato, Nagaya's successor in charge of 3rd, 58th Regiment, was killed. Over 60 Japanese were killed in this struggle alone, leading the men to mutter among themselves that this was a worse ordeal than Sangshak. One of the problems now encountered by the men of C and D Companies of the Royal West Kents was the fact that hundreds of bodies lay littered across the position, some of friends but mostly of Japanese, attracting clouds of slow-moving bluebottles that feasted on the carpet of corpses covering the ground. Attempts were made to remove bodies where it was possible, but snipers and the sheer number meant that it was not possible to dispose of them all. As the days went by the effects of artillery bombardment dispersed some of the remains, with the result that DIS Hill became an unpleasant place to defend at best, and injurious to health at worst. The West Kents attempted to burn the bodies at night, but this had a poor effect on morale as the appalling smell of burning flesh drifted across the position. Where they could, the Japanese cremated their dead. Realizing his enemy was strongly entrenched, Miyazaki now decided to order his 3rd battalion to turn back. Meanwhile the bulk of Torikai's forces were just reaching the battlefront, so Miyazaki ordered his 1st battalion to reinforce their attack. Sato was under the belief they would be capturing the ridge at any moment, so he ordered Torikai to cut off the Kohima-Dimapur road, within the vicinity of Zubza. Sato also dispatched the reserved 124th regiment to Cheswema to get ready for an operation in the north. Torikai's 2nd battalion advanced into the Dzuzu valley, and their 6th company occupied Zubza, effectively cutting off Warren's base at Jotsoma. During that night the Japanese launched both real and 'jitter' attacks against the southern perimeter. During the next morning it was discovered, Japanese soldiers had infiltrated back onto DIS Hill during the confusion of the night, placing soldiers and a machine gun in a bunker on the top of the hill. Despite the Japanese machine guns posted on top of the hill, a hero would emerge to knock them out. A fearless 29-year-old Lance-Corporal John Harman demonstrated the type of behavior that was to lead within days to the award of a Victoria Cross, and his death. Realizing that the Japanese machine gun could cause untold damage if unchecked he crawled alone up the hill, standing up at the last minute to charge the Japanese-held bunker. Miraculously the enemy fire tore into the empty air above his head, and Harman reached the bunker door, coolly extracted the pin from a grenade, released the firing lever, counted to three, on a four-second fuse and lobbed it inside. The occupants were killed instantly and Harman returned triumphant with the captured machine gun down the hill to the cheers of his comrades. The Japanese would launch attacks through the day, gradually pushing the defenders up the hills towards Kohima. General Mutaguchi then personally ordered Sato to continue past Kohima and seize Dimapur. Now Sato and Mutaguchi did not get along well, but he reluctantly obeyed the command, sending his 3rd battalion, 138t regiment along the Merema track to Bokajan. Yet all of a sudden General Kawabe, countermanded the order and instead ordered Sato's battalion to rapidly be recalled. This was one of those famed “what if” moments. What if Sato had turned a Nelsonian blind eye to the counter order, or if he had delayed its official receipt for another 24 hours? Sato was apparently happy to obey Kawabe and withdraw to Kohima partly because his deep-seated animosity toward Mutaguchi led him to assume the army commander's demands were motivated solely by visions of military glory. Sato's hatred of Mutaguchi blinded him to the strategic possibilities offered by continuing his offensive through to Dimapur, and lost for the Japanese a crucial opportunity for victory in 1944. The failure to secure Dimapur while the British were in a state of confusion at the speed and scale of Mutaguchi's march on Delhi was indeed, as General Slim recognized, one of the great missed opportunities of the Burma war. It led directly to the failure of the Kohima thrust, and contributed to the collapse of the entire Operation. It was the consequence of Sato's lack of strategic imagination, framed by Kawabe's rejection of what he regarded as an attempt by Mutaguchi to secure for himself undying glory. What he and Sato for that matter failed entirely to see was that Mutaguchi was right. The capture of Dimapur might have been the decisive strategic movement of the campaign leading to a dramatic worsting of the British reminiscent of Malaya and Burma in 1942. Despite the megalomania and terrible planning on Mutaguchi's part for even initiating Operation U-GO, to not try and make it work was even more criminal. On the morning of the 9th, the Japanese once again managed to infiltrate the DIS Hill and again corporal Harman lept into action and mounted a solo attack to remove the threat. Covered by two Bren guns firing from his left and his right, Harman dashed up the hill. Frantically the Japanese returned fire but in their excitement fired wide. Harman reached the trench and, standing 4 meters to its front and firing his Lee Enfield from the hip, shot four Japanese dead, before jumping into the trench and bayoneting the fifth. He then stood up, triumphantly holding the captured enemy machine gun above his head, before throwing it to the ground. The cheers of his comrades reverberated around the hill. Harman then nonchalantly began to walk back down the slope. Unfortunately he had forgotten that with the denuded foliage he was in full view of the Japanese positions on Jail Hill. Unheeding of the shouted cries of his comrades to run, he leisurely made his way back down to his weapon pit, only to be struck by a burst of machine-gun fire in his back just as he reached safety. Donald Easten ran out into the Japanese fire, and dragged Harman into a trench. Within a few minutes, however, this extraordinarily brave man was dead. On that day, Warren dispatched the 1/1st Punjabs to break through towards Kohima, but they ran into a number of log-covered bunkers at Piquet Hill, held by the 6th Company, 138th Regiment. The Japanese fired upon them causing 25 casualties by the day's end. Upon the ridge the killing continued. Large numbers of fiercely brave Japanese from the 58th Regiment were killed by the remorseless chatter of the British Bren guns, as during the night three successive assaults were made on C and D Companies of the Royal West Kents, the Japanese being denied success by the interlocking fire of eight Bren guns, whose red-hot barrels had to be changed repeatedly. Casualties on both sides were high, the Japanese attempting to gain access to the hill from the road by use of ladders, seemingly unperturbed by their losses. On the northern side of Garrison Hill the 138th Regiment again launched attacks against A Company. The attack was held, Bren guns, bayonets and grenades in the darkness bloodily halting Japanese ambitions. Victor King's mortars fired in support, the bombs landing with superb accuracy in front of Maj. Tom Kenyon's positions. It had seemed for a while that sheer weight of numbers would overwhelm the much-reduced A Company, but the reliable Brens, considerable reserves of grenades, the accuracy of King's mortars and the determined courage of the Royal West Kents denied the penetration so desperately desired by the Japanese. Low on ammunition and suffering heavy casualties, the decision was made to abandon DIS and FSD Hill's on the night of the 10th. To make matters worse the monsoon rains had come early, and heavy, driving rain on 10th, together with the effects of battle and of sleep deprivation, had pushed men to the edge of exhaustion. Tea was rationed to half a mug per man. Fortunately, the rain somewhat made up for the acute lack of water within the perimeter, men lying back in their weapon pits and trenches to allow the rain to fall directly into parched, open mouths. It was found that a trickle of water was available from a pipe leading onto the road behind the ADS, behind the Japanese positions. Dangerous nightly journeys were made, through hundreds of wounded lying in the open, down the slope to the road, to fill hundreds of water bottles. The exhausted men made their way off the hills under Japanese sniper and mortar fire. On the 11th, A company over at Garrison Hill were still managing to hold strong against numerous assaults over the tennis court. During the night they were relieved by B company. Meanwhile Grover had finally assembled his 2nd division at Dimapur and dispatched the Cameron Highlanders and 2nd battalion, Durham light infantry with Lee-Grant tank support to open a road back up to Warren's HQ. The next day, while B company was repelling more assault, the 1st battalion, 58th regiment advanced upon Jotsoma from Pulomi, but could not penetrate through the defensive line. At the same time, the 3rd Battalion, 138th Regiment advanced to Khabvuma, though and was likewise unable to break through towards the Kohima-Dimapur Road. On the 13th, which would become known to the besieged British garrison as “black thirteenth”, B company continued to resist suicidal Japanese assaults across the tennis court, Japanese artillery managed to kill many men atop the IGH Spur. Casualties were mounting, the Royal West Kents had lost a total of 150 men by this point. 3 Dakotas had tried air supplying, but they accidentally dropped atop the Japanese position on Kohima Ridge. Over at FDS Hill, the situation was quite desperate as the Japanese were squeezing the British from the ridge and to prevent them from using the supplies raining from the sky. Captain Mitchell of the Rajputs was killed on the morning of 12th, and furious counterattacks against the Japanese who had infiltrated amongst C and D Companies of the Royal West Kents failed to remove the intruders; A Company, after their short rest on Kuki, now moved to support C and D Companies. That night the Japanese attempted to rush FSD Hill. The defenders were ordered to wait until they could see the whites of the Japanese eyes before opening fire. During a lull in the fighting Private Peacock from A Company dropped off, exhausted with fatigue. When he came round he discovered that he was sharing his trench with a Japanese officer who had assumed that Peacock was dead. Unable to find his rifle Peacock leapt at the officer and strangled him after a fierce struggle with his bare hands. Then, to make sure, he ran him through with the man's own sword By the 14th, the Assam Rifles relieved B company over at Garrison Hill, where Richards commemorated his remaining men for the bulwark defense. “By your efforts you have prevented the Japanese from attaining this objective. All attempts to overrun the garrison have been frustrated by your determination and devotion to duty…”. Meanwhile a patrol of the 4/7th Rajputs had advanced up the western valley. The patrol had the unfortunate result of raising some expectations of relief on the ridge. To the fighting men still desperately resisting every Japanese encroachment this made little difference to their lives. Instead, life and death continued their seemingly arbitrary, parallel journeys. The shattered hillside was now almost bare of foliage, the remaining trees standing forlornly, others leaning drunkenly where shells had smashed the trunk or branches. The ground was a churned morass of mud, which the defenders shared with rotting corpses, excrement and the inevitable detritus of war: scattered equipment, discarded helmets, broken weapons and unexploded shells. Yet the troops all knew that they had achieved a remarkable feat of endurance, and resistance. On the 15th the 1/1st Punjabs had finally broken through Piquet Hill and reopened the road to the garrisons perimeter. By the 16th, the 5th Brigade linked up with Warren's troops for the first time.The Japanese did not let up at all. On the 17th, they finally seized FSD Hill and stormed Kuki Piquet, overcoming some depleted defenders with their sheer weight of numbers. It seemed the exhausted Kohima Garrison were doomed, now crammed into a small area. Then B Company, 1/1st Punjab with Lee-Grant tanks arrived on the 18th, just in time to give the boys a fighting chance. Under heavy Japanese sniper and artillery fire, Warren and Grover's men advanced towards the besieged ridge positions. The 1st battalion, Royal Berkshire regiment made it to Kohima on the 20th to relieve Richards spent garrison. On 19 April, the day before the first of the relieving troops made their way onto the position, Hurribombers strafed the Japanese positions, Dakotas dropped ammunition, water and food accurately on the ridge and the 25-pdrs of the 2nd Division pounded away relentlessly, firing from Zubza. The relief took place in the nick of time. The men of the 1st Battalion, Royal Berkshire Regiment, could not believe their eyes or noses as they climbed up onto Summerhouse Hill on the morning of April 20. Warned by anxious defenders to keep their heads down, many gagged at the repulsive smell of death and excrement that hung like a repressive fog over the position, weighing the hill down with the stench of horror. As Japanese bullets and shells continued to fall the weary veterans of the siege made their way down the gulleys adjacent to the IGH spur, strewn with Japanese corpses, to waiting trucks, guarded by the Lee/Grants. The fresh relief troops on the road were astonished by what they saw when the red-eyed, unshaven survivors made their way quietly out of the trees, but were in no doubt that they were witnessing the end of the first phase of one of the grimmest struggles of the entire war. The Indian troops called out 'Shabash, Royal West Kents!' in warm acknowledgement of what all the defenders of the Kohima Ridge had achieved, congratulating the tired, bearded scarecrows even as shells fell among the convoy, injuring some of the wounded again and killing some, even as they were being lifted into the trucks. As the trucks crawled down the pitted road towards Jotsoma, and then Zubza, before making their slow way down through the green mountains into hot, steamy Dimapur, the exhausted survivors had long collapsed into deep, delicious sleep. Their ordeal was over. After 16 days of brutal siege, 278 men had been killed or wounded in a small stand, but one that would prove decisive for the CBI theater. Yet that is all for today on the Burma front as we now need to hope over to the Admiralties. The campaign for the Admiralty islands was coming to an end, now General Swift's division just had to mop up the islands of Los Negros and Manus. Over on Los Negros, the 5th Cavalry at Papitalai had been pushing west towards the Papitalai Mission since March the 14th. They were still encountering heavy resistance, requiring support from heavy artillery and aerial bombardment. At 7:30am on the 15th, Troop A advanced after artillery and mortar concentrations, towards their third objective without any resistance. Troop A dug in there and Troop B sent out patrols 200 yards to the front. Yet still no opposition was encountered. Difficulties of supplying the troops over an extended supply line which consisted of 1 and a half miles of narrow, rutted, and slippery trail prevented further advance. Troop C, aided by a section furnished by the 82d Field Artillery Battalion, took 5 hours for a round trip. The 1st Squadron's last objective was the largest knob, Hill 260, on which it was now estimated were 100 well-entrenched Japanese. By the 17th, sufficient supplies had been brought up to enable Troop C, which had relieved Troop A, to push on toward this knob. After the usual artillery and mortar preparation, Troop C, protected in the rear by Troop B which was dug in on the third objective, advanced to within 50 yards of the hill crest before being stopped by machine-gun and rifle fire. Squadron commander Lt. Col. Charles E. Brady then dispatched Troop B north to envelop the enemy from his left flank. Although Troop B had to cut its way laboriously and noisily through the jungle, the envelopment was highly successful. The Japanese put up little resistance and both troops moved onto the hill and secured it by 1:10pm. About 40 or 50 dead Japanese were counted, although the total, which was impossible to determine in the jungle, was undoubtedly much higher. The 1st Squadron's losses in the day's attack were four killed and seven wounded. Meanwhile, patrols from the 12th cavalry had been going around inland in the region southwest of Papitalai Mission and Lombrum. They found more resistance than anticipated. After failing to connect the perimeters, Troops A and B were landed at Chaporowan Point on the 16th where more patrols advanced along the coast, also finding some resistance. Over on the Rossum Road, Troop F of the 7th cavalry were seeing their fare share of resistance at a position 800 yards down the road. Though the cavalrymen were able to push through to the northern edge of Old Rossum, the Japanese fought so hard, Troop F was forced to withdraw. Because of this action, the position was bombed on the 21st before a full assault was launched by the 1st Squadron, 7th cavalry. This time the cavalrymen were able to secure the northern edge of Old Rossum with the support of artillery and tanks. On the 23rd, the squadron pressed their attack, gradually edging through Old Rossum. To gain 1000 yards here the Americans suffered 68 casualties, then on the 24th they yet again had to withdraw undering increasingly heavy Japanese fire. Finally on the 25th, the 1st Squadron, 8th cavalry relieved the battered men. After a heavy artillery and aerial bombardment, the Japanese defenders were finally broken. That day saw the 8th cavalry suffered 7 dead, 29 wounded, for the Japanese it was close to 100. Overall the 2nd Brigade had suffered 36 deaths, 128 wounded in the week of fighting over the Rossum area, they estimated they had killed 200 Japanese. The 2nd Brigade would patrol inland for the next two months, penetrating deep jungles, swamps and high mountains. In the end they would count a total of 586 dead Japanese on Manus. Meanwhile General Chase ordered a brigade to complete the occupation of Los Negros on March 21st. The 1st Squadron, 5th cavalry and 2nd Squadron, 12th cavalry attacked southwest towards some highground, due west of Hill 260. Troop C of the 12th cavalry advanced towards Juarez Village, supported by Troop B who performed an encircling maneuver against the retreating enemy. The 2nd Squadron, 5th cavalry would manage to clear the southern portion of Los Negros with an assault against Palapi Hill. All of Chase's units were successful in their assaults, though they faced tough resistance. For the following days, the Japanese would fight back against the invaders and by the 25th, over 500 of them paid the price with their lives. Since February 19th, 1917 Japanese had died on Los Negros, while the 1st Brigade had suffered 143 killed and 408 wounded. There were also mop up operations against the outlying islands with the 1st Squadron, 7th cavalry landing on Pityilu island on the 30th; the 1st Squadron, 12th cavalry assaulted Koruniat and Ndrilo islands on the 1st of april and the 2nd Squadron, 12th cavalry attacked Rambutyo on the 3rd. The 7th cavalry faced heavy resistance from a 60 man garrison on Pityilu, the 12th cavalry found no Japanese on Koruniat and Ndrilo and only a handful of Japanese were found on Rambutyo. On the 9th of april, the 1st Squadron, 12th cavalry landed on Pak island and with that the liberation of the Admiralty islands was complete. In total, General Krueger reported 326 killed, 1189 wounded and 4 missing while also counting a total of 3280 Japanese killed and 75 captured. General Krueger would go on to partially explain the heavy enemy losses in the Admiralties operation were due to, "Our troops were gaining superiority on the ground against an enemy whose tactical knowledge envisioned only the offensive." Allied tactics of guaranteeing naval, air, and artillery superiority to the troops in each operation were making the heavy proportion of Japanese casualties an expected result in the Pacific. In the Admiralties invasion, fire from destroyers kept the enemy under cover during the landing and the artillery gave the troopers an enormous advantage against an enemy who possessed only two 75-mm mountain guns and one 70-mm howitzer. Bad weather had greatly restricted air operations during the first week after the invasion, and the weather probably accounted in part for the weakness of enemy air defense throughout the campaign; but the constant pounding of Japanese air bases within range of the Admiralties was a more important factor. General MacArthur's decision to send a limited number of men and ships to take an enemy stronghold far in advance of Allied-held territory, and within striking distance of enemy planes, had proved worth the risks involved. At a small cost, the neutralization of Rabaul and Kavieng was completed; and from the new base in the Admiralties, Allied air and naval forces could now launch surprise attacks on the Dutch New Guinea coast and could threaten essential enemy sea lanes within a 1500-mile radius including the Marianas, the east coast of Mindanao, and the southern limits of the Celebes Sea. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Fate had rolled her dice yet again, and the Japanese had lost another decisive moment whereupon they could have perhaps changed the entire war in the India-Burma front. Likewise General Douglas MacArthur gambled by attacking the Admiralty Islands, but it would pay off heavily. It seems the allies were winning with every hand dealt to them.
How does fandom for Canadian sports transcend backgrounds and borders? Donnovan explores this question with a trio of guests, including the superfan himself, Nav Bhatia (3:35). They discuss his memoir, 'The Heart of a Superfan', which touches on the story of an immigrant who became the Raptors' biggest fan ever. Donnovan also chats with Anthony Wilson-Smith (17:18), President and Chief Executive Officer of Historica Canada, the national historical organization known for their iconic Heritage Minutes, as they get into the story of Norman Kwong, the first CFL player of Chinese heritage and four-time Grey Cup winner. Afterwards, Donnovan chats with Chandan Singh (33:56), whose family has operated a bridal store in Toronto for almost 40 years. They chat about the Leafs and the through lines of fandom from his father Kuki - who loves Rick Vaive - to the present day. The views and opinions expressed in this podcast are those of the hosts and guests and do not necessarily reflect the position of Rogers Sports & Media or any affiliates.
Łukasz Pączkowski czyli Zulu Kuki to artysta i projektant. Jego prace wyróżniają się futurystycznym zacięciem i świeżym spojrzeniem na nowe technologie, zwłaszcza druk 3D. W tym odcinku rozmawiamy o tym, skąd Łukasz bierze tyle energii na realizowanie kilkudziesięciu projektów w ciągu roku i czy zawsze ma wizje tego, co chce finalnie zrobić. Pytam Łukasza jaką rolę odgrywa research w jego pracy, co takiego inspiruje go w Japonii oraz jak drukuje się samochód z recyklingowanych butelek. Zastanawiamy się również, jak będzie wyglądać nasze życie z AI. Od nagrywania tej rozmowy minął prawie kwartał i praca Łukasza z AI uległa mocnej zmianie. To tylko dowód na to, w jak szybkich czasach obecnie żyjemy. Zapraszam was super mocno do tej rozmowy! Łukasza możecie obserwować tu: @zulukuki I nie zapomnijcie sprawdzić, co nowego w @pretacreate do usłyszenia! Malwina Regina
More and more Christians acknowledge God's call to care for his creation, and yet resist taking action. Kuki has preached, taught and written on creation care to audiences around the world for decades, and believes the main barrier is our love of convenience. From Mizoram in North East India and recently appointed as A Rocha International's first Director of Church Engagement, she tells us about her hopes for the role and what spurs her on despite the challenges.
Hear why most Manipuris - of different ethnic groups - just want an end to militarisation and violence. Synopsis: Every fourth Friday of the month, The Straits Times' global contributor Nirmal Ghosh shines a light on Asian perspectives of global and Asian issues with expert guests. Manipur, in north-east India, is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious state of 3.1 million people. In May 2023, violence exploded between the ethnic Meitei and Kuki people, leaving many dead. Ongoing ethnic violence has claimed many more than 200 lives and left tens of thousands displaced. Next door in Myanmar, the military regime has at best, tenuous control over its own borders given drug and other kinds of trafficking across the Myanmar-Manipur border. Most Manipuris - of different ethnic groups - just want an end to militarisation and violence, says Manipur native Binalaskshmi Nepram. The writer, democracy activist, Sean McBride Peace Prize recipient and founder of several local organisations working for disarmament and peace in Manipur and across the north-east, speaks with host Nirmal Ghosh. They shine an insider's light, on the complexities and the traumas of the troubled border state in a volatile region. Highlights (click/tap above): 1:33 Eruption of violence in Manipur the result of decades of neglect and discrimination, a criminal political nexus and violent extremism 4:58 War-within-a-war phenomenon: Manipur had about three to four armed groups in the 70s but that has grown to 60 today 8:09 Why the struggle in the north-east of India is also about identities 14:18 What is the future for children growing up in Manipur? 16:45 India wants to build a fence along the border with Myanmar to curb trans-border crime and trafficking Produced by: Nirmal Ghosh (nirmal@sph.com.sg) and Fa'izah Sani Edited by: Fa'izah Sani Follow Asian Insider with Nirmal Ghosh every fourth Friday of the month here: Channel: https://str.sg/JWa7 Apple Podcasts: https://str.sg/JWa8 Spotify: https://str.sg/JWaX Website: http://str.sg/stpodcasts Feedback to: podcast@sph.com.sg Follow Nirmal Ghosh on X: https://str.sg/JD7r Read Nirmal Ghosh's articles: https://str.sg/JbxG Register for Asian Insider newsletter: https://str.sg/stnewsletters --- Discover more ST podcast channels: COE Watch: https://str.sg/iTtE In Your Opinion: https://str.sg/w7Qt Asian Insider: https://str.sg/JWa7 Health Check: https://str.sg/JWaN Green Pulse: https://str.sg/JWaf Your Money & Career: https://str.sg/wB2m ST Sports Talk: https://str.sg/JWRE #PopVultures: https://str.sg/JWad Music Lab: https://str.sg/w9TX Discover ST Podcasts: http://str.sg/stpodcasts --- Special edition series: True Crimes of Asia (6 eps): https://str.sg/i4Y3 The Unsolved Mysteries of South-east Asia (5 eps): https://str.sg/wuZ2 Invisible Asia (9 eps): https://str.sg/wuZn Stop Scams (10 eps): https://str.sg/wuZB Singapore's War On Covid (5 eps): https://str.sg/wuJa --- Follow our shows then, if you like short, practical podcasts! #STAsianInsiderSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Hear why most Manipuris - of different ethnic groups - just want an end to militarisation and violence. Synopsis: Every fourth Friday of the month, The Straits Times' global contributor Nirmal Ghosh shines a light on Asian perspectives of global and Asian issues with expert guests. Manipur, in north-east India, is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious state of 3.1 million people. In May 2023, violence exploded between the ethnic Meitei and Kuki people, leaving many dead. Ongoing ethnic violence has claimed many more than 200 lives and left tens of thousands displaced. Next door in Myanmar, the military regime has at best, tenuous control over its own borders given drug and other kinds of trafficking across the Myanmar-Manipur border. Most Manipuris - of different ethnic groups - just want an end to militarisation and violence, says Manipur native Binalaskshmi Nepram. The writer, democracy activist, Sean McBride Peace Prize recipient and founder of several local organisations working for disarmament and peace in Manipur and across the north-east, speaks with host Nirmal Ghosh. They shine an insider's light, on the complexities and the traumas of the troubled border state in a volatile region. Highlights (click/tap above): 1:33 Eruption of violence in Manipur the result of decades of neglect and discrimination, a criminal political nexus and violent extremism 4:58 War-within-a-war phenomenon: Manipur had about three to four armed groups in the 70s but that has grown to 60 today 8:09 Why the struggle in the north-east of India is also about identities 14:18 What is the future for children growing up in Manipur? 16:45 India wants to build a fence along the border with Myanmar to curb trans-border crime and trafficking Produced by: Nirmal Ghosh (nirmal@sph.com.sg) and Fa'izah Sani Edited by: Fa'izah Sani Follow Asian Insider with Nirmal Ghosh every fourth Friday of the month here: Channel: https://str.sg/JWa7 Apple Podcasts: https://str.sg/JWa8 Spotify: https://str.sg/JWaX Website: http://str.sg/stpodcasts Feedback to: podcast@sph.com.sg Follow Nirmal Ghosh on X: https://str.sg/JD7r Read Nirmal Ghosh's articles: https://str.sg/JbxG Register for Asian Insider newsletter: https://str.sg/stnewsletters --- Discover more ST podcast channels: COE Watch: https://str.sg/iTtE In Your Opinion: https://str.sg/w7Qt Asian Insider: https://str.sg/JWa7 Health Check: https://str.sg/JWaN Green Pulse: https://str.sg/JWaf Your Money & Career: https://str.sg/wB2m ST Sports Talk: https://str.sg/JWRE #PopVultures: https://str.sg/JWad Music Lab: https://str.sg/w9TX Discover ST Podcasts: http://str.sg/stpodcasts --- Special edition series: True Crimes of Asia (6 eps): https://str.sg/i4Y3 The Unsolved Mysteries of South-east Asia (5 eps): https://str.sg/wuZ2 Invisible Asia (9 eps): https://str.sg/wuZn Stop Scams (10 eps): https://str.sg/wuZB Singapore's War On Covid (5 eps): https://str.sg/wuJa --- Follow our shows then, if you like short, practical podcasts! #STAsianInsiderSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
kibékülős rapperekPesten innen, Budán túl podcastkiállításmegnyitóséta a ZsidónegyedbenPanelboldogság - Fortepanos válogatástúlgyorsult városbővülésSimon's burger tesztfalovas körhintákCookiebeacon - brunch helyM*A*S*H - sorozatajánlóPC vonatMission: Impossible: Leszámolás - filmajánlópodcastokTwitterünk - Kotyogós podcast officialAntenna twitterenGergő twitterenBence twitterenÍrhatsz nekünk e-mailt: kotyogospodcast@gmail.comHa meghívnál minket egy kávéra és ezzel hozzá szeretnél férni a specialty tartalmunkhoz megjelenés pillanatában:Patreon támogatásHa beszélgetni akartok velünk és hallgatótársaitokkal akkor Telegramon is megtehetitek ha a "t pont me per kotyogos"-ra mentek.
Fresh flare-ups are being reported from Moreh, a border town in Manipur's Tengnoupal district where two security personnel were killed Wednesday in clashes with ‘armed militants'. In Episode 1223 of Cut The Clutter, first published on 4 May 2023, Editor-in-Chief Shekhar Gupta looks at genesis of ethnic strife between Meiteis & Kukis that led to violent clashes last May.
Suspension of Operations camps were set up across the state as part of pact signed in 2008. But despite its commitment to rehabilitating these cadres, no tangible steps have been taken.
Did you know a huge number of women face more barriers than others when it comes to receiving vital menopause care? GPs Dr Nighat Arif and Dr Kuki Avery join Liz on this episode to explore inequalities in menopause healthcare, and what can be done to make it truly accessible to all.Dr Nighat reveals the barriers to menopause care faced by ethnic minority women, such as being left out of clinical research and the conversations surrounding menopause, institutionalised racism, and generational trauma.Dr Kuki discusses the menopause care hurdles that women with learning disabilities often come across, such as late and misdiagnosis, communication difficulties, and also being left out of research.Links mentioned in the episode:Purchase The Knowledge by Dr Nighat Arif Follow Dr Nighat Arif on InstagramLearn more about Chelvey Menopause Clinic Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Ikiganiro Itetero Episode 360 Kuki ari ngombwa kwandikisha umwana ufite ubumuga mu rugo mbonezamikurire? --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/radio-rwanda/message
Te reo Maori Kuki' Airani language at risk of disappearing.
A weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. The show is produced by a collective of media makers, deejays, and activists. “We are a small group of people, and if we are annihilated the world won't even miss us because most of the world doesn't even know we exist.” The Kuki-Zomi tribal community of Manipur, a small picturesque state in north-east India, has been witnessing violent ethnic conflict in which over 120 lives have been tragically lost and more than 50,000 individuals displaced from their ancestral homes since May 2023. Hosts Miko Lee and Cheryl Truong are joined by Niang Hangzo and Sonny Gangte, both members of the impacted Kuki-Zomi and a part of the North American Manipur Tribal Association @namtaus. They unravel the complexities of Manipur's crisis and the factors perpetuating this atrocious humanitarian violation against the Kuki people. CONTENT WARNING: Please be advised that the things we're going to be talking about and what has been happening to the Kuki-Zomi people of Manipur is horrific. Tonight's show handles sensitive topics, such as violence, genocide, gender based violence and sexual assault. Our show's transcript will be available to read in our show notes for those who would like to process at their own pace. Stay updated on the Manipur crisis and the incredible work by the North American Manipur Tribal Association by following their socials: https://twitter.com/NamtaUs https://www.facebook.com/namtaus/ https://www.instagram.com/namtaus/ https://www.youtube.com/@AdminNAMTA namta.us and namta.us/donate Niang's article APEX Express: Manipur's Humanitarian Crisis Show Transcript Cheryl Truong: Before we begin here is a content warning. Please be advised that the things we're going to be talking about, and what is happening to the Kuki-Zomi people of Manipur is… Horrific. Tonight's show handles sensitive topics, such as violence, genocide, gender based violence and sexual assault. Our show's transcript will be available to read in our show notes for those who would like to process at their own pace. Please do whatever you must to take care of yourself. Miko Lee: Good evening, you're on APEX Express. This is Miko Lee and Cheryl Truong, and tonight is an AACRE night. AACRE is Asian Americans for Civil Rights and Equality, and APEX Express is proud to be part of the AACRE network. Cheryl Truong: For tonight's show, we're going to be unpacking some of the violence that has been taking place in the Indian state of Manipur. Protests have erupted all over America, including the series of actions that took place Sunday of last week in the bay area led by NAMTA, the North American Manipur Tribal Association, and one of our AACRE groups, ASATA, Alliance of South Asians Taking Action. The Sunday actions were in support of the Kuki-Zomi tribal community of Manipur who have been facing ongoing violence by the ethnic majority, the Meiteis. The Kuki-Zomis, a predominantly Christian indigenous community.., are facing genocide as their villages, churches and communities are being razed by the Meitei community, a largely Hindu ethnic group who account for about 50% of the state's population. This assault of the Kuki people has been ongoing since May, but is only recently getting traction for reasons we'll get into later. Here to speak out about what's been going on are two members of the impacted Kuki tribe and members of NAMTA, Niang Hongzo and Sonny Gangte. Thank you both so much for being here. To start do you mind telling our listeners who are at the Kuki-Zomis and what is going on in Manipur? Niang Hangzo: Thank you for having me here. I'm Niang Hangzo and I am a Kuki-Zomi woman. When I talk to people, I ask them, Where do you think I'm from?” and almost nine times out of ten, they'll say I'm outside of India, maybe Filipino, Chinese, Japanese, but they never think I'm Indian. Kuki-Zomi people are indigenous to Manipur, to the hills of Manipur, and we are 16% of the population, and we are Christians. But because Manipur is a small state about 8,621 square miles, and it has two distinct geography, the valley, there's a hill and valley and the valley is also where the capital is. And it is very developed– all the infrastructure, the high seats of learning, any advanced facilities, education center, et cetera– is concentrated hundred percent in the valley. And the valley is where the Meitei live. There are three distinct ethnicities in Manipur: the Meiteis, who are the majority and primarily Hindu, and then there are Nagas, and the Kuki-Zomis. The Naga and Kuki-Zomis primarily live in the hills. We are hill tribes, indigenous to the hills. But because of jobs, et cetera, a lot of us live in Imphal. My family lived in Imphal for 60 years because my parents worked for the government of Manipur. And what's interesting about me is that my mother is a Meitei and my father is one of the subtribe of the Kuki-Zomis. So when we say Kuki-Zomi, it is a conglomerate of subtribes. So it's not one tribe, it's multiple small tribes, 16% of the population. The total population of the state is about 3 million from the last 2011 official census, we are barely above half a million. So we talking about a very small section of people. People that the world does not even know exists most of the time, like I started with how people mistake us for somebody outside of India. We are very small in number– that's over half a million– about seven to eight tribes all together. Cheryl Truong: That's so interesting, Niang, that you mentioned that your mother is Meitei, and your father is Kuki-Zomi. I know you wrote an essay for the American Kahani, a very detailed report on your family, what they were going through when all the violence erupted in Manipur on May 3rd. Do you mind sharing a little bit about what your family experienced? Niang Hangzo: Yes. Like I mentioned, my family has lived in Imphal in a locality called PaiteVeng which literally means where Paites live. I mentioned that I belong to a tribe, Paite, which is one of the Kuki-Zomi tribes. My father actually founded that colony with two other Paite men in the 60s. And they've been embroiled in the social fabric of Imphal, and we have Meitei relatives, we speak Meitei, we speak our Paite language, and we speak English. We, you know, we've lived there, and our neighbors know us. My mother was a nurse. I think 90% of births in Manipur were delivered at home. And as a nurse, she delivered the babies around the Meitei localities that surround PaiteVeng– everyone knows our family, you know, it's the first house next to the main highway. And on May 3rd, around eight o'clock, there was a sudden rush of people coming to the locality, and then there was a huge noise. In Manipur, among the Metis, when they have trouble or they want people to come out of their houses, they take rods and they hit the electric pole. And that is a cry to the community to come out; that there's trouble or something important is happening. So that happened. My family knew there had been trouble the Kuki-Zomi area in Churachandpur earlier in the day. They expected some sort of civil unrest, maybe burning of tires, pelting of stones. They just locked the gate. My family lived in a compound with four houses in there with my brothers, they had their own homes. Each family, cowered in, in one room and waited for trouble to die down. They thought it'll die out, but it didn't. They could hear the crowd, the roar of people. And one of my nephew went upstairs and he peeped out and he said, the church is burning. Our church is burning. And that's when they knew this is no ordinary agitation. In Manipur with all the distinct ethnicities, we've had troubles with each other among ourselves. But, we've never had a church burn or any places of worship attack. So this was different. Absolutely different. We've never had our churches burned or attacked. So they knew something was wrong. My sister called my brother and he said he was already sheltering in the neighbor's house in the neighboring compound. So the neighboring compound there were multiple houses belonging to another family, and they had a big house that was now rented by a Meitei man, and he ran it as a hotel. My brother said, “Come over.” My sister; my mom was 86 years old– they left. My mom was completely shocked and she couldn't wear her shoes they struggled and got out in the nick of time. They took shelter in the hotel for a bit with the rest of my family. They're like, I think, 20 of them, because I come from a large family. And there were other people in the hotels our neighborhood. The owner was a Meitei man and he was very kind. He allowed them to come in, but he said the mob had grown. They had started burning our neighbor's house and our house. So he said, they're going to come here next. There's no way I can protect you. He talked to the cops and he negotiated safe passage for us. So of all the people in our neighborhood, our family was the only one that came face to face with the mob. Because of this man, this kind man who negotiated safe passage, we were escorted out by the cops and the mob parted and they let us through. The young men in the mob said, “This is ” Ibok*– means grandma. We know her. Do not touch our family. And that's why our family was saved. I mean, because there were many instances on the fort, for example, where they actually killed Kuki-Zomi people. We are very lucky and the story is very long, but eventually they ended up in army camps. The interesting thing is that my family had my mom, 86 years old, and she had a great grandchild who was just one year old, as well as her grandson who was almost two years old, and another one that was four years old. And my youngest sister has down syndrome so we have all kinds of ages. And it's very difficult to keep the kids, the babies quiet and so on. So they had a really tough time, but I have another sister in California. We managed to get them out to Delhi and they're safe. So thank God we are very lucky. We lost everything we own. They burned our houses, our cars, and whatever they didn't burn, they looted. But we still think we are the luckiest family because they were together. My nephew's daughter, she's 11 years old. When they were being herded to safety and finally at the camp, they never felt secure. She told her grandmother, ‘At least we are together. At least we'll die together” This is from 11 year old. Cheryl Truong: Thank you Niang for sharing that. That must have been really difficult to write. Niang's essay will be linked in our show notes. A lot of the headlines I've been seeing reporting on what's been going on in Manipur has been framing the violence as an ethnic violence. But Niang mentions that her family was surprised at how a lot of her community churches were being burned down. Of course the Meitei violence against the Kuki-Zomis is an ethnic dispute against tribal communities, but there seems to be another dimension to it. Sonny. Do you think you can talk a little bit about that? Sonny Gangte: Yeah, sure. Thanks, Cheryl. I am also a member of the Kuki-Zomi community. As Niang mentioned, we are a persecuted minority in Manipur. The state is divided into three predominant groups. Majority Meitei group, which comprises more than 50%. And then the Nagas who are also a tribal group, but they are not involved in this ethnic cleansing. And then there's the Kuki-Zomi community, who is predominantly being targeted. We are 16% of the Manipur state's population. And the state government has been pre- planning violence against the Kuki-Zomi community and we know this because there have been many instances of the government trying to take over tribal lands by legislative means, you know, they would conduct a bogus survey and declare that this land is a protected forest, and then the tribal indigenous people who have been living there for hundreds of thousands of years, would then be evicted. The Meitei the state government is hand in glove with the Meitei community and the majority Métis radical groups. There are a couple of radical groups, one of them called Arambai Tenggol which is basically a sort of the militant wing of their community. And then there is Meitei Leepun which on paper seems to espouse unity and cultural heritage of the Meiteis but in reality, they are the ones radicalizing the entire Meitei community and trying to malign the Kuki-Zomi community. And as you said, they have been trying to change the narrative, right? The state government under Biren Singh, when he came to power, he's the chief minister much like the governor of the state. When he came into power he has been trying to spread this propaganda of the Kuki-Zomi people being illegal immigrants from neighboring Myanmar which is absolutely not the case. There are small number of refugees who have been given shelter in Manipur by certain communities, but by no means are the Kuki people illegal immigrants. They are indigenous to the area and they have been there for so long. Niang Hangzo: If I could just jump in there. Sonny mentioned that there's been land grab attempts and the Meitei can do that because in Manipur. They have 40 seats out of 60 in the state legislature. And this gives them majority to pass any bills. And in 2015 they passed a bill, their first attempt, and there was a huge protest from the tribals so that went nowhere. Then Biren Singh came to power in 2017. He is very different from the previous chief minister. He is the architect of the ethnic cleansing and the genocide that's going on in Manipur. He's the one who started using xenophobic tropes to turn the Kuki-Zomi into the other. We've been living side by side. We are neighbors with them. So to turn the neighbors against us, they started this propaganda. And the older people know, most sensible people know, but a lot of the people just grabbed onto this and they just ran with it. But these are nothing but xenophobic tropes. There were many serious attempts to land grab. In 2022, for example, they expanded the Indian Forest Act 1927, and just like Sonny mentioned, they'll just went and turned our villages and claimed that these villages are now protected forests. These villages are wildlife sanctuaries. These villages are reserve forests. And so this is another way to grab lands and they evicted our villages, like there was in, I think, February of 2023, they went and just bulldozed a village. I think this is something that's not just in Manipur, they've used things like environment protection, climate change, protecting the environment, preserving forests, as dog whistles, just to grab tribal land. That's one thing. And the other thing that they did was they'd say, Oh, that hill. That is a seed of our God. Oh, that place. And these are all tribal lands. Oh, that place over there, like in Behiang, Chivu, they said, Oh, that one, you know what, our king, his footprints are found there. I don't know what that means, but somehow they use that to grab our land, and they never consulted the tribal people, our leaders. They've been doing this land grab progressively over the years, and suddenly from 2022, they've just been doing this coming on full force. Miko Lee: Niang, what was the change making factor in 2022 that, that ramped up this whole situation? You said that the land grab has been going on for a long time and the oppression of the tribal folks has been going on, but was there some kind of catalyst that changed things in 2022? Niang Hangzo: I wish we knew. If we had known that I think we would not have been taken by surprise, but we know that since 2022 that's when the whole population, or even the TV, their media started using the tropes that I mentioned to make us be the other. So something escalated. Only they would know what the plan is, but they started doing things like that and maybe Sonny might know more, but we don't know what was the tipping point or what caused it, but it escalated and everyone noticed. Sonny Gangte: It's been simmering. The trouble has been simmering for many years, and it coincides with this current chief minister, Biren Singh, coming to power, and over the last several years, that has been the case. But even before this, the Kuki-Zomi people have been marginalized for years, because we never had the seats in government. They always had 40 seats. And the 10 seats might go to the Nagas and 10 seats to the Kukis. So right now the community has only 10 seats and we can never enact legislation that favors us. For many, many years growing up in, in Manipur it's always Meitei centric– Meitei being the majority community, right? And that's the sort of image that the people of Manipur have cultivated. The term ‘Manipuri' sort of exclusively refers to the Meitei people, not us, even though we are from Manipur. Some of the examples, the hospitals, the airport, the colleges, they're all Imphal. And then Churachandpur is the second largest town, and that is a stronghold of the Kuki-Zomi community. Churachand was the name of the Meitei king and the people of this town have now renounced it and they prefer to call it Lanka. And so that's where we're from, Lanka. Niang Hangzo: I think this is very important that people know that Meitei fought with the British in 1891 and they appointed this puppet king, who was Churachand, a little boy. Before that the place that they called Churachandpur was always ours. The Meitei kings never, ever ruled over the hills. The hills are ruled by tribes. And we don't have kings, we have chiefs, similarly for the Nagas. But our ancestors would interact with them. They would sometimes even go down to the valley and raid. So we were always fighting with them and we would have an uneasy alliance. The British administered us, but the king of Meitei ruled in that 700 square miles, which is the valley. Historically, we had never been under a Meitei administration until we became a state. The Churachandpur name is only as old as I think it was 1917 or 19 something, after the Kukigal. But, before that, it was Lamka. And the British were still there. I think they were doing something, maybe it was after the First World War or something like that, because a lot of Kuki-Zomi signed up to commemorate that the name of the place was changed to Churachandpur. But before that, it was always the indigenous Lamka. That's how we call it. And we've always called it Lamka. Miko Lee: So part of the actions that have been going on, part of it I'm hearing from you both is a land grab, and the other part , is around religious persecution. Is that right? Can you expand more on that? What is the impetus for this recent surge in violence? Sonny Gangte: Right. The Meiteis follow the majority Hindu religion, and then the Kuki-Zomi are predominantly Christian. It is primarily a ethnic and land grab issue, but then there are religious undertones. There is a religious implication as well. They have destroyed hundreds of churches, places of worship, in Imphal. Imphal used to house a lot of Kuki-Zomi people living together with the Meitei in the city of Imphal, the state capital. But now there is not a single member of the Kuki-Zomi community living there anymore, because if they do go there, they will be killed. It's as simple as that. We cannot go back there. There were hundreds of churches in Imphal and they were all burned. Niang can elaborate more on this angle, but one of the things that I can say is that Arambai Tenggol and the Meitei Leepun they don't want the religious conversion of some Meiteis as well. Some Meiteis convert to Christianity and they don't want that to happen either. So that's another angle to that. Niang Hangzo: Yeah. When I started this, I said that the first thing they did when they came to my colony was they went and burnt the church. And I said that was unprecedented because they've never, we've never, we've lived together, but nobody has burned or destroyed or vandalized or desecrated places of worship. So this is what tells me that there are outside actors that are looking at what divisions we have and that's banking on it. So the religious element is absolutely new. And just to quote some figures, because I like figures, the Hindu population is 41.39%. And the Christian population in the projected census is 41. 29%. The official census is 2011. India hasn't had any census since then. It's been postponed. So the last official census, I think it was like 37 point something for Christians and, a little higher, maybe over 43 or 45 for the Hindus. So you see, there's been a demographic shift in religion. That means in between many Meitei have become Christians. So now we are almost neck to neck, right? There are over 357 churches burnt altogether. Out of that, 170 belong to Meitei. That took me back. I was shocked that there were so many Meitei Christian churches. So one of the things that made everything different was first, we have this shift in demographics, in religious demographic, right? They're 53 percent of the population, but their Hindus is 41. 39 percent and Christians 41. 29 percent. Two organization, Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun, openly said in one of the interviews that we don't like our people becoming Christians. So that's one reason. And I have to say that this religious angle I really feel is from outside. The push to cause this division between the two religion because it's unprecedented. And also, we know that the ruling party, the center, for example, they're strong Hindu nationalist. So there is that. The lust for land that the Meiteis have for tribal land, uh, I think they took that and used it to divide and also added this religious divide; in this ethnic cleansing. Like Sonny said, we've been ethnically cleansed from the valley and the same thing for the Meiteis. We retaliated too. When they started burning, we also burnt the houses in our area. So there are also no Meiteis in the Kuki-Zomi area. The ethnic cleansing is over. What is happening today the genocide of the Kuki-Zomi. We stay in our areas, but they keep coming to the peripheral villages, the area that borders Meiteis and Kuki-Zomis. Those villages are now empty of women and children. And our men, our young men have put their lives on hold, their education on hold, and they have taken up the defense of the villages, of our land, and our people. There's nothing going on in terms of education, even for young children, because there are over 104 relief camps in the Lamka Churachandpur area. The schools are being used as camps. And the same thing is going on in the Kuki-Zomi area in Kangpokpi. They attack us with the state forces and the two organizations, the militants so young men are fighting to save us. To protect us. Our children are not getting education. Our students, the young people who are studying in medical colleges at Inphal, or there's one medical college in Lamka, even those schools those universities and colleges are closed. Meanwhile, in the valley, everything is going on a full swing. The students are back, they're taking exams, etc. The government has not made any provision for the Kuki-Zomi students. If this continues, they will lose an entire year of studies. Sonny Gangte: And to add to that there were a handful of Meitei students studying in the one medical university in Lamka. And they are Meiteis, so they left the town of Lamka as well, right? But the government of Manipur immediately swung into action. And made provisions for these Meitei students to be able to continue their studies in a different university outside the state or within the state. This is clear evidence that the government is simply favoring one group over the other. Niang Hangzo: Yes. So they made sure that their students continue their studies. But our students; our smart young people, are sitting in limbo. They have nothing. Miko Lee: Thank you so much to both of you for sharing this. This is, it's really hard to hear. We, as you know, are dealing with the rise of fascism and the othering of peoples in the United States and all across the world. I'm, I'm seeing it in the press a little bit, like every once in a while, but it's really hidden and kind of hard to find. And I wonder if you could talk a little bit about how people are communicating with each other . How are you hearing stories about What's really going down as opposed to just the news, the little bits I'm picking up from the guardian or this place or from a newsletter from somebody. Sonny Gangte: Yes. The mainstream media in India refuses to cover this story. And that's one of the reasons why global media does not automatically pick it up. How do we get our information? There are a number of online media outlets in India, and a bunch of YouTube channels who are vocal about this issue. There are very few honest journalists left in India, because as you well know, India is trending towards fascism as well. Freedom of speech is being suppressed and journalists are being targeted in India. it's a tough situation out there for everyone. To touch upon how this issue became an international or a national issue. On May 4th, two Kuki Zomi women were paraded naked, and subsequently gang r*ped by a large mob of Meitei people. The video incident happened on May 4th, but issue came out because the video got leaked to the Internet. There was an Internet ban in Manipur at that time, and then 77 days later the video surfaced online, and it shook India. It went viral in India and it shook the psyche of the people of India. The Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, had up until now, refused to speak on this issue. People were dying. 120 plus people had died at that time and 50, 000 people displaced. And the Prime Minister of the largest, oldest democracy in the world, well, Modi likes to say, India is the mother of democracy. He came to the U. S. floor of Congress, and proclaimed that India is the mother of democracy, and here, while that was happening, while he was speaking, all of this was happening back home. He is the democratically elected leader, and he refuses to acknowledge the problem up until the video of these two women being paraded naked came online. And at that time the prime minister was under pressure, so he spoke briefly, he spoke for 36 seconds, and he said, Violence against women is bad, and he condemned that issue as an isolated incident, and that was it. He went back. He didn't address the killings, ethnic violence, and most importantly, he did not call for peace. Niang Hangzo: And I think that was one of the saddest thing for both for the Kuki-Zomi and the Meiteis because a lot of people are suffering. Enough is enough. We want this to end. So for the prime minister of the country to treat that as an isolated incident not related to the ethnic cleansing that's going on and the genocide that's in progress. That is absolutely shocking and extremely disappointing. Manipur as I mentioned, is a small state, we are barely 3 million people or maybe 3.5 if we look at projected population, India has a strong army. 60,000 strong. They're there, but they're not enabled to douse this fire. So the fire that was set, literally and figuratively from May 3rd is still burning 91 days later. And because of the moratorium on news, the viral video of the gang r*pe of those two Kukis, of our sisters, had not come out, we would not be talking about here because nobody paid attention. We shouldn't have to see something like that to act. It is a humanitarian crisis. And for a people that is so small in number they can easily wipe us out and the world would not know because most people don't know we exist. And so it's very important for us to tell the world that we exist. It doesn't matter if we're one, two, 500k or a million. We exist and we matter. And they're doing all this just to get tribal lands because our lands are rich in mineral. And when I think of that, I know that there are powers outside of the state involved, because there's nobody in Manipur who can mine or do anything. You need industry, you need infrastructure, you need lots of money. If you follow the money, it'll trace you to something outside. And I believe that at the end, let's say if the Meiteis managed to annihilate us, which we don't think will happen. But if they did, I can tell you for sure that they'll never get benefits or they'll never get equity from whatever industry will come out of our land. And for tribals, our land, we have a strong affinity for our land. We are mostly laid back most of the time, but if you come for our land, it doesn't matter. Even if there's one last man standing or one last woman standing. We will fight. Our people back home will fight to death. We will not give an inch. Cheryl Truong: Thank you so much, Niang, for all of your courage and insight. For those just tuning in, we are here with Niang Hangzo and Sunny Gangte from the North American Manipur Tribal Association, NAMTA, and we're peeling through the many layers of the Meitei violence against the Kuki in Manipur. There are land grabs, profit motives, ethno religious tensions, in action by the Manipur state government that all perpetuate this atrocious humanitarian violation against the Kuki people. We'll be right back with more on what's going down in Manipur after this music break. We're going to be listening to a track by the Khamsa Project. Khamsa, the Arabic word for five, is a multimedia art project, showcasing black, Muslim, immigrant, and refugee visual artists and musicians traversing the five stages of grief. They've launched art exhibits, music performances, dance shows, community events, podcasts, but this track in particular, Is from their self-titled hip hop album. Khamsa: the album. This is “something” by one of their collaborative artists Spote Breeze. Welcome back. You are tuned in to apex express on 94.1 KPFA and 89.3 K PFB in Berkeley and online@kpfa.org. That was something called “Something” by Spote Breeze from the Khamsa Project. We are back with Niang Hangzo and Sonny Gangte, members of the Kuki tribe and NAMTA, learning more about the genocide waged against the Kuki people and what we can do to help. Once again, that was “Something” by Spote Breeze from the Khamsa Project.. Sonny Gangte: There have been many instances of police brutality in Manipur, because obviously the police are in cahoots with the state government. There was a youth called Hanglalmuan Vaiphei 21 year old college student in Churachandpur. He shared a Facebook post criticizing the chief minister. They're insane. The post he did wasn't an original post. He reshared it, and it basically was accusing the chief minister of being hand in glove with the poppy planters or drug dealers. Two days later, the police came knocking at his door and they arrested him and then transported him to Imphal to be booked and processed. The official story is that a mob came and snatched the police convoy and waylaid the police convoy and this young man was lynched to death. So he died. And that is the official story of the police. I don't know. Niang Hangzo: Yeah, he died because of he forwarded a Facebook post. He died because he forwarded a Facebook post Sonny Gangte: And the police were so quick to act within two days. They acted on this one, but it took them so many days, months to act on so many other police reports, especially of those two women who were paraded naked. Niang Hangzo: So I want to make a correction there. It's been almost three months. They've not acted on anything. The only thing they acted on was the two women who were paraded naked, but they've not acted on any other. And they acted on that because the prime minister spoke on it, his outrage, but them? Lots of FIR. There's a young, uh, I mentioned immolation. This is a horrifying story. I don't even want to tell it. He's 70 years old. He was caught, he was in a camp with his family and there was, cross firing between the two groups and they were in the middle in the army camp. He got ricochet or something shot went and hit his head. He was taken in the ambulance with his mother who was Meitei– he was Kuki. The mother had married a Kuki man so they decided to send him to Imphal because that's a closest and the best facility advanced facility hospital. He was in an ambulance with his mother, and another Meitei woman who was in the Kuki neighborhood. They said they may be married to a Kuki but it should be safe. And so they went. They were on the way to the hospital and they got waylaid by a mob of this Meira Paibis, those so called women vigilante, and they were burnt alive. There are many stories, real horror stories in this war that we don't want to talk about it, but it's all there. The way they've treated the Kuki-Zomi, the propaganda has succeeded. They don't see us human beings. And even when I talk about it, this is just one of the things, but a seven year old boy? Where's the humanity? If there were militants that did it, I could at least grasp that, as horrifying as it is. But to know that it's done by the Meitei women, mothers, sisters, wives. Who prosper, possibly have grandchildren like at that age, or even children. That is the horror of this war the world doesn't grasp. And then, to make it worse, their young people started putting on Facebook, and their Twitter, and so on that the seven year old boy was harassing them. That he was burning houses. There are horrible stories like this, there's beheading, there's a 77 year old lady praying in a church, Kuki-Zomi praying in a church. She was shot, and then they said she was a sniper. The two women who were paraded and gang r*ped, they said yes, because they were snipers. So not only did they kill or, or debase and dehumanize people. They try to destroy the character as well and brand them as snipers or something. I mean, and they're so outrageous. A seven year old boy harassing them? A seven year old minority boy harassing them? Let's not forget, this war waged by the 53% against the 16%. The 53% have enjoyed 98% of the budget of the state for over 70 years. They have everything today. If somebody has to fly out to Delhi, they cannot go and access the airport. If somebody has a heart attack, they cannot go to Imphal. They will just die there, or they have to go by road. If there's anything critical medically, they have to be airlifted. The biggest need now is medical, medicine, any sort of medical help, more doctors. Remember to access our areas, they have to come through Mizoram or through Nagaland. They cannot fly in into Imphal. If they're coming by road, to our area, maybe they'll be stopped because this vigilante women have stopped everybody including armies. We used to revere them because they were the ones who fought for the women of Manipur originally but they've turned completely. They've turned completely and they are now the aggressors. They're hunting. There are videos of women hunting. When my family escaped, I told you they came face to face with the mob. And my 11 year old grand niece said that the women were worse. The men said, protect this family. We know this woman. She's Meitei, she's a grandmother. We know her. They call her Ibo. The women said, why should we let them go? They raped and kill our people. But. Nobody was raped or killed in Churachandpur on May 3rd. There was disinformation spread to rile up all the people in Imphal, so they would chase us out of our house, they would kill us, and even the gang r*pe. They clearly said that it's in retaliation of a fake story. The harm that misinformation has caused. The price we had to pay for misinformation is unimaginable. We are a small group of people, and if we are annihilated, the world won't even miss us because most of the world don't know we exist. So please. Spread the word. Miko Lee: Thank you so much for both sharing on that. I'm sitting with your words, Niang, and kind of taking them in, absorbing them. And Sonny, I'm thinking about how important video was, because they did capture that horrific gang r*pe on camera. And same thing that happens here with African American people that have been killed by the police. It's when we catch the video of it that it tends to have that impact. The more people have exposure to it. I'm sitting with the fact that video then made it on the internet, and then I read about it in Al Jazeera, July 20th. This is like the time between May and July 20th that it took for it to even hit any kind of national news partially is because one there was a video there that people are seeing it, but also the story is still hidden, even with that .The story of the deeper roots of what's going on and this whole attempt at annihilating a people's for profit is kind of going under the radar. How can people in our audience that are listening, get involved in your work so that we can help to build the world that we want to see as opposed to the world we're living in? Sonny Gangte: So, NAMTA, the North American Manipur Tribals Association, is an organization as old as this crisis itself. It was formed as a response to this persecution of our people. And even today, the crisis is ongoing. And the government, any aid going to Manipur right now is not reaching the Kuki-Zomi people. It might reach Imphal. I don't know. The people in Kangpokpi and Lamka are in dire need of humanitarian aid. There are hospitals there, small hospitals. Primary health care centers, and they don't have enough supplies, and we have received a pleas from their people asking for IV fluids and gloves and bare minimum medical necessities, and it's going to turn into a larger public health crisis. It already is. One of the things that we can use is to spread the word. First of all, we need the world to know that horrific atrocities are being committed in the so called largest democracy. We also welcome any Donations if anyone would like to support our cause when you try and send humanitarian aid. Niang Hangzo: Yeah, yeah. The thing is, because of the inaction and silence of the central government, we can say that they are complicit, right? Silence is complicit because they could have stopped this. They allowed this to happen. So when we ask about aid, for example, if the U. S. aid has to go, it has to go through the center government and they will refuse it. If you remember, Eric Garcetti said, if you ask us, we will help. He said that, the US ambassador. He was told that this is an internal matter, but really, but it is not. We're not looking at the political part of it. If you look at the human side of it, it is a humanitarian matter.. Our people are not getting anything from the central government because for the central government will send it to the state government. This is state sponsored pogrom.. So they're not going to send anything to our people. So even asking for international aid. They need permission of the central government, so they'll not receive it. But we still want people to talk because one of the things we want to do now and what I want the listeners to do is to talk about this, to read about this, go to our site, listen to the personal stories, not political. We have our personal stories there, read about it and talk about it, tweet, put it out in social media. If everyone talks about Manipur and the Genocide of the Kuki-Zomi. We want it so loud, so loud in the digital media that Delhi can hear it. Because I think public opinion can sway government. I think that is very important. I want engagement from listeners to start tweeting about this, to start reading about it and share it on their social media so it gets amplified. That's one ask. The second ask is that I want you all to write to your senators, to write to your representatives. The European Union brought this Manipur issue and the persecution of Christians on 12th July, and on the next day they passed a resolution condemning the failures of the Modi government. This is the EU, they've done it. And Fiona Bruce, who is a Special Envoy of Religious Freedom for the UK Prime Minister, she brought it in Parliament. U. S. is a bastion of freedom, the land of the free. everybody looks up to the United States. As someone who would protect human rights, not U.N. But United States is synonymous with being the big brother, the father that take care of the weak. And yet nobody has spoken. So we want our congressman to bring this to motion. I know there are on a break right now, but we this is a time to hit them with it. We want the U. S. representatives to bring the Manipur issue on the floor and discuss it and maybe censor the government. And of course, our president went as far as saying that we need to sanction. And I know that that will be hard because when Modi came, they signed billion dollars worth of business and there's economic reasons, but that would be also one of the aspirational goals, but let's start with raising awareness. Spreading the news to everybody, to your friends, talk to people about it. Like I said, let it ring so loud that Delhi can hear it. Number one, number two, I'm repeating, because it's important, write to your congressmen, write to your senators about this, and tell them to bring this issue up. Please look at NAMTA's Facebook page. We also have a YouTube channel. We also have Instagram, and we will announce those and please join us. Miko Lee: . . We will add links to those in the show notes of APEX Express so people can have access and find out more about the amazing work. Thank you. You are a few but mighty that are living here carrying the banner for a lot of people in Manipur and all around the world. And just know that there's so many of us that are here supporting you and believing in you and supporting the fight for dignity and power for your people. thank you so much for all the work that you're doing. We're going to encourage everybody to check out the NAMTA website. to find out more about what's happening in Manipur and how you all in our community, all of our listeners can make a difference, can make your voices be heard so that these atrocities will not continue to happen. Thank you so much for joining us tonight. Cheryl Truong: And that's the end of our show. Please check our website, kpfa.org to find out more about what's going on in Manipur, the work that NAMTA has been doing, and the work that ASATA is doing. We'd like to thank all of our listeners out there. Keep dreaming folks. A better world is possible. Apex express is produced by Miko Lee, Paige Chung, Jalena Keane-Lee, Preeti Mangala Shekar. Shekar, Anuj Vaidya, Kiki Rivera, Swati Rayasam, Nate Tan, Hien Nguyen, Nikki Chan, and Cheryl Truong Tonight's show was produced by Miko Lee and me, cheryl. Thanks to the team at KPFA for all of their support. And thank you for listening! The post APEX Express – 8.3.23 – Manipur's Humanitarian Crisis appeared first on KPFA.
This week, host Basant Kumar is joined by the Quint's Saptarshi Basak and freelance journalist Vikrant Dubey.Saptarshi explained the ethnic divide in Manipur between the state's tribal groups. He delved into the ongoing conflict and its implications in the northeast, and also threw light on the central and the state governments' failure in maintaining law and order.Vikrant spoke about his reportage on a Gandhian organisation's struggle in Uttar Pradesh's Varanasi against a demolition order. He detailed how the district magistrate's demolition order against Varanasi Sarva Seva Sangh's official premises last month triggered a sit-in protest at the site to save the seven decade old campus. Tune in.Timecodes00:00:00 - Introduction00:01:32 - Manipur Violence00:09:48 - Sarva Seva Sangh00:47:41 - RecommendationsRecommendationsSaptarshiETHNIC CONFLICT IN INDIA: A Case Study of the Kukis and the Nagas in ManipurThe Homeland and the State: The Meiteis and the Nagas in ManipurVikrantDekho Hamri KashiBasantKashi Ka AssiExclusive: NCW ignored complaint linked to Kuki women video filed 38 days agoProduced by Tehreem Roshan and Saif Ali Ekram, recorded by Naresh Kumar, and edited by Umrav Singh Gurjar. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
It's been two months since violence in Manipur broke out between the majority Meitei and minority Kuki communities. When a video emerged showing two women being sexually assaulted, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said it ‘shamed' India. BBC Delhi's Divya Arya has covered women's affairs for many years, and explains how in Manipur, as in many other inter-community conflicts, women's bodies have become the battlefield. Liang Shi - China's "No.1 Gaokao holdout" China's Gaokao university entrance exam is notoriously tough, but one man claims to have sat it, and failed, 27 times. Fan Wang of BBC Chinese shares Mr Liang's story. Nepalis joining the Russian army A growing number of young Nepalese men have enlisted with the Russian army, tempted by offers of good pay and a fast track to citizenship. BBC Nepali's Swechhya Raut spoke to some of those who have signed up about their experiences. Power cuts and water shortages in South Africa South Africa has been experiencing regular electricity blackouts which in turn have affected water supplies, with some South Africans drilling boreholes on their properties. Pumza Fihlani from BBC Johannesburg explains the long history behind the crisis. Syrian refugees in Turkey Turkey is home to more than 3.3 million Syrians who fled because of war and insecurity. But there's growing pressure on them to go back, with many in the Turkish press and social media arguing that Syria is now safe. Nihan Kalle of BBC Monitoring reports on a popular Turkish travel vlogger whose videos from Syria reinforce this narrative. (Photo: Women protest against sexual violence in India's north-eastern state of Manipur following inter-communal violence and sexual assault. Credit: AFP via Getty Images)
In this episode, we delve into the recent events surrounding the internet shutdown in Manipur, India, which lasted a staggering 83 days, raising critical questions about the impact of such measures on law and order. On Tuesday, July 25th, 2023, the Manipur government finally issued a conditional order lifting the internet ban, but with significant restrictions. Initially enforced on May 3rd for a mere 5 days, the ban's extension was repeatedly justified by the government citing law and order concerns. However, the recent national outcry over a viral video of two Kuki women being sexually assaulted brought to fore discussions if internet shutdowns truly help stop violence; While there is a partial restoration of broadband services, mobile internet services continue to remain suspended. Internet shutdowns in India have gained worldwide notoriety for their arbitrary nature of imposition. To better understand the implications of this conditional restoration and the broader context of internet shutdowns, Suno India Editor-in-Chief Padma Priya reached out to conversation Radhika Jhalani, a volunteer legal counsel associated with the Software Freedom Law Centre India (SFLC) one of India's oldest digital rights organizations. SFLC maintains the Internet Shutdowns Tracker, providing real-time data and documentation of shutdown instances across the country. In this episode, we explore the effectiveness of internet shutdowns in maintaining law and order, the significance of the imposed conditions, and the impact on freedom of speech and internet liberties in Manipur and beyond.See sunoindia.in/privacy-policy for privacy information.
The BJP MLA from Saikot in Manipur's Churachandpur district said he believes prime minister Narendra Modi's priorities are misplaced. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
For close to three months now Manipur has been burning. Unfortunately, it was a viral video that sparked outrage across India. The video depicted several men parading and assaulting two Kuki women, sparking widespread condemnation. But what specific factors led to both state and centre administration's failure to contain the conflict between the Meiteis and the Kukis? Why did it require a viral video to trigger outrage and media attention to the crisis? And how do internet shutdowns in Manipur and India contribute to concealing the extent of crimes and brutalities? Is the situation in Manipur so severe that it can only be classified as a civil war now? Dev Goswami and "Def Savvy," Abhishek Bhalla discuss! Listen in! Produced by Anna Priyadarshini Sound mix by Sachin Dwivedi Listen to our Manipur coverage here: https://bit.ly/44KkpOE
Indian police say a crowd has attacked the home of the main suspect in an assault on two women who were paraded naked in Manipur during recent unrest. We hear from a Kuki social activist about her personal experience of violence. Also on the programme the number of migrants arriving in Italy has more than doubled since far right leader Giorgia Meloni took over the presidency. We hear from one of the affected areas. And how post menopausal female killer whales protect their male offspring. (Picture: Women hold protest against spiralling violence in Manipur Credit: EPA)
Kate Adie introduces stories from Uruguay, India, Haiti, New Zealand and Botswana. A long and severe drought in Uruguay has caused the country's worst ever water crisis. As fresh water reservoirs run dry, water from the River Plate estuary has been added to the mix, leaving locals in the capital with a salty taste in their mouths - and an increasing reliance on bottled water. Dr Grace Livingstone discovers how it's affecting daily life. The northeast Indian state of Manipur has been caught in a spiral of ethnic violence for two months, pitting the dominant Meitei community against the tribal Kuki people. Almost 150 have died in the violence, as the two communities become increasingly segregated, as Raghvendra Rao has found. Haiti has qualified for the football World Cup finals for the first time ever, and will take on England in their first game. Haiti is the poorest nation in the Americas, and plagued by earthquakes, political murders and gang violence. But the footballers are keen to project a more positive image to the world, as Joe Rindl heard when he spoke to Haiti goalkeeper, Kerly Theus. A special holiday or the experience of expat life can lead to certain countries finding a special place in our hearts. That's what happened to Ash Bhardwaj in New Zealand, where he found that a polished blue aotea stone connects his baby daughter, his late mother - and Maori culture. Botswana is now home to a third of Africa's elephants, and its Okawango delta has become something of an elephant sanctuary. But there are difficulties when the territories of animals and people overlap, reports John Murphy. Producer: Arlene Gregorius Editor: Richard Fenton-Smith Production Coordinator: Gemma Ashman
Children displaced by the unrest between the Kuki & Meitei communities in Manipur are being accommodated in schools near relief camps. Though struggling to cope, many have found new friends.
In this podcast, Kushal speaks with Rami Niranjan Desai about the Meitei vs Kuki conflict that has engulfed Manipur in the last few weeks. What are the root causes of this conflict? What triggered the recent events? What are the possible solutions? Follow Rami: Twitter: @ramindesai Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/@InsightWithRami/featured #manipurburning #meitei #kuki #christianmissionaries ------------------------------------------------------------ Listen to the podcasts on: SoundCloud: https://soundcloud.com/kushal-mehra-99891819 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/1rVcDV3upgVurMVW1wwoBp Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-c%C4%81rv%C4%81ka-podcast/id1445348369 Stitcher: https://www.stitcher.com/show/the-carvaka-podcast ------------------------------------------------------------ Support The Cārvāka Podcast: Become a Member on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCKPxuul6zSLAfKSsm123Vww/join Become a Member on Fanmo: https://fanmo.in/the_carvaka_podcast Become a Member on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/carvaka UPI: kushalmehra@icici To buy The Carvaka Podcast Exclusive Merch please visit: http://kushalmehra.com/shop ------------------------------------------------------------ Follow Kushal: Twitter: https://twitter.com/kushal_mehra?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/KushalMehraOfficial/? Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thecarvakapodcast/?hl=en Koo: https://www.kooapp.com/profile/kushal_mehra Inquiries: https://kushalmehra.com/ Feedback: kushalmehra81@gmail.com
#nationalinterest Anarchy prevails in Manipur when India has its strongest central govt since Indira Gandhi's. Not even writ of omnipotent BJP high command runs there, Biren Singh drama suggests.In this week's #NationalInterest, ThePrint Editor-in-chief Shekhar Gupta, explains the challenge of governing Manipur and what the Meiteis, the Kuki group and the Naga tribes want.
In Episode 179 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg compares the military and settler attacks on Palestinian towns in the West Bank with the eruption of ethnic violence in Northeast India's state of Manipur—and uncovers the unlikely connection between the two. The Kuki indigenous people now targeted in Manipur includes a sub-group called the Bnei Menashe, who claim descent from one of the Lost Tribes of Israel, and practice an ancient form of Judaism. Israeli NGOs are raising the alarm about the violence in Manipur, but also exploiting it, luring Bnei Menashe to emigrate to Israel—with some of them settled on the West Bank, serving as demographic cannon fodder for the Zionist project. The Kuki and Palestinians, both land-rooted peoples usurped of their traditional territory, are pitted against each other—despite the convergence of their enemies in a Hindutva-Zionist alliance. Listen on SoundCloud or via Patreon. https://www.patreon.com/countervortex Production by Chris Rywalt We ask listeners to donate just $1 per weekly podcast via Patreon -- or $2 for our new special offer! We now have 57 subscribers. If you appreciate our work, please become Number 58!
With over 115 lives lost and 40,000 people displaced, the violence in Manipur still does not show signs of abating. Against the backdrop of escalating violence and communal clashes, Khwairambam Ema Keithal Joint Coordinating Committee for Peace, a Metei women-led group, strongly condemned the central government's inaction in Manipur. In this episode, Sneha Richhariya speaks to a representative of the committee at the Press Club of India in New Delhi. The Metei group questions Prime Minister Narendra Modi's silence on Manipur violence. The episode discusses the demands and apprehensions of the Metei community. Additional material and references Suno India | Dispatches from Manipur At Least Nine People Killed Overnight as Manipur Violence Continues Manipur High Court orders State to provide limited internet service in designated areas The demand for a Kuki homeland, its history and rationale | Explained News,The Indian Express Manipur violence: 23 BJP, NPP MLAs meet Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, demands withdrawal of SoO Stop violence or face consequences: Manipur CM N Biren Singh warns people | Imphal News - Times of India. Kuki groups in Manipur deny violation of ground rules under Suspension of Operations pact - The Hindu Manipur violence: Almost all arms of Kuki militants still intact in camps, says army Security forces look at buffer zones on fringes of Imphal valley to check mobs | India News,The Indian Express Manipur: Khamenlok area chiefs 'call bluff' on reports of violence against MeiteisSee sunoindia.in/privacy-policy for privacy information.
In Episode 178 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg notes the new eruption of ethnic violence in Northeast India's state of Manipur, which was the scene of far deadlier inter-communal clashes last month. The spark was the current bid by the Meitei people to become a "scheduled tribe," granting them access to resource-rich forestlands. This is opposed by the Kuki and Naga peoples, whose tribes are already "scheduled"—but are nonetheless being targeted for eviction from Manipur's forestlands under the guise of a crackdown on opium cultivation. The Kuki and Naga leadership perceive a land-grab for their ancestral forest territory by the Meitei—the dominant group in Manipur, who already control the best agricultural land in the state's central Imphal Valley. The Kuki (including their Jewish sub-group, the Bnei Menashe) and Naga have long waged insurgencies seeking territorial autonomy, or even independence from India. And both their traditional territories extend across the border into Burma (where the Kuki are known as the Chin), pointing to potential convergence of the armed conflicts either side of the international line. Listen on SoundCloud or via Patreon. https://www.patreon.com/countervortex Production by Chris Rywalt We ask listeners to donate just $1 per weekly podcast via Patreon -- or $2 for our new special offer! We now have 57 subscribers. If you appreciate our work, please become Number 58!
How conscious are you of your bone health? Dr Kuki Avery and Dr Laura Flexer join Liz on this episode of The Liz Earle Wellbeing Show to chat more about the connections between oestrogen and bone density.Laura and Kuki - both GPs and menopause specialists - share shocking statistics on fractures, and offer helpful advice on what we should be doing now to protect our bone health for later life. They cover how to tell if you're getting enough calcium with a simple online tool, plus the importance of vitamin D for bone health.Trigger warning: the episode also contains discussion of disordered eating and the links to poor bone health as a result.Links mentioned in the episode:Learn more about Chelvey Menopause clinicRead report on bone health and anorexia Use the Edinburgh Calcium Calculator Listen to What is oestrogen and why it matters, with Avrum BlumingListen to Psilocybin therapy for mental health, with Dr Ekaterina Malievskaia Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Manipur has witnessed month-long communal clashes following the dominant Meiti community's demand for Scheduled Tribe status. The clashes between Meities and tribal groups, mainly Kuki and Zo tribes, show no signs of abating since May, after the Tribal Solidarity protest. In this episode of the Suno India show, our reporter Sneha Richhariya speaks to a 49-year-old Kuki tribal woman who had fled from Imphal with her two sons. She gives horrific descriptions of violence back in Manipur. The episode sheds light on the plight of the Manipuri people who have been forced to flee their homes due to ongoing communal clashes. The episode takes us inside a tribal student's protest at Delhi's Jantar Mantar. The episode captures raw emotions and personal stories of those affected by the violence.See sunoindia.in/privacy-policy for privacy information.
First, Indian Express' Deeptiman Tiwary joins us to talk about the escalating tension between the ethnic Meitei and Kuki communities in Manipur and Amit Shah's visit to the Northeastern state.Second, Indian Express' Arnabjit Sur speaks about the Shahbad Dairy murder in which a 20-year-old man stabbed and clubbed his minor girlfriend to death. (11:15)And in the end, Indian Express' Jayprakash Naidu tells us about a government official from Chhattisgarh who drained a reservoir after his phone fell into it while clicking a selfie. (20:15)Hosted by Rahel Philipose Produced by Utsa Sarmin, Rahel Philipose and Shashank Bhargava Edited and mixed by Abhishek Kumar
Southasiasphere is our roundup of news events and analysis of regional affairs, now out every two weeks. If you are a member, you will automatically receive links to new episodes in your inbox. If you are not yet a member, you can still get episode links for free by signing up here. In this episode, we talk about the political implications of continued violence in Manipur, including growing calls from the Kuki community for a separate state, and explore the mounting economic crisis in Bangladesh. For “Around Southasia in 5 minutes” we talk about the controversial G20 meeting on tourism hosted by the Indian government in Srinagar, the investigations into a controversial pastor in Sri Lanka and the increasing use of the country's ICCPR Act to quash dissent, a new political party in the Maldives, a newly released report on the Adani Group by a Supreme Court-appointed investigative committee in India, the growing crackdown on PTI leaders and journalists in Pakistan and a new report on the terrible conditions facing migrant workers from Nepal. For “Bookmarked” we discuss the short film, “The tea is cold”, following the story of a researcher traveling to the North of Sri Lanka and the stories he uncovers. Episode notes: Violence in Manipur, Imran Khan's arrest, the Karnataka elections and more: https://www.himalmag.com/violence-in-manipur-imran-khans-arrest-adani-myanmar-karnataka-election/ Rebound or relapse: debt restructuring in a time of crisis: https://www.himalmag.com/debt-restructuring-imf-economic-crisis-southasia/ How a human rights law became a tool of repression in Sri Lanka: https://www.himalmag.com/iccpr-human-rights-law-repression-blasphemy-sri-anka/ The Maldives' ruling party is fighting itself and the opposition in the race for president: https://www.himalmag.com/maldives-presidential-election-ibrahim-solih-mohamed-nasheed-abdulla-yameen-mdp-ppm/ The hidden cost: https://www.himalmag.com/the-hidden-cost-migrant-worker-rights-world-cup-2022/ The tea is cold: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HXLP_u5tccE This episode is now available on Soundcloud: https://on.soundcloud.com/mTtni Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/6PgI8X7gYNJfiqwroMd1w5?si=QtWrzftJRY2UgkYljhdbJw Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-political-fallout-of-violence-in-manipur/id1464880116?i=1000615138637
First, Indian Express' Esha Roy talks about how the latest tensions in Manipur have halted the peace talks between the Centre and 24 Kuki insurgent groups in Manipur.Next, Indian Express' Anonna Dutt tells us about new drugs that are proving to be effective against Azheimer's disease (09:04).And in the end, we hear from Mahasweta Ghosh — the first Indian woman to complete the Marathon Des Sables (MDS), known to be the toughest race in the world (16:55).Hosted by Shashank BhargavaProduced by Shashank Bhargava, Shivani Naik, and Rahel PhiliposeEdited and mixed by Suresh PawarFurther listening: What the ground report from Manipur reveals about its ethnic faultlines
On the 3rd of May, violent clashes broke out in Manipur between the Meitei and the Kuki community, shortly after a ‘tribal solidarity march' was organised in the state. These clashes have claimed over 70 lives, have displaced thousands of families, and have further deepened the faultline between these two ethnic communities.In today's episode, we speak to Indian Express' Sukrita Baruah and Tora Agarwala about what transpired on the ground, the factors that triggered these clashes, and what the ruling BJP-government in the state should have kept in mind.Hosted, written and produced by Shashank BhargavaEdited and mixed by Suresh Pawar
In the past week, Manipur has been plagued by reports of violence. Clashes erupted on May 3, with images of angry mobs setting properties ablaze. The army was called in on May 4 to assist law enforcement, as a curfew was imposed in eight districts. The immediate violence erupted after a 'Tribal Solidarity March' protesting a court order directing the consideration of Meiteis for Scheduled Tribe status. The state government reported that 60 people died because of the violence in the state. Now that the violence appears to have died down, there is an uneasy calm. We need to understand not only historic origins of the violence, but what measures can be taken in the future. The recent clashes in Manipur revolve around two communities: the Meiteis, who dominate the valley region, and the Kuki tribe, who inhabit the hills. The conflict is linked to the land and demography of the region, and its complex history. Host Sneha Richhariya speaks to Prof. Kham Khan Suan Hausing, who has closely studied the conflict in Manipur and is currently Head of the Department of Political Science at the University of Hyderabad. See sunoindia.in/privacy-policy for privacy information.
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