Podcast appearances and mentions of Anthony Giddens

Identity in Times of Crisis, Part VII: Identity & Emotion Summary Emotions play a crucial role in shaping human behavior, influencing our thoughts, ‎decisions, and actions, often more than logic alone. Rather than being separate, emotions ‎and rationality are interconnected, with emotional reasoning like love and fear guiding ‎our choices in a deeply human way.‎ Despite the common misconception that emotions are irrational, they have logical ‎implications, such as trusting those we love. However, society often suppresses emotions, ‎leaving them to influence us subconsciously, leading to internal conflicts or feelings of ‎detachment.‎ Traditional social theories, like those of Anthony Giddens, downplay the role of ‎emotions, focusing on rationalization. However, this perspective overlooks how emotions ‎shape everyday behavior, not just in exceptional circumstances. Communication itself ‎often operates on multiple levels, with a disconnect between our words and feelings, ‎causing misunderstandings.‎ Emotion is also linked to social control, with emotional strategies used to project ‎confidence or avoid embarrassment. Self-deception and emotional management are part ‎of this process, helping maintain social harmony, even if it compromises authenticity.‎ This summary emphasizes the importance of emotions in human behavior, challenging ‎the notion that rationality alone drives our actions. Emotions are ever-present, ‎influencing everything from personal relationships to broader social dynamics‎. Keywords #EmotionsInBehavior; #HumanRationality; #SocialInteraction; #EmotionalIntelligence; #IdentityAndEmotions; #RationalVsEmotional; #PowerAndControl; #SocialTheories; #EmotionalSuppression; #CognitiveAndEmotional; #MultiLevelCommunication; #SelfDeception; #EmotionalManagement; #HumanPsychology; #EmotionalMotivation

In this episode, Eric Hsu and Louis Everuss do their best to have a reflexive discussion about a highly influential sociological account of the contemporary modern world: Anthony Giddens's idea of reflexive modernization, as captured in his work, The Consequences of Modernity. Eric somehow manages to use his bad Trump impression to promote the field of sociology, while Louis tries to keep the conversation more on track by ruminating on Giddens's point that modernity leaves us with more questions than answers. Music and sound effects for this episode come from various sources and is licensed under the Creative Commons 0 License, the Creative Commons Attribution License 3.0, EFF Open Audio License, or is covered by a SFX (Multi-Use) License. Tracks include:https://freesound.org/people/Tuben/sounds/272044/https://freesound.org/people/Trollarch2/sounds/331656/https://freesound.org/people/giouliangel100/sounds/546897/https://freesound.org/people/stevielematt/sounds/538066/https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:A_Midsummer_Night%27s_Dream_Op._61_Wedding_March_(Mendelssohn)_European_Archive.ogghttps://freesound.org/people/JPMusic82/sounds/415511/The opinions expressed in the Sociology of Everything podcast are that of the hosts and/or guest speakers. They do not necessarily reflect the opinions of anyone else at UniSA or the institution at large.The Sociology of Everything podcast | www.sociologypodcast.com

Ardhja e modernitetit i atribuohet, para së gjithash, Revolucionit industrial, i cili ka sjellë një proces të ndryshimeve rrënjësore shoqërore që quhen me termin “modernizim”. Teorizimit të modernizimit, çfarë është saktësisht ai, cila është zanafilla e cilat janë pasojat e tij, i kanë kontribuar shumë sociologë, ndër ta edhe sociologu Anthony Giddens në librin e tij “Pasojat e modernitetit” të botuar në shqip në Tiranë në vitin 2013 dhe të përkthyer nga Valbona Nathanaili, Fatos Tarifa dhe Blerjana Bino. Për të diskutuar argumentet e librit, na bashkohet Trina Hoti, studente e masterit në Sociologji në Universitetin e Prishtinës.

Anthony Giddens (born 18 January 1938) is an English sociologist who is known for his theory of structuration and his holistic view of modern societies. He is considered to be one of the most prominent modern sociologists and is the author of at least 34 books, published in at least 29 languages, issuing on average more than one book every year. In 2007, Giddens was listed as the fifth most-referenced author of books in the humanities. He has academic appointments in approximately twenty different universities throughout the world and has received numerous honorary degrees. Four notable stages can be identified in his academic life. The first one involved outlining a new vision of what sociology is, presenting a theoretical and methodological understanding of that field based on a critical reinterpretation of the classics. His major publications of that era include Capitalism and Modern Social Theory (1971) and The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies (1973). In the second stage, Giddens developed the theory of structuration, an analysis of agency and structure in which primacy is granted to neither. His works of that period, such as New Rules of Sociological Method (1976), Central Problems in Social Theory (1979) and The Constitution of Society (1984), brought him international fame on the sociological arena. The third stage of Giddens's academic work was concerned with modernity, globalization and politics, especially the impact of modernity on social and personal life. This stage is reflected by his critique of postmodernity and discussions of a new "utopian-realist" Third Way in politics which is visible in The Consequences of Modernity (1990), Modernity and Self-Identity (1991), The Transformation of Intimacy (1992), Beyond Left and Right (1994) and The Third Way (1998). Giddens' ambition was both to recast social theory and to re-examine our understanding of the development and trajectory of modernity. In the most recent stage, Giddens has turned his attention to a more concrete range of problems relevant to the evolution of world society, namely environmental issues, focusing especially upon debates about climate change, analyzed in successive editions of his book The Politics of Climate Change (2009); the role and nature of the European Union in Turbulent and Mighty Continent (2014); and in a series of lectures and speeches also the nature and consequences of the Digital Revolution. Giddens served as Director of the London School of Economics from 1997 to 2003, where he is now Emeritus Professor at the Department of Sociology. He is a life fellow of King's College, Cambridge. According to the Open Syllabus Project, Giddens is the most frequently cited author on college syllabi for sociology courses. Original video ⁠here⁠⁠ Full Wikipedia entry ⁠here⁠ Anthony Giddens' books ⁠here --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/theunadulteratedintellect/support

Pada episode kali ini #NALAR menjawab berbagai pertanyaan yang masuk seputar topik teori strukturasi. Pertanyaan yang diajukan membahas bagaimana struktur dan tindakan individu saling terkait. Beberapa pertanyaan juga berkaitan dengan penerapan teori strukturasi dalam praktik kehidupan nyata. Untuk memberikan pemahaman yang lebih utuh, Yanuar Nugroho juga memberikan contoh nyata atau praktik terbaik terkait teori strukturasi. Selain itu, Yanuar Nugroho turut membagikan analisis singkat mengenai isu sosial politik di Indonesia melalui kacamata teori strukturasi yang dirumuskan oleh Anthony Giddens.

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My guest today is Dr Stephanie Alice Baker, Senior Lecturer in Sociology, City, University of London. Her first book, Social Tragedy (Palgrave MacMillan 2014), analyzed how collective narratives emerge in different cultural contexts and the role of the media in communicating tragic events of social significance.Her second book examined how lifestyle and wellness influencers construct authority and influence online. She situated this research in discussions around trust, expertise, microcelebrity and medical misinformation. She has published several key articles on these topics as well as a book, Lifestyle Gurus: Constructing authority and influence online (Polity 2019), co-authored with Chris Rojek.Her most recent book, Wellness Culture: How the Wellness Movement has been used to Empower, Profit and Misinform, traces the emergence of wellness culture from a fringe countercultural pursuit to a trillion-dollar industry.Dr. Baker says that we are now living in a post-secular society, where even though a lot of people think of themselves as religious or spiritual, many of the institutions and moral frameworks that dictated how people ought to live, have changed.  In this society many people fear that the world as they knew it is rapidly disappearing. They feel lost, suffering what Anthony Giddens calls ontological insecurity..The frequently degrading nature of modern industrial work, the growth of totalitarianism, the threat of environmental destruction, climate change, the alarming development of military power and weaponry, the polarization of the political discourse, the ever-increasing reliance on robotics with its consequent loss of job opportunities for unskilled workers has become a source of great anxiety for vast numbers of people. Polarization, skepticism, doubt and division have led to an erosion of trust in institutions, the media, science and government. This low institutional trust will increasingly become an issue, especially as disinformation floods the world as a result of AI.Of course, as the old saying goes, “When life gives you lemons, make lemonade.”  Gradually, over the last decade, we have seen  the emergence of a whole new class of individuals: the lifestyle and wellness influencers. How can individuals with no expertise, no medical training achieve this high degree of trust and loyalty from their followers?One way is by their stress on being  authentic. “I'm so authentic”. And this adjective  is really important. Because in describing themselves in this way, what they're actually doing is distinguishing themselves from say, a manufactured Hollywood celebrity, indicating that they're more real,  more genuine. And as a byproduct, you can trust them more. Right? Now by achieving fame on social media as well, they also seem much more accessible than, say, a mainstream celebrity who is surrounded by managers and agents and various producers or assistants. And one way in which this impression of accessibility is maintained is this idea that we're all sharing the same platform, that I could send somebody who's an influencer a direct message on social media and they will read it and respond. Fat chance. And the third aspect, which is really important to an influencer, is to present themselves as being outside of the system. Not beholden to any-one. An independent person just like you. Not one of the “elites.” Along with that goes this idea of being self-made, of being ordinary and juIf you liked this podcast please tell your friends about it, subscribe to this podcast wherever you listen to podcasts and/or write a brief note on apple podcasts, check out my blogs on Psychology Today at https://www.psychologytoday.com/intl/contributors/thomas-r-verny-md

On this edition of Parallax Views, historian and sociologist Prof. Harvey J. Kaye returns to discuss the new edition of his 1984 book The British Marxist Historians. In said book, Prof. Kaye delved into how E.P. Thompson, Maurice Dobb, Christopher Hill, Eric Hobsbawn, and Rodney Hilton offered material analyses on a variety of historical matters that challenged conventional notions held by many other historians. In doing so they also took a heterodox approach to Marxism. In this conversation we explore the contributions of the British Marxist Historians and the ways in which they offered an innovative "history from the bottom up" approach to understanding the past. Harvey and I discuss: - Eric Hobsbawn's defense of the Luddites, the radical machine breakers who jobs were lost in the industrial age - The value of the English Marxist historians today and addressing criticisms that Marxism's usefulness as a form of analysis has dried up - Kaye's thoughts on and criticism of the work of The People's History of the United States historian Howard Zinn - The role Anthony Giddens, a founder of the "Third Way" political position, in the publication of The British Marxist Historians - Neoliberalism, class struggle, the working class, the ruling class, the base/superstructures discourse, and Marxist analysis of history - And much, much more!

Too often, talk about security seems to belong to politicians and psychologists; to discussions about terrorism and defence, individual anxiety and insecurity. But how do sociologists think about it? And why care?  Daria Krivonos – who works on migration, race and class in Central and Eastern Europe – tells Alexis and Rosie why security matters. What's the impact of calling migration a “security threat”? How does the security of the privileged rely on the insecurity of the precarious? And, as Russia's war in Ukraine continues, what would it mean to truly #StandwithUkraine – from ensuring better job security for its workers abroad, to cancelling its debt?  Plus: pop culture pointers; from Kae Tempest's “People's Faces” to the movie “The Mauritanian” – and Alexis' teenage passion for Rage Against the Machine.    Guest: Daria Krivonos  Hosts: Rosie Hancock, Alexis Hieu Truong  Executive Producer: Alice Bloch  Sound Engineer: David Crackles  Music: Joe Gardner  Artwork: Erin Aniker    Find more about Uncommon Sense at The Sociological Review.    Episode Resources  Daria, Rosie and Alexis recommended  Kae Tempest's song “People's Faces”  Rage Against the Machine's song “Without a Face”  Kevin Macdonald's movie “The Mauritanian”    From The Sociological Review  “Brexit On ‘Plague Island': Fortifying The UK's Borders In Times Of Crisis” – Michaela Benson and Nando Sigona  “Organised State Abandonment: The meaning of Grenfell” – Brenna Bhandar  “Food Insecurity: Upsetting ‘Apple Carts' in Abstract and Tangible Markets” – Susan Marie Martin    By Daria Krivonos  “The making of gendered ‘migrant workers' in youth activation: The case of young Russian-speakers in Finland”  “Ukrainian farm workers and Finland's regular army of labour”  “Who stands with Ukraine in the long term?”  “Racial capitalism and the production of difference in Helsinki and Warsaw” (forthcoming)    Further readings  “The Death of Asylum” – Alison Mountz  “What was the so-called ‘European Refugee Crisis'?” – Danish Refugee Council  World Food Programme Yemen and Ethiopia statistics  “In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All” – UN Secretary-General  “Ukrainian Workers Flee ‘Modern Slavery' Conditions on UK Farms” – Diane Taylor  “Bordering” – Nira Yuval-Davis, Georgie Wemyss and Kathryn Cassidy  Anthony Giddens' sociological work; including “Modernity and Self-identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age” 

Sosyopatlar klanına katıl. - Youtube'dan izle. - Blogu ziyaret et. - Twitter'dan takip et. - Instagram'dan takip et.

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But not that kind of western romance… Pop quiz: Which of the following reasons is a good reason to get married to someone? Because your family or social circle wants you to Because you sexually desire that person (or are already sexually involved) Because you want children (or have them already) Because you need financial stability Because you're “in love” with that person Because you're “in love” with someone else Some of these answers might seem ridiculous, but a hundred or a thousand years ago, people concluded very different things about marriage and romance, depending on the age they live in. We in the West can bundle together a lot of expectations for romantic partners—they should be your best friend, have romantic attraction, maybe build a family together, share finances, support you emotionally, and on and on. Sometimes we separate out just one or two items—attraction, best-friendship—and focus on that alone. But it hasn't always been this way. In the scale of human history, our current assumptions about romance and marriage are actually quite young. In part 2 of this series, we continue our conversation with friend and scholar Kathryn Mogk Wagner, to look through the lens of Western literature at changing perspectives on romance, (Christian) marriage, love, and intimacy through the ages. This episode is part 2 of 3. For anyone who has had to work through their expectations for romantic relationships (or other people's expectations for your relationships!), this episode is for you. __________ Timestamps 1:45 - The biology of attraction 8:05 - The ancient world: Marriage as economic arrangement 10:35 - The early Christian church: equality in adultery 12:15 - Courtly love and longing in the 11th century 20:05 - Example: King Arthur, Lancelot, and Guinevere 23:30 - Arranged marriages and consent in the Christian church 30:05- Example: Dante and Beatrice 39:30 - Contemporary Christian emphasis on marriage—does it deserve it? 45:05 - Companionate marriage: Edmund Spenser's poetry 49:00 - Holiness as celibacy (Catholics) or married life (Protestants) 53:45 - Song of Songs in the church's imagination 58:05 - The development of the “pure relationship” __________ Links and References Kathryn Mogk Wagner: kathryn.mogkwagner.net The Allegory of Love by C.S. Lewis The Symposium by Plato (wiki) The Divine Comedy and La Vita Nuova by Dante Alighieri; about Beatrice (wiki) The story of King Arthur, Guinevere, and Lancelot is told many places; one is Le Morte d'Arthur (wiki) Edmund Spenser, poet (wiki) Anthony Giddens on the “pure relationship” __________ Please share feedback or questions on our website podpage.com/communion-shalom or emailing us at communionandshalom@gmail.com. Find us on Instagram: @communionandshalom If you like this podcast, please consider supporting us on Patreon: patreon.com/communionandshalom

On Anthony Giddens' The Consequences of Modernity (ch.3) [Patreon Tier 2&3 Exclusive] In the second episode of the Cynical Ideology section of the 2022 Reading Club, we look at what trust is and why it has declined so precipitously in recent decades, especially in relation to institutions.  Is the opposite of trust mistrust, or is it existential angst? What's the link between the absence of trust and a sense of impending apocalypse? Is money or the market the only abstract entity we still trust? And what about the state? Reading: The Consequences of Modernity, Anthony Giddens (1990), ch. 3

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Centrism has become an all-purpose term of abuse but what does it actually mean? And what does Centrism want? Dorian and Ian journey to the centre of the middle, dropping in on Tony Benn, William Rees-Mogg, the crises of the 70s, Trotsky, fascism, communism, Clinton, Blair, and the guillotine.… Help Ian and Dorian move NOT LEFT, NOT RIGHT, BUT FORWARD by supporting their Origin Story research on Patreon: www.Patreon.com/originstorypod –––––––– Centrism: A Reading List From Ian: The Oxford History of the French Revolution by William Doyle. The single best all-in-one history of the French revolution. And one of my favourite history books of all time – a rare instance in which the author combines pace, thoroughness and impeccable research. John Stuart Mill, Victorian Firebrand by Richard Reeves. Decent, if slightly pedestrian biography of the great liberal philosopher. John Maynard Keynes trilogy by Robert Skidelsky. The best work on Keynes. The Third Way by Anthony Giddens. Nowhere near as good as it should be, nor as I expected it to be. Surprisingly vacuous. From Dorian: The Vital Centre by Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. Fascinating post-war argument for the importance of the radical centre Trotsky on centrism  Independent Nation: How Centrists Can Change American Politics by John Avlon. Solid history of those who sought to occupy the centre of American politics. Toward a Radical Middle by Renata Adler. New Yorker writer's 1969 manifesto for radical centrism in a fractious time. Life in the Centre by Roy Jenkins. The arch-centrist's juicy memoir. Safety First: The Making of New Labour by Paul Anderson and Nyta Mann. A first-draft history of New Labour from 1997. Blair and Brown: The New Labour Revolution. Satisfying BBC documentary series on iPlayer, with contributions from all the key players. –––––––– “When centrism is so hard to define, like nailing jelly to the wall, you have to ask does it even deserve to be called an ism at all?” – Ian “Trotsky says Centrism is parasitic, opportunistic, vain, uninterested in theory, and harder on the left than the right… and those criticisms are still levelled at centrists today.” – Dorian “The thing is, Centrism is often popular with voters but unpopular with people who are very interested in politics. Because it's not passionate.” – Ian  “I myself am an ideologue, an ideologue for liberalism, so it's possible I feel threatened by something which essentially isn't ideological.” – Ian  –––––––– Written and presented by Dorian Lynskey and Ian Dunt. Audio production by Alex Rees. Music by Jade Bailey. Logo art by Mischa Welsh. Group Editor: Andrew Harrison. Origin Story is a Podmasters production Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

As pessoas de hoje serão diferentes das pessoas de outros tempos?O que nos move hoje em dia?Poderemos ser todos caracterizados pelo individualismo?Ter-nos-emos tornado alvos fáceis da ‘ditadura da felicidade'?Seremos os eternos insatisfeitos na procura incessante do ‘melhor que pode vir a seguir'? Ana Markl pergunta e Miguel Chaves explica os 7 pontos que definem o ‘sujeito contemporâneo', ou seja, em palavras simples, as pessoas dos dias de hoje. Está pronto para ouvir falar de si mesmo?REFERÊNCIAS E LINKS ÚTEIS:Bauman, Zigmunt (2001). Modernidade Líquida. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar.Bauman, Zigmunt (2009). A Arte da Vida. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar.Beck, Ulrick (2002). “A Reinvenção da política: rumo a uma teoria da modernidade reflexiva”, in Ulrick Beck, Anthony Giddens e Scott Lash, Modernização Reflexiva: Política, Tradição e Estética na Ordem Social Moderna. Oeiras: Celta.Cabanas, Edgar e Illouz, Eva (2019). A Ditadura da Felicidade. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores.Giddens, Anthony (2001). Modernidade e Identidade Social. Oeiras Celta.  Lipovestky, Georges (1994). O Crepúsculo do Dever: A Ética Indolor dos Novos Tempos Democráticos. Lisboa: Dom Quixote. Martucelli, Danilo (2002). Grammaires de l'individu. Paris: Galimmard.Shulman, David (2016). The Presentation of Self in Contemporary Social Life. Londres: SAGE. BIOS:ANA MARKL Ana Markl nasceu em Lisboa, em 1979, com uma total inaptidão para tomar decisões, pelo que se foi deixando levar pelas letras: licenciou-se em Línguas e Literaturas Modernas porque gostava de ler e escrever, mas acabou por se formar em Jornalismo pelo CENJOR. Começou por trabalhar no jornal Blitz para pôr a render a sua melomania, mas extravasou a música e acabou por escrever sobre cultura e sociedade para publicações tão díspares como a Time Out, o Expresso ou até mesmo a Playboy. Manteve o pé na imprensa, mas um dia atreveu-se a fazer televisão. Ajudou a fundar o canal Q em 2010, onde foi guionista e apresentadora. Finalmente, trocou a televisão pela rádio, um velho amor que ainda não consumara. Trabalha desde 2015 na Antena 3 como locutora e autora. MIGUEL CHAVES Miguel Chaves é Professor Associado do Departamento de Sociologia da NOVA FCSH e investigador do CICS.NOVA. Desenvolveu estudos acerca de marginalidades, desvio e exclusão social, que deram origem a diversos textos dos quais se destacam os livros Casal Ventoso: da Gandaia ao Narcotráfico (Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 1999) e, em coautoria, Casal Ventoso Revisitado. Memórias para Imaginar um Futuro (Húmus 2019). Realizou também investigações acerca de estilos de vida juvenis e transição para o trabalho, como, por exemplo, “Percursos de inserção dos licenciados: relações objetivas e subjetivas com o trabalho”. Sobre estes assuntos escreveu vários artigos científicos e textos jornalísticos, bem como a obra Confrontos com o Trabalho entre Jovens Advogados (Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2010). Entre outras funções universitárias, coordena atualmente o Observatório de Inserção Profissional da Universidade Nova de Lisboa (OBIPNOVA) e o curso de Licenciatura em Sociologia da NOVA FCSH.  

On this edition of Parallax Views, Michael Swanson of Wall Street Window returns to the program for a segment covering the bear market (declining market), the crypto currency crash, and inflation. We also tackle the RobinHood app, cult-like hucksters in the stock market world, crazy speculation and risky behavior in the stock market, the impact on both regular people engaging in small-trading and professional investors, the potentially explosive violent social phenomena that can arise from crashes, the dot com bubble of the 90s, Facebook's rebranding as Meta after getting negative publicity, bitcoin maximalism, and much, much more. In the second segment of the show, sociologist Eric A. Cech joins us to discuss her thoughtful, provocative book The Trouble With Passion: How Searching for Fulfillment at Work Fosters Inequality. We are often told to "follow our passions" when it comes to seeking out a career. Cech, however, argues that the "Passion Principle" has a dark side in which people are willing to suffer injustices and inequities as a price for following their passion. We discuss the reproduction of inequality and how it reproduces in ways we may not often consider at first, the Meritocratic ideology, Erin's story of being a former "passion evangelist" and how she came to question her beliefs, defining ourselves based on our work rather than any other areas of life, her interviews with college students for the book, Erin's analysis of career-advice books, self-expression in the language of the "Passion Principle"; the growth of precarity in the white-collar work force; neoliberalism; Choicewashing and how the "Passion Principle" structures the way we think about the world by explaining social phenomena not structurally but through the lens of individual choice and personal responsibility; meaning-making and how the "Passion Principle" shapes our sense of identity; Anthony Giddens and the Self-Reflexive Project; what asking children the question "What do you want to be when you grow up?" says about our society; blaming individuals in the labor force at the expense of examining inequities in labor, gender, and race; the pernicious expectation of performative passion in jobs like the barista Starbucks; emotional labor; how class inequality is reproduced by the "Passion Principle"; and much, much more.

Nesse episódio, sob o pretexto de falar sobre a viabilidade da terceira via nas eleições presidenciais, os três odiados passam a limpo alguns conceitos fundamentais para a análise do capitalismo contemporâneo. Passeando por Robert Castel, Anthony Giddens, John Keynes e István Mészáros, dentre outros, o bate papo rendeu, entre a tensão e o humor, com direito ao "fala que eu te escuto" de sempre. Ficou curioso a respeito do resultado? Aperte o play e confira!

Ekonomi elbette bir ihtisas işidir, ama bu ihtisasa sahip olanın da olmayanın da rahatlıkla at koşturduğu bir alandır. İhtisas sahipleri bundan kendilerine göre haklı olarak şikâyet edebilirler, ancak şikâyet ederken de gözardı ettikleri gerçek, ne kadar ihtisas konusu olsa da alınan bütün kararların, siyasetlerin bütün insanları doğrudan etkiliyor olduğudur. İnsanların doğrudan etkilendiği bir alanı sadece ihtisas sahiplerine bırakmasını beklemek teknokratlar adına gereğinden fazla şey istemek anlamına geliyor. Ünlü sosyologlardan Anthony Giddens yaşadığımız dünyanın bir özelliği olarak, insanların, özellikle ekonomi, tıp ve din gibi herkesin irtibatlı olduğu, doğrudan etkilendikleri hususlarda işi uzmanlara bırakmadığından, herkesin söyleme, tartışmalara, bilgi üretimine katılımcı olduğundan bahseder. Bu durumu modern toplumun “düşünümsellik” düzeyi olarak da kavramsallaştırır Giddens. Ekonomik gelişmelerle içiçe yaşayan bir toplum ekonomik davranışlarında işin tamamını hiçbir zaman uzmanlara bırakmaz. Bu arada hep söylüyoruz, ekonomi sadece ekonomi değildir ve ekonomi uzmanları da ekonominin irtibatlı olduğu diğer alanlardan etkilenişini yeterince dikkate almadıkları için ekonomik tahlilleri de çoğu kez boşa çıkıyor. Olayı sadece matematiksel süreçlerden ibaret görüp bütün hesaplarını ve politika önerilerini bunun üzerine kurabiliyorlar. Oysa ekonomi nihayetinde insanla, insanın davranışıyla ilgili bir husus. Davranış ise maddi ve manevi her türlü etkinin altındadır ve dönüp yine her şeyi etkilemektedir. Uzmanlığa büyük saygım vardır. Ekonominin matematikle, salt ekonomik süreçlerle ilgili kısmında hiçbir zaman iddialı olmadım, olamam da. Ancak ekonominin bir sosyolojik kurum olarak dinle, aileyle, eğitimle, siyasetle, boş zaman alışkanlıkları ve sair davranış örüntüleriyle çok yakın ilişkisi vardır ve bu husus ekonomiyi salt ekonomi uzmanlarına bırakılamayacak bir konu haline getiriyor. Ekonomi alanında yaşadığımız ve aslında bütün ekonomi teorilerini yeniden revize etmeyi gerektiren sürprizler istisna olmaktan çok fazla sayıda gerçekleşiyor. Sebebi tam da ekonominin üzerindeki diğer etkenlerin hep gözardı edilmesinden başka bir şey değil.

Apakah korupsi itu pilihan bebas atau budaya? Mengapa kita mengemudi atau berjalan di sebelah kiri? Bagaimana menjelaskan kebiasaan? Apa kaitan antara tindakan pribadi dan struktur? Apa saja yang disebut struktur itu? #NALAR meringkas salah satu teori dalam ilmu sosial modern: Teori Strukturasi yang digagas oleh sosiolog inggris Anthony Giddens. Teori ini mencoba membantu membangun penjelasan atas berbagai faktor dan kaitannya yang sering terlihat rumit dalam berbagai gejala sosial. Teori ini juga mencoba mengungkap keterbatasan beberapa cara/kacamata pikir sosiologis dalam memandang realitas praktik sosial. REFERENSI: Giddens, A. (1979) Central Problems in Social Theory, London: Macmillan. Giddens, A. (1984) The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, Berkeley: University of California Press. Giddens, A. (1991) Modernity and self-identity. Self and society in the late modern age, Cambridge: Polity Press. Giddens, A. (1993) New Rules of Sociological Method, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2nd. Edition. Giddens, A. (1999) Globalisation: The Reith Lectures. London: BBC News Online, available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/events/reith_99/week1/week1.htm (viewed April 2003). Giddens, A. (2000) Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping Our Lives, New York: Routledge.

Apakah korupsi itu pilihan bebas atau budaya? Mengapa kita mengemudi atau berjalan di sebelah kiri? Bagaimana menjelaskan kebiasaan? Apa kaitan antara tindakan pribadi dan struktur? Apa saja yang disebut struktur itu? #NALAR meringkas salah satu teori dalam ilmu sosial modern: Teori Strukturasi yang digagas oleh sosiolog inggris Anthony Giddens. Teori ini mencoba membantu membangun penjelasan atas berbagai faktor dan kaitannya yang sering terlihat rumit dalam berbagai gejala sosial. Teori ini juga mencoba mengungkap keterbatasan beberapa cara/kacamata pikir sosiologis dalam memandang realitas praktik sosial. REFERENSI: Giddens, A. (1979) Central Problems in Social Theory, London: Macmillan. Giddens, A. (1984) The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, Berkeley: University of California Press. Giddens, A. (1991) Modernity and self-identity. Self and society in the late modern age, Cambridge: Polity Press. Giddens, A. (1993) New Rules of Sociological Method, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2nd. Edition. Giddens, A. (1999) Globalisation: The Reith Lectures. London: BBC News Online, available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/events/reith_99/week1/week1.htm (viewed April 2003). Giddens, A. (2000) Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping Our Lives, New York: Routledge.

What makes us postmodern? Do we live in a psychological condition of postmodernity? Is postmodernism everywhere? The sociologist Anthony Giddens described living in the modern world as being ‘more like being aboard a careering juggernaut rather than being in a carefully controlled and well-driven motor car.' Through the work of Zygmunt Bauman and his 'Postmodernity and its Discontents' I look at concepts like control, planning, metanarratives, values, pessimism, schizophrenia, and consumerism. Then & Now is FAN-FUNDED! Support me on Patreon and pledge as little as $1 per video: http://patreon.com/user?u=3517018

What makes you modern? We know that modernity means technology, industry, cities. But is there a modern attitude? A modern psychology? What sets apart from pre-moderns? Can we even imagine what a traditional attitude might feel like? Traditional life was circular. We were tied to the land day after day, month after month – the idea of improvement, or of relationships with a wider world, were largely non-existent. The philosophers of the Enlightenment – Kant, Marx, Mill, Francis Bacon, and - were motivated by a powerful idea. That we could rationally understand the world, and use the world to shape history. They were all, in varying ways, about ordering the world, putting things in their place, making it predictable, usable. So what makes up this modern attitude? I try to answer this question through Anthony Giddens' 'The Consequences of Modernity'. Then & Now is FAN-FUNDED! Support me on Patreon and pledge as little as $1 per video: http://patreon.com/user?u=3517018

Third Wayism Chase Davis, pastor of The Well in Boulder CO, works out to Ars Politica, drives a Taco. Definitions “Radical centrism”  “Progressive center-left” (Russell Moore, Tim Keller, David French, etc) https://twitter.com/PerfInjust/status/1386095631719141383 (Wolfe on twitter): Left/Right Moral Equivalence –> Third-Wayism Andrew Walker on twitter: Third-wayism in politics is a form of political Gnosticism as it assumes that there is a platonic ideal to politics that does not require engaging the kingdoms of the world as what they fundamentally are: worldly, temporal, & creational ordinances designed for proximate justice. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/458626.stm (BBC Article): “[S]omething different and distinct from liberal capitalism with its unswerving belief in the merits of the free market and democratic socialism with its demand management and obsession with the state. The Third Way is in favour of growth, entrepreneurship, enterprise and wealth creation but it is also in favour of greater social justice and it sees the state playing a major role in bringing this about.” Origins/Causes Third-Wayism as a neo-liberal reaction to the breakdown of 20th c. Left/Right politics. Neo-libs wanted a “new kind of socialism”. Instead of hard state economic socialism that wants to eradicate capitalism and institute hard equality, they preach social justice, individual worth, and accept some capitalist features. Basically, use other means to achieve the old ends. Promote egalitarianism to distribute goods indirectly as people rise in employment, instead of hard wealth distribution.  Anthony Giddens' works such as Consequences of Modernity (1990), Modernity and Self-Identity (1991), The Transformation of Intimacy (1992), Beyond Left and Right (1994) and The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (1998) Repair damaged solidarities. Recognise the centrality of life politics. Accept that active trust implies generative politics. Embrace dialogic democracy. Rethink the welfare state. Confront violence. It advocates ethical socialism, reformism and gradualism that includes advocating the humanisation of capitalism, a mixed economy, political pluralism and liberal democracy. Alan Carlson's Third Ways Evangelical Examples Tim Keller https://twitter.com/timkellernyc/status/1385951866660474886 (https://twitter.com/timkellernyc/status/1385951866660474886)  https://twitter.com/timkellernyc/status/1317646996342177793?s=20 (https://twitter.com/timkellernyc/status/1317646996342177793?s=20)  https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/29/opinion/sunday/christians-politics-belief.html (https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/29/opinion/sunday/christians-politics-belief.html) Political Media Bias Graph https://photos.app.goo.gl/LN4PzvaTFKo6BnuJ6

Undoubtedly, Culture! Is A Literary Device? © 2021 because it is encompassed with Literary devices which are techniques which I have employed to express my ideas and enhance my writing. In the scheme of things it should be noted that literary devices highlight important concepts in this text, strengthen this narrative, and help me connect to the characters and themes. However, it is noted that these devices that I employed in this text serve a wide range of purposes in literature. For example some of the devices employed in this piece will influence some global citizens on an intellectual level, while the remainder will be influenced on more emotional level. It is because of this reasoned explanation that I have posited this view Culture! Is A Literary Device? © 2021 Importantly and contextually speaking this way of thinking came to the fore because I have unearthed styles of literary devices which were  extracted from the information gathered thru research I have conducted on this matter. WORKS CITEDBurrell, Gibson (17 February 1998). "Modernism, Postmodernism, and Organizational Analysis: The Contribution of Michel Foucault". In McKinlay, Alan; Starkey, Ken (eds.). Foucault, Management and Organization Theory: From Panopticon to Technologies of Self. 1 Foucault and Organization Theory. SAGE Publications. p. 14. ISBN 9780803975477.Brandon Woolf, "Putting Policy into Performance Studies?", Performance Research 20.4 (2015) 104–11, doi:10.1080/13528165.2015.1071047.Barnes, Natasha. "Black Atlantic: Black America", Research in African Literatures, 27, n. 4 (Winter 1996): p. 106.Barthes". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.Barthes, Roland. Image—Music—Text. Essays selected and translated by Stephen Heath. New York: Noonday, 1977.Bone, John D., The Social Map and The Problem of Order: A Re-evaluation of "Homo Sociologicus", Theory & Science (2005), ISSN 1527-5558, onlineBraziel, Jana Evans, and Anita Mannur, Theorizing Diaspora. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006, p. 49.Bryant, Christopher G. A.; Jary, David (2003), "Anthony Giddens", in Ritzer, George (ed.), The Blackwell companion to major contemporary social theorists, Malden, Massachusetts Oxford: Blackwell, ISBN 9781405105958. Also available as Bryant, Christopher G. A.; Jary, David (2003). "Anthony Giddens". Chapter 10. Anthony Giddens. Wiley. pp. 247–273. doi:10.1002/9780470999912.ch11. ISBN 9780470999912. Extract.Bérubé, Michael (2009), "What's the Matter with Cultural Studies?", The Chronicle of Higher Education.Caves, R. W. (2004). Encyclopedia of the City. Routledge. p. 33.Cultural Studies - Literary Theories - A Guide - LibGuides at Bowie State ..."Cultural Studies Associations, Networks and Programs", extensive, but incomplete, list of associations, networks and programs as found on the website for the Association of Cultural Studies, Tampere, Finland.Cultural studies" is not synonymous with either "area studies" or "ethnic studies," although there are many cultural studies practitioners working in both area studies and ethnic studies programs and professional associations (e.g. Amer-ican studies, Asian studies, African-American studies, Latina/o Studies, European studies, Latin American studies, etc.).Cultural studies" is not synonymous with either "area studies" or "ethnic studies," although there are many cultural studies practitioners working in both area studies and ethnic studies programs and professional associations (e.g. American studies, Asian studies, African-American studies, Latina/o Studies, European studies, Latin American studies, etc.).Chivallon, Christine. "Beyond Gilroy's Black ASupport the show (http://www.buzzsprout.com/429292)

EPISODE 99 IS OUT NOW!!  Join On The Clock with your Host Raul Lezcano.  As he has a Coaches Roundtable with friends that have over 25 years coaching combine. Coaches such as Kourtney Little, Anthony Giddens, Josh Estremera, and Neefy Moffett. Coaches at different levels that have coached multiple sports. During this roundtable Raul and the coaches talk about Recruiting, High school players work ethic, violence at youth games, lack of good coaches, and their greatest coaching memory. All this and more YOU'RE ON THE CLOCK!!! Follow the show---->>> https://linktr.ee/OnTheClockRadio 

EPISODE 99 IS OUT NOW!!  Join On The Clock with your Host Raul Lezcano.  As he has a Coaches Roundtable with friends that have over 25 years coaching combine. Coaches such as Kourtney Little, Anthony Giddens, Josh Estremera, and Neefy Moffett. Coaches at different levels that have coached multiple sports. During this roundtable Raul and the coaches talk about Recruiting, High school players work ethic, violence at youth games, lack of good coaches, and their greatest coaching memory. All this and more YOU'RE ON THE CLOCK!!! Follow the show---->>> https://linktr.ee/OnTheClockRadio 

Den verdensberømte sociolog Anthony Giddens fortæller i denne langsomme samtale om klimaforandringer, pandemien, den globale kapitalisme, forandringerne i vores hverdagsliv og det politiske opbrud. Og hvordan det hele hænger sammen i en total forandring af vores liv, samfund og natur, som er en større transformation end noget, nogen andre generationer har oplevet: »Ingen mennesker har nogensinde oplevet det, som vi gennemlever lige nu. Jeg vil sige, at vi lever i udkanten af historien«, forklarer han: »Vi er på vej mod et helt afgørende punkt. Vi har klimaforandringer, men vi har også alle forandringerne i hverdagslivet, som handler om køn, seksualitet og race. Det er lige så vigtigt. Det forekommer mig, at det er dybe transformationer af verden, som har skubbet os ud over kanten«.

Den verdensberømte sociolog Anthony Giddens fortæller i denne langsomme samtale om klimaforandringer, pandemien, den globale kapitalisme, forandringerne i vores hverdagsliv og det politiske opbrud. Og hvordan det hele hænger sammen i en total forandring af vores liv, samfund og natur, som er en større transformation end noget, nogen andre generationer har oplevet: »Ingen mennesker har nogensinde oplevet det, som vi gennemlever lige nu. Jeg vil sige, at vi lever i udkanten af historien«, forklarer han: »Vi er på vej mod et helt afgørende punkt. Vi har klimaforandringer, men vi har også alle forandringerne i hverdagslivet, som handler om køn, seksualitet og race. Det er lige så vigtigt. Det forekommer mig, at det er dybe transformationer af verden, som har skubbet os ud over kanten«.

E aí, já ouviu falar no E. Goffman? Se a resposta é não, em 2007, foi listado pelo “The Times Higher Education Guide” como o sexto autor nas ciências humanas e sociais mais citado, atrás de Anthony Giddens e à frente de Jürgen Habermas. Curioso né, mas não se desespere, hahaha, apresento ao menos algumas notas gerais do Goffman à você. Bora lá?

Seja modernidade tardia, como disse o sociólogo Anthony Giddens, seja modernidade líquida, como disse o sociólogo Zygmunt Bauman, sejam os efeitos da pós-modernidade, como disse o filósofo francês Jean-François Lyotard, é fato que vivemos uma época de um estranho alto desenvolvimento tecnológico. Como a internet e as redes sociais causam um novo modelo de sociedade, com seus conflitos específicos? Ouça nosso podcast e descubra!

科技的進步影響人們的交流方式，拉近了物理距離，卻拉遠了心理距離，看待人的價值，充斥著各種數字的功利計算，整個社會如同情感乾涸的湖泊，每一個人的內在都有無盡的情感沒辦法抒發，對於親密關係既渴望又害怕，擔心哪天不小心就變成刺蝟。聽本集節目前，先找出你的壓力來源！ . Q：若自己是一隻受困的動物，會是哪種？（正解詳見文末） （A）牢籠裡的老虎 （B）籠裡的鳥 （C）鎖鍊拴住的狗 （D）籠裡的倉鼠 （E）水槽裡的烏龜 . 如英國社會學家紀登斯 (Anthony Giddens) 所言，「現在的社會看起來愈安全，其實你碰到的風險愈大」，人們開始回頭向自然求救，重新練習做個博物學者，用最敏銳的觀察、最纖細的紋理、自身的情感，且不只是知性，還包含自己跟宇宙相接的感性，回到自然找尋解決人生痛苦的解答。本集我們將與自然偕行，傾聽那些登山與書寫的對話。 . Podcast主持人｜小馬（吳承軒，誠品策展職人） 主講｜詹偉雄（誠品主題週日誌主撰稿人） 對談人｜王迦嵐（健行筆記總監） . ▍重點摘要 00:07:44 現代人為什麼要讀自然文學？ 00:14:00 寵物➞戶外➞荒野➞冒險，當我們開始向自然求救 00:17:14 向博物學家-洪堡德學習如何重回自然 00:24:07 透過閱讀自然文學，喚醒我們渴望回到自然的靈魂 00:30:34 登上山頭，不再是走入山林的唯一目標 00:35:41 「不要跟著蕨類走。」當地圖不再是找路的唯一指引 00:42:45 新鮮的烤魚、蚌殼湯還有現磨的山葵？百年前山中駐站所的驚人伙食！ 00:45:20 一本讀起來有立體感的書-《找路》 01:03:48 健行筆記創辦人老王推薦！12條古道路線 . 2021誠品主題週日誌 >> http://bit.ly/39iXajs 超深層心理測驗 >> http://bit.ly/3oEwoIA 更多誠品藝文活動 >> https://bit.ly/2TLrHyL . ▍答案揭曉 （A）對沒有刺激的生活感到壓力 選擇凶暴老虎的人，有著「精力」無處發洩的傾向。你是否對沒有刺激感的生活感到不滿意？或許，你需要能讓你全力以赴的工作或活動。 . （B）似乎有著激烈的情感 選擇自由小鳥的人，有無法負荷自己「心情與感情」的傾向。你是否心中懷抱著激烈情感卻無處宣洩呢？或許你需要參與戲劇或創作能夠展現自己的活動。 . （C）對於優先做該做的事情而感到焦慮 選擇代表忠心的狗，則有無法應付「慾望」的傾向。比起「想做的事」你是否總是先做「必須做的事」？或許你需要偶爾盡情放鬆、享受人生。 . （D）對總是感到不安的狀態感到焦躁 選擇轉輪上玩耍的倉鼠，則有難以處置「不安感」的傾向。會想找一個可以依賴的事物，受其守護才能感到安心。或許你需要一個支持心靈的事物或真誠的夥伴。 . （E）討厭有偷懶習慣的自己 選擇烏龜的人有無法應付「怠惰之心」的傾向，你似乎很討厭做什麼是情都覺得很麻煩而拖延的自己。或許你需要設定目標或加強行動力。 -- 還想聽什麼？ 歡迎✉給誠品Podcast小組｜https://pse.is/3n59qc

In this episode we discuss Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration, and the Future of White Majorities by Eric Kaufmann. Next time we will discuss True Names by Vernor Vinge. Some highlights from Whiteshift: Many people desire roots, value tradition and wish to maintain continuity with ancestors who have occupied a historic territory. This means we're more likely to experience what I term Whiteshift, a process by which white majorities absorb an admixture of different peoples through intermarriage, but remain oriented around existing myths of descent, symbols and traditions No one who has honestly analysed survey data on individuals – the gold standard for public opinion research – can deny that white majority concern over immigration is the main cause of the rise of the populist right in the West. This is primarily explained by concern over identity, not economic threat. We are entering a period of cultural instability in the West attendant on our passage between two relatively stable equilibria. The first is based on white ethnic homogeneity, the second on what the prescient centrist writer Michael Lind calls ‘beige' ethnicity, i.e. a racially mixed majority group. In the middle lies a turbulent multicultural interregnum. We in the West are becoming less like homogeneous Iceland and more like homogeneous mixed-race Turkmenistan. But to get there we'll be passing through a phase where we'll move closer to multicultural Guyana or Mauritius. The challenge is to enable conservative whites to see a future for themselves in Whiteshift – the mixture of many non-whites into the white group through voluntary assimilation. Anyone who wants to explain what's happening in the West needs to answer two simple questions. First, why are right-wing populists doing better than left-wing ones? Second, why did the migration crisis boost populist-right numbers sharply while the economic crisis had no overall effect? If we stick to data, the answer is crystal clear. Demography and culture, not economic and political developments, hold the key to understanding the populist moment. Because Western nations were generally formed by a dominant white ethnic group, whose myths and symbols – such as the proper name ‘Norway' – became the nation's, the two concepts overlap in the minds of many. White majorities possess an ‘ethnic' module, an extra string to their national identity which minorities lack. Ethnic majorities thereby express their ethnic identity as nationalism. I contend that today's white majorities are likely to successfully absorb minority populations while their core myths and boundary symbols endure. This will involve a change in the physical appearance of the median Westerner, hence Whiteshift, though linguistic and religious markers are less likely to be affected. Getting from where we are now, where most Westerners share the racial and religious features of their ethnic archetype, to the situation in a century or two, when most will be what we now term ‘mixed-race', is vital to understanding our present condition. In our more peaceful, post-ideological, demographically turbulent world, migration-led ethnic change is altering the basis of politics from class to ethnicity. On one side is a conservative coalition of whites who are attached to their heritage joined by minorities who value the white tradition; on the other side a progressive alliance of minorities who identify with their ethnic identity combined with whites who are agnostic or hostile towards theirs. Among whites, ethno-demographic change polarizes people between ‘tribal' ethnics who value their particularity and ‘religious' post-ethnics who prioritize universalist creeds such as John McWhorter's ‘religion of anti-racism'. Whites can fight ethnic change by voting for right-wing populists or committing terrorist acts. They may repress anxieties in the name of ‘politically correct' anti-racism, but cracks in this moral edifice are appearing. Many opt to flee by avoiding diverse neighbourhoods, schools and social networks. And other whites may choose to join the newcomers, first in friendship, subsequently in marriage. Intermarriage promises to erode the rising diversity which underlies our current malaise. Religion evolved to permit cooperation in larger units.31 Our predisposition towards religion, morality and reputation – all of which can transcend the tribe – reflects our adaptation to larger social units. Be that as it may, humans have lived in large groups only in the very recent past, so it is reasonable to assume tribalism is a more powerful aspect of our evolutionary psychology than our willingness to abide by a moral code. Today what we increasingly see in the West is a battle between the ‘tribal' populist right and the ‘religious' anti-racist left. Much of this book is concerned with the clash between a rising white tribalism and an ideology I term ‘left-modernism'. A sociologist member of the ‘New York Intellectuals' group of writers and literary critics, Daniel Bell, used the term modernism to describe the spirit of anti-traditionalism which emerged in Western high culture between 1880 and 1930. With the murderous excesses of communism and fascism, many Western intellectuals embraced a fusion of modernist anti-traditionalism and cultural egalitarianism, distinguishing the new ideology from both socialism and traditional liberalism. Cosmopolitanism was its guiding ethos. Unlike socialism or fascism, this left-wing modernism meshed nicely with capitalism and globalization. The left-modernist sensibility spread from a small elite to a much wider section of middle-class society in the 1960s with the rise of television and growth of universities, taking over as the dominant sensibility of the high culture. As it gained ground, it turned moralistic and imperialistic, seeking not merely to persuade but to institutionalize itself in law and policy, altering the basis of liberalism from tolerating to mandating diversity. This is a subtle but critical shift. Meanwhile the economic egalitarianism of socialism gave way to a trinity of sacred values around race, gender and sexual orientation. Immigration restriction became a plank of the Progressive movement which advocated improved working conditions, women's suffrage and social reform. This combination of left-wing economics and ethno-nationalism confounds modern notions of left and right but Progressive vs. free market liberal was how the world was divided in the late nineteenth century. A prominent plank in the Progressive platform was temperance, realized in the Volstead Act of 1920 prohibiting the sale of alcohol. The Prohibition vote pitted immigrant-origin Catholics and upper-class urban WASPs such as the anti-Prohibition leader and New York socialite Pauline Morton Sabin on the ‘wet' side against ‘dry' working-class, rural and religious Protestants. For Joseph Gusfield, Prohibition was principally a symbolic crusade targeted at urban Catholic immigrants who congregated in saloons and their ‘smart set' upper-class allies. This was a Protestant assertion of identity in an increasingly urban nation in which Catholics and Jews formed around a fifth of the population. Those of WASP background had declined to half the total from two thirds in the 1820s. What's interesting is that Anglo representatives did not make their case in ethno-communal terms, nor did they invoke the country's historic ethnic composition. Rather they couched their ethnic motives as state interests. Instead of coming clean about their lament over cultural loss, they felt obliged to fabricate economic and security rationales for restriction. Much the same is true today in the penchant for talking about immigrants putting pressure on services, taking jobs, increasing crime, undermining the welfare state or increasing the risk of terrorism. In my view it would be far healthier to permit the airing of ethno-cultural concerns rather than suppressing these, which leads to often spurious claims about immigrants. Likewise, immigrants' normal desires to defend their interests are decried as ‘identity politics'. [Randolph] Bourne, on the other hand, infused Kallen's structure with WASP self-loathing. As a rebel against his own group, Bourne combined the Liberal Progressives' desire to transcend ‘New Englandism' and Protestantism with Kallen's call for minority groups to maintain their ethnic boundaries. The end product was what I term asymmetrical multiculturalism, whereby minorities identify with their groups while Anglo-Protestants morph into cosmopolites. Thus Bourne at once congratulates the Jew ‘who sticks proudly to the faith of his fathers and boasts of that venerable culture of his', while encouraging his fellow Anglo-Saxons to: Breathe a larger air … [for] in his [young Anglo-Saxon's] new enthusiasms for continental literature, for unplumbed Russian depths, for French clarity of thought, for Teuton philosophies of power, he feels himself a citizen of a larger world. He may be absurdly superficial, his outward-reaching wonder may ignore all the stiller and homelier virtues of his Anglo-Saxon home, but he has at least found the clue to that international mind which will be essential to all men and women of good-will if they are ever to save this Western world of ours from suicide. [1916] Bourne, not Kallen, is the founding father of today's multiculturalist left because he combines rebellion against his own culture and Liberal Progressive cosmopolitanism with an endorsement – for minorities only – of Kallen's ethnic conservatism. In other words, ethnic minorities should preserve themselves while the majority should dissolve itself. Cosmopolitanism must manage the contradiction between its ethos of transcending ethnicity and its need for cultural diversity, which requires ethnic attachment. Bourne resolved this by splitting the world into two moral planes, one for a ‘parental' majority who would be asked to shed their ethnicity and oppose their own culture, and the other for childlike minorities, who would be urged to embrace their heritage in the strongest terms. This crystallized a dualistic habit of mind, entrenched in the anti-WASP ethos of 1920s authors like Sinclair Lewis and H. L. Mencken and the bohemian ‘Lost Generation' of American intellectuals such as F. Scott Fitzgerald. All associated the Anglo-Protestant majority with Prohibition, deemed WASP culture to be of no value, and accused the ethnic majority of suppressing more interesting and expressive ethnic groups. The Lost Generation's anti-majority ethos pervaded the writing of 1950s ‘Beat Generation' left-modernist writers like Norman Mailer and Jack Kerouac – who contrasted lively black jazz or Mexican culture with the ‘square' puritanical whiteness of Middle America. As white ethnics assimilated, the despised majority shifted from WASPs to all whites. The multiculturalism of the 1960s fused the Liberal Progressive pluralist movement with the anti-white ethos of the Beat counterculture. The situation by 1924 was a far cry from the pre-1890 dispensation, when a liberal-assimilationist Anglo-Americanism spanned both universalist and ethno-nationalist shades of opinion. Prior to 1890, most Anglo-Protestant thinkers held the view that their ethnic group could assimilate all comers. During moments of euphoria, they talked up the country as a universal cosmopolitan civilization; in their reflective moods, they remarked on its Anglo-Saxon Protestant character. By 1910, this Emersonian ‘double-consciousness' was gone, each side of its contradiction a separate and consistent ideology. Most WASP intellectuals were, like New England patrician Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, ethno-nationalists who backed restriction, or, like Bourne and Dewey, cosmopolitans calling for diversity and open borders. Few ethno-nationalists favoured open immigration. No pluralists endorsed restriction. Herein lie the roots of our contemporary polarized condition. Critical race theorists contend that white ethnics only ‘became white' when they became useful to the WASP majority. Even Bill Clinton, a southern Protestant whose Irish heritage is undocumented, latched on to the idea that his Irish forebears ‘became' white. Irish Catholics in the north, some claim, were important allies of southern whites in the struggle against Yankee republicanism, so southerners embraced the Irish.60 I'm less convinced. The Irish, Jews and Italians may not have been part of a narrower WASP ‘us', but they were perceived as racially white, thus part of a pan-ethnic ‘us'. This entitled them to opportunities not available to African- or Asian Americans. Post-1960s intermarriage led to an extension of American majority ethnic boundaries from WASP to white but the foundations for expansion were already in place. From the 1960s on, the religious marker of dominant ethnicity came to be redefined from Protestant to ‘Judaeo-Christian'. This chapter underscores several aspects of American ethnic history that are relevant today. First, that the US, like most European nations, has had an ethnic majority since Independence. Second, that the Anglo-Protestant majority underwent a Whiteshift in the mid-twentieth century which permitted it to absorb Catholics and Jews, members of groups once viewed as outsiders. Finally, certain ethnic groups – notably Anglo-Protestants and African-Americans – have become symbolically intertwined with American nationhood. Two thirds of Americans are not members of these groups, yet many recognize them as ethno-traditional: part of what makes the nation distinct. On the right, an ethno-traditional nationalism focused on protecting the white Anglo heritage is emerging as an important force in American politics. Culture is not ethnicity and the two have too often been conflated. Even if white culture remains the default mode, ethno-cultural decline may proceed apace. There are two separate ethno-cultural dynamics, white ethnic decline and the attenuation of the white tradition in American national identity. Only whites will be concerned with the former, but conservative-minded minorities may be attached to white ethno-traditions of nationhood. That is, they will wish to slow changes to the America ‘they know'. Where conservatives seek to preserve the status quo, which might be multiracial, authoritarians always prefer less diversity and dissent. Conservatives are not the same as authoritarians. For instance, authoritarians dislike inequality – a form of economic diversity – thus may find themselves on the left Electoral maps based on aggregate county results matched to census data offered the first snapshot of the social drivers of Trump, and it was apparent that education, not income, best predicted Trump success. Still, at first glance, maps reinforce stereotypes like the urban–rural divide. As with Brexit, income is correlated with education, but there are many wealthy people – think successful plumber – with few qualifications. Similarly, many resemble struggling artists, possessing degrees but little money. When you control for education, income has no effect on whether a white person voted for, or supports, Trump. Being less well-off produces an effect on Trump voting only when authoritarian and conservative values are held constant – and even then has a much smaller impact than values. Education is the best census indicator because it reflects people's subjective worldview, not just their material circumstances. Researchers find that teenagers with more open and exploratory psychological orientations self-select into university. This, much more than what people learn at university, makes them more liberal. Median education level offers a window onto the cultural values of a voting district, which is why it correlates best with Trump's vote share. In American exit polls, Trump won whites without college degrees 67–28, compared to 49–45 for whites with degrees. The changing racial demographics of America could permit the Democrats to consistently win first the presidential, then congressional, elections. Alternatively, the Republican establishment may be able to install a pro-immigration primary candidate. But is this a solution? With no federal outlet for white identity concerns or ethno-traditional nationalism, and with a return to policies of multiculturalism and high immigration which are viewed as a threat to these identities, it's possible the culturally conservative section of the US population could start viewing the government as an enemy. This is an old trope in American history and could pose a security problem. It is also how violent ethnic conflict sometimes ignites. For instance, the British-Protestant majority in Northern Ireland, where parties run on ethnic lines, meant Irish Catholics lost every election in the province between 1922 and the abolition of the Northern Ireland provincial government in 1972. This lack of political representation produced alienation which helped foment the civil war in 1969. What happens if rural and red-state America is permanently frozen out of power when it considers itself the repository of authentic Americanism? [EUROPE:] Liberals fought against the ‘normalization' of the far right, but with rising populist-right totals and coalition arithmetic pulling towards partnership it was only a question of time before the consensus gave way. The anti-racist norm against voting for the far right began to erode and centrist parties started adopting their policies. Elite obstruction may actually have contributed to an angrier anti-elite mood, recruiting yet more voters to the far-right banner. The anti-racist taboo against them has weakened but remains: more voters express strong anti-immigration views than are willing to vote far right.4 Yet, as I explain in chapter 9, the higher the populist right's vote share, the more the taboo erodes. This eases their path to a higher total when conditions permit, setting in motion a self-fulfilling spiral. Economic rationales frequently disguise underlying psychological drivers. For instance, in small opt-in samples on Prolific Academic, one group of white Republican voters scored the problem of ‘unchecked urban sprawl' a 51 out of 100, but another group of white Republicans who saw the question as ‘unchecked urban sprawl caused by immigration' scored it 74/100 (italics added for emphasis). Likewise, among a sample of white British Brexit voters, the problem of ‘pressure on council housing' scored a 47/100 but ‘immigrants putting pressure on council housing' was rated 68/100. In both cases, it logically cannot be the case that the immigration-driven portion of the problem of urban sprawl or pressure on council housing is more important than the problem itself. Thus what's driving opposition to immigration must be something prior to these material concerns. Likewise, the large-sample, representative British Election Study shows that concerns over the cultural and economic effects of immigration are tightly correlated. This suggests opposition to immigration comes first (Jonathan Haidt's unconscious ‘elephant' moves us to act) and various rationalizations like pressure on public services follow (Haidt's conscious ‘rider' telling us a story about why we acted as we did).17 But rationales matter. If a morally acceptable rationale is not there, this inhibits a party's ability to articulate its underlying anti-immigration grievances. This is why restrictionists tend to don the cloak of economic rationalization. The idea that the country has a traditional ethnic composition which people are attached to – what I term ethno-traditional nationalism – and which should not change too quickly, is viewed as beyond the limits of acceptable debate. This is a pity, because the ‘legitimate' arguments stigmatize minorities and are often racist in a way the ‘illegitimate' arguments about wanting to slow cultural loss are not. Only when the latter is taken to the extreme of wanting to bar certain groups or repatriate immigrants do they become racist. Rising diversity polarizes people by psychological outlook and reorients party platforms. As countries ethnically change, green parties move to capture cosmopolitan liberals and the populist right targets conservatives and authoritarians.88 While attitude liberalization did throw up cultural debates over religion, gay marriage and traditional values, these are on their way to becoming marginal in Europe as liberal attitudes attain mass acceptance. The legalization of drugs and the question of how best to address crime are live social issues, but neither promises the same radical transformation of society as ethnic change. Therefore it is ethno-demographic shifts which are rotating European societies away from a dominant left–right economic orientation to a globalist–nationalist cultural axis. The West is becoming less like homogeneous South Korea, where foreign policy and economic divisions dominate, and more like South Africa, where ethnicity is the main political division.89 When a regalizing order fails to make a charge of deviance stick, the norm begins to unwind, leading to a period of intense cultural contestation. Competing groups police norm boundaries and marginalize deviants who are seen to have violated their community's sacred values. I maintain we are currently in such a period, in which hegemonic liberal norms known as ‘political correctness' are being challenged by both populists and centrists, some of whom are trying to install new social norms, notably those defining Muslims and cosmopolitans as deviant. Fascism and socialism lost out after the Second World War, but what of the victor, liberalism? The Allies' victory did enlarge and protect the scope of negative liberty. But alongside this success a positive liberalism was smuggled in which advocated individuality and cosmopolitanism over community. Most, myself included, value individual autonomy, but one has to recognize that not all share this aim. Someone who prefers to wear a veil or dedicate their lives to religion is making a communitarian choice which negative liberalism respects but positive liberalism (whether of the modernist left or burqa-banning right) does not. Expressive individualism advocates that we channel our authentic inner nature, or what H. G. Wells or Henri Bergson termed our life force, unconstrained by tradition or reason. Aesthetically, it tended towards what the influential American sociologist Daniel Bell terms modernism, rejecting Christian or national traditions while spurning established techniques and motifs.22 Not only were traditions overturned but esteem was accorded to those whose innovations shocked sensibilities and subverted historic narratives and symbols the most. Clearly something happened between the nation-evoking historical and landscape painting of a Delacroix or Constable in the early nineteenth century and Marcel Duchamp's urinal of 1917. This ‘something' was the rise, after 1880, of what Bell terms modernism and Anthony Giddens calls de-traditionalization. For Bell, modernism is the antinomian rejection of all cultural authority. For Giddens, the shift is from a past- to a future-orientation and involves a decline in existential security.23 For Bell, modernism replaces contemplation of external reality and tradition with sensation and immediacy.26 The desire to seek out new and different experiences elevates novelty and diversity into cardinal virtues of the new positive liberalism. To favour tradition over the new, homogeneity over diversity, is to be reactionary. Left-modernism continually throws up new movements such as Surrealism or Postmodernism in its quest for novelty and difference. The shock of the new is accompanied by a cosmopolitan pastiche of borrowings from non-Western cultures, as with the Primitivism of Paul Gauguin. Yet there is a tension between the expressive-individualist and egalitarian strands of left-modernism. Gauguin, for example, who considered himself a cosmopolite defending Tahitian sexual freedom against the buttoned-down West, stands accused by the New Left of cultural appropriation, colonialism, orientalism and patriarchy. The social penetration of left-modernist ideas would take a great leap forward only in the 1960s as television and university education soared. In America, the share of 18- to 24-year-olds in College increased from 15 per cent in 1950 to a third in 1970. Given the large postwar ‘baby-boom' generation, this translated into a phenomenal expansion of universities. The growth of television was even more dramatic: from 9 per cent penetration in American homes in 1950 to 93 per cent by 1965.41 The New York, Hollywood and campus-based nodes in this network allowed liberal sensibilities to spread from a small coterie of aficionados to a wider public. Rising affluence may also have played a part in creating a social atmosphere more conducive to liberalism. All told, these ingredients facilitated a marked liberal shift across a wide range of attitudes measured in social surveys from the mid-1960s: gender roles, racial equality, sexual mores and religion – with the effects most apparent in the postwar Baby Boom generation.42 Since so much of the debate around the boundaries of the permissible revolves around racism, we need a rigorous – rather than political – definition of the concept. It's very important to specify clearly, using analytic political theory and precise terminology, why certain utterances or actions are racist. Only in this manner can we defend a racist taboo. I define racism as (a) antipathy to racial or pan-ethnic outgroups, defined as communities of birth; (b) the quest for race purity; or (c) racial discrimination which results in a violation of citizens' right to equal treatment before the law. The problem is that left-modernism has established racial inequality as an outrage rather than one dimension – and not generally the most important – of the problem of inequality. If racial inequality is one facet of inequality, it should be considered alongside other aspects such as income, health, weight or age. To focus the lion's share of attention on race and gender disparities entrenches ‘inequality privilege', wherein those who suffer from low-visibility disadvantages are treated less fairly than those who fit totemic left-modernist categories. A white male who is short, disabled, poor and unattractive will understandably resent the fact his disadvantage is downplayed while he is pilloried for his privilege. In effect, the 2010s represent a renewed period of left-modernist innovation, incubated by near-universal left–liberal hegemony among non-STEM faculty and administrators. Most academics are moderate liberals rather than radical leftists, but in the absence of conservative or libertarian voices willing to stand against left-modernist excess, liberal saturation reduced resistance to the japes of extremist students and professors. Social media and progressive online news acted as a vector, carrying the new left-modernist awakening off-campus much more effectively than was true during the first wave of political correctness of the late 1980s and 1990s. Angela Nagle finds that leftist radicalism emerged first, attracting a far-right response. One of the first to trace the emergence of this polarizing dynamic, she shows how, in left-modernist online chat groups, those who stake outlandish claims about white male oppression win moral and social plaudits. These in turn are lampooned by the alt-right, who leverage left-modernist excesses to legitimate blatant racism and sexism. This begins a cycle of polarizing rhetorical confrontation. Alt-right message boards adopt a playful countercultural style, emphasizing their rebellion against a stifling, puritanical-left establishment.11 Whereas bohemians like the Young Intellectuals of the 1910s and 1920s lauded African-American jazz and immigrant conviviality as a riposte to an uptight Prohibitionist Anglo-Protestant culture, the alt-right champions white maleness as a liberation from the strictures of the puritanical left. Hamid argues that being attached to an ethnic group and looking out for its interests is qualitatively different from hating or fearing outgroups. This is a distinction social psychologists recognize, between love for one's group and hatred of the other. As Marilyn Brewer writes in one of the most highly cited articles on prejudice: The prevailing approach to the study of ethnocentrism, ingroup bias, and prejudice presumes that ingroup love and outgroup hate are reciprocally related. Findings from both cross-cultural research and laboratory experiments support the alternative view that ingroup identification is independent of negative attitudes toward outgroups.54 If politics in the West is ever to return to normal rather than becoming even more polarized, white interests will need to be discussed. I realize this is very controversial for left-modernists. Yet not only is white group self-interest legitimate, but I maintain that in an era of unprecedented white demographic decline it is absolutely vital for it to have a democratic outlet. Marginalizing race puritanism is important, but muzzling relaxed versions of white identity sublimates it in a host of negative ways. For example, when whites are concerned about their decline but can't express it, they may mask their concern as worry about the nation-state. It's more politically correct to worry about Islam's challenge to liberalism and East European ‘cheap labour' in Britain than it is to say you are attached to being a white Brit and fear cultural loss. This means left-modernism has placed us in a situation where expressing racism is more acceptable than articulating racial self-interest. David Willetts, Minister of Education in David Cameron's Conservative government: The basis on which you can extract large sums of money in tax and pay it out in benefits is that most people think the recipients are people like themselves, facing difficulties which they themselves could face. If values become more diverse, if lifestyles become more differentiated, then it becomes more difficult to sustain the legitimacy of a universal risk-pooling welfare state. People ask, ‘Why should I pay for them when they are doing things I wouldn't do?' This is America versus Sweden. You can have a Swedish welfare state provided that you are a homogeneous society with intensely shared values. In the US you have a very diverse, individualistic society where people feel fewer obligations to fellow citizens. Progressives want diversity but they thereby undermine part of the moral consensus on which a large welfare state rests.62 trying to reconstruct our racial categories from above through politics may be as difficult as trying to get people to unlearn the primary colours. This doesn't mean categories can't evolve, but it suggests the process is complex, evolutionary and bottom-up. As the median racial type changes, the boundaries of whiteness may expand because people judge categories based on the average type they encounter. Hispanics, like the Italians before them, may become part of the ethnic majority in the not-too-distant future. Many white Americans currently view those with Spanish surnames or Hispanic features as outsiders. A majority of Hispanics see themselves as white, but only 6 per cent of Hispanics who identify as white say they are accepted as such by American society. Even among those with just one Latino grandparent, 58 per cent identify as Hispanic.43 Yet this may change with increased intermarriage, cultural assimilation and the arrival of more culturally distant groups. Already, lighter-skinned Hispanics are more likely to vote Republican or live in the same neighbourhoods as whites.44 As group lines are blurred by intermarriage, ethnic boundaries may shift: Ramirez may be considered an Anglo-American on a par with De Niro. Hispanic surnames are unlikely to be ‘counter-entropic' barriers to assimilation. This assimilation process is a major reason why the centre-left writer John Judis revised his thesis that America's changing demographics will automatically produce Democratic victories in the future.45 When the criteria for defining who is in or out of the majority change, whole chunks of the population who are not of mixed origin – like the fully Irish John F. Kennedy – suddenly become part of the ethnic majority. The analogy would be if fully Hispanic or Asian Americans came to be viewed as white. I deem this unlikely, given the proximity to Mexico and the established nature of the racial categories noted by Richard Dawkins. What seems more likely is that the high rate of intermarriage between Latinos and whites, as well as the rising share of native English-speakers, Protestants or seculars among them, may expand the boundaries of whiteness to include those of mixed parentage. That is, those with some European background who are culturally assimilated and have Anglo first names – but who have Spanish surnames or a Hispanic appearance – may be accepted as white.

Melanjutkan pembahasan mengeni rutinitas di masa New normal, yang dimana kehidupan komunitas masyarakat terbelenggu oleh Struktur. karena aturan2 protokol kesehatan, di satu sisi banyak yg terjadi pelanggaran aturan protokol sehingga disini terjadi bentuk dualitas struktur. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/radita/message

I dagens avsnitt pratar vi om konsumtionshets, hur och var syns det i samhället? Vi konstaterar att i princip allt är kapitalismens, koloniseringens och patriarkatets fel. Vi lyckas även som vanligt prata lite om kroppshår och Anni kommer med lite fun facts anknutet till ämnet. Hoppas ni gillar dagens samhälle och att några nya tankar kanske väcks! Följ oss gärna på instagram @pk_podden! (ps. boken som Caroline pratar om heter bara "Sociologi" och är skriven av Anthony Giddens)

My guest today is Arvind Venkataramani. Alongside Adam Menter, Arvind has been working on an open source toolkit to help people design secular rituals. In this conversation, we explore what rituals are and how being more intentional in their structure and use can improve our lives. Listen to the full conversation Download episode 41   Show notes Arvind Venkataramani Adam Menter The Ritual Design Toolkit SonicRim Graph of types of rituals U-Haul Virtual Memorial Guide Barn raising Anthony Giddens Burning Man Ritual Design at Burning Man 2019 by Arvind Venkataramani Some show notes may include Amazon affiliate links. I get a small commission for purchases made through these links. Read the full transcript Jorge: So, Arvind, welcome to the show. Arvind: Thank you. It's pleasure to be here. Jorge: It's a pleasure to have you here. For folks who might not be familiar with you, how do you introduce yourself? About Arvind Arvind: Well, professionally, I'm a director of research at SonicRim. We are a consultancy focused on supporting innovation through co-creation and we focus on emerging markets and emerging technologies. So, I spend a lot of time studying and trying to understand human experiences foundationally in the context of some technology or some problem. Jorge: How did you get here? Is your background in design? Arvind: Yeah. So, I grew up in India and I got into computing. And then when I was in computing, I realized that the way in which software and technology was being talked about and worked on and created in India, didn't seem to be totally aligned to human needs. And so, that brought me into a trajectory of going to grad school and studying HCI and interaction design and ethnography. And then eventually that's how I found myself into a career in like sort of these innovation practice of some kind. And so, my goals are to… foundationally, they are to create a world that is a place of flourishing for all life. And technology is sort of like the one angle that brought me to studying this and being really interested in how people grapple with existence and how they make their way through life and how we can bring creativity and design to that. So that's how all of these threads are intersecting. Jorge: Makes sense. And I wanted to have you on the show because I know that you are doing work in an area that I know little about, and I'm going to describe it as ritual design. Is that a good label for it? Arvind: Yeah, that's a good lens. Yeah. Ritual design Jorge: What is ritual design? Arvind: The idea that rituals are a kind of human activity that can be designed intentionally and democratically instead of just being received as part of traditions. And so, we want to broaden the choices people have with how they navigate lives and how they use rituals to make their way through life. Jorge: I feel like I want to unpack that. There's a lot there. So, how do you define a ritual? Arvind: So, for us, it's basically a very simple definition. For us, a ritual is a nameable container for managing transformation and making meaning. And by container, we mean like a defined and bounded process, right? So that's the key characteristic. It's a thing you do that sort of changes you in some way, and it is meaningful in some way; you use it to either acquire meaning or apply meaning to some situation or you use it to uncover the meaning that exists in that situation, for you. And so, we think of rituals, like we identified… most people have, you know, when they think of ritual, we think of… we've talked about like four different kinds of rituals, right? We have short term and long-term access, then we have like a cyclical and and occasional access. And so, there's a visual on our website that you can look at that sort of describes this. But when most people think of rituals, they often think of something that's like a seasonal thing, like, you know, Christmas or Thanksgiving or New Year's or something of that sort or… which is basically like the received traditions, right? Or they think of something that they do habitually. So, they think of like, “Oh, in order to be able to go to bed at night, I must brush my teeth. That's how, like, I make that transition between one time to like another kind of time.” These are only two kinds of rituals, but then you have other things that anthropologists have identified. Some things are called rites of passage, they are transitional. They help you manage or mark significant moments in your life. You know, like getting married for instance, is the classic one, or a bar mitzvah or something, or a bat mitzvah, is the classic one. And then there are things that people do that they don't necessarily think of very often as rituals, but these are like reactive. So, for instance, you might be somebody who has like PTSD, right? Or you might be somebody on the spectrum and then you encounter a challenging situation and then you might have developed a script, right? A series of things you do at that point to help you navigate that challenging situation. Or perhaps you are a person who, you know, has a growth sort of area around a specific behavior. And then when you're like, “Oh shit, I'm doing this behavior that I don't want to do.” You might then have a recipe for what you want to do in that moment. So those are reactive rituals. They're like quick responses to a situation. And so, when we're talking about rituals, we're talking, about this entire landscape, and people face all four of these kinds of challenges at different points in life. So that's the entire headspace we're playing in. Rituals vs. habits Jorge: One of the terms that I found myself confusing with ritual, you brought up, which is habit, right? Arvind: Some habits can be done ritually, right? Like you could have habits like drinking coffee in the morning, but that may just be like so automatic that you're not like… it's not actually creating a transformation for you. It's not a meaningful moment. But then you might actually say, “Oh no, no, my morning coffee is my special time. It is a time when I transitioned from having woken up and like being sort of all not fully centered in my body to where I center into my body, and I like centered into my day.” Right? So, the same activity… the nature of the activity becomes ritualistic depending upon what your relationship to that activity is. Jorge: Can I give you an example, now that you mentioned coffee. So, I start every day with a cup of coffee, as many people do. And I drink my coffee while writing in my journal. And I have a particular structure that I use for my journal. And the structure involves reflecting on what happened the day before and then planning for the day ahead. And I find that if I skip that, especially the journaling part… like I can skip the coffee, but if I skip the journaling part, I feel unmoored the rest of the day. Would that be an example of a ritualistic activity? Arvind: Yeah, exactly. That's the kind of stuff we're talking about. In our work though, we're less focused on that because a lot of people are focused on helping people do that kind of thing, right? There are so many habit formation, productivity, like whatever… like approaches that are focused on habits and I think that's a sort of part of what is motivating us is to step above the individual behavior sort of framing of how to make your way through life and step onto saying like… looking at situations that are better understood and better solved at a social level. So, that's one of the important principles we have is to say one of the things that modernity has done and our discourses we have in modernity, particularly in the West, is that we're individuals, we are responsible for our own agency and wellbeing and care, we are the primary drivers, and therefore every problem that every individual needs needs to be solved at the level of the individual. They have to do it by themselves. And that's a shame because there are ways of making sense of your experience and of like making your way through challenges that are so much more powerful when you do it with other people. But that's a thing that we've gotten kind of bad at. Like we've gotten bad at it that people have so much difficulty asking for help because there's, again, this belief that you shouldn't need to ask for help, if you're a better human being to solve things by yourself, right? And there's all these like complexes against it. So, we think rituals are a really powerful way of changing that conversation, of making it easier for groups of people to come together in support of an individual, of taking problems that are like described at the individual level and then translating them into a description at the social level, at the community level, or the group level. And then being much more effective about how we make our way through those. Jorge: I was going to ask you about a characteristic of your definition. You used the phrase – I think a “named container” or a “nameable container”? And I was going to ask you about the importance of giving it a name, but now that you're talking about the social aspect, I think I understand why giving it a name is important. Arvind: Exactly. It's because you can then invoke a thing that you're wanting a group of people to do, and you don't have to describe it in all its gory detail. You can say, we're going to do a ritual to do a thing and suddenly, the purpose and the intention of why you are invoking help, why you are bringing people into this moment starts to become clear. Examples of rituals Jorge: Can you give us examples of such rituals? Arvind: Yeah. So, for instance, part of why we started doing this work was because we were seeing so few examples of these rituals that map to the lives of people in modern life. So, for instance, if you take the Amish, have a barn raising ritual, right? Like there's a task that needs to be completed. It's not possible for the individual farm holding household to complete it by themselves. So, the entire community comes together and then like produces this structure. But it's not just a project. It's actually like a ritual thing. There are celebrations involved, there are emotions involved in this. The coming together itself is part of the narrative of how the community understands itself and its values, right? Compare that with, say, when people move houses. We have so much social mobility, you know, in modern Western countries, right? People move jobs and in order to move jobs might like move across the country. But think of how they're experiencing that. They either do it by themselves, or they hire somebody to pack and move their stuff. And that's a logistical experience. It's a physical experience. But the emotional experience of moving from one job to another, the emotional experience of moving from one part of the country to another, from one city to another, is not something that has a defined ritual around it. You don't know how to bring in people around you. You might be like, “Hey, can you help me pack?” But like when you bring a friend to help you pack, they might actually be talking with you and they might help you process emotionally what's going on, but it isn't named and therefore, you don't have a guarantee that you will actually get that emotional support and that processing. Jorge: U-Haul doesn't help you deal with the loss that comes from abandoning a place where you've created important memories, for example. Arvind: Yeah, yeah. And then how do you be grateful for what you're received in that place? How do you acknowledge the loss that you are going through? How do you prepare yourself for creating the new things that you are going to need in the new place that you're going to? And all of that is emotional labor, right? And even if you are not able to make a plan, even if you are able to recognize that that is the nature of the challenge you're going to be experiencing, that's going to make it easier for you. It's like what's happening in the pandemic, right? People have lost social contact and then they wonder why they feel tired and depressed and isolated. And like, you know, they're feeling this loss of energy. But it's so hard to name the source of it. And once you know the source of it, then you have power. You have agency, you can do something about it. Moving rituals online Jorge: You're talking about the pandemic and we've seen all sorts of things moving online. And I know people who have gotten married and they have streamed the ceremony. And then I saw yesterday, just yesterday, a post about someone who had the celebrant officiate the rite of marriage over – I think it was Zoom? – or one of these teleconferencing apps. And hearing you talk about this and the importance of connection, I'm wondering if the effectiveness of rituals is somehow diminished by moving them online? Is there a qualitative difference there at that emotional level? Arvind: I would say yes and no. So, in order to give you… Like how I understand this going on, I have to do a little bit of backstory. So, this work started when my colleague on this, Adam Menter and I started talking about, the ritual as an untapped mechanism for navigating human and social challenges. And one of the places where we wanted to apply it and learn from is from the context of a conference that he is one of the founders of, and, you know, it's a retreat in the woods that happens every year. And so, we learned a lot about how rituals work from studying all these various kinds of gatherings that we had experienced doing. And then we looked at the literature, the anthropological literature that had been done and what other people were doing about this. And when we decided to create a toolkit to help people design rituals, part of the intention was to allow people to adapt these ritualing behaviors to a variety of circumstances. And one of the things that we did earlier this year, when the pandemic started was to help create a guide for virtual memorials. It's online. You can find it at virtualmemorialguide.org. And the goal was specifically to say, people are going to have deaths and they're going to have to have memorials and they're going to have to do it over Zoom and they're not going to be able to do that. Let's help them do this well, based on research that we do and trying to understand what makes for good online experiences. And also, let's talk about the ways in which these kinds of Zoom funerals and memorials can be in some ways… bring in and accomplish elements that you could not do with like in person experiences, right? There are limitations in in personal experiences that you can transcend with online experiences. And that's a good thing because what it means is, we're not framing the conversation in terms of what is lesser. Like is the online experience is lesser in some way, we're framing it in terms of what is gained and what is lost. And so, there are some things that are easier. So, we have, we have four dynamics that we have identified that are part of rituals. So, they are visualization. Right? Taking a thing that is symbolic and verbal in some way and turning it into something that you can see and feel and touch. The second is like spatialization, which is, what architecture, what space are you a part of? How does that create the world of the ritual? The third is visceralization. How do you take the ideas and bring them into your body and like feel it? And the fourth is like, I think we would call it dramatization or storytelling. Which is how do you take a thing that is an idea and turn it into a story that you can live, right? A narrative that you can inhabit. And if you think about online experiences, the things that you lose right away are the spatializations. It's hard to be in a common shared ritual world and a common shared ritual environment. You can't be in the church. You can't be in the majesty of the cathedral. Those things can't influence your experience. And in some ways, visualizations become harder, but you are still… you can still do storytelling. You can still do visceralization. You can still feel your body. You can still be with others. You can still find maybe alternative ways of visualizing that are better suited to the screen. So, it's not a question of a tradeoff. And if you understand how rituals work and you have like a toolkit that helps you make sense of these components; I think it's completely possible to adapt the rituals that you traditionally consider in-person rituals to these online spheres. And there just do it differently. The Ritual Design Toolkit Jorge: You mentioned the toolkit, and I think you talk about it as an open source toolkit in the site, which to me implies this kind of do-it-yourself nature to the work and I'm hoping that you will describe it for us. What does it consist of and how would someone use it? Arvind: So, currently it consists of four parts and, you know, and our ritual design practice is evolving. So, you know, these things are in flux. But we take a very designerly approach to doing this. We want this to be playful. We want this to be accessible. We're designing this for people who may not have had a lot of experience designing experiences, right? But we also wanted to help people who are skilled designers of gatherings and hosts to be able to clarify and make their intuitions more explicit. So, there are four parts. There's a context canvas. It's the start of the toolkit. It's where you enter the process. And what you're doing is you're trying to sort of create a… almost a design brief. You want to articulate, what is it that you are wanting to feel? What are the goals of the ritual? Who are the people involved, what are the resources you have access to? So, it's like taking stock of your situation before you start designing. Then, there's a set of cards that we call the intent cards. These are ways for you to explore the meaning and the intentions and the outcomes that you have wanting your rituals to have. So, it allows you to sort of get into that. And there's a variety of different categories. So, there are cards around emotional processing and emotional movement that are cards around, like, relationships. There are cards around identity. There are cards around metaphor and so on. So, they help you make sense of this space. Then, we have a series of maps that allow you to sequence and flow the activities in your ritual and that tell you how to structure the arc of a ritual and the arcs are based on understanding how rituals work, which is based on understanding, you know, an anthropological studies of ritual. And then, the final piece is what we call method cards and they help you get inspired. So, for instance, you might be thinking about it, like, “okay, I want to accomplish this particular effect,” or, “I want to do something that embodies this intention. I want people to feel grateful. Okay. How can I help people feel grateful? What are some actual activities I can do?” So, the method cards help you flip through a variety of activities and say, ah, that sounds like a good match. We could do like a circle and then tell each other what we're grateful for. Or, you know, we could sit in a fire or we could sing a song and then, you know, it's just ways of supporting the creative act and help you spark and think of things to do. And so, hopefully all of these four pieces, depending upon where you are in your process, are giving you some kind of support to think through the act of designing an experience. New rituals vs. established frameworks Jorge: When I think of the power of ritual, especially social ritual of the type that you're talking about specifically, I think a lot of the power of ritual comes from participation in a set of activities, language, processes that have been around for a while. The Amish barn raise, right? That's not just a way of putting up a building, it's a way of participating in Amish culture. And you mentioned at the beginning of our conversation that traditional rituals, I don't remember the exact words, but the gist of it was — at least as I understood it — that traditional rituals don't have as much power in today's world. And I'm wondering why that would be. Like, why would someone design a ritual as opposed to turn to one of the established religious frameworks, for example? Arvind: Well, there are several things going on. So, one of my favorite ways of thinking about modernity is the sociologist called Anthony Giddens and he writes about modernity. And one of the ways in which he describes modern day is the condition of having to create yourself. In that, in prior, older ages, you sort of had clearly defined narratives and what kind of a person you could be, and that narrative was given to you, and you just sort of inhabited one of those narratives, because you were already part of an entire social world and that social world was like a total social world, right? Between your community and your religious institutions and your political organizations that governed you… So many aspects of your life, we're just sort of there for you to inhabit. But we don't have that in modernity. We have alienation from institutions. We have social mobility that disconnects us from our support structures and our communities and our families and our biological networks. We have labor that's organized in such a way that the thing we do for work and for survival and for getting money may not be connected to our sense of self. And we have to find ways of making all of these connections. So, people are already disconnected. And for a lot of people, even religious people, who have access to these institutions and are a part of them and they formed community support, the narrative of ritual has sort of retreated very often into religion. It's retreated into belief. And it's become almost synonymous with belief. Like if you do a ritual it's because you have a certain kind of belief. And I think a lot of people who, if they have trouble with a belief, they end up therefore also having trouble with rituals. Right? Because they don't know how to engage with rituals outside of the context of belief. So, what we want to do is to allow people, therefore, to be able to say, in secular context — and we're increasingly in the U.S., specifically, so many more people are increasingly identifying, like in terms of their religious affiliation, they identify as “none's” right? Not any. And for these people, they are therefore don't have institutions that they can turn to. And so, part of what we want to do is to help people develop rituals, to develop communities, to develop institutions, and find ways of like going up this ladder of social organization. And it's super hard to start that if you don't have some technology of gathering, because gatherings are where communities come from in some way. So that's our goal is to say, we already live in this fractured world. How can we help people synthesize again on their own terms? Jorge: So, if I might summarize that, it sounds to me like part of it is, so many people have lost the level of belief in religious frameworks that would lead to the effectiveness of rituals within that framework. And I know that you and Adam… I don't know if you prototyped or if you'd been doing it prior to that, but I know that you did a — I don't know if to call it a ritual studio — at Burning Man. Arvind: Yeah. Jorge: Burning Man strikes me as being kind of an emergent culture, right? The point in me saying that is that you're prototyping the ritual studio in a context that is friendly to that sort of experimentation, right? Arvind: Yes. Jorge: What that made me think of is, maybe there is a way for us to build new rituals on top of our existing constructs somehow. Because it sounds like… and I haven't tried it, but just from looking at it, it sounds like a really useful framework; this kit that you and Adam have put together sounds like a really useful framework for doing this. But if I were doing this, I don't think that I would be doing it from scratch; I would be leveraging things that I already participate in. If no other thing, it's like, well, I'm a middle-aged man who is fairly conventional in the way that I live and I have accepted certain cultural constructs that are going to put kind of rails around the experience. You know what I mean? Arvind: Absolutely. So, I think that the Burning Man experience was more of a way for us to understand and how to help others engage with this material, because again, we are ourselves learning how to be better ritual designers as we do this work, right? As we learn how to facilitate design for other people, which is part of, one of our foundational values, is that we don't ever want to say that we are the experts who can like tell other people what the best rituals will be for them. We don't think that's possible. We think it has to come from people's own experience. And then it has to be, as you say, guided by their own rails and constraints, otherwise it doesn't work. Because ultimately this is about meaning and meaning isn't something that's imposed from the outside; meaning is something that comes from a person's experiences and their world. One of the things we did for ourselves was to host a gratitude ritual for a community that, you know, we're both a part of. And, one of the things we learned was that there are some things that you have to ground the ritual experiences in… as in, its useful to call to a nod towards things that are already conversant in the community, right? That community doesn't necessarily have to be thinking about rituals, but they just have to be comfortable with being a community that does have its own sort of like ways of doing and conventions. And we're able to tap into some of those conventions to then put together an experience that everybody was able to participate in. So, it's really like a bit of a balancing act. You want to build on the lived world that you're in, but the lived world that you're in may not just be enough in and of itself to help you create meanings, sometimes. And that's the idea of why the ritual toolkit helps you structure an experience to create that special-ness; the ability to step out of mundane-ness and into ritual time. And some people might know how to do that. And so, what we're doing is, for the people who don't know how to do that, provide scaffolding for them to be able to go into ritual time and bring the people into ritual time. But then the things you put into ritual time can come from all of these different sources. And one really important thing is a lot of the meaning that emerges in a ritual is not just from the fact that something is deeply meaningful. A huge portion of the meaning comes from the separation of ritual time from world time. Things become meaningful in the context of ritual, because you have wrapped it in this container. You have separated it, you put it in here. Its significance, its salience, its power, its focus becomes amplified by putting it into a ritual. Whereas if you were to just encounter it in an everyday context, that same thing in your own world would just not have that much power. Closing Jorge: That strikes me as a fantastic summary of what this work is about and a good place to wrap the conversation. So where can folks go to find out more about your work and the toolkit? Arvind: Everything's online at ritualdesign.net. And it's got links to all of the toolkit components. And if this work inspires you, you want to participate with us, you can get in touch. And we also are sort of trying to do as you said earlier, and its open source, we are inviting contributors to help us with this. And there's a section on the website where you can find out how to contribute. Jorge: Well, fantastic. I'm going to include that in the show notes. Thank you so much for sharing this with us, Arvind. Arvind: You're welcome. And it's a pleasure. It's such a meaningful experience for us. We get a lot of joy and satisfaction from just even being able to have these conversations and look at these experiences with people. And you know, whenever we try to engage with people on this, we are humbled by the richness and brilliance and insight that just come from just about anywhere. Jorge: Well, hear, hear. Thank you so much.

Nesse novo episódio vamos conversar sobre ter um relacionamento sério, com compromisso e intenção de constituir família. Será que isso só é possível de alcançar depois que casa no civil? Constituir família significa necessariamente ter filhos? Agradecemos todas as participações e colaborações! Em especial a advogada @rafaellamaltaadv. Ah! Agora vocês também podem ver nosso episódio completo em formato de vídeo, pelo canal Descomplicologas no Youtube. Dicas culturais relacionadas ao tema? Vamos lá: Filmes: O casamento de Ali (2018) La la land (2016) Minha história (2020) Sex and the City (2008) Livros: Amor Líquido: sobre a fragilidade dos laços humanos (2003), Zygmunt Bauman A transformação da intimidade: sexualidade, amor e erotismo nas sociedades modernas, Anthony Giddens (1992) Série: Nada Ortodoxa Easy Instagram: Advogada Rafaella Malta @rafaellamaltaadv

Conversations avec...un article. C'est 10-15 minutes où je rends compte d'un article scientifique récent paru dans une revue en sciences humaines et sociales. Épisode 8 : Qui sont les clientes de l'industrie du sexe ? Une première étude sur le sujet. L'article original : Hilary Caldwell et John de Wit, "Women's experiences buying sex in Australia – Egalitarian powermoves", Sexualities, 2020, en ligne : https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1363460719896972?journalCode=sexa J'en profite pour mentionner un podcast de France Culture sur le sujet, qui date de l'année dernière(merci Caroline pour la référence !) : https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/les-pieds-sur-terre/les-clientes-du-sexe --------- Les références explicitement utilisées par les deux auteurs et implicitement citées dans l'article : Anthony Giddens, The constitution of society : Outline of the theory of structuration, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1984. --------- Pour aller plus loin : Antoine Bal, "Re-constituer son "histoire". Une approche anthropologique des parcours de vie des personnes "intersexuées"", Nouvelles Questions Feministes, Vol. 27(1), 2008, p. 61‑62. Iccha Basnyat, "Stigma, agency, and motherhood: Exploring the performativity of dual mother–female sex workers identities in Kathmandu, Nepal", Journal of International and Intercultural Communication, 0(0), 2020, p. 1‑16. Loreley Gomes Garcia et Jose Miguel Nieto Olivar, "Using one's body: sex, money and agency from the coast to the backlands of Northeast Brazil", Feminist Theory, 2020, p. 1464700120920766. Cynthia Kraus et al., "Démédicaliser les corps, politiser les identités : convergences des luttes féministes et intersexes", Nouvelles Questions Feministes, Vol. 27(1), 2008, p. 4‑15. Suzanne McLaren et Paola Castillo, « What About Me? Sense of Belonging and Depressive Symptoms among Bisexual Women », Journal of Bisexuality, 0(0), 2020, p. 1‑17. Mireille Miller-Young, "Putting Hypersexuality to Work: Black Women and Illicit Eroticism in Pornography", Sexualities, 13(2), 2010, p. 219‑235. Marie-Anne Paveau, Le Discours pornographique, La Musardine, 2014. Juliette Rennes (dir.), Encyclopédie critique du genre, Paris, La Découverte, 2016. Sabrina Sinigaglia-Amadio, "Place et représentation des femmes dans les manuels scolaires en France : la persistance des stéréotypes sexistes", Nouvelles Questions Feministes, Vol. 29(2), 2010, p. 46‑59. Sanna Spišák, "The intimacy effect: Girls' reflections about pornography and ‘actual sex'", Sexualities, 2020, p. 1363460720902719.

A pandemia do Novo Coronavírus, o Covid-19, abalou todo o mundo neste ano de 2020, provocando um fenômeno epidemiológico raras vezes visto. As consequências de ordem social que vêm junto deste fenômeno são diversas e trazem à tona elementos que, embora já fossem amplamente estudados por cientistas sociais de todo o mundo, acabam por inundar as pautas de discussões cotidianas, uma vez que suas resoluções não aparecem de forma simples, ao mesmo tempo em que demandam respostas emergentes da sociedade. É um pouco sobre isso que iremos tratar neste terceiro episódio de nossa primeira temporada. "Sociologia e Coronavírus": quais análises podemos fazer do momento atual e como a sociologia pode nos ajudar a compreender este cenário. E para isso, vamos reportar a algumas teorias contemporâneas importantes para esse estudo, como as teses de Anthony Giddens, Bruno Latour e Ulrich Beck. Venha comigo pra gente debater! Escolha o seu player preferido. Estamos disponíveis nas principais plataformas para podcast! Doações ao nosso projeto podem ser feitas através do http://picpay.me/sociologando. E não se esqueça de seguir e curtir as nossas postagens nas redes sociais: http://instagram.com/_sociologando http://twitter.com/huguitofonseca O episódio tem início na marca de 03m04s e as músicas utilizadas no episódio são isentas de Copyright e estão disponíveis em http://bensound.com --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/sociologando/message

Širše družbene spremembe v 20-em stoletju so zajele tudi področje vsakdanjega življenja in preobrazile intimnost. Kakšne spremembe so se zgodile? Na to vprašanje je leta 1992 odgovoril sociolog Anthony Giddens v knjigi Preobrazba intimnosti, slovenski prevod je pri založbi cf izšel 2000, po 20 letih smo dobili ponatis oz. popravljeno izdajo. Kakšna je bila njegova analiza, so se uresničile njegove napovedi in kakšna so intimna razmerja v tretjem desetletju 21-ega stoletja? O tem s profesorico doktorico Alenko Švab s Fakultete za družbene vede Univerze v Ljubljani

Episode kali ini membahas tentang Anthony Giddens. Ahli yg berlatarbelakang Sosiologi namun karya-karyanya berpengaruh dalam Ilmu Hubungan Internasional. Teorinya tentang Globalisasi dan Modernisasi hingga kritikannya terhadap Marxisme patut untuk dibahas. Enjoy the podcast! reach me on: Facebook and YouTube: Ica Dbrain IG: @icadbrain

I första avsnittet av Primaternas planet diskuterar Belinda och Jocke konsumtion. Är vi vad vi köper? Varför handlar vi så mycket? Och vad kan man egentligen göra mer än att gå på stan och titta i affärer? Saker som nämns: Att syftet med samhället är samlandet av grejer, prylar med ett äpple på, pengar som symbolspråk, “Sociologi” av Anthony Giddens, försöken att köpa gemenskap, labbkött, spirituell materialism, “How Soon is Now” av Daniel Pinchbeck, podden “The Future is beautiful”, Ullared vs yogaresor, elitism/klassförakt, vad man gör istället för att inreda sitt hem, bondesamhället, tionde budordet, att gå på stan, “The moneyless man” av Mark Boyle, hoarding, Lyxfällan, “Stuff: compulsive hoarding and the meaning of things” av Randy O Frost, minimalism, KonMari-metoden, “The life-changing magic av tidying up” av Marie Kondo. Kontakt:Instagram @primaternasplanet @bellisochframtiden @joakimkroksson

Il 2019 sembra l'anno in cui ci si è resi conto all'improvviso dell'urgenza di mitigare gli effetti del cambiamento climatico. A dire il vero i climatologi si sgolano sulla questione da decenni, ma abbiamo spesso, soprattutto nel “primo mondo”, pensato che in nome dello sviluppo la questione climatica potesse essere lasciata indietro.Addirittura, tra gli anni Ottanta e Novanta si era fatta strada la teoria della “modernizzazione ecologica”, portata avanti su tutti da Anthony Giddens, il padre della “terza via” che porterà poi Tony Blair a fare il primo ministro britannico per due mandati. Bene, quell'idea che lo sviluppo porti con sé la sostenibilità si è dovuta scontrare con la crescita di moltissimi Paesi che hanno popolazioni enormi. E questo ci porta in Asia.Il boom demografico asiatico infatti fa sì che l'Asia emetta più anidride carbonica rispetto a qualsiasi altra regione del mondo, e che, guardando ai dati del 2017 del Global Carbon Project, Cina, India e Giappone si collochino al primo, al terzo e al quinto posto tra i paesi più inquinanti del mondo. Le emissioni della Cina rappresentano da sole un quarto delle emissioni globali di CO2, ben oltre quelle del secondo produttore al mondo, ovvero gli Stati Uniti.Però, se calcoliamo le emissioni pro capite, allora il quadro cambia completamente, e tra i paesi asiatici il Giappone rimane l'unico a classificarsi tra i primi cinque al mondo. Storicamente, il Nord America e l'Europa rappresentavano metà della CO2 emessa dalla rivoluzione industriale, mentre la Cina e l'India rappresentavano solo il 14%.Oggi ripartiamo proprio da questi dati per una puntata dedicata al clima.

And if you are considering suicide consider reaching out to the Colorado Crisis line (http://coloradocrisisservices.org) or the National Helpline (https://suicidepreventionlifeline.org).Transcript available here: https://goo.gl/hcqv2UQuotes:"The mass of men lead lives of quiet desperation." ~Henry David Thoreau"A lot of people go straight from denial to despair without pausing in the middle and doing something about it." ~Al GoreArticles and other items referenced for this episode:Suicide rates rise sharply across the United States, new report shows - The Washington Post, Jun 7, 2018Suicide rates for black children twice that of white children, new data show - The Washington Post, May 21, 20185 Takeaways on America's Increasing Suicide Rate - The New York Times, Jun 09, 2018Suicide Rates on the Rise Across the U.S., CDC Reports - The Atlantic, Jun 8, 2018Why US suicide rate is on the rise - BBC News, Jun 11, 2018America's rising suicide rate - Deaths of despair, Jun 15, 2018NIMH » Suicide2017 State of Mental Health in America - Access to Care Data _ Mental Health AmericaTop 5 Barriers to Mental Healthcare AccessMental Health & Stigma _ Psychology Today, Aug 20, 20139 Ways to Fight Mental Health Stigma _ NAMI_ National Alliance on Mental Illness, Oct 11, 2017Starfish StoryThoreau QuoteAl Gore QuoteBiCurean Moment:Economic Downturn PossibleGuns and SuicideTags: suicide, depression, Anthony_Bourdain, Josh_Hommy, Queens_of_the_Stoneage, CDC, Kate_Spade, high_profile_suicides, despair, clinical_depression, situational_depression, compassion, social_isolation, mental_health_history, vulnerability, racial, ethnic, minority, white, men, connection, lonely, loneliness, parenting, fullfillment, empty_nest, purpose, Anthony_Giddens, social_cohesion, patriotism, neighborhoods, runaway_world, fear, anxiety, deaths_of_despair, Nevada, hopelessness, mental_health_crisis, destigmatize, community_support, coping_plan, resiliency, community_responsibility, boundaries, activism, presence, starfish, tariffs, economic_downturn, preparedness, handguns, disenfranchisement★ Support this podcast ★

Here's the list. Enjoy!!! 1. 'The Abolition of Man' by C.S. Lewis https://amzn.to/2JD3dld Here's my video course on 'The Abolition of Man' entitled 'Classical vs. Modern Education': http://turley-talks.thinkific.com/cou... 2. 'Runaway World: How Globalism is Reshaping Our Lives' by Anthony Giddens https://amzn.to/2qsT16a 3. 'Anthony Giddens: The Last Modernist' by Stjepan Mestrovic https://amzn.to/2GTGe7B 4. 'The Clash of Civilizations' by Samuel Huntington https://amzn.to/2GRGOmv 5. 'Nationalism' by Anthony D. Smith https://amzn.to/2JDGTb8 6. 'God’s Century: Resurgent Religion and Global Politics' edited by Monica Duffy Toft (et al) https://amzn.to/2JDAAEC 7. 'Shall the Religious Inherit the Earth? Demography and Politics in the Twenty-First Century' by Eric Kaufmann https://amzn.to/2HuRyo0 8. 'The Triumph of Faith: Why the World is More Religious than Ever' by Rodney Stark https://amzn.to/2GTH8B1 9. 'Holy Rus’: The Rebirth of Orthodoxy in the New Russia' by John P. Burgess https://amzn.to/2IMZIrh 10. 'President Trump and Our Post-Secular Future' by Dr. Steve Turley http://amzn.to/2FqYZLg Support me on PATREON: https://www.patreon.com/drsteveturley PLEASE SHARE AND SUBSCRIBE!!! https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCCsi... GET YOUR FREE EBOOK: "Devotions at Dawn: Morning Prayers through the Ages" https://www.turleytalks.com GET MY BOOKS ON AMAZON! “President Trump and Our Post-Secular Future” http://amzn.to/2FqYZLg "Classical vs. Modern Education: A Vision from C.S. Lewis" http://amzn.to/2CvHbvV "Movies and the Moral Imagination: Finding Paradise in Films" http://amzn.to/2CwxnBI "Beauty Matters: Creating a High Aesthetic in School Culture" http://amzn.to/2CubPpv "Health Care Sharing Ministries: How Christians are Revolutionizing Medical Cost and Care" http://amzn.to/2CvywK5 "Ever After: How to Overcome the Cynical Student with the Role of Wonder in Education" http://amzn.to/2FeCTMx LET'S CONNECT: OFFICIAL WEBSITE: http://turleytalks.com/ PATREON: https://www.patreon.com/drsteveturley TWITTER: https://twitter.com/drturleytalks FACEBOOK: https://www.facebook.com/turleytalks PINTEREST: https://www.pinterest.com/steveturley... LINKEDIN: https://www.linkedin.com/in/steve-tur... GOOGLE+: https://plus.google.com/u/0/117801532...

Mais um autor contemporâneo com uma teoria interessantíssima sobre a ação do agente na vida social. A tentativa deste programa é aplicar esta teoria na discussão sobre desigualdades sociais e estratificação social. Será que é possível? Link do site: https://sites.google.com/ifpr.edu.br/sociocast/3%C2%BA-anos/3-6-anthony-giddens-e-a-teoria-da-estrutura%C3%A7%C3%A3o Divirtam-se! Trilha sonora: Showdown: ElRon, unreal dm, Admiral Bob by texasradiofish (c) copyright 2017 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial (3.0) license. http://dig.ccmixter.org/files/texasradiofish/56550 Ft: ElRon XChile, unreal dm, Admiral Bob, Bill Ray

Amarnath Amarasingam is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a Fellow at The George Washington University’s Program on Extremism, and Co-Directs a study of Western foreign fighters based at the University ofWaterloo. He is the author of Pain, Pride, and Politics: Sri Lankan Tamil Activism in Canada (2015). His research interests are in radicalization, terrorism, diaspora politics, post-war reconstruction, and the sociology ofreligion. He is the editor of Sri Lanka: The Struggle for Peace in the Aftermathof War (2016), The Stewart/Colbert Effect: Essays on the Real Impacts of Fake News (2011) and Religion and the New Atheism: A Critical Appraisal (2010). He is also the author of several peer-reviewed articles and book chapters, has presented papers at over 100 national and international conferences, and has written for The New York Times, Politico, The Atlantic, Vice News, Foreign Affairs, and War on the Rocks. He tweets at @AmarAmarasingam. Some research that has influenced Amarnath's career Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckman, T. (1967). The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Anthony Giddens (1991). Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Ziad W. Munson (2009) The Making of Pro-Life Activists: How Social Movement Mobilization Works. Some of Amarnath's key research Pain, Pride, and Politics: Social Movement Activism and the Sri Lankan Tamil Diasporain Canada. (2015) Talking to Foreign Fighters: Insights into the Motivations for Hijrah to Syria and Iraq. With Lorne L. Dawson (2016) Where do ISIS Fighters Go When the Caliphate Falls? With Colin P. Clarke (2017)

If you have never heard from our guest, you are in for a treat.  Get your mind ready to absorb what all Helen Alvaré has to share with us on Freedom.   Professor Alvaré helps us start to see how we should be seeking freedom-for not freedom-from the misguidings in our world.  We as a culture today are more free than we have ever been yet there does not seem to be contentment.  Is it possible that women are seeking to fill themselves with some ideology that will never truly satisfy themselves?  True freedom comes in the form of total self giving not in this over individualized culture we live in.  Please consider supporting our Podcast Our Guest: Helen Alvaré is a Professor of Law at George Mason University School of Law, where she teaches Family Law, Law and Religion, and Property Law. She publishes on matters concerning marriage, parenting, non-marital households, and the First Amendment religion clauses. She is faculty advisor to the law school’s Civil Rights Law Journal, and the Latino/a Law Student Association, a consultor for the Pontifical Council of the Laity (Vatican City), an advisor to the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (Washington, D.C.), founder of WomenSpeakforThemselves.com, and an ABC news consultant. She cooperates with the Permanent Observer Mission of the Holy See to the United Nations as a speaker and a delegate to various United Nations conferences concerning women and the family. In addition to her books, and her publications in law reviews and other academic journals, Professor Alvaré publishes regularly in news outlets including the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Huffington Post, and USA Today. She also speaks at academic and professional conferences in the United States, Europe, Latin America and Australia. Prior to joining the faculty of George Mason, Professor Alvaré taught at the Columbus School of Law at the Catholic University of America; represented the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops before legislative bodies, academic audiences and the media; and was a litigation attorney for the Philadelphia law firm of Stradley, Ronon, Stevens & Young. Professor Alvaré received her law degree from Cornell University School of Law and her master’s degree in Systematic Theology from the Catholic University of America. Show Notes: “People’s view of freedom is too tiny” –Luigi Giusanni Communion and Liberation – Luigi Giusanni Church’s teaching on contraception, USCCB Love and Responsibility – St. John Paul II Mulieris Dignitatem – St. John Paul II Humanae Vitae – St. John Paul II Familiaris Consortio – St. John Paul II Secular Sociologist, Anthony Giddens, The Transformation of Intimacy Secular book on this topic Liquid Love and Liquid Modernity by Zygmunt Bauman Another non-Catholic source Preface to Morals by Walter Lippmann Putting Children’s Interest First in American Family Law with Power Comes Responsibility by Professor Helen Alvaré (available this fall through Cambridge University) Why Love Hurts by Eva Illouz  Women Speak for Themselves Gatherings – a place where like minded women can find community and talk about how to reconnect sex to marriage and children in an effort to end the cycle of abortion. Call to Action –  Try to take a look inward to see if there may be something that you are seeking to be free from rather than seeking to be free to be or to do.  Ask the Lord to show you where you have been conformed to this world rather than to His plans for you. Scripture –  “I appeal to you therefore, brethren, by the mercies of God, to present your bodies as a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, which is your spiritual worship. 2 Do not be conformed to this world[a] but be transformed by the renewal of your mind, that you may prove what is the will of God, what is good and acceptable and perfect.” – Romans 12:1-2 Saint Quote –  “I have given everything to my Master: He will take care of me… The best thing for us is not what we consider best, but what the Lord wants of us!” – St. Bakhita

Steve Tara and Anne talk about models and theories to understand a 'social agent.'  Steve works through the theories of Anthony Giddens to see if his approach has value in understanding teachers and educators in contemporary Australia.

Listen how Lord Anthony Giddens, one of the world's leading sociologists, examines and explains the fundmental social and economic transformations the digital revolution is bringing upon societies. We would like to thank the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung for organising the seminar where Lord Giddens delivered his speech.

Beck twierdzi, że w ramach nowoczesności nastąpiło pęknięcie. Dzisiejsze czasy niemiecki socjolog nazywa nowoczesnością refleksywną, w której jesteśmy permanentnie konfrontowani ze skutkami unowocześnienia, w tym zwłaszcza ze zjawiskiem ryzyka. Żyjemy w społeczeństwie ryzyka, w którym nieprzewidywalność konsekwencji modernizacyjnych staje się największym wyzwaniem. Beck skupia się na trzech rodzajach dynamiki modernizacji: społeczeństwie, indywidualizacji i kosmopolityzacji, ukazując jak zacierają się różnice pomiędzy państwami oraz jak istotnego znaczenia nabiera indywidualizacja jednostki we współczesnej kulturze. Ulrich Beck (1944–2015) był profesorem socjologii na Uniwersytecie Ludwika Maksymiliana w Monachium oraz London School of Economics. Uzyskał tytuł doktora honoris causa wielu prestiżowych uniwersytetów europejskich. Redaktor magazynu nauk społecznych „Soziale Welt”. W swoich badaniach Beck skupiał się na teorii modernizacji, socjologii ryzyka, transformacji pracy oraz nierównościach społecznych. W ostatnich latach Beck podejmował temat socjologicznych i politycznych skutków „modernizacji refleksyjnej” i badał złożoność procesu transformacji społeczeństw zglobalizowanego świata, a także aktywnie uczestniczył w debacie dotyczącej nowej tożsamości Europy. W Polsce ukazały się m.in. Społeczeństwo ryzyka. W drodze do innej nowoczesności (2002), Modernizacja refleksyjna. Polityka, tradycja i estetyka w porządku społecznym nowoczesności (współautorzy: Anthony Giddens, Scott Lash, 2009), Niemiecka Europa (2013) oraz Miłość na odległość. Modele życia w epoce globalnej (współautorka Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim, 2013).

Beck twierdzi, że w ramach nowoczesności nastąpiło pęknięcie. Dzisiejsze czasy niemiecki socjolog nazywa nowoczesnością refleksywną, w której jesteśmy permanentnie konfrontowani ze skutkami unowocześnienia, w tym zwłaszcza ze zjawiskiem ryzyka. Żyjemy w społeczeństwie ryzyka, w którym nieprzewidywalność konsekwencji modernizacyjnych staje się największym wyzwaniem. Beck skupia się na trzech rodzajach dynamiki modernizacji: społeczeństwie, indywidualizacji i kosmopolityzacji, ukazując jak zacierają się różnice pomiędzy państwami oraz jak istotnego znaczenia nabiera indywidualizacja jednostki we współczesnej kulturze. Ulrich Beck (1944–2015) był profesorem socjologii na Uniwersytecie Ludwika Maksymiliana w Monachium oraz London School of Economics. Uzyskał tytuł doktora honoris causa wielu prestiżowych uniwersytetów europejskich. Redaktor magazynu nauk społecznych „Soziale Welt”. W swoich badaniach Beck skupiał się na teorii modernizacji, socjologii ryzyka, transformacji pracy oraz nierównościach społecznych. W ostatnich latach Beck podejmował temat socjologicznych i politycznych skutków „modernizacji refleksyjnej” i badał złożoność procesu transformacji społeczeństw zglobalizowanego świata, a także aktywnie uczestniczył w debacie dotyczącej nowej tożsamości Europy. W Polsce ukazały się m.in. Społeczeństwo ryzyka. W drodze do innej nowoczesności (2002), Modernizacja refleksyjna. Polityka, tradycja i estetyka w porządku społecznym nowoczesności (współautorzy: Anthony Giddens, Scott Lash, 2009), Niemiecka Europa (2013) oraz Miłość na odległość. Modele życia w epoce globalnej (współautorka Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim, 2013).

Dipl. Soz. Anika Hoffmann, Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin und Doktorandin am DFG-Projekt ‚Pränatale Sozialität’ am Institut für Soziologie der Johannes-Gutenberg-Universität Mainz unterhält sich mit Dr. Udo Thiedeke über Fragen, die Zukunft mit anderen sozial zu gestalten, wenn die, um die es geht, noch gar nicht geboren sind oder Geld ausgeben, das sie noch gar nicht haben. Shownotes: #00:01:40 Link zum Projekt "Pränatale Sozialität" #00:03:21 Sozialisationsperspektiven der Soziologie ein Überblick siehe Klaus-Jürgen Tillmann, 2004: Sozialisationstheorien. Eine Einführung in den Zusammenhang von Gesellschaft, Institution und Subjektwerdung. 13. Auflage, Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowolth. #00:07:57 Zur Tendenz der Medikalisierung in der Gesellschaft siehe z.B. Peter Conrad, 2007: The Medicalization of Society: On the Transformation of Human Conditions into Treatable Disorders. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. #00:09:33 Zur Debatte um die Präimplantationsdiagnostik (PID) siehe Spiegel Online vom 07.07.2011 Online #00:11:10 Zur soziologischen Bedeutung der Schwangerschaftskundgabe: Hirschauer, Stefan; Hoffmann, Anika, 2012: Frohe Botschaften! Adressatenselektion und kommunikative Netzwerke beim Schwangerschafts-Coming Out. In: Ruth Ayaß/ Christian Meyer (Hrsg.) Sozialität in Slow Motion. Theoretische und empirische Perspektiven. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. S. 481-502. #00:13:46 Zur Individualisierungsthese des Soziologen Ulrich Beck, wir lebten "jenseits von Klasse und Stand" siehe: Ulrich Beck, 1983: Jenseits von Klasse und Stand? In: Reinhard Kreckel (Hrsg.): Soziale Ungleichheiten, Sonderband 2 der Sozialen Welt. Göttingen: Schwartz, S. 35-74; zur weiterführenden Diskussion siehe: Peter A. Berger, Ronald Hitzler (Hrsg.), 2010: Individualisierung. Das Ende von Stand und Klasse? Ein Vierteljahrhundert „jenseits von Stand und Klasse“? Wiesbaden: VS. #00:16:45 Verteilung und Zunahme nichtehelicher Geburten in Deutschland von 1996-2006 nach Bundesländern. #00:17:38 Zu den Regenbogenfamilien: Marina Rupp, Andrea Dürnberger, 2010: Wie kommt der Regenbogen in die Familie? Entstehungszusammenhang und Alltag von Regenbogenfamilien. In: Funcke, Dorett/Thorn, Petra (Hrsg.): Die gleichgeschlechtliche Familie mit Kindern. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu einer neuen Lebensform. Bielefeld: Transcript. S. 61-98. #00:23:00 Zur sozialen Bedeutung des Klatsches siehe z.B. Jörg Reinhold Bergmann, 1987: Klatsch. Zur Sozialform der diskreten Indiskretion. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter. #00:42:07 Zur Methodik des Interviews. #00:44:15 Soziologische Werke zum Thema Schwangerschaft: Luc Boltanski; 2007: Soziologie der Abtreibung. Zur Lage des fötalen Lebens. Suhrkamp Verlag (Frankfurt/Main). Rezension: Hirschauer, Stefan; Heimerl, Birgit; Hoffmann, Anika, Hofmann, Peter, 2009: Soziologische Embryonenforschung. Ein Aufbruch und ein Abbruch. In: Soziologische Revue, Jg. 32, Heft 1, S. 30-38; Villa, Paula-Irene; Moebius, Stephan; Thiessen, Barbara (Hrsg.), 2011: Soziologie der Geburt: Diskurse, Praktiken, Perspektiven. Frankfurt/M., New York: Campus Verlag. #00:47:03 Geburtenrate in Deutschland und im europäischen Vergleich. #00:47:25 Beispiele für Schwangeren-Online-Foren, u.a. www.gofeminin.de; www.babyforum.de; www.mamiweb.de; www.urbia.de #00:54:39 Zu den Anforderungen der zweiten Moderne für den individuellen Umgang mit Geld siehe: Rau, Matthias; Hoffmann, Anika; Bock, Michael: Private Schulden im Spiegel der Postmoderne. Eine heuristische Betrachtung. In: Curt Wolfgang Hergenröder (Hrsg.): Schulden und ihre Bewältigung. Wiesbaden: Springer VS (im Erscheinen). #00:55:00 Die "zweite Moderne" u.a. vom Soziologen Ulrich Beck auch als "reflexive Moderne" bezeichnet, meint keine eindeutige Epochenschwelle, sondern versucht vielmehr dem Eindruck einer Reflexion und teilweise auch Revision von bislang als fraglos modern geltenden Entwicklungen Ausdruck zu verleihen. Siehe z.B. Anthony Giddens, Scott Lash (Hrsg.), 1996: Reflexive Modernisierung. Eine Kontroverse. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp. #00:55:45 Einen ersten Überblick über die Debatte Wertewandel versus Werteverschiebung findet sich bei: Gerd F. Hepp, 2001: Wertewandel und bürgerschaftliches Engagement. Perspektiven für die politische Bildung. In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte. Wertewandel, Ausgabe 29, S. 31-38. #01:02:55 Hintergründe zur Schufa und zum Schufa-Scoring #01:04:40 Zum Anstieg der Single-Haushalte #01:05:40 Zum Wandel des Zinsverbots vom Mittelalter zur frühen Neuzeit, siehe: Eric Kerridge, 2002: Usury, Interest and the Reformation. Ashgate, Aldershot et al. [alle Links aktuell Februar/März 2013] Dauer 01:11:39 Folge direkt herunterladen

Neil MacGregor with this week's examination of the first great civilisations with one of the most spectacular discoveries of ancient royal goods. The magnificent gold and silver jewellery was found nearly 100 years ago at a royal burial site in the City of Ur in Southern Iraq, at the heart of one of the first great civilisations in the world. It leads Neil MacGregor to contemplate the nature of kingship and power in Mesopotamia. The Standard of Ur is a set of mosaic scenes that show powerful images of battle and regal life and that remain remarkably well preserved given its fourand a half thousand year old history. Contributors include sociologist Anthony Giddens, on the growing sophistication of societies at this time, and the archaeologist Lamia Al-Gailani who considers what Ancient Mesopotamia means to the people of modern day Iraq.