Podcasts about teuton

This week, we talk about what's been going on all year, what may be our games of the year, and we have a special guest, Christopher Teuton! Be sure to subscribe and like, and let us know what made your 2024 special! See you next year, y'all! This podcast is not associated with nor endorsed by Square Enix. All music is copyright Square Enix. Chris's super cool awesome stuff can be found here: https://linktr.ee/christeuton --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/dragonquest/support

Swiss singer Nemo has won the Eurovision Song Contest in Sweden, with their song The Code. The contest in Malmo Sweden has been marred by protests about the Israel Gaza conflict threatened to derail the event. Emily Buchanan gets an update rom BBC reporter Sophie Yardley and Dr Paul Jordan, an expert on Eurovision whose thesis, The Eurovision Song Contest: nation branding and nation building, examined the political changes in the competition.For the fifth time, Vladimir Putin took the oath of office and was sworn in as Russia's president for a new six-year term in the Kremlin Palace before being blessed by Patriarch Kirill in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour. Where he was likened to Alexander Nevsky - known for fighting off raids of Teuton knights. Patriarch Kirill claimed “God himself entrusted the service of Russia to you". How do these events shape the identity of the Russian Orthodox Church? Sunday programme hears from Katharine Kelaidis, Director of Research and Content at the National Hellenic Museum.Litany is a made to measure clothing small business in New York. Driven by their faith, Co-creators Veronica and Olivia started their business to provide women with garments that are worthy of wearing. Emily Buchanan hears from co-founder Veronica, about how her Christian faith inspires her fashion brand.Presenter: Emily Buchanan Producers: Bara'atu Ibrahim & Linda Walker Production Coordinator: David Baguley Editor: Jonathan Hallewell

In this episode your host Raymon is joined by Dante to talk about Military Orders. Lists: A good all comers list that can handle a variety of missions and engagementsZw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABoMDAQMAB4YYAQIACB4BBwAJhjIBAQAKIwEBAAIABQEdAQQAAoX3AQQAAxgBEAAEEwEBAAWDpwECAA%3D%3D Anti hacking list Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAR4BAwACKAEBAAMeAQIABBgBBQAFhhgBBQAGJgEBAAcmAQEACB0BBAAJMgEBAAqDpwECAAIABQGGRwEBAAKDAwEDAAOGGAEFAAQeAQcABRMBAQA%3D An aggressive tikbalang list against non-hacking armies Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABiYBAQAHhLkBBAAIhfcBBAAJIQEDAAoyAQEAAgAGAR4BBgACHgEFAAMeAQcABIYzAQEABSUBAQAGEwEBAA%3D%3D Knight commander list Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYZAQIABh0BBAAHhGoBAQAIhjQBAQAJGAEQAAoyAQEAAgAFAR4BBgACHgEBAAMeAQEABCYBAQAFJgEBAA%3D%3D Joan list - Joan can extent the Teuton alpha strike with an impetuous -> Joan coordinated order -> reform Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABh4BBAAHHgEDAAgeAQEACSMBAQAKFAEEAAIABQEdAQQAAjIBAQADg6cBAgAEEwEBAAWGNAEBAA%3D%3D Duo focused Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAJAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABigBAgAHIwEBAAiGMgEBAAkjAQEAAgAFAYS5AQIAAoS5AQQAAxEBAQAEJgECAAUyAQEA Additional list building notes hacking protection can be added to most lists easily with a de fersen bulleteer duo Playing with 14 models is viable to bluff a Trinitarian Some lists above have left over points to be able to fiddle around with the lists Have fun! --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/wip12podcast/message

In this episode your host Raymon is joined by Dante to talk about Military Orders. Lists: A good all comers list that can handle a variety of missions and engagementsZw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABoMDAQMAB4YYAQIACB4BBwAJhjIBAQAKIwEBAAIABQEdAQQAAoX3AQQAAxgBEAAEEwEBAAWDpwECAA%3D%3D Anti hacking list Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAR4BAwACKAEBAAMeAQIABBgBBQAFhhgBBQAGJgEBAAcmAQEACB0BBAAJMgEBAAqDpwECAAIABQGGRwEBAAKDAwEDAAOGGAEFAAQeAQcABRMBAQA%3D An aggressive tikbalang list against non-hacking armies Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABiYBAQAHhLkBBAAIhfcBBAAJIQEDAAoyAQEAAgAGAR4BBgACHgEFAAMeAQcABIYzAQEABSUBAQAGEwEBAA%3D%3D Knight commander list Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYZAQIABh0BBAAHhGoBAQAIhjQBAQAJGAEQAAoyAQEAAgAFAR4BBgACHgEBAAMeAQEABCYBAQAFJgEBAA%3D%3D Joan list - Joan can extent the Teuton alpha strike with an impetuous -> Joan coordinated order -> reform Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAKAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABh4BBAAHHgEDAAgeAQEACSMBAQAKFAEEAAIABQEdAQQAAjIBAQADg6cBAgAEEwEBAAWGNAEBAA%3D%3D Duo focused Zw9taWxpdGFyeS1vcmRlcnMAgSwCAQAJAYYYAQMAAoYYAQMAA4YYAQUABIYYAQEABYYYAQEABigBAgAHIwEBAAiGMgEBAAkjAQEAAgAFAYS5AQIAAoS5AQQAAxEBAQAEJgECAAUyAQEA Additional list building notes hacking protection can be added to most lists easily with a de fersen bulleteer duo Playing with 14 models is viable to bluff a Trinitarian Some lists above have left over points to be able to fiddle around with the lists Have fun! --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/wip12podcast/message

Undermining the family; Early America; Loving neighbor as yourself; Submitting to Holy Spirit; Ten commandments; Mt 20:1; God, house holder; Parable of hiring workers throughout the day; God's a capitalist; Christ's "way"; Huck Finn reference; Covetousness leads to bondage; Admitting being wrong; Is your labor yours?; The Egyptian bondage deal; Militia; Population reduction; Killing care by legal charity; Blind Christians; "Jerusalem"; "Not mine to give"; Christ giving his own life; Opening our eyes; Organizational structure; Family dynamics; The Judgement; Wrath of God; Paul in Rome; Hoses in Acts 6; Levites owning property?; Tithings; Burnt offerings; Altars; Criteria of being minister; Q: Eye of the needle; Narrow gates; Small door in the gate; "Hardly"; Camels a rarity; Rich man difficulties; Class interdependency; Professional courts; Teuton family; Shield bearers; Serving spouses; Investing in our neighbors; Look in the hedges; Bleeding America; Theocracies; Free from things public; Bee sting story; Appreciating life God has given you; Sacrifice in the name of Christ; Nature of the Beast; Biting neighbor and unborn children; Tyrants; Following God's leading; Sharing our message; Casting seed; Meaning of "covet"; Prophets of the Beast; Blessings to you.

Preterism; God is the same; Corban; Contextualizing the Gospel; Factions of ideology; Labels; Mints; gods; "Religion"; Gathering in Christ's Way; Exercising authority; Covetousness of public education; Q: Acquiring property without titling; Legal title; Embassy of Heaven; Cemeteries; Irrevocable trusts; "Ravens"; Kingdom of God; Christ's Church goals; Coming to the aid of your neighbor; Empowering neighbor destruction; Consenting to Corban; Christ's commands; Stones of the altar/temple; Following Holy Spirit; Sacrifice; "Israel"; God's system; Gospel of hope; Equity; Obedience; Religious orders; Tests of faith; Wrath of God; Getting out?; Where are you going to?; Renouncing dishonesty; Social Security Numbers; Ensnaring and corrupting YOU; Made men; Fear not!; Love; Manifesting truth; Banding together; Free assemblies; Slaves of Christ; Knowing Holy Spirit; Using your talent; Government of, for and by the people; Q: Cemetery property; Kurds?; Malaysia; World War 2 allegiance; Seeking the kingdom; Learning to love one another; Simplicity of Christ's kingdom; Signs and wonders; Depression; Christ's purposes; Why we gather; Sowing hope; Rebuilding the temple; Tacitus; Coming in Christ's name; 1000 years of Christian flourishing; Preparing for dearths; Tacitus' dream of restoring the republic; Romans at Christ's time; Making Rom great again; "Republic"; 2 Cor 4; Tacitus didn't like Christians; Deaths during the American revolution; Corrupt governments; Commending men to their consciences; Bearing witness; Bands of brothers; Quoting Tacitus; Cities of blood; Rationing; The moneychangers; FBI; Christ is the solution; War crimes of Julius Caesar; Right reason; Decreasing family sizes; Families helping families; God's plan for you; Tacitus' misunderstandings of Christians; Faith; The Teuton difference; Shield maidens; Herman the German; Repent and seek the kingdom and righteousness of God.

A day late & a dollar short, but that's how we're rolling 10 days out from opening day of duck season in Arkansas and 48 hours in Las Vegas last week. But for this #TuedayTalkwithLB I got to sit down in person with one my best friends from college, Cole Teuton. We started off with his life story about where and how he grew up. He told me about growing up in North MS / Memphis Area and going to an all boys high school. We talked about life challenges as a young adult, and he told me some stories about taking responsibilities in college. Then we got into the good stuff. Cole has spent the last 3 summer guiding white water rafting trips on the Ocoee River in Eastern TN. We dove deep into all the ins and outs of not only being a guide, but also surviving life on and off the river. We told stories about life lessons and new experiences. Cole has also spent the last 2 months in West Virginia guiding white water rafting trips on the Upper and Lower Gauley River. He told me about all the good and bad of guiding that river compared to the Ocoee.  He explained the training that is involved with becoming a guide, and how intense each trip down the river is. Cole told me about the incredible people and amazing places he has been able to experience so far in his life. We wrapped up with some advice & man, I couldn't be more proud of Cole. I'm lucky to call him my friend & have him as an influence on my life. I'm a huge supporter and fan of him, as well as he mine. *If there's something you want to do, do it*Thanks for listening to a #TuesdayTalkwithLB @lb_laurenbrady Thanks to my sponsors @southern_prairie_outfitters @rigemright@campbells_hillside_kennels@huck.outdoors

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration, and the Future of White Majorities, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=141443 * In 1924, mainline Protestant clergy were almost unanimous in their opposition to immigration restriction. However, their liberal activism was out of step with the views of their parishioners. * The Young Intellectuals [of Greenwich Village 1912-1917] were Anglo-American bohemian artists and writers rebelling against their own Protestant culture. Inspired by Nietzsche and Bergson's romantic individualism and modernism in art, they sought to overthrow what they perceived as a suffocating Puritan inheritance. The Young Intellectuals discovered the joys of Harlem's black jazz scene, experimented with drugs, exhibited modern art at Alfred Stieglitz's ‘291' studio or read poetry aloud in Mabel Dodge Luhan's salon. * [Randolph] Bourne, on the other hand, infused Kallen's structure with WASP self-loathing. As a rebel against his own group, Bourne combined the Liberal Progressives' desire to transcend ‘New Englandism' and Protestantism with Kallen's call for minority groups to maintain their ethnic boundaries. The end product was what I term asymmetrical multiculturalism , whereby minorities identify with their groups while Anglo-Protestants morph into cosmopolites. Thus Bourne at once congratulates the Jew ‘who sticks proudly to the faith of his fathers and boasts of that venerable culture of his', while encouraging his fellow Anglo-Saxons to: “Breathe a larger air … [for] in his [young Anglo-Saxon's] new enthusiasms for continental literature, for unplumbed Russian depths, for French clarity of thought, for Teuton philosophies of power, he feels himself a citizen of a larger world. He may be absurdly superficial, his outward-reaching wonder may ignore all the stiller and homelier virtues of his Anglo-Saxon home, but he has at least found the clue to that international mind which will be essential to all men and women of good-will if they are ever to save this Western world of ours from suicide.” Bourne, not Kallen, is the founding father of today's multiculturalist left because he combines rebellion against his own culture and Liberal Progressive cosmopolitanism with an endorsement – for minorities only – of Kallen's ethnic conservatism. In other words, ethnic minorities should preserve themselves while the majority should dissolve itself. * [Bourne split] the world into two moral planes, one for a ‘parental' majority who would be asked to shed their ethnicity and oppose their own culture, and the other for childlike minorities, who would be urged to embrace their heritage in the strongest terms. This crystallized a dualistic habit of mind, entrenched in the anti-WASP ethos of 1920s authors like Sinclair Lewis and H. L. Mencken and the bohemian ‘Lost Generation' of American intellectuals such as F. Scott Fitzgerald. All associated the Anglo-Protestant majority with Prohibition, deemed WASP culture to be of no value, and accused the ethnic majority of suppressing more interesting and expressive ethnic groups. The Lost Generation's anti-majority ethos pervaded the writing of 1950s ‘Beat Generation' left-modernist writers like Norman Mailer and Jack Kerouac – who contrasted lively black jazz or Mexican culture with the ‘square' puritanical whiteness of Middle America. As white ethnics assimilated, the despised majority shifted from WASPs to all whites. The multiculturalism of the 1960s fused the Liberal Progressive pluralist movement with the anti-white ethos of the Beat counterculture. * FDR told Catholic adviser Leo Crowley in January 1942, ‘Leo, you know this is a Protestant country, and the Catholics and Jews are here on sufferance.'

"In the liberty (originality) of poetic thought, the race disappears, and along with many other conditions it is transformed into truth. Everyone claims to have given convictions because they are just or true or well founded, not because, for instance, an ancestor of his was a Teuton or a Latin. The past is the wealth and more than the wealth of thought, but it would be useless to look to the past for the principle of universality." Read Along: https://www.nationalreformation.org/post/the-dearth-of-racial-thought Written by Leone Vivante Narrated by Joshua Noyer “Pp 34-37.” Notes on the Originality of Thought: the Concept of Internal Necessity: Poetic Thought and Constructive Thought, by Leone Vivante, S.n.}, 1927.

"In the liberty (originality) of poetic thought, the race disappears, and along with many other conditions it is transformed into truth. Everyone claims to have given convictions because they are just or true or well founded, not because, for instance, an ancestor of his was a Teuton or a Latin. The past is the wealth and more than the wealth of thought, but it would be useless to look to the past for the principle of universality." Read Along: https://www.nationalreformation.org/post/the-dearth-of-racial-thought Written by Leone Vivante Narrated by Joshua Noyer “Pp 34-37.” Notes on the Originality of Thought: the Concept of Internal Necessity: Poetic Thought and Constructive Thought, by Leone Vivante, S.n.}, 1927.

In this episode we discuss Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration, and the Future of White Majorities by Eric Kaufmann. Next time we will discuss True Names by Vernor Vinge. Some highlights from Whiteshift: Many people desire roots, value tradition and wish to maintain continuity with ancestors who have occupied a historic territory. This means we're more likely to experience what I term Whiteshift, a process by which white majorities absorb an admixture of different peoples through intermarriage, but remain oriented around existing myths of descent, symbols and traditions No one who has honestly analysed survey data on individuals – the gold standard for public opinion research – can deny that white majority concern over immigration is the main cause of the rise of the populist right in the West. This is primarily explained by concern over identity, not economic threat. We are entering a period of cultural instability in the West attendant on our passage between two relatively stable equilibria. The first is based on white ethnic homogeneity, the second on what the prescient centrist writer Michael Lind calls ‘beige' ethnicity, i.e. a racially mixed majority group. In the middle lies a turbulent multicultural interregnum. We in the West are becoming less like homogeneous Iceland and more like homogeneous mixed-race Turkmenistan. But to get there we'll be passing through a phase where we'll move closer to multicultural Guyana or Mauritius. The challenge is to enable conservative whites to see a future for themselves in Whiteshift – the mixture of many non-whites into the white group through voluntary assimilation. Anyone who wants to explain what's happening in the West needs to answer two simple questions. First, why are right-wing populists doing better than left-wing ones? Second, why did the migration crisis boost populist-right numbers sharply while the economic crisis had no overall effect? If we stick to data, the answer is crystal clear. Demography and culture, not economic and political developments, hold the key to understanding the populist moment. Because Western nations were generally formed by a dominant white ethnic group, whose myths and symbols – such as the proper name ‘Norway' – became the nation's, the two concepts overlap in the minds of many. White majorities possess an ‘ethnic' module, an extra string to their national identity which minorities lack. Ethnic majorities thereby express their ethnic identity as nationalism. I contend that today's white majorities are likely to successfully absorb minority populations while their core myths and boundary symbols endure. This will involve a change in the physical appearance of the median Westerner, hence Whiteshift, though linguistic and religious markers are less likely to be affected. Getting from where we are now, where most Westerners share the racial and religious features of their ethnic archetype, to the situation in a century or two, when most will be what we now term ‘mixed-race', is vital to understanding our present condition. In our more peaceful, post-ideological, demographically turbulent world, migration-led ethnic change is altering the basis of politics from class to ethnicity. On one side is a conservative coalition of whites who are attached to their heritage joined by minorities who value the white tradition; on the other side a progressive alliance of minorities who identify with their ethnic identity combined with whites who are agnostic or hostile towards theirs. Among whites, ethno-demographic change polarizes people between ‘tribal' ethnics who value their particularity and ‘religious' post-ethnics who prioritize universalist creeds such as John McWhorter's ‘religion of anti-racism'. Whites can fight ethnic change by voting for right-wing populists or committing terrorist acts. They may repress anxieties in the name of ‘politically correct' anti-racism, but cracks in this moral edifice are appearing. Many opt to flee by avoiding diverse neighbourhoods, schools and social networks. And other whites may choose to join the newcomers, first in friendship, subsequently in marriage. Intermarriage promises to erode the rising diversity which underlies our current malaise. Religion evolved to permit cooperation in larger units.31 Our predisposition towards religion, morality and reputation – all of which can transcend the tribe – reflects our adaptation to larger social units. Be that as it may, humans have lived in large groups only in the very recent past, so it is reasonable to assume tribalism is a more powerful aspect of our evolutionary psychology than our willingness to abide by a moral code. Today what we increasingly see in the West is a battle between the ‘tribal' populist right and the ‘religious' anti-racist left. Much of this book is concerned with the clash between a rising white tribalism and an ideology I term ‘left-modernism'. A sociologist member of the ‘New York Intellectuals' group of writers and literary critics, Daniel Bell, used the term modernism to describe the spirit of anti-traditionalism which emerged in Western high culture between 1880 and 1930. With the murderous excesses of communism and fascism, many Western intellectuals embraced a fusion of modernist anti-traditionalism and cultural egalitarianism, distinguishing the new ideology from both socialism and traditional liberalism. Cosmopolitanism was its guiding ethos. Unlike socialism or fascism, this left-wing modernism meshed nicely with capitalism and globalization. The left-modernist sensibility spread from a small elite to a much wider section of middle-class society in the 1960s with the rise of television and growth of universities, taking over as the dominant sensibility of the high culture. As it gained ground, it turned moralistic and imperialistic, seeking not merely to persuade but to institutionalize itself in law and policy, altering the basis of liberalism from tolerating to mandating diversity. This is a subtle but critical shift. Meanwhile the economic egalitarianism of socialism gave way to a trinity of sacred values around race, gender and sexual orientation. Immigration restriction became a plank of the Progressive movement which advocated improved working conditions, women's suffrage and social reform. This combination of left-wing economics and ethno-nationalism confounds modern notions of left and right but Progressive vs. free market liberal was how the world was divided in the late nineteenth century. A prominent plank in the Progressive platform was temperance, realized in the Volstead Act of 1920 prohibiting the sale of alcohol. The Prohibition vote pitted immigrant-origin Catholics and upper-class urban WASPs such as the anti-Prohibition leader and New York socialite Pauline Morton Sabin on the ‘wet' side against ‘dry' working-class, rural and religious Protestants. For Joseph Gusfield, Prohibition was principally a symbolic crusade targeted at urban Catholic immigrants who congregated in saloons and their ‘smart set' upper-class allies. This was a Protestant assertion of identity in an increasingly urban nation in which Catholics and Jews formed around a fifth of the population. Those of WASP background had declined to half the total from two thirds in the 1820s. What's interesting is that Anglo representatives did not make their case in ethno-communal terms, nor did they invoke the country's historic ethnic composition. Rather they couched their ethnic motives as state interests. Instead of coming clean about their lament over cultural loss, they felt obliged to fabricate economic and security rationales for restriction. Much the same is true today in the penchant for talking about immigrants putting pressure on services, taking jobs, increasing crime, undermining the welfare state or increasing the risk of terrorism. In my view it would be far healthier to permit the airing of ethno-cultural concerns rather than suppressing these, which leads to often spurious claims about immigrants. Likewise, immigrants' normal desires to defend their interests are decried as ‘identity politics'. [Randolph] Bourne, on the other hand, infused Kallen's structure with WASP self-loathing. As a rebel against his own group, Bourne combined the Liberal Progressives' desire to transcend ‘New Englandism' and Protestantism with Kallen's call for minority groups to maintain their ethnic boundaries. The end product was what I term asymmetrical multiculturalism, whereby minorities identify with their groups while Anglo-Protestants morph into cosmopolites. Thus Bourne at once congratulates the Jew ‘who sticks proudly to the faith of his fathers and boasts of that venerable culture of his', while encouraging his fellow Anglo-Saxons to: Breathe a larger air … [for] in his [young Anglo-Saxon's] new enthusiasms for continental literature, for unplumbed Russian depths, for French clarity of thought, for Teuton philosophies of power, he feels himself a citizen of a larger world. He may be absurdly superficial, his outward-reaching wonder may ignore all the stiller and homelier virtues of his Anglo-Saxon home, but he has at least found the clue to that international mind which will be essential to all men and women of good-will if they are ever to save this Western world of ours from suicide. [1916] Bourne, not Kallen, is the founding father of today's multiculturalist left because he combines rebellion against his own culture and Liberal Progressive cosmopolitanism with an endorsement – for minorities only – of Kallen's ethnic conservatism. In other words, ethnic minorities should preserve themselves while the majority should dissolve itself. Cosmopolitanism must manage the contradiction between its ethos of transcending ethnicity and its need for cultural diversity, which requires ethnic attachment. Bourne resolved this by splitting the world into two moral planes, one for a ‘parental' majority who would be asked to shed their ethnicity and oppose their own culture, and the other for childlike minorities, who would be urged to embrace their heritage in the strongest terms. This crystallized a dualistic habit of mind, entrenched in the anti-WASP ethos of 1920s authors like Sinclair Lewis and H. L. Mencken and the bohemian ‘Lost Generation' of American intellectuals such as F. Scott Fitzgerald. All associated the Anglo-Protestant majority with Prohibition, deemed WASP culture to be of no value, and accused the ethnic majority of suppressing more interesting and expressive ethnic groups. The Lost Generation's anti-majority ethos pervaded the writing of 1950s ‘Beat Generation' left-modernist writers like Norman Mailer and Jack Kerouac – who contrasted lively black jazz or Mexican culture with the ‘square' puritanical whiteness of Middle America. As white ethnics assimilated, the despised majority shifted from WASPs to all whites. The multiculturalism of the 1960s fused the Liberal Progressive pluralist movement with the anti-white ethos of the Beat counterculture. The situation by 1924 was a far cry from the pre-1890 dispensation, when a liberal-assimilationist Anglo-Americanism spanned both universalist and ethno-nationalist shades of opinion. Prior to 1890, most Anglo-Protestant thinkers held the view that their ethnic group could assimilate all comers. During moments of euphoria, they talked up the country as a universal cosmopolitan civilization; in their reflective moods, they remarked on its Anglo-Saxon Protestant character. By 1910, this Emersonian ‘double-consciousness' was gone, each side of its contradiction a separate and consistent ideology. Most WASP intellectuals were, like New England patrician Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, ethno-nationalists who backed restriction, or, like Bourne and Dewey, cosmopolitans calling for diversity and open borders. Few ethno-nationalists favoured open immigration. No pluralists endorsed restriction. Herein lie the roots of our contemporary polarized condition. Critical race theorists contend that white ethnics only ‘became white' when they became useful to the WASP majority. Even Bill Clinton, a southern Protestant whose Irish heritage is undocumented, latched on to the idea that his Irish forebears ‘became' white. Irish Catholics in the north, some claim, were important allies of southern whites in the struggle against Yankee republicanism, so southerners embraced the Irish.60 I'm less convinced. The Irish, Jews and Italians may not have been part of a narrower WASP ‘us', but they were perceived as racially white, thus part of a pan-ethnic ‘us'. This entitled them to opportunities not available to African- or Asian Americans. Post-1960s intermarriage led to an extension of American majority ethnic boundaries from WASP to white but the foundations for expansion were already in place. From the 1960s on, the religious marker of dominant ethnicity came to be redefined from Protestant to ‘Judaeo-Christian'. This chapter underscores several aspects of American ethnic history that are relevant today. First, that the US, like most European nations, has had an ethnic majority since Independence. Second, that the Anglo-Protestant majority underwent a Whiteshift in the mid-twentieth century which permitted it to absorb Catholics and Jews, members of groups once viewed as outsiders. Finally, certain ethnic groups – notably Anglo-Protestants and African-Americans – have become symbolically intertwined with American nationhood. Two thirds of Americans are not members of these groups, yet many recognize them as ethno-traditional: part of what makes the nation distinct. On the right, an ethno-traditional nationalism focused on protecting the white Anglo heritage is emerging as an important force in American politics. Culture is not ethnicity and the two have too often been conflated. Even if white culture remains the default mode, ethno-cultural decline may proceed apace. There are two separate ethno-cultural dynamics, white ethnic decline and the attenuation of the white tradition in American national identity. Only whites will be concerned with the former, but conservative-minded minorities may be attached to white ethno-traditions of nationhood. That is, they will wish to slow changes to the America ‘they know'. Where conservatives seek to preserve the status quo, which might be multiracial, authoritarians always prefer less diversity and dissent. Conservatives are not the same as authoritarians. For instance, authoritarians dislike inequality – a form of economic diversity – thus may find themselves on the left Electoral maps based on aggregate county results matched to census data offered the first snapshot of the social drivers of Trump, and it was apparent that education, not income, best predicted Trump success. Still, at first glance, maps reinforce stereotypes like the urban–rural divide. As with Brexit, income is correlated with education, but there are many wealthy people – think successful plumber – with few qualifications. Similarly, many resemble struggling artists, possessing degrees but little money. When you control for education, income has no effect on whether a white person voted for, or supports, Trump. Being less well-off produces an effect on Trump voting only when authoritarian and conservative values are held constant – and even then has a much smaller impact than values. Education is the best census indicator because it reflects people's subjective worldview, not just their material circumstances. Researchers find that teenagers with more open and exploratory psychological orientations self-select into university. This, much more than what people learn at university, makes them more liberal. Median education level offers a window onto the cultural values of a voting district, which is why it correlates best with Trump's vote share. In American exit polls, Trump won whites without college degrees 67–28, compared to 49–45 for whites with degrees. The changing racial demographics of America could permit the Democrats to consistently win first the presidential, then congressional, elections. Alternatively, the Republican establishment may be able to install a pro-immigration primary candidate. But is this a solution? With no federal outlet for white identity concerns or ethno-traditional nationalism, and with a return to policies of multiculturalism and high immigration which are viewed as a threat to these identities, it's possible the culturally conservative section of the US population could start viewing the government as an enemy. This is an old trope in American history and could pose a security problem. It is also how violent ethnic conflict sometimes ignites. For instance, the British-Protestant majority in Northern Ireland, where parties run on ethnic lines, meant Irish Catholics lost every election in the province between 1922 and the abolition of the Northern Ireland provincial government in 1972. This lack of political representation produced alienation which helped foment the civil war in 1969. What happens if rural and red-state America is permanently frozen out of power when it considers itself the repository of authentic Americanism? [EUROPE:] Liberals fought against the ‘normalization' of the far right, but with rising populist-right totals and coalition arithmetic pulling towards partnership it was only a question of time before the consensus gave way. The anti-racist norm against voting for the far right began to erode and centrist parties started adopting their policies. Elite obstruction may actually have contributed to an angrier anti-elite mood, recruiting yet more voters to the far-right banner. The anti-racist taboo against them has weakened but remains: more voters express strong anti-immigration views than are willing to vote far right.4 Yet, as I explain in chapter 9, the higher the populist right's vote share, the more the taboo erodes. This eases their path to a higher total when conditions permit, setting in motion a self-fulfilling spiral. Economic rationales frequently disguise underlying psychological drivers. For instance, in small opt-in samples on Prolific Academic, one group of white Republican voters scored the problem of ‘unchecked urban sprawl' a 51 out of 100, but another group of white Republicans who saw the question as ‘unchecked urban sprawl caused by immigration' scored it 74/100 (italics added for emphasis). Likewise, among a sample of white British Brexit voters, the problem of ‘pressure on council housing' scored a 47/100 but ‘immigrants putting pressure on council housing' was rated 68/100. In both cases, it logically cannot be the case that the immigration-driven portion of the problem of urban sprawl or pressure on council housing is more important than the problem itself. Thus what's driving opposition to immigration must be something prior to these material concerns. Likewise, the large-sample, representative British Election Study shows that concerns over the cultural and economic effects of immigration are tightly correlated. This suggests opposition to immigration comes first (Jonathan Haidt's unconscious ‘elephant' moves us to act) and various rationalizations like pressure on public services follow (Haidt's conscious ‘rider' telling us a story about why we acted as we did).17 But rationales matter. If a morally acceptable rationale is not there, this inhibits a party's ability to articulate its underlying anti-immigration grievances. This is why restrictionists tend to don the cloak of economic rationalization. The idea that the country has a traditional ethnic composition which people are attached to – what I term ethno-traditional nationalism – and which should not change too quickly, is viewed as beyond the limits of acceptable debate. This is a pity, because the ‘legitimate' arguments stigmatize minorities and are often racist in a way the ‘illegitimate' arguments about wanting to slow cultural loss are not. Only when the latter is taken to the extreme of wanting to bar certain groups or repatriate immigrants do they become racist. Rising diversity polarizes people by psychological outlook and reorients party platforms. As countries ethnically change, green parties move to capture cosmopolitan liberals and the populist right targets conservatives and authoritarians.88 While attitude liberalization did throw up cultural debates over religion, gay marriage and traditional values, these are on their way to becoming marginal in Europe as liberal attitudes attain mass acceptance. The legalization of drugs and the question of how best to address crime are live social issues, but neither promises the same radical transformation of society as ethnic change. Therefore it is ethno-demographic shifts which are rotating European societies away from a dominant left–right economic orientation to a globalist–nationalist cultural axis. The West is becoming less like homogeneous South Korea, where foreign policy and economic divisions dominate, and more like South Africa, where ethnicity is the main political division.89 When a regalizing order fails to make a charge of deviance stick, the norm begins to unwind, leading to a period of intense cultural contestation. Competing groups police norm boundaries and marginalize deviants who are seen to have violated their community's sacred values. I maintain we are currently in such a period, in which hegemonic liberal norms known as ‘political correctness' are being challenged by both populists and centrists, some of whom are trying to install new social norms, notably those defining Muslims and cosmopolitans as deviant. Fascism and socialism lost out after the Second World War, but what of the victor, liberalism? The Allies' victory did enlarge and protect the scope of negative liberty. But alongside this success a positive liberalism was smuggled in which advocated individuality and cosmopolitanism over community. Most, myself included, value individual autonomy, but one has to recognize that not all share this aim. Someone who prefers to wear a veil or dedicate their lives to religion is making a communitarian choice which negative liberalism respects but positive liberalism (whether of the modernist left or burqa-banning right) does not. Expressive individualism advocates that we channel our authentic inner nature, or what H. G. Wells or Henri Bergson termed our life force, unconstrained by tradition or reason. Aesthetically, it tended towards what the influential American sociologist Daniel Bell terms modernism, rejecting Christian or national traditions while spurning established techniques and motifs.22 Not only were traditions overturned but esteem was accorded to those whose innovations shocked sensibilities and subverted historic narratives and symbols the most. Clearly something happened between the nation-evoking historical and landscape painting of a Delacroix or Constable in the early nineteenth century and Marcel Duchamp's urinal of 1917. This ‘something' was the rise, after 1880, of what Bell terms modernism and Anthony Giddens calls de-traditionalization. For Bell, modernism is the antinomian rejection of all cultural authority. For Giddens, the shift is from a past- to a future-orientation and involves a decline in existential security.23 For Bell, modernism replaces contemplation of external reality and tradition with sensation and immediacy.26 The desire to seek out new and different experiences elevates novelty and diversity into cardinal virtues of the new positive liberalism. To favour tradition over the new, homogeneity over diversity, is to be reactionary. Left-modernism continually throws up new movements such as Surrealism or Postmodernism in its quest for novelty and difference. The shock of the new is accompanied by a cosmopolitan pastiche of borrowings from non-Western cultures, as with the Primitivism of Paul Gauguin. Yet there is a tension between the expressive-individualist and egalitarian strands of left-modernism. Gauguin, for example, who considered himself a cosmopolite defending Tahitian sexual freedom against the buttoned-down West, stands accused by the New Left of cultural appropriation, colonialism, orientalism and patriarchy. The social penetration of left-modernist ideas would take a great leap forward only in the 1960s as television and university education soared. In America, the share of 18- to 24-year-olds in College increased from 15 per cent in 1950 to a third in 1970. Given the large postwar ‘baby-boom' generation, this translated into a phenomenal expansion of universities. The growth of television was even more dramatic: from 9 per cent penetration in American homes in 1950 to 93 per cent by 1965.41 The New York, Hollywood and campus-based nodes in this network allowed liberal sensibilities to spread from a small coterie of aficionados to a wider public. Rising affluence may also have played a part in creating a social atmosphere more conducive to liberalism. All told, these ingredients facilitated a marked liberal shift across a wide range of attitudes measured in social surveys from the mid-1960s: gender roles, racial equality, sexual mores and religion – with the effects most apparent in the postwar Baby Boom generation.42 Since so much of the debate around the boundaries of the permissible revolves around racism, we need a rigorous – rather than political – definition of the concept. It's very important to specify clearly, using analytic political theory and precise terminology, why certain utterances or actions are racist. Only in this manner can we defend a racist taboo. I define racism as (a) antipathy to racial or pan-ethnic outgroups, defined as communities of birth; (b) the quest for race purity; or (c) racial discrimination which results in a violation of citizens' right to equal treatment before the law. The problem is that left-modernism has established racial inequality as an outrage rather than one dimension – and not generally the most important – of the problem of inequality. If racial inequality is one facet of inequality, it should be considered alongside other aspects such as income, health, weight or age. To focus the lion's share of attention on race and gender disparities entrenches ‘inequality privilege', wherein those who suffer from low-visibility disadvantages are treated less fairly than those who fit totemic left-modernist categories. A white male who is short, disabled, poor and unattractive will understandably resent the fact his disadvantage is downplayed while he is pilloried for his privilege. In effect, the 2010s represent a renewed period of left-modernist innovation, incubated by near-universal left–liberal hegemony among non-STEM faculty and administrators. Most academics are moderate liberals rather than radical leftists, but in the absence of conservative or libertarian voices willing to stand against left-modernist excess, liberal saturation reduced resistance to the japes of extremist students and professors. Social media and progressive online news acted as a vector, carrying the new left-modernist awakening off-campus much more effectively than was true during the first wave of political correctness of the late 1980s and 1990s. Angela Nagle finds that leftist radicalism emerged first, attracting a far-right response. One of the first to trace the emergence of this polarizing dynamic, she shows how, in left-modernist online chat groups, those who stake outlandish claims about white male oppression win moral and social plaudits. These in turn are lampooned by the alt-right, who leverage left-modernist excesses to legitimate blatant racism and sexism. This begins a cycle of polarizing rhetorical confrontation. Alt-right message boards adopt a playful countercultural style, emphasizing their rebellion against a stifling, puritanical-left establishment.11 Whereas bohemians like the Young Intellectuals of the 1910s and 1920s lauded African-American jazz and immigrant conviviality as a riposte to an uptight Prohibitionist Anglo-Protestant culture, the alt-right champions white maleness as a liberation from the strictures of the puritanical left. Hamid argues that being attached to an ethnic group and looking out for its interests is qualitatively different from hating or fearing outgroups. This is a distinction social psychologists recognize, between love for one's group and hatred of the other. As Marilyn Brewer writes in one of the most highly cited articles on prejudice: The prevailing approach to the study of ethnocentrism, ingroup bias, and prejudice presumes that ingroup love and outgroup hate are reciprocally related. Findings from both cross-cultural research and laboratory experiments support the alternative view that ingroup identification is independent of negative attitudes toward outgroups.54 If politics in the West is ever to return to normal rather than becoming even more polarized, white interests will need to be discussed. I realize this is very controversial for left-modernists. Yet not only is white group self-interest legitimate, but I maintain that in an era of unprecedented white demographic decline it is absolutely vital for it to have a democratic outlet. Marginalizing race puritanism is important, but muzzling relaxed versions of white identity sublimates it in a host of negative ways. For example, when whites are concerned about their decline but can't express it, they may mask their concern as worry about the nation-state. It's more politically correct to worry about Islam's challenge to liberalism and East European ‘cheap labour' in Britain than it is to say you are attached to being a white Brit and fear cultural loss. This means left-modernism has placed us in a situation where expressing racism is more acceptable than articulating racial self-interest. David Willetts, Minister of Education in David Cameron's Conservative government: The basis on which you can extract large sums of money in tax and pay it out in benefits is that most people think the recipients are people like themselves, facing difficulties which they themselves could face. If values become more diverse, if lifestyles become more differentiated, then it becomes more difficult to sustain the legitimacy of a universal risk-pooling welfare state. People ask, ‘Why should I pay for them when they are doing things I wouldn't do?' This is America versus Sweden. You can have a Swedish welfare state provided that you are a homogeneous society with intensely shared values. In the US you have a very diverse, individualistic society where people feel fewer obligations to fellow citizens. Progressives want diversity but they thereby undermine part of the moral consensus on which a large welfare state rests.62 trying to reconstruct our racial categories from above through politics may be as difficult as trying to get people to unlearn the primary colours. This doesn't mean categories can't evolve, but it suggests the process is complex, evolutionary and bottom-up. As the median racial type changes, the boundaries of whiteness may expand because people judge categories based on the average type they encounter. Hispanics, like the Italians before them, may become part of the ethnic majority in the not-too-distant future. Many white Americans currently view those with Spanish surnames or Hispanic features as outsiders. A majority of Hispanics see themselves as white, but only 6 per cent of Hispanics who identify as white say they are accepted as such by American society. Even among those with just one Latino grandparent, 58 per cent identify as Hispanic.43 Yet this may change with increased intermarriage, cultural assimilation and the arrival of more culturally distant groups. Already, lighter-skinned Hispanics are more likely to vote Republican or live in the same neighbourhoods as whites.44 As group lines are blurred by intermarriage, ethnic boundaries may shift: Ramirez may be considered an Anglo-American on a par with De Niro. Hispanic surnames are unlikely to be ‘counter-entropic' barriers to assimilation. This assimilation process is a major reason why the centre-left writer John Judis revised his thesis that America's changing demographics will automatically produce Democratic victories in the future.45 When the criteria for defining who is in or out of the majority change, whole chunks of the population who are not of mixed origin – like the fully Irish John F. Kennedy – suddenly become part of the ethnic majority. The analogy would be if fully Hispanic or Asian Americans came to be viewed as white. I deem this unlikely, given the proximity to Mexico and the established nature of the racial categories noted by Richard Dawkins. What seems more likely is that the high rate of intermarriage between Latinos and whites, as well as the rising share of native English-speakers, Protestants or seculars among them, may expand the boundaries of whiteness to include those of mixed parentage. That is, those with some European background who are culturally assimilated and have Anglo first names – but who have Spanish surnames or a Hispanic appearance – may be accepted as white.

What It's All About: I know that you are wondering what is Teutonic Paganism? Well, to tell you the truth, I don't know either. That's why I am doing this show. It's not only a chance for you, but also something new for me to learn about paganism. In this case a new group of them. I'll explain who they are and more. The Spirit Guide of the Week is Idun and the Dream Symbols are Flowers and Levitation. Songs Feature: 1. Furor Teutonicus by Heidevolk 2. One Way Living by OMNIA 3. Autumn by All My Faith Lost 4. Iduna by Faun 5. Yggdrasil by Fejd 6. Aphrodite’s Flowers by KIVA 7. The Broken Doll (Song of Papusza) by Inkubus Sukkubus 8. Asgard II by Meg Davis Links Mentioned: - Music From the Goddess' Vault Podcast: Germanic Paganism Episode - Christina-szeman – Music-from-the-goddess-vault-podcast-germanic-paganism-episode - Teutonic Mythology - umich.edu/~umfandsf/symbolismp…ythology/tintro.html - The New Paganism and the Old Teutonic Religion - onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.11…938.tb01855.x - The Religion of the Teutons - search.proquest.com/openview/fb1a86…holar&cbl=16480 - Idun - www.britannica.com/topic/Idun - Teutons - en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teutons - Doll i' the Grass - www.pitt.edu/~dash/type0402.html#norway

Quan hệ Nga - phương Tây căng thẳng với khủng hoảng chính trị bùng lên tại một nước Cộng hòa Liên Xô cũ, tháng 8/2020. Belarus hay Bielorussia, quốc gia bé nhỏ 9 triệu dân, đang trở thành tâm điểm thời sự. Khủng hoảng sẽ đi về đâu? Trả lời câu hỏi vì sao quốc gia này cùng lúc mang hai quốc hiệu, mỗi quốc hiệu có ý nghĩa gì, có thể giúp soi tỏ phần nào bí ẩn bao trùm cuộc phản kháng xã hội vốn được coi là không ngả theo phương Tây, cũng không chống Nga. Cảnh giác với quốc hiệu « Bielorussia »   Tên gọi chính thức của nước này tại Liên Hiệp Quốc là « Cộng hòa Belarus », tuy nhiên, nhiều nước khác, trong đó có Pháp, Đức, Hà Lan, lại sử dụng tên gọi « Bielorussia » (hay Bạch Nga). Theo nhật báo Pháp Les Echos, trên truyền thông Pháp, hai từ Belarus và Bielorussia thường được sử dụng song song không phân biệt, và người dùng thường ít chú ý đến hàm nghĩa lịch sử của mỗi quốc hiệu. Phát biểu trên kênh truyền thông Pháp ngữ Bỉ RTBL, ông Alexander Sjodin, làm việc cho tổ chức nhân quyền Civil Rights Defenders (Bảo vệ các quyền dân sự), chuyên theo dõi tình hình tại Belarus, cho biết trên thực tế, việc sử dụng quốc hiệu này hay quốc hiệu kia là một chủ đề chính trị rất nhạy cảm, « đối với nhiều người Belarus, sử dụng từ Bielorussia (hay Bạch Nga) cho thấy đất nước của họ không có gì khác hơn là một bộ phận phái sinh của nước Nga. Đối với những ai lo sợ ảnh hưởng Nga, và chủ quyền quốc gia, thì đây quả là một vấn đề chính trị hệ trọng ». Một số nơi tại châu Âu đã có thay đổi. Vẫn theo chuyên gia Alexander Sjodin, chính quyền Thụy Điển hồi tháng 11/2019 thông báo thay thế tên gọi Vitryssland (tức Bielorussia) bằng Belarus. Ngoại trưởng Thụy Điển giải thích trên Twitter như sau : « Bộ Ngoại Giao sẽ sử dụng từ Belarus thay cho Vitryssland (tức Bielorussia). Chúng tôi làm như vậy với mục tiêu ghi nhận lòng quyết tâm của nhân dân Belarus, của xã hội dân sự và của cộng đồng hải ngoại Belarus, mong muốn khẳng định bản sắc quốc gia, và chủ quyền đất nước ». « Ruth » : Nga – Belarus chung một cội rễ Đã có nhiều cuộc tranh luận trong giới hàn lâm, từ lâu nay, về ý nghĩa của mỗi tên gọi. Trên thực tế, đằng sau các quốc hiệu nói trên là những thời kì lịch sử khác nhau, những cội nguồn xa xưa khác nhau của xã hội Belarus hiện nay. Theo nhiều chuyên gia, về mặt từ nguyên, âm « rus », trong Belarus, không liên quan trực tiếp đến Nga, mà đến xứ sở Ruthenia xa xưa, vương quốc của các Nhà nước Slave phía đông, tồn tại trước thế kỷ 13, được coi là cái nôi chung của cả ba nền văn hóa Nga, Ukraina và Belarus.   Đài Pháp France Culture, trong bài « Belarus ou Bielorussia ? Une question très symbolique, un enjeu démocratique / Một vấn đề mang ý nghĩa biểu tượng, một đấu trường của cuộc chiến vì dân chủ » (ngày 14/08/2020), đưa ra một cách giải thích về cội rễ xa xưa của quốc gia Belarus hiện đại : « Tất cả bắt đầu với công quốc mang tên Polatsk (1), tức tên một thành phố ở miền đông Belarus hiện nay. Từ thế kỷ thứ X đến XIII, đây là Nhà nước đầu tiên của vùng đất Ruthenia Trắng – tên gọi xuất xứ từ việc vùng đất Ruthenia này đã không hề bị quân Tatar xâm chiếm, vì thế mà vẫn còn ‘‘nguyên vẹn’’ hay ‘‘trinh nguyên’’, trong tiếng địa phương gọi là ‘‘Belarus’’ (Bela = trinh trắng ; rus = xứ Ruthenia nói chung – được coi là tiền thân của các Nhà nước Đông Slave). Năm 1387, người Belarus và người Litva thống nhất trong một Nhà nước chung, mang tên Đại Công Quốc Litva…. Lá cờ (ba màu trắng – đỏ - trắng) có thể đã ra đời vào giai đoạn này. Năm 1410, Belarus tham gia vào cuộc đại chiến Grünwald, chống lại các kị sĩ giáo đoàn Teuton (Thập tự chinh phương Bắc), cùng hàng ngũ với Đại công tước Litva, các vua Ba Lan và Galicia (tức xứ Ukraina sau này), cũng như liên minh tạm thời với quân Tatar Hãn Quốc Kim Trướng. Trong cuộc đọ sức này, kị sĩ giáo đoàn Teuton thất bại. Theo truyền thuyết, thi thể một kị sĩ anh hùng, người Belarus, đã được đặt trên một lá cờ hoàn toàn màu trắng, cờ của xứ Ruthenia Trắng. Khi thi thể được chuyển đi, một vệt máu dài còn lại. Đây là nguồn gốc của lá quốc kỳ Belarus (thời nước Cộng hòa Belarus đầu tiên năm 1918 và Cộng hòa Belarus giai đoạn 1991-1994, sau khi Liên Xô tan rã) ». Liên bang Ba Lan – Litva : giai đoạn đặc biệt trong lịch sử châu Âu Liên minh với Litva là giai đoạn quan trọng trong sự hình thành bản sắc Belarus thời cận đại. Thời hoàng kim của tiếng Belarus cận đại là vào thế kỉ XVI. Belarus từng là một trong những tiếng châu Âu đầu tiên được dùng để dịch Kinh thánh. Người chuyển dịch là Francysk Skaryna. Bộ Kinh thánh Belarus in đầu tiên tại Praha, vào năm 1517-1519 (theo INALCO) (tức nhiều năm trước khi mục sư Luther dịch Kinh thánh sang tiếng Đức). Francysk Skaryna (sinh tại Potlatsk năm 1486 – mất năm 1541 tại Praha) thường được coi là người đặt nền móng cho nền văn học Belarus. Tiếp theo thời kỳ Litva, xứ Belarus có mặt trong một liên minh mới : Liên bang Thịnh vượng chung giữa Vương quốc Ba Lan – và Đại công quốc Litva (còn gọi là Nước Cộng hòa của hai Dân Tộc), được coi là quốc gia rộng nhất, đông dân nhất châu Âu cuối thế kỉ XVI – đầu XVII. Đại công quốc Litva và Vương quốc Ba Lan chính thức lập Liên bang vào năm 1569. Trên trang mạng của Liên Hiệp Châu Âu, ông Michał  Karapuda, giám đốc cơ quan văn hóa của thành phố Lublin, giới thiệu vài nét về ý nghĩa của Liên bang này trong lịch sử châu Âu : « Lublin là thành phố lớn nhất ở phía đông của Ba Lan, nằm sát rìa biên giới của Liên Hiệp Châu Âu, giáp với Ukraina. Vào ngày 1 tháng 7 năm 1569, tại thành phố này, đã diễn ra lễ ký kết thành lập ‘‘liên minh Lublin’’. Lần đầu tiên trong lịch sử châu Âu, hai quốc gia sáp nhập thành một Nhà nước thống nhất, mà không thông qua chiến tranh. Đó là ‘‘Liên bang thịnh vượng chung’’ của hai Vương quốc Ba Lan và Đại công quốc Litva…. Điều quan trọng nhất là, cũng giống như Liên Hiệp Châu Âu hiện nay, đó là một xã hội mở cửa cho mọi tôn giáo khác nhau, dân tộc khác nhau. Và có một sự dấn thân mạnh mẽ, với niềm tin tưởng rằng hợp tác toàn diện như vậy là tốt hơn nhiều so với chiến tranh và xung đột ».  Liên bang Ba Lan – Litva, một giai đoạn lịch sử quan trọng, vốn ít được nhắc đến, đang thu hút nhiều hơn chính giới châu Âu. Nhiều chuyên gia, chính trị gia cho rằng công cuộc xây dựng châu Âu hiện nay có nhiều điều có thể học hỏi từ giai đoạn lịch sử đặc biệt này. Nghị sĩ Pháp Frédéric Petit nhấn mạnh đến ý nghĩa lịch sử của Nước Cộng hòa hai Dân tộc, nơi nhiều dân tộc khác nhau, chung sống dưới một mái nhà trong hơn một thế kỷ, thường là trong hòa bình (bài  « Que nous apprend la crise politique au sujet de la Bélarus et de l’Union européenne ?/ Cuộc khủng hoảng chính trị về chủ đề Belarus và Liên Hiệp Châu Âu cho chúng ta biết điều gì ?», La revue géopolitique, ngày 19/08/2020). Đế chế Nga và nước Bielorussia hiện đại Tuy nhiên, quan điểm cho rằng ngôn ngữ Belarus đương đại đã định hình trước khi xứ Belarus trở thành một bộ phận của đế chế Nga là điều mà một số chuyên gia phản bác. Trả lời đài Thụy Sĩ RTS, nhà nghiên cứu Pháp Virginie Symaniec, một chuyên gia về các vấn đề văn hóa và ngôn ngữ Belarus, khẳng định:  « Vào thời điểm đó (đầu thế kỷ XIX), cái mà chúng ta gọi là nước Bielorussia không tồn tại. Tiếng Belarus như ngày nay chúng ta biết chưa hề tồn tại… Trên mảnh đất Bielorussia (hay Bạch Nga) hiện nay, có một chữ viết xưa (tiếng Ruthène), nhưng mang rất đậm dấu ấn Ba Lan, chứa đầy các từ ngữ Ba Lan, các cấu trúc Ba Lan, với các quy chiếu văn hóa Ba Lan. Vào thời điểm những năm 1860 đến 1870, đã bắt đầu có một chính sách văn hóa, chính sách ngôn ngữ, cho dù không thật sự có hệ thống, có tính đàn áp hơn, đối với các khu vực ngoại vi của đế chế Nga. Theo tôi, chính quyền đế chế Nga muốn đẩy lùi các ảnh hưởng của văn hóa Ba Lan ở khu vực phía tây của đế chế. Vào thời điểm đó, người dân ở đây không nói tiếng Nga, cũng không nói tiếng Ba Lan, mà nói những thứ tiếng không được chuẩn hóa. Vấn đề mà chính quyền đế chế Nga muốn là xây dựng tại khu vực này một bản sắc Nga lâu đời (russianité russe), tóm lại, gột bỏ những gì là Ba Lan. Cái mà người ta cấm, không phải là nói tiếng Belarus, thứ tiếng như chúng ta biết hiện nay, mà là cấm viết bằng ký tự Latinh. Cấm viết bằng chữ Latinh cũng có nghĩa là cấm viết chữ Ba Lan. Tôi cho rằng, phải trở về điểm đó để hiểu được làm thế nào mà một bản sắc Bielorrusia đã được tạo lập. Bản sắc này vốn hoàn toàn không tồn tại ở khu vực này vào thời điểm đó. Người ta đã tạo dựng như thế nào tại khu vực này một bản sắc Bạch Nga, tức nền văn hóa nhiều chất Nga hơn chất Ba Lan ? Vào thời điểm đó, người ta nói rằng muốn xây dựng một bản sắc Nga thuần khiết. Tuy nhiên, trong đế chế Nga, có bản sắc Nga thực sự, bản sắc Nga cao quí, bản sắc Nga nằm ở trung tâm. Tạo lập ra xứ sở Bạch Nga có nghĩa là gì ? Đó là tạo lập một thứ đẳng cấp, trong đó, trên đỉnh cao của kim tự tháp là bản sắc Nga vĩ đại, còn bên dưới (theo nhãn quan của thế kỷ XIX), đó sẽ là các bản sắc Nga nhỏ bé khác, Bạch Nga hay Nga Trắng,… Nga Đen, Nga Đỏ… tất cả đều thuộc bản sắc Nga, nhưng nằm ở bên dưới của thang bậc bản sắc Nga » (Chương trình giới thiệu về Biolorussia, Đài phát thanh truyền hình Thụy Sĩ RTS, ngày 24/06/2019). Những lần « phục sinh » bị trấn áp  Dù khẳng định tiếng Belarus hiện đại bắt nguồn trực tiếp từ tiếng Belarus thời xưa (thời Đại công quốc Litva và Liên bang Ba Lan – Litva), hay chỉ định hình khi Belarus bị sáp nhập vào  đế chế Nga, những ai theo dõi lịch sử Belarus đều chú ý đến hai thời điểm đặc biệt, mà nhiều nhà quan sát gọi đó là hai cuộc « phục sinh » của Belarus. Lần phục sinh đầu tiên là vào năm 1918. Trong nhiều thế kỉ, xứ Belarus nằm trong Đại Công Quốc Litva không có biểu tượng Nhà nước riêng. Phải đến khi đế chế Nga cáo chung, tên gọi Belarus mới lại hồi sinh, cùng với các biểu tượng gắn liền với nó. Ngày 25/03/1918, nước Cộng hòa Nhân Dân Belarus ra đời, với quốc kỳ màu trắng, đỏ, trắng, mang quốc huy « Pahonia » - biểu tượng lịch sử của Đại Công Quốc Litva - mà Belarus từng là một bộ phận. Nhà nước Belarus đầu tiên ra đời cùng với một Quốc Hội dân chủ.  Tuy nhiên, giai đoạn độc lập này chỉ kéo dài ít tháng. Năm 1919, lực lượng Xô Viết chiếm Belarus. Staline cho thành lập Cộng Hòa Xã Hội Chủ Nghĩa Xô Viết Bielorussia. Bielorussia lại trở thành tên gọi chính thức quốc gia cho đến khi Liên Xô giải tán năm 1991. Năm 1991 được coi là lần phục sinh thứ hai của dân tộc Belarus. Để đánh dấu sự độc lập của đất nước, cái tên Belarus được lấy lại, cùng với các biểu tượng : lá quốc kỳ Trắng – Đỏ - Trắng truyền thống, quốc huy Pahonia với hình ảnh người kỵ sĩ, và khẩu hiệu « Belarus bất diệt ». Tuy nhiên, giai đoạn phục sinh thứ hai không kéo dài. Năm 1994, sau khi đắc cử tổng thống, Alexandre Loukachenko xóa bỏ hoàn toàn các biểu tượng Belarus truyền thống, ngoại trừ tên gọi Belarus. Tổng thống Loukachenko cho lấy lại quốc kỳ Đỏ - Xanh, gần giống với thời Liên Xô. Belarus : Tiếng mẹ đẻ, quốc kỳ Trắng - Đỏ - Trắng và những duyên nợ lịch sử Các cuộc biểu tình phản kháng tháng 8/2020 liệu có thể coi như một nỗ lực phục sinh lần nữa của bản sắc Belarus ? Việc lá quốc kỳ Trắng – Đỏ - Trắng truyền thống trở lại hiên ngang tung bay trên khắp các đường phố báo hiệu điều gì ?   Nếu nhìn vào thực trạng thống kê ngôn ngữ, khả năng trỗi dậy của bản sắc Belarus khó thành hiện thực. Người Belarus đang trở thành thiểu số về mặt ngôn ngữ trên chính quê hương mình. Trong một cuộc điều tra của chính phủ năm 2009, số lượng người nói tiếng Belarus ở nhà là khoảng 11,9 %, so với 36,7% trong cuộc điều tra đầu tiên năm 1999. Chỉ có 29,4% dân số biết nói, đọc, viết thành thạo ngôn ngữ này (điều tra 2009). Tỉ lệ này rất có thể còn tiếp tục sụt giảm trong 10 năm trở lại đây. Theo đánh giá của UNESCO, cập nhật năm 2016, tiếng Belarus (với khoảng 4 triệu người sử dụng tại Belarus và 5 quốc gia khác) được coi là tiếng nói « dễ tổn thương » (cấp độ nguy hiểm thứ 5 - bậc nguy hiểm thấp nhất trên thang bậc 5 điểm). Tuy nhiên, điều nghịch lý và cũng rất đỗi kỳ lạ là, trong bối cảnh người sử dụng sụt giảm mạnh, đa số người Belarus (INALCO) dường như vẫn tiếp tục coi tiếng Belarus là tiếng nói mẹ đẻ, thứ ngôn ngữ mang giá trị biểu tượng mạnh mẽ, cho phép họ duy trì những sợi dây liên lạc vững chắc với các thăng trầm xuyên thiên niên kỷ, để cắm trụ tại vùng đất nằm giữa vùng hai biển Hắc Hải và Baltic, vốn là nơi chung sống, hợp tác của nhiều nền văn hóa, nhiều sắc tộc. Cắm trụ, để tiếp tục cuộc hành trình. Trong các cuộc biểu tình phản kháng độc tài hiện nay, các nhà quan sát ghi nhận một thái độ dường như phổ biến của người Belarus:  không ngả theo phương Tây, cũng không chống Nga. Trên thực tế, sự trở lại của lá cờ Trắng – Đỏ - Trắng, cùng các biểu tượng quốc gia khác, đang khiến cho quốc hiệu Belarus lấy lại đầy đủ ý nghĩa lịch sử của mình. Một dấu hiệu cho thấy có thể đông đảo người dân xứ sở này không chấp nhận từ bỏ những duyên nợ lịch sử đã từng gắn bó họ với các quốc gia vùng Baltic (2). Khát vọng dân chủ, hòa hợp của Belarus cũng là khát vọng của châu Âu. Nhưng Belarus hiện nay cũng là quốc gia song ngữ, khoảng ba phần tư người Belarus nói tiếng Nga tại gia đình. Một nước Belarus hội nhập với châu Âu cũng có thể là một cơ may cho sự hòa hợp Nga – châu Âu. Ghi chú 1 - Năm 2012, chính quyền Belarus tổ chức kỉ niệm 1.150 năm ngày thành phố Polatsk xuất hiện trong sử sách, lãnh thổ của công quốc Polatsk gần tương đương với nước Belarus hiện nay, nên « Polatsk thường được coi như thủ đô đầu tiên của người Belarus » – thông tin của phái bộ thường trực của Cộng hòa Belarus tại UNESCO. 2 - Theo một số nhà quan sát, như chuyên gia về Belarus, nhà chính trị học Anna Zadora, lá cờ Trắng - Đỏ - Trắng trở thành biểu tượng quy tụ của phong trào đòi dân chủ không hẳn đã do đông đảo người biểu tình chia sẻ các giá trị lịch sử của lá cờ này, mà đơn giản vì đây là biểu tượng cho những tiếng nói phản kháng bị chà đạp (bài « Biélorussie : que représente le drapeau rouge et blanc exhibé par les manifestants à Minsk ?», Libération, ngày 17/08/2020).  

Many of you may still be locked up with your family but, with any luck, your house-mates don’t include a glowing alien skull, a gun-toting Teuton and a creepy occultist. Even Benylin Bandersnatch’s mum would be of little comfort, haunted as she is by a noisy, slimy creature (named Adam Colby). The TARDIS team come to the rescue but K9’s lost his voice, Leela’s lost some of her hair and the Doctor’s lost his ability to distinguish Jelly Babies from Liquorice Allsorts. Luckily, the Tylers (not those Tylers!) are on hand to dispense cake, rock salt and Mummerset premonitions. But did Image of the Fendahl give Jim and Martin a burst of primal power or suck out their collective life-force? Listen to find out! We also review the audiobooks of The Five Doctors and The Daemons. Also available on Spotify.

Q107 and the host of Issue Zero Podcast pays a visit to the Cave! After a long week broadcasting live to the city of Toronto, Fred stops by the Cave to chit chat to talk all things fandom related with Eric Anthony. As we surf the through numerous galaxies of geekdom, we make a couple...

Adam Gorham is a comic book artist on such titles as TMNT Universe, Jughead: The Hunger, James Bond 007, Power Rangers, Marvel's Contagion and Rocket (starring Rocket Raccoon from Guardians of the Galaxy). He is currently drawing Punk Mambo for Valiant. Adam was born in Perth, Ontario but was raised in Mississauga, Ontario and still makes his home there now with his family. On the podcast, Adam goes through his long, strange trip from art school drop-out and disgruntled grocery store warehouse employee to working for major comic companies like Marvel, Image and Valiant. This includes finding his first gig as a comic artist on Craigslist, working with Toronto radio personality “Fearless” Fred Kennedy on Fred's self-published, three volume indie book Teuton, and eventually breaking out as the artist on The Violent, a creator-owned gritty crime book published by Image and written by Ghost Rider and Old Man Logan scribe Ed Brisson.Aaron also gets Adam's take on the New Mutants trailer since he worked on New Mutants: Dead Souls with writer Matthew Rosenberg (4 Kids Walk Into a Bank) which was the book that was likely going to launch as the movie came out before the film got delayed. Adam also tells a wild story about randomly discovering his letter envelope art in a Wizard Magazine years after the fact. This episode is sponsored by Hairy Tarantula and Bam Coffee Co. If you want 15% off your next Bam Box of coffee and geek swag, including prints and a limited edition mug, use code SB15 at checkout.@AdamTGorham on Instagram@AdamTGorham on TwitterAdam's PortfolioAdam's Princely Dreadful BlogBuy Adam's original artBuy Adam's TMNT sketchcovers or Inktober sketchesAdam's Modern Mythology Original Art PageAdam's page on Marvel.comSponsorsHairy TarantulaBam Coffee Co.

Whether you stray off the beaten path or are faced with senseless death, the line between reality and imagination can blur. Follow us into these living NIGHTMARES... Featuring “The Creature in the Woods” written by Christopher J. Teuton of Filthy and Free Publishing and performed by Ari Reider (Tumblr: hendecagram); and “I Call Him Charlie” written by Nicholas Wunderli and performed by Sheila Begin, Matthew Aranda, and Kai Hudson. Additional music is by Eric Matyas, Bensounds, Geographer, Twin Musicom, Aaron Kenny, Myuu, Sextile, Sextile, Dan Bodan, and Silent Partner. Learn more at monstersoutofthecloset.com.

My Summer Lair host Sammy Younan interviews comic book writer Fearless Fred Kennedy whose comics include The Fourth Planet and Teuton. You can hear Fred everyday on Q 107 at 2pm. My Summer Lair Chapter #89: How Did You Get Your Name?   Recorded: October 13, 2018 2:00pm

This podcast continues our special Teuton Talks Travels series. In this episode, Brenton "travels" to Lawrence to learn about Mass Street Soda and the Cultural Center at Haskell Indian Nations University.

ID - Somber_Celebration_(Mattias Fridell Remix_1).mp3 M. Rodriguez - Eyann (Original Mix) [Marktek Records].mp3 Dante Filacanavo - Hero (Original Mix) [uno.].mp3 TEUTON, Dimitar Georgiev - The Northwest Remembers (Original Mix) [Decoy Records].mp3 Frank Sonic & L-EX - Atlanta [Kittball].mp3 Forniva, Desaturate - Divide (Stark & Sahin Remix) [Particles].mp3 Boxia - No World Order [Drumcode].mp3 Gaetano C, Ahmet Mcnun - Find It (Original Mix) MSTR.mp3 Capoon - I Got Soul (Matt Sassari Remix) [Cafe D'Anvers Records].mp3 Leo Lippolis - Flash (Stanny Abram Remix) [Inexplikable].mp3 Joran van Pol - Remember - Elevate.mp3 Gabriel Moraes - Cycles (Original Mix) [Nin92wo Records].mp3 Anja_Schneider-Prosperity.mp3

This podcast continues our special Teuton Talks Travels series. In this episode, Ty "travels" to Topeka to learn all about the Kansas State Capitol building.

This podcast continues our special Teuton Talks Travels series. In this episode, our foreign exchange student Steffy "travels" to Ellsworth, Kansas. 

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Jullian kicks off our special travel series as he interviews Marci Penner about her latest book, The Kansas Guidebook 2 for Explorers.  

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Steffy talks with her globetrotting brothers. 

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Andy talks with Nick about his experience touring Viega during Manufacturing Day.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Nick talks to Andy about his recent visit to Central Plastics on Manufacturing Day.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Freddie interviews two Inman FFA Junior officers to talk about a recent water bottle drive to help hurricane victims.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Skyler interviews Sean Jensen about his experience attending the College Horizons program at Princeton University.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Gabriella talks to Kylee about trail riding and horses.

In this episode Bradon talks to Payton about broadcasting games.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Taylor visits with KSU's head volleyball coach Susan Fritz.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, gage interviews IHS senior Audra Hampton to talk about her senior project.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Keaton visits with Bryce Case about his journey to becoming a construction superintendent.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Naomi visits with Sgt. Idom, a recruiter for the Marines.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Nick visits with Gabe about FFA week.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Freddie visits with author Lois Ruby.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Nick visits with Inman FFA Advisor Daniel Knapp to talk about their recent trip to help with cleanup efforts following the Kansas wildfires near Ashland, Kansas.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Morgan visits with local EMT Ashley Baxter. Baxter tells us how she decided to become an EMT and what it takes to be an EMT.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Taylor visits with Goessel native and former KSU football player Weston Hiebert.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Naomi visits with IHS senior Tobias and learns about his senior project. Find out what high school students in small town Inman, Kansas, are doing for their senior projects.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Keaton sits down and visits with Freddie E.--one of our IHS students who travels to Hutch to attend classes.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Bradon talks to IHS senior Ethan DeWitt about his carpentry projects.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Jaxon visits with Inman Junior High Girls Basketball Coach Ryan.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, our host Andy visits with Mrs. Jordan about life and the junior high play.

In this episode of Teuton RTalks, host Payton visits with Coach Froese about expectations, coaching philosophies and life.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Mrs. B. visits with Lucas, Mike and Jaxon to get them comfortable using the audio equipment. The recording was too good to not post.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Mike B. visits with Max H. to learn more about FFA Week and to find out what the Inman FFA has planned for the week.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Gabby visits with professional videographer Shawn Gormley. We find out Gormley's path to owning his own video business and discuss how he became interested in videography.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Aurora visits with horse enthusiast Kaylee Wedel. We find out about the time and effort Kaylee dedicates to working with her horses. We also discuss the Inman FFA officer selection process.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, host Keaton visits with IHS Senior Hannah Schriner to talk about her experience at Girls State.

In this episode of Teuton Talks, Lucas talks with Lt. Col. Billy Garst, USAF, Retired.

Teuton Talks Episode 1 (2017). Payton Larson visits with author Jefferson Knapp to discuss his book series, his publishing company and a special project he's been working on with a Kansas-raised NBA basketball player.

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This week, we have a special guest with Sandra helping out with the presentation of the History of France in English podcast. We look at the loss of Cisalpine Gaul to the Romans after invasion by the Teutons and the Cimbri or Kymrians. As usual, some Gauls side with one side while some side with the other. The Teuton forces and the Cimbri are wiped out. In our new feature, A River Runs Through It, the Loire, the longest river in France, is examined in all its glory. Cocktail Party Slapdown takes a look at the French victory of Fleurus, which saw the French Republic forces beat back the royalist supporting First Coalition armies of Britain, Austria, the Hapburghs and Netherlands.

According to Roman historians, the Teutonic tribes claim to have descended from the first human named Mannuz. Mannuz was the son of the Sky god Tiw and the Earth mother goddess. In this episode, we research the genetic and linguistic evidence to determine who Mannuz, the first Teuton, really was....