Podcast appearances and mentions of anne richard

"Eurêka : les idées de génie" ! Pour sa nouvelle thématique, la médiathèque du Val d'Argent a décidé de mettre les inventions et les créations à l'honneur, du 06 mai au 14 juin prochain à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines. Lors de cette période, le public pourra notamment partir à la découverte des fabrications toutes plus surprenantes les unes que les autres de Michel Georges. Le Sainte-Marien sera notamment présent le samedi 17 mai pour une rencontre lors de laquelle il contera ses déconvenues et comment il a déposé divers brevets. Ateliers, spectacles et ciné-rencontre ponctueront également les prochaines semaines. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, nous en dit plus.Retrouvez le programme complet sur le site internet valdargent.bibenligne.fr.Les interviews sont également à retrouver sur les plateformes Spotify, Deezer, Apple Podcasts, Podcast Addict ou encore Amazon Music.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

En avril, ne bredouille pas d'un fil ! Dans le Val d'Argent, ces prochaines semaines seront consacrées à un programme autour de l'éloquence. Exposition, atelier et divers spectacles seront proposés au public. En parallèle de ce projet, un autre événement incontournable sera proposé le samedi 05 avril, avec la Fête de la Graine. Pour en parler, Anne Richard, directrice de l'établissement, était à notre micro.Retrouvez le programme complet sur le site internet valdargent.bibenligne.fr.Les interviews sont également à retrouver sur les plateformes Spotify, Deezer, Apple Podcasts, Podcast Addict ou encore Amazon Music.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

La thématique du sommeil sera particulièrement à l'honneur du côté de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, en ce mois de mars. Diverses animations seront proposées au sein de cet établissement, situé à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines, pour balayer les différents aspects de ce thème. Deux expositions seront notamment à observer, en parallèle d'un escape game, d'histoires, de spectacle, mais également d'une conférence et d'une relaxation sonore. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, nous dévoile les détails de l'ensemble de ces activités. Retrouvez le programme complet sur le site internet valdargent.bibenligne.fr.Les interviews sont également à retrouver sur les plateformes Spotify, Deezer, Apple Podcasts, Podcast Addict ou encore Amazon Music.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Entre exposition, théâtre, ateliers dédiés aux enfants, mais également concert, la programmation du mois de février de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, située à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines, s'annonce assez variée. Anne Richard, directrice de cet établissement, nous donne toutes les informations sur les différentes animations à venir.Retrouvez la programmation complète sur le site internet valdargent.bibenligne.fr.Les interviews sont également à retrouver sur les plateformes Spotify, Deezer, Apple Podcasts, Podcast Addict ou encore Amazon Music.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Après quelques jours de vacances à l'occasion des fêtes de fin d'année, la médiathèque du Val d'Argent ouvre à nouveau ses portes au public en ce début janvier. Les visiteurs pourront toujours y observer l'exposition "Formes et couleurs" de Jacques Freund, avant de participer à diverses animations. Le mois sera notamment marqué par une nouvelle participation aux Nuits de la lecture, sous le thème du patrimoine. Anne Richard, directrice de l'établissement, nous dévoile le programme de ce début d'année.Retrouvez le programme complet sur le site internet valdargent.bibenligne.fr.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Dernier focus autour de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, avant une pause liée aux festivités de fin d'année. Anne Richard, directrice de l'établissement situé à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines, nous fait le point sur les prochaines animations à venir en ce mois de décembre. Nouvelle exposition, spectacle autour du Saint-Nicolas, instant zen ou encore chants traditionnels français et québécois seront notamment à venir, dans la bonne humeur et en toute convivialité. Retrouvez le programme complet sur le site internet valdargent.bibenligne.fr.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

La médiathèque du Val d'Argent, située à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines, s'intéresse à l'histoire de la chasse en ce mois de novembre. Exposition, spectacles, conférence, mais également escape-game seront proposés sur cette thématique au sein de l'établissement lors des prochaines semaines. En parallèle de ce temps forts, d'autres activités seront également organisées, notamment en lien avec les festivals AlimenTerre et Décodage. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, nous présente ce programme d'animations.Programme complet sur le site internet valdargent.bibenligne.fr.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Les tensions commerciales entre la Chine et l'Union européenne (UE) continuent d'inquiéter certaines filières du Vieux continent. Après la mise en place de surtaxes à l'importation des véhicules électriques chinois dans l'UE, Pékin a annoncé une mesure de réciprocité vis-à-vis du cognac. Désormais, la filière porcine s'inquiète de subir le même sort. En janvier 2024, la Chine ouvrait une enquête anti-dumping sur l'eau-de-vie européenne, soupçonnant certains pays de l'UE de subventionner ces produits pour les vendre ensuite plus chers sur le marché chinois. Une mesure de rétorsion après la décision des 27 d'imposer des surtaxes à l'importation des véhicules électriques chinois sur le Vieux continent. En France, le sort de la filière du cognac est ainsi devenu le symbole du bras de fer commercial entre Pékin et Bruxelles. Mais elle n'est pas la seule sous le coup d'une enquête anti-dumping de la Chine, puisque le porc européen est, lui aussi, concerné. La procédure s'est ouverte en juin dernier. Les acteurs du secteur tirent aujourd'hui la sonnette d'alarme, car la Chine est la première destination à l'export pour le porc européen. Si Pékin mettait en place une surtaxe, il deviendrait donc moins attractif pour les négociants chinois. Avec une autre conséquence : les grands exportateurs d'Europe – l'Espagne, les Pays-Bas et le Danemark – inonderaient alors le marché interne avec leurs produits, conduisant à une baisse des prix. Jusqu'à 7 milliards d'euros de pertesDes conséquences chiffrées par l'Interprofession de la filière porcine française (Inaporc). Si la Chine imposait 30 à 60% de taxes, le secteur perdrait jusqu'à 7 milliards d'euros en Europe et 500 millions d'euros en France. Les acteurs tricolores de la filière s'inquiètent particulièrement, car Pékin est un débouché important, notamment pour les abats, les pieds et les oreilles de cochon. « Les seuls qui en mangent autant et à ce prix, ce sont les Chinois », souligne Anne Richard, la directrice de l'Inaporc. À ce stade, la procédure suit son cours. Les entreprises qui exportent du porc vers la Chine ont déjà rempli un questionnaire détaillant leurs activités. Trois d'entre elles – des compagnies espagnole, néerlandaise et danoise – ont été sélectionnées pour une étude plus poussée et ainsi déterminer s'il y a ou non du dumping. Anne Richard assure que les Européens discutent d'une seule et même voix face aux Chinois, même si elle s'inquiète : « les pouvoirs publics n'ont pas mesuré l'impact » de ces possibles surtaxes.

Les prochaines semaines s'annoncent festives du côté de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent. De nombreuses festivités sont organisées au sein de cet établissement situé à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines, dans l'objectif de célébrer son vingtième anniversaire. Photo souvenir, exposition de dessins, soirée dansante, spectacle de feu et d'autres surprises seront notamment au rendez-vous. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque, nous présente quelques unes de ces animations.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Un regard sur la diversité. Du mercredi 24 juillet au samedi 07 septembre, les visiteurs de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent située à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines sont invités à découvrir le travail de Markiz au travers de cette nouvelle exposition de peintures. D'autres activités seront également proposées par l'établissement, pour ne pas s'ennuyer cet été ! Le mardi 23 juillet sera notamment marqué par l'inauguration de la Micro-Folie. Anne Richard, directrice de l'établissement, était à notre micro pour nous faire part des animations à venir.Programme complet sur valdargent.bibenligne.frHébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Un nouveau dispositif à découvrir dans le Val d'Argent. Une Micro-Folie sera inaugurée ce mardi 23 juillet à 18h, au sein de la Villa Burrus à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines. Cette installation propose d'approcher science et culture, le tout de manière ludique. Anne Richard, directrice de l'établissement, en dit plus sur cette nouveauté.Le lien vers l'article complet : https://www.azur-fm.com/news/val-dargent-la-micro-folie-un-nouvel-elan-culturel-et-technologique-2265 Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Les animations olympiques continuent du côté de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, située à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines. Cette thématique est toujours à l'honneur jusqu'au 20 juillet prochain. Escape-game, spectacles et jeux seront notamment proposés. Pour compléter ces activités à venir, des animations autour de la fête de la musique, concert et cinéma plein-air sont également prévus. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque, nous détaille cette programmation.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

A l'heure des Jeux Olympiques de Paris 2024 et du relais de la flamme, la thématique phare de l'année s'invite également au sein de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, située à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines. Expositions, animations, ateliers, ciné-rencontre et spectacles mettront le sport à l'honneur jusqu'au 20 juillet prochain. Pour nous parler de cette vaste programmation, Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque, était au micro d'Azur FM.Le lien vers l'article complet : https://www.azur-fm.com/news/sainte-croix-aux-mines-la-mediatheque-se-met-au-sport-2177Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

C'est le premier importateur de porc français hors Union européenne : la Chine est un débouché crucial pour la filière porcine, avec 140 000 tonnes exportées en 2022. En marge de la visite en France de Xi Jinping le 6 mai 2024, des discussions ont eu lieu. L'objectif est d'augmenter les exportations françaises dans l'Empire du milieu. Au terme de la visite d'État, plusieurs accords ont été annoncés. Dès la fin de la rencontre bilatérale avec Xi Jinping, le ministre français de l'Agriculture s'est empressé de saluer la « vitalité » de la relation franco-chinoise, et d'annoncer deux accords importants pour la filière porcine. Désormais, les éleveurs français pourront exporter des abats blancs en Chine (des parties comme l'intestin ou l'estomac, issus du système digestif du cochon), mais aussi ce que l'on appelle des protéines transformées de porc.Deux mesures saluées par l'interprofession. Anne Richard, la directrice de l'Inaporc souligne des engagements « très positifs ». Elle estime que ce nouveau débouché augmentera de 10% les exportations françaises de porc vers la Chine, soit environ 26 millions d'euros.« C'est déjà ça de pris »Mais est-ce vraiment un pas important pour le commerce franco-chinois ? « Oui et non » répond Jean-Paul Simier, co-auteur du rapport Cyclope sur les matières premières. « Ce sont quelques petites avancées, c'est déjà ça de pris » estime l'expert, pour qui la vraie question est ailleurs. Car ce que tout le monde attend, ce sont des progressions sur le dossier de la viande bovine.Le bœuf, très prisé par les Chinois les plus aisés, fait l'objet d'une dispute entre la Chine et la France. Depuis plus de 20 ans, Pékin a décrété un embargo sur le bœuf français après la crise de la vache folle. Malgré les multiples tentatives, cet embargo n'a toujours pas été levé.« Ça, cela aurait été une vraie concession », souligne Jean-Paul Simier, qui note que Pékin fait le choix de « diviser pour mieux régner » en matière commerciale. La Chine a en effet levé l'embargo similaire imposé à l'Allemagne lors de la dernière visite d'Olaf Scholz le mois dernier, mais refuse toujours de le faire pour la France. Pour l'expert, c'est simple, « le jour où les pays européens négocieront d'un seul bloc, ils seront plus forts et obtiendront de vraies avancées commerciales ».À lire aussiPourquoi la filière du porc ne profite-t-elle pas du Nouvel An chinois?

Une programmation dansante et mélodieuse. Avec « Chantons sous la pluie », la médiathèque du Val d'Argent fait la part belle aux comédies musicales au cours de ces prochaines semaines. L'occasion de découvrir l'opéra « Les Fantasticks », ou encore de s'initier à différents styles de danses par exemple. En parallèle de cette thématique, d'autres animations sont également programmées du côté de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent. Entre spectacles, cinémas et rencontres, Anne Richard, directrice de l'établissement, nous fait le point sur toutes ces actualités.Le lien vers l'article complet : https://www.azur-fm.com/news/sainte-croix-aux-mines-la-mediatheque-joue-les-comedies-musicales-2089Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

La médiathèque du Val d'Argent se mobilise pour aller vers un monde nouveau ! A Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines, ce mois de mars sera sous le signe du climat et de la biodiversité. De nombreuses animations seront proposées au public dans le cadre de ces thématiques. Expositions, rencontres, spectacles, ateliers et projections sont notamment au programme de ce mois qui s'annonce bien chargé. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, dévoile toutes les informations sur ces activités.Le lien vers l'article complet : https://www.azur-fm.com/news/val-dargent-la-biodiversite-et-le-climat-a-lhonneur-en-ce-mois-de-mars-1998

La médiathèque du Val d'Argent vous invite à prendre de la hauteur en ce mois de février ! Situé à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines, l'établissement accueille du vendredi 02 au samedi 24 février l'exposition de photographies « Les joyaux du piémont des Vosges vus du ciel ». Lacs, châteaux et autres lieux seront à redécouvrir à travers les clichés de Pierre Weisse. Un apéro-rencontre est également organisé en sa présence le vendredi 02 février, à l'occasion du vernissage de cette exposition. Concert de musique scandinave, vente de documents et théâtre complèteront les animations de ce mois. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, nous dévoile cette programmation plus en détail.Le lien vers l'article complet : https://www.azur-fm.com/news/val-dargent-voyage-en-direction-des-nuages-avec-la-nouvelle-exposition-de-la-mediatheque-1958

A l'heure de la reprise, c'est un beau programme qui a été concocté par la médiathèque du Val d'Argent en ce mois de janvier. L'établissement situé à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines participera notamment à la huitième édition de la Nuit de la lecture, ce vendredi 19 janvier. Lectures, ateliers, jeux et blindtest musical seront par exemple au programme de l'événement, placé cette année sur le thème du corps. Spectacle pour les tout-petits, humour lors d'un stand up et atelier artistique en compagnie d'Ashlikala seront également proposés. On en parle avec Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent.Le lien vers l'article complet : https://azur-fm.com/news/un-mois-de-janvier-charge-a-la-mediatheque-du-val-dargent-1930

Theater- und Bücherautorin Livia Anne Richard (www.liviaannerichard.ch) – bekannt unter anderem für ihre Freilichttheater-Produktionen auf dem Berner Gurten – gewährt tiefe Einblicke in ihren kreativen Prozess: Wie sie sich von Ideen finden lässt, wann leere Word-Dokumente weniger erschreckend werden und warum sie das Schreiben von Büchern und Theaterstücken geographisch voneinander trennt. Ein unter die Haut gehender Talk, der mit Schokolade beginnt und beim Sinn für Gerechtigkeit endet.«Während man schwanger ist wird man nicht nochmals schwanger. So ists auch  mit Ideen.» Wettbewerb: Schreibe bis Ende Januar 2024 ein E-Mail an theatertalk@ticketpark.ch und gewinne zwei Tickets für die Uraufführung von «Da chönnt ja jede cho!» im Theater Gurten im Sommer 2024 (www.theatergurten.ch).Website zum Podcast: www.ticketpark.ch/theatertalk/Moderation: Linda TrachselVeröffentlicht am 12. Januar 2024.

La fin d'année approche mais les animations restent variées dans le Val d'Argent. Avant le passage à 2024, quelques dernières activités vous sont proposées par la médiathèque. Le premier rendez-vous à se noter est ce vendredi 08 décembre, avec un apéro-concert délocalisé à la salle polyvalente de Lièpvre. Au sein même de l'établissement, c'est une exposition, « Revival », qui sera à découvrir jusqu'au 27 janvier. L'année 2023 se clôturera avec un traditionnel spectacle de Noël, le mercredi 20 décembre. Anne Richard, directrice de la médiathèque, nous parle de toute cette programmation.  Le lien vers l'article complet : https://www.azur-fm.com/news/val-dargent-apero-concert-spectacle-et-nouvelle-exposition-cloturent-lannee-a-la-mediatheque-1846 

Au programme de ce lundi 6 novembre, dans la tranche information de So good Radio : grève XXL au Bangladesh, des ouvriers, enfin surtout des ouvrières de l'industrie textile réclament de meilleures conditions de travail; en France, l'allocation adulte handicapée déconjugalisée, une victoire dans l'autonomie des personnes concernées; et on termine par une vélorution contre l'ubérisation de Paris à Bruxelles. En plus de votre fil info feel good, retrouvez L'appel du good de Mickaël Newton, qui nous parle d'une bourse consactrée aux métiers du jeu vidéo, Le peigne dans l'maillot, la formule secrète pour s'endormir un peu moins con consacré à Johanna Van Gogh dont la vie est retracée dans le documentaire "Van Gogh, deux mois et une éternité" de Anne Richard; et enfin, la chanson qui va bien avec "I've Been In Move" de Jungle feat. Channel Tres. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

C'est l'heure de faire ses valises ! En ce mois de novembre, la médiathèque du Val d'Argent située à Sainte-Croix-aux-Mines vous invite à prendre la route. Expositions, rencontres, spectacles et ateliers permettront au public de voyager. Anne Richard, directrice de l'établissement, nous dévoile le programme des animations à venir. 

C'est le début de l'automne dans le Val d'Argent. Avec l'arrivée de cette nouvelle saison, c'est tout un panel d'activités variés sur le thème « Jardin d'automne » qui est proposé au cours de ce mois d'octobre, avec notamment exposition, ateliers et spectacle. Un concert de Gadjo Michto avec table partagée, mais également un atelier de danse k-pop figurent également à la programmation du mois. Cette dernière ne pouvait pas se faire sans compter encore sur une journée spéciale consacrée à la fête d'Halloween. Anne Richard, la nouvelle médiatrice de la médiathèque du Val d'Argent, nous parle de ce programme plus en détail.  Le lien vers l'article complet : https://www.azur-fm.com/news/val-dargent-lautomne-sinstalle-dans-la-vallee-avec-de-nombreux-rendez-vous-1696 

Beat es una de las plataformas de viajes por arrendamiento que compite en servicios en Bogotá, Cali, Medellín, Barranquilla y Bucaramanga. Hace cuatro años opera en Colombia. La empresa griega espera seguir aumentando su portafolio y creciendo en número de usuarios, contratación de más mujeres conductoras y en movilidad sostenible, como cuenta Anne Richard, gerente en Colombia.

Aujourd'hui, on parle d'un documentaire diffusé par la chaîne franco-allemande ARTE. Écrit à quatre mains, « À nos corps excisés » suit le parcours d'Halimata Fofana, une jeune femme franco-sénégalaise. Excisée à l'âge de 5 ans, Halimata a publié un roman, Mariama l'écorchée vive, dans lequel on retrouve beaucoup d'éléments de son autobiographie. Avec la réalisatrice Anne Richard, elle cosigne ce documentaire dans lequel elle raconte comment cette mutilation outrage le corps et l'âme des femmes.   À nos corps excisés, disponible sur Arte.tv 

Aujourd'hui, on parle d'un documentaire diffusé par la chaîne franco-allemande ARTE. Écrit à quatre mains, « À nos corps excisés » suit le parcours d'Halimata Fofana, une jeune femme franco-sénégalaise. Excisée à l'âge de 5 ans, Halimata a publié un roman, Mariama l'écorchée vive, dans lequel on retrouve beaucoup d'éléments de son autobiographie. Avec la réalisatrice Anne Richard, elle cosigne ce documentaire dans lequel elle raconte comment cette mutilation outrage le corps et l'âme des femmes.   À nos corps excisés, disponible sur Arte.tv 

Anne C. Richard, distinguished fellow and Afghanistan coordination lead at Freedom House, will lead a conversation on refugees and global migration. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Welcome to the final session of the Winter/Spring 2022 CFR Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record, and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/academic. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We are delighted to have Anne Richard with us today to talk about refugees and global migration. Ms. Richard is a distinguished fellow and Afghanistan coordination lead at Freedom House. She has taught at several universities including Georgetown, University of Virginia, Hamilton College, and the University of Pennsylvania. From 2012 to 2017, Ms. Richard served as an assistant secretary of state for population, refugees, and migration, and before joining the Obama administration she served as vice president of government relations and advocacy for the International Rescue Committee. She has also worked at the Peace Corps headquarters and the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, and is a member of CFR. So, Anne, thank you very much for being with us today. With your background and experience, it would be great if you could talk from your vantage point—give us an overview of the current refugee trends you are—we are seeing around the world, especially vis-à-vis the war in Ukraine, the withdrawal from Afghanistan, et cetera. RICHARD: Thank you so much, Irina, for inviting me today and for always welcoming me back to the Council. And thank you to your team for putting this together. I'm very happy to speak about the global refugee situation, which, unfortunately, has, once again, grown yet larger in a way that is sort of stumping the international community in terms of what can well-meaning governments do, what can foundations and charitable efforts and the United Nations (UN) do to help displaced people. I thought we could start off talking a little bit about definitions and data, and the idea is that I only speak about ten minutes at this beginning part so that we can get to your questions all the more quickly. But for all of us to be on the same wavelength, let's recall that refugees, as a group, have an organization that is supposed to look out for them. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees is the title of the number-one person in the organization, but the entire organization is known by that name, UNHCR, or the UN Refugee Agency. It also has a convention—the 1951 Refugee Convention—that came about after World War II and was very focused on not allowing to happen again what had happened during World War II where victims of the Nazis and, as time went on, people fleeing fascism, people fleeing communism, couldn't get out of their countries and were persecuted because of this. And there's a legal definition that comes out of the convention that different countries have, and the U.S. legal definition matches very much the convention's, which is that refugees have crossed an international border—they're not in their home country anymore—and once they've crossed an international border the sense is that they are depending on the international community to help them and that they're fleeing for specific purposes—their race, their religion, their ethnicity, their membership in a particular social group such as being LGBTQ, or political thought. And if you think back to the Cold War, these were some of the refugees coming out of the former Soviet Union, coming out of Eastern Europe, were people who had spoken out and were in trouble and so had to flee their home countries. So what are the numbers then? And I'm going to refer you to a very useful page on the UN High Commissioner for Refugees website, which is their “Figures at a Glance” presentation, and we're going to reference some of the numbers that are up there now. But those numbers change every year. They change on June 20, which is World Refugee Day. And so every year it hits the headlines that the numbers have gone up, unfortunately, and you can anticipate this if you think in terms of the summer solstice, the longest day of the year. It's usually June 20, 21, 22. So June 20, that first possible day, is every year World Refugee Day. So if you're working on behalf of refugees it's good sometimes to schedule events or anticipate newspaper articles and conversations about refugees ticking up in—at the end of June. So if you were paying attention last June for World Refugee Day, UNHCR would have unveiled a number of 82.4 million refugees around the world, and so this upcoming June what do we anticipate? Well, we anticipate the numbers will go up again and, in fact, yesterday the high commissioner was in Washington, met with Secretary of State Tony Blinken, and they met the press and Filippo Grandi, the current high commissioner, said that he thinks the number is closer to ninety-five to ninety-six million refugees. So, clearly, a couple things have happened since last June. One is that so many people are trying to flee Afghanistan and another is so many people have fled Ukraine. So if we went back to that $82.4 million figure that we know we have details on, we would find that this is the figure of people who are displaced because of conflict or persecution around the world. The ones that count as refugees who have actually crossed an international border is a smaller number. It's 20.7 million people that UNHCR is concerned about and then another close to six million people who are Palestinians in the Middle East whose displacement goes back to 1948, the creation of the statehood of Israel, and upheaval in the Middle East region as Palestinians were shifted to live elsewhere. And so—and they are provided assistance by a different UN agency, UNRWA—UN Relief Works Administration in the Near East—and so if you see a number or you see two sets of numbers for refugees and they're off by about five or six million people, the difference is the Palestinian, that number—whether it's being counted in, which is for worldwide numbers, or out because UNHCR cares for most refugees on Earth but did not have the responsibility for the Palestinians since UNRWA was set up with that specific responsibility. So what's the big difference then between the eighty-two million, now growing to ninety-five million, and this smaller number of refugees? It's internally displaced persons (IDPs). These are people who are displaced by conflict or are displaced by persecution, are running for their lives, but they haven't left their own countries yet. So think of Syrians who, perhaps, are displaced by war and they have crossed their own countries and gone to a safer place within their own country but they haven't crossed that border yet. Others who have crossed into Lebanon or Turkey or Jordan or Iraq or have gone further afield to Egypt, those would be considered refugees. Who's responsible for the IDPs then? Well, legally, their own countries are supposed to take care of them. But in my Syria example, the problem is Syria was bombing its own people in certain areas of the country, and so they were not protecting their own people as they should be. People can be displaced by things other than war and conflict and persecution, of course. More and more we talk about climate displacement, and this is a hot issue that we can talk about later. But who's responsible then when people are displaced by changing climactic conditions and it's their own governments who are supposed to help them? But more and more questions have been raised about, well, should the international community come together and do more for this group of people—for internally displaced persons—especially when their own governments are unwilling or unable to do so? What about migrants? Who are the migrants? Migrants is a much broader term. Everyone I've talked about so far who's crossed a border counts as a migrant. Migrants are just people on the go, and the International Organization for Migration estimates there's about 281 million migrants on Earth today—about 3.6 percent of the world population—and one of the big issues I've pushed is to not see migrants as a dirty word. Unfortunately, it often is described that way—that migratory flows are bad, when, in fact, lots of people are migrants. Students who travel to the U.S. to take classes are migrants to our country. The secretary general of the United Nations, António Guterres, who was himself for eleven years the high commissioner for refugees, he says, I am a migrant, because he's a Portuguese person working in New York City. People hired by Silicon Valley from around the world to work in high-paid jobs, legally in the United States, they are migrants. More concerning are vulnerable migrants, people who are displaced and don't have the wherewithal to, necessarily, protect themselves, take care of themselves, on the march or where they end up, or also if they're seen as traveling without papers, not welcome in the places where they're going, that can be a very, very dangerous situation for them. So be aware that migrants is a really broad all-encompassing term that can include travelers, businesspeople, as well as vulnerable and very poor people who are economic migrants. Finally, immigrants are people who set out and migrate because they intend to live somewhere else, and when we were talking about the Trump administration's policies to reduce the number of refugees coming to the U.S. we also see that immigration to the U.S. also was decreased during that administration as well. So both the refugee program and a lot of the immigration pathways to the U.S. are now being examined and trying to be not just fixed, because a lot of them have needed care for quite some time, but also put back on a growth trajectory. And then asylum seekers are people who get to a country on their own, either they have traveled to a border or they pop up inside a country because they have gotten in legally through some other means such as a visitor visa or business visa, and then they say, I can't go home again. It's too dangerous for me to go home again. Please, may I have asylum? May I be allowed to stay here and be protected in your country? So that's a lot of different terminology. But the more you work on it, the more these terms—you get more familiar using them and understand the differences between them that experts or legal experts use. So ninety-five to ninety-six million people, as we see another eleven million people fleeing Ukraine and of that four million, at least, have crossed the borders into neighboring countries and another seven million are internally displaced, still inside Ukraine but they've gone someplace that they feel is safer than where they were before. When we looked at the eighty million refugees and displaced people, we knew that two-thirds of that number came from just five countries, and one of the important points about that is it shows you what could happen, the good that could be done, if we were able to push through peace negotiations or resolutions of conflict and persecution, if we could just convince good governance and protection of people—minorities, people with different political thought, different religious backgrounds—inside countries. So the number-one country still remains Syria that has lost 6.7 million people to neighboring countries, primarily. Secondly was Venezuela, four million. Third was Afghanistan. The old number from before last August was 2.6 million and some hundreds of thousands have fled since. And the only reason there aren't more fleeing is that they have a really hard time getting out of their country, and we can talk more about that in a moment. The fourth are Rohingya refugees fleeing from Burma, or Myanmar. That's 1.1 million, and the fifth was Southern Sudanese, 2.2 million, who have fled unrest and violence in that country. So we know that we have not enough peace, not enough solutions, and we have too much poverty, too, and dangers. In addition to the Venezuelans, another group that has approached the U.S. from the southern border that were in the paper, especially around election times, is from the Northern Triangle of Central America, so El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. These are people who could be fleeing because of economic situations and could also be fleeing from criminal violence, gangs, warfare, narcotraffickers. And so if they are fleeing for their lives and approaching our southern border, we are supposed to give them a hearing and consider whether they have a case for asylum, and the—unfortunately, that is not well understood, especially not by folks working at our borders. The Customs and Border Protection folks are more and more focused on, since 9/11, ensuring that bad guys don't come across, that terrorists don't come across, that criminals don't come across. And we heard in the Trump administration conversations about Mexicans as rapists, gang warfare being imported into the U.S. from Central America when, in fact, some of it had been originally exported, and this sense that people from the Middle East were terrorists. And so really harsh language about the types of people who were trying to make it to the U.S. and to get in. Some final thoughts so that we can get to the question and answer. The U.S. government has traditionally been the top donor to refugee and humanitarian efforts around the world. The bureau at the State Department I used to run, the Population, Refugees, and Migration Bureau, was a major donor to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees—UNRWA—the International Committee of the Red Cross, and also the International Organization for Migration, which used to be an independent organization and is now part of the UN since 2016. We were also the number-one resettlement location, the formal program for bringing refugees to the United States, and when I was assistant secretary we brought seventy thousand refugees per year to the United States, invited them to come through a program that took eighteen months to twenty-four months, on average, to get them in because they had to be vetted for security reasons. They had to pass medical tests. Their backgrounds had to be investigated to see that they were who they said they were. And that number went higher in the last year of the Obama administration to eighty-five thousand refugees and, in fact, the Obama administration proposed some very strong additional measures to help refugees. But the Trump administration threw that all into reverse with a completely different set of policies. So the numbers then became reduced every year—fifty-three thousand in the first year of the Trump administration, 22,500 the next year, thirty thousand in 2019, 11,814 in 2020, a similar number in 2021, and slow numbers coming today, this despite bringing so many Afghans through an evacuation exercise last summer. Many of the people who were evacuated were American citizens or green card holders. Afghans who had worked for the U.S. but did not have their formal paperwork yet were brought in under what's called humanitarian parole, and the problem with that program is that it's no guarantee for a longer-term stay in the United States. So there's a bill in Congress right now to address that. A lot of the people who worked on that, especially within the U.S. government, are proud that they've scrambled and brought so many people so quickly—120,000 people brought from Afghanistan. At the same time, those of us who are advocates for refugees would say too many people were left behind and the evacuation should continue, and that's a real concern. In terms of resettlement in the U.S., it's a program run—public-private partnership—and we've never seen so many volunteers and people helping as there are right now, and initiatives to help welcome people to the United States, which is fantastic. I would say the program should be one of humanity, efficiency, and generosity, and that generosity part has been tough to achieve because the government piece of it is kind of stingy. It's kind of a tough love welcome to the United States where the refugees are expected to get jobs and the kids to go to school and the families to support themselves. So let me stop there because I've been just talking too long, I know, and take questions. FASKIANOS: It's fantastic, and thank you for really clarifying the definitions and the numbers. Just a quick question. You said the U.S. government is the top donor. What is the percentage of DVP? I mean, it's pretty— RICHARD: Tiny. Yeah. FASKIANOS: —tiny, right? I think there's this lack of understanding that it may seem like a big number but in our overall budget it's minuscule. So if you could just give us a— RICHARD: Yeah. It's grown in the last few years because of all these crises around the world to ten to twelve million—I mean, ten billion dollars to twelve billion (dollars) between the U.S. Agency for International Development and the State Department, which was bigger. It was around seven or eight billion (dollars) when I was the assistant secretary five, six years ago. But the important part of it was it provided the whole backbone to the international humanitarian system. Governments, some of them, saw Americans sometimes as headaches in terms of we, Americans, telling them what to do or we, Americans, having our own ideas of how to do things or we, Americans, demanding always budget cuts and efficiencies. But the fact is the whole humanitarian enterprise around the world is based on American generosity, especially the big operating agencies like World Food Programme, UNHCR, UNICEF, UN Development Program. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. So now we're going to go to all you for your questions. Hands are already up and Q&A written questions. So I'll try to get to everybody as much as I can. I'm going to go—the first question from Rey Koslowski, and if you can unmute yourself and give us your institution that would be fantastic. RICHARD: Hi, Rey. Q: All right. Rey Koslowski, University at Albany. Hi, Anne. Good to see you. I'd like to pick up on the use of humanitarian parole. So, as I understand it, it's being utilized for Afghan evacuees, Afghans, who you mentioned, who didn't—weren't able to get on the flights and were left behind, but also for Ukrainians. You know, President Biden announced a hundred thousand Ukrainians. I mean, a very—we're using other channels but we've had, I believe, three thousand at the U.S.-Mexican border and, I believe, they're being paroled for the most part, right. As I understand it, we're—one DHS letter that I saw said that there were forty-one thousand requests for humanitarian parole for Afghan nationals. But I'm wondering about capacity of the USCIS to handle this, to process this, because, you know, normally, I think, maybe two thousand or so, a couple thousand, are processed, maybe a couple of people who do this, and also in conjunction with the challenges for processing all of the asylum applications. So, as I understand it, back in the fall there was some discussion of hiring a thousand asylum officers—additional asylum officers. I was wondering, what are your thoughts about our capacity to process all of the—the U.S. government's capacity to process the humanitarian parole applications and the asylum applications, and if you have any insights on new hires and how many— RICHARD: Well, you know, Rey, at Freedom House now I'm working on a project to help Afghan human rights defenders and— Q: Right. RICHARD: —the idea is that they can restart their work if we can find a way for them to be safe inside Afghanistan, which is very hard with the Taliban in charge right now, or if in exile they can restart their work. And so we're watching to see where Afghans are allowed to go in the world as they seek sanctuary and the answer is they don't get very far. It's very hard to get out of the country. If they get to Pakistan or Iran, they don't feel safe. They have short-term visas to stay there, and the programs that might bring them further along like resettlement of refugees are—take a much longer time to qualify for and then to spring into action, and so they're stuck. You know, they're afraid of being pushed back into Afghanistan. They're afraid of becoming undocumented and running out of money wherever they are, and so they're in great need of help. The humanitarian parole program sort of—for bringing Afghans into the U.S. sort of understood that our eighteen- to twenty-four-month refugee resettlement program was a life-saving program but it wasn't an emergency program. It didn't work on an urgent basis. It didn't scoop people up and move them overnight, and that's, really, what was called for last August was getting people—large numbers of people—out of harm's way. And so when I was assistant secretary, if we knew someone was in imminent danger we might work with another government. I remember that the Scandinavians were seen as people who were more—who were less risk averse and would take people who hadn't had this vast vetting done but would take small numbers and bring them to safety, whereas the U.S. did things in very large numbers but very slowly. And so this lack of emergency program has really been what's held us back in providing the kind of assistance, I think, people were looking for the Afghans. I was surprised we even brought them into the United States. I thought after 9/11 we'd never see that kind of program of bringing people in with so little time spent on checking. But what they did was they moved up them to the front of the line and checked them very quickly while they were on the move. So it was safe to do but it was unusual, and I think part of that was because the military—the U.S. military—was so supportive of it and U.S. veterans were so supportive of it and we had, for the first time in a while, both the right and the left of the political spectrum supporting this. So the problem with humanitarian parole is I remember it being used, for example, for Haitians who had been injured in the Haitian earthquake and they needed specialized health care—let's say, all their bones were crushed in their legs or something. They could be paroled into the U.S., get that health care that they needed, and then sent home again. So we've not used it for large numbers of people coming in at once. So what refugee advocates are seeking right now from Congress is the passage of the Afghan Adjustment Act, which would give people a more permanent legal status. They would be treated as if they were—had come through the refugee resettlement program and they'd get to stay. So you're right that the numbers being granted humanitarian parole at one time is just not the normal way of doing things. You're also right that the—this is a lot of extra work on people who weren't anticipating it, and more can continue with the hundred thousand Ukrainians who the president has said we will take in. And so the thing is when we have these kind of challenges in the United States one way to deal with it is to spend more money and do a better job, and that seems to be an option for certain challenges we face but not for all challenges we face. With these more humanitarian things, we tend to have tried to do it on the cheap and to also use the charity and partner with charities and churches more than if this were sort of a more business-oriented program. So we need all of the above. We need more government funding for the people who are working the borders and are welcoming people in or are reviewing their backgrounds. We need more assistance from the public, from the private sector, from foundations, because the times demand it. And it's very interesting to me to see Welcome US created last year with three former U.S. presidents—President Bush, President Clinton, President Obama—speaking up about it, saying, please support this, and people from across the political aisle supporting it. I wish that had existed in 2015 when we were grappling with these issues at the time of candidate Trump. So the needs are greater. Absolutely. But that doesn't mean we have to just suffer through and struggle through and have long backups like we do right now. We could be trying to put more resources behind it. FASKIANOS: I'm going to take the next written question from Haley Manigold, who's an IR undergrad student at University of North Florida. We know that the war in Ukraine is going to affect grain and food supplies for the MENA countries. Is there any way you would recommend for Europe and other neighboring regions to manage the refugee flows? RICHARD: The first part of that was about the food issue but then you said— FASKIANOS: Correct, and then this is a pivot to manage the refugee flows. So— RICHARD: Well, the Europeans are treating the Ukrainians unlike any other flow of people that we've seen lately. It goes a little bit back and reminiscent to people fleeing the Balkans during the 1990s. But we saw that with a million people in 2015 walking into Europe from Syria, Pakistan, Afghanistan—mix of economic migrants and real refugees—that Europe, at first, under Angela Merkel's leadership were welcoming to these folks showing up, and then there was a backlash and the walls came up on that route from the Balkans to Germany and to Sweden. And so in the last few years, Europeans have not been seen as champions in allowing—rescuing people who are trying to get to Europe on their own. You know, especially the Mediterranean has been a pretty dismal place where we see Africans from sub-Saharan Africa working their way up to North Africa and trying to get from Libya across the Mediterranean to Europe. These are mostly economic migrants but not solely economic migrants, and they deserve to have a hearing and, instead, they have been terribly mistreated. They get stopped by the Libyan coast guard, the Europeans push boats back, and they are offloaded back into Libya and they are practically imprisoned and mistreated in North Africa. So that's a terribly inhumane way to treat people who are trying to rescue themselves, their families, and find a better life. And another point to the Europeans has been, couldn't you use these young people taking initiative trying to have a better life and work hard and get on with their lives, and the answer is yes. Europe has this sort of aging demographic and could definitely use an infusion of younger workers and talented people coming in. But, instead, they have really pushed to keep people out. So what's happened with Ukrainians? They're seen as a different category. They're seen as neighbors. There's a part of it that is positive, which is a sense that the countries right next door have to help them. Poland, Moldova, other countries, are taking in the Ukrainians. The borders are open. If they get to Poland they can get free train fare to Germany. Germany will take them in, and that's a beautiful thing. And the upsetting thing is the sense that there is undertones of racism, also anti-Islam, where darker-skinned people were not at all welcome and people who are not Christian were not welcome. And so it's probably a mix of all the above, the good and the bad, and it's potentially an opportunity to teach more people about “refugeehood” and why we care and why it affects all of us and what we should do about it and that we should do more. FASKIANOS: Thank you. All right, I'm going to take the next question from Kazi Sazid, who has also raised their hand, so if you could just ask your question yourself and identify yourself. Q: Hello. So I'm Kazi. I'm a student at CUNY Hunter College and I happen to be writing a research paper on Central American and Iraq war refugee crises and how international law hasn't changed the behavior of a state helping them. So my question is, how does confusion and ignorance of migration and refugee terminology by state leaders and the general populace impact the legally ordained rights of refugees such as having identity documents, having the right to education, refoulement, which is not being sent back to a country where they are danger? One example is like Central Americans are termed as illegal immigrants by the right wing but the reality is they are asylum seekers who are worthy of refugee status because gang violence and corruption has destabilized their country and the judicial systems. I think femicide in El Salvador and Honduras is among the highest and—so yeah. RICHARD: Yeah. Thank you for asking the question, and I have a soft spot in my heart for Hunter College. Only one of my grandparents went to college and it was my mother's mother who went to Hunter College and graduated in the late 1920s, and as we know, it's right down the street from the Harold Pratt House, the home of the Council on Foreign Relations. So I think a lot of what you—I agree with a lot of what you've said about—for me it's describing these people who offer so much potential as threats, just because they are trying to help themselves. And instead of feeling that we should support these folks, there's a sense of—even if we don't allow them in our country we could still do things to ease their way and help them find better solutions, but they're described as these waves of people coming this way, headed this way, scary, scary. And if you follow the debates in the United States, I was very alarmed before and during the Trump administration that journalists did not establish that they had a right to make a claim for asylum at the border. Instead, they talked about it as if it were two political policies duking it out, where some people felt we should take more and some people felt we should take less. Well, the issue that was missed, I felt, in a lot of the coverage of the Southern border was the right to asylum, that they had a right to make a claim, that we had signed onto this as the United States and that there was a very good reason that we had signed onto that and it was to make sure people fleeing for their lives get an opportunity to be saved if they're innocent people and not criminals, but innocent people who are threatened, that we'd give them a place of safety. So I agree with you that the lack of understanding about these basic principles, agreements, conventions is something that is not well understood by our society, and certainly the society was not being informed of that by a lot of the messengers describing the situation over the past few years. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So I'm going to take the next question from Lindsey McCormack who is an undergrad at Baruch—oh, sorry, a graduate student at Baruch College. My apologies. Do you see any possibility of the U.S. adopting a protocol for vetting and accepting climate refugees? Have other countries moved in that direction? And maybe you can give us the definition of a climate refugee and what we will in fact be seeing as we see climate change affecting all of us. RICHARD: I don't have a lot to say on this, so I hate to disappoint you, but I will say a couple things because, one, I was on a task force at Refugees International, which is a very good NGO that writes about and reports on refugee situations around the world and shines a light on them. I was part of a task force that came out with a report for the Biden administration on the need to do more for climate migrants, and so that report is available at the Refugees International site and it was being submitted to the Biden administration because the Biden administration had put out an executive order on refugees that included a piece that said we want to do a better job, we want to come up with new, fresh ideas on climate migrants. So I don't know where that stands right now, but I think the other piece of information that I often give out while doing public speaking, especially to students, about this issue is that I feel not enough work has been done on it, and so if a student is very interested in staying in academia and studying deeper into some of these issues, I think climate migration is a field that is ripe for further work. It's timely, it's urgent, and it hasn't been over-covered in the past. I admire several people, several friends who are working on these issues; one is Professor Beth Ferris at Georgetown University who was, in fact, on the secretary general's High Level Panel on Internal Displacement and she made sure that some of these climate issues are raised in very high-level meetings. She was also part of this task force from Refugees International. Another smart person working on this is Amali Tower, a former International Rescue Committee colleague who started a group called Climate Refugees and she's also trying to bring more attention to this; she's kind of very entrepreneurial in trying to do more on that. Not everybody would agree that the term should be climate refugees since “refugees” has so much legal definitions attached to it and the people displaced by climate don't have those kind of protections or understandings built around them yet. But I think it's an area that there definitely needs to be more work done. So I think the basic question was, did I think something good was going to happen anytime soon related to this, and I can't tell because these crazy situations around the world, the war in Ukraine and Taliban in charge in Afghanistan—I mean, that just completely derails the types of exercises that the world needs of thinking through very logically good governance, people coming together making decisions, building something constructive instead of reacting to bad things. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from raised hand Ali Tarokh. And unmute your—thank you. Q: Yes. OK, I am Ali Tarokh from Northeastern University. I came here in the United States ten years ago as a refugee. And I was in Turkey—I flew Iran to Turkey. I stayed there fourteen, sixteen months. So this is part of—my question is part of my lived experience in Turkey. So one part is humanitarian services, helping refugees move into the third country, OK? The one issue I—it's my personal experience is the UNHCR system, there is many corruptions. This corruption makes lines, OK, produce refugees—because some countries such as Iran and Turkey, they are producing refugees and there is no solution for it, or sometimes they use it as—they use refugees as a weapon. They say, OK, if you don't work with me—Turkey sent a message to EU: If you don't work with me, I open the borders. I open the borders and send the flow of refugees to EU. Even some—even Iran's government. So my question is, how can we in the very base on the ground—the level of the ground—how can we prevent all these corruption or how can we work out with this kind of government, countries that are—I named them the refugee producers. And by the time there is two sides of the refugees—one is just humanitarian services, which is our responsibility, United States playing globally there; and other side it seems refugees issue became like industry. In Turkey, the UNHCR staff, some lawyers/attorneys, they take money from people, they make fake cases for them. Even they ask them: Hey, what country—which country would you like to go, United States, Canada, Scandinavian countries? So what is our strategy? What is our solution to help real refugees or prevent produce refugees? RICHARD: Well, there's several things that are raised by your question. Turkey and, now we see, Russia have both been countries where we have seen instances where they can turn on the flow of refugees and turn it off. And Turkey was watching people walk through Turkey, cross the Mediterranean is very scary, dangerous trip between Turkey and Greece in these rubber boats in 2015, 2016, and then they would make their way onward, and then, because of this big EU-Turkey deal that involved 3 billion euros at the time, all of a sudden, the flow stopped. And then in further negotiations going on and on, Turkey would say things that seemed like it came right from a Godfather movie, like, gee, I'd hate to see that flow start up again; that would be a real shame. And so it was clear it was sort of a threat that if you didn't cooperate it could play this very disruptive role on the edges of Europe and deploying people, as you said, which is so cruel not just to the people who are receiving them but to the individuals themselves that they're not being seen as people who need care but instead as a problem to be deployed in different directions. And we saw that also with Belarus and Poland and now also it may have been part of the thinking of Vladimir Putin that by attacking Ukraine, by going to war with Ukraine that there would be exactly what is happening now, people scattering from Ukraine into Europe and that that would be a way to drive a wedge between European countries and cause a lot of not just heartache but also animosity between these countries. So what the Russians didn't seem to appreciate this time was that there would be so much solidarity to help the Ukrainians, and that has been a bit of a surprise. So you've also talked about corruption, though, and corruption is a problem all over the world for lots of different reasons, in business and it's embedded in some societies in a way that sometimes people make cultural excuses for, but in reality we know it doesn't have to be that way. But it is very hard to uproot and get rid of. So I find this work, the anti-corruption work going on around the world, really interesting and groups like Transparency International are just sort of fascinating as they try to really change the standards and the expectations from—the degree to which corruption is part of societies around the world. So UNHCR has to take great care to not hire people who are going to shake down and victimize refugees, and it's not—there's never a perfect situation, but I know that a lot of work is done to keep an eye on these kinds of programs so that the aid goes to the people who need it and it's not sidetracked to go to bad guys. And the way I've seen it is, for example, if I travel overseas and I go to someplace where refugees are being resettled to the U.S. or they're being interviewed for that, or I go to UNHCR office, there will be big signs up that will say the resettlement program does not cost money. If someone asks you for money, don't pay it; you know, report this. And from time to time, there are mini scandals, but overall, it's remarkable how much corruption is kept out of some of these programs. But it's a never-ending fight. I agree with you in your analysis that this is a problem and in some countries more than others. FASKIANOS: So I'm going to take the next question from Pamela Waldron-Moore, who's the chair of the political science department at Xavier University in New Orleans. There are reports in some news feeds that African refugees from Ukraine are being disallowed entry to some states accepting refugees. I think you did allude to this. Is there evidence of this, and if so, can the UN stop it or alleviate that situation? RICHARD: We saw before the Taliban took over in Afghanistan that some European countries were saying it was time for Afghans to go home again, and the idea that during this war it was safe for Afghans to go back—and especially for Afghans who are discriminated against even in the best of times in Afghanistan, like the Hazara minority. It's just—I found that sort of unbelievable that some countries thought this was the right time to send people back to Afghanistan. And so at the moment there's a weird situation in Afghanistan because it's safer in some ways for the bulk of the people because the active fighting has—in large parts of the country—stopped. But it's deadly dangerous for human rights defenders, women leaders, LBGTQ folks—anyone who tries to stand up to the Taliban—you know, scholars, thinkers, journalists. And so those are the folks that, in smaller numbers, we need to find some kind of way to rescue them and get them to safety while they are still inside Afghanistan or if that's outside Afghanistan and in the region. The borders—the border situations change from time to time. For a while they were saying only people with passports could come out, and for most Afghan families, nobody had a passport or, if they did, it was a head of household had a passport for business or trade. But you wouldn't have had passports for the spouse and the children. And so this has been a real dilemma. We also see a whole series of barriers to people getting out; so first you need a passport, then you need a visa to where you're going, and then you might need a transit visa for a country that you are crossing. And what has come to pass is that people who are trying to help evacuate people from Afghanistan—a smaller and smaller number as the months go on; people are trying to make this happen because it's so hard—that they will only take people out of the country if they feel that their onward travel is already figured out and that they have their visas for their final-destination country. So the actual number that's getting out are tiny. And the people who have gotten out who are in either Pakistan or Iraq are very worried. And they're afraid to be pushed back. They're afraid they will run out of money. They are afraid—I think said this during my talk before—they're afraid that there are people in Pakistan who will turn them in to the Taliban. And so it's always hard to be a refugee, but right now it's really frightening for people who are just trying to get to a safe place. FASKIANOS: And in terms of the discrimination that you referenced for refugees leaving the Ukraine, I mean, there have been some reports of EU—discrimination in European countries not accepting— RICHARD: Well, like African students who are studying in Ukraine— FASKIANOS: Yes. RICHARD: —who were not treated as if they were fleeing a country at war— FASKIANOS: Correct. RICHARD: —but instead were put in a different category and said, you know, go back, go home. FASKIANOS: Yes. RICHARD: Yeah, that's—that is quite blatant— FASKIANOS: And there's— RICHARD: And that was happening at the borders. FASKIANOS: Is there anything the UN can do about that, or is that really at the discretion of the countries—the accepting countries? RICHARD: Well, the—yeah, the UNHCR has these reception centers that they've set up, including between the border of Poland and Ukraine, and I think the other neighboring countries. And so if one can get to the reception center, one could potentially get additional help or be screened into—for special attention for needing some help that maybe a white Christian Ukrainian who spoke more than one language of the region would not need. FASKIANOS: Great. So let's go to Susan Knott, who also wrote her question, but has raised her hand. So Susan, why don't you just ask your question? And please unmute and identify yourself. KNOTT: OK, am I unmuted? FASKIANOS: Yes. KNOTT: OK. I am Susan Knott, University of Utah, Educational Policy and Leadership doctoral program. I am also a practicum intern at ASU, and I'm also a refugee services collaborator. And I'm engaged in a research project creating college and university pathways for refugees to resettle. I'm just wondering what your feel is about the current administration efforts in seeking to establish the pathway model similar to ASU's Education for Humanity Initiative with Bard, and is there helping lead the Refugee Higher Education Access program that serves learners who require additional university-level preparation in order to transition into certificate and degree programs. And I just—I'm not just—and all of this buzz that's going on since all of terrible crises are occurring, I'm not seeing a whole lot that—based on my own experience working with refugee education and training centers at colleges—on the college level, and learning about the Presidents' Alliance on Higher Ed and Immigration. I'm just wondering—and they're saying let's have this be more of a privately funded or partnerships with the university scholarships and private entities. What about a federally-funded university sponsorship program for refugee students given that the numbers or the data is showing that that age group is the largest number of just about every refugee population? RICHARD: That's a really fascinating set of issues. I'm not the expert on them, so I'm going to disappoint you. but I appreciate that you took a little extra time in how you stated your intervention to add a lot of information for this group, which should very much care about this. I get a lot of questions every week about university programs that Afghan students could take advantage of. I don't have a good handle on it, and I'm trying to do that with—I'm overdue for a conversation with Scholars at Risk in New York. Robert Quinn is the executive director of that, I believe. And so I'm glad you raised this and I'm not going to have a lot of extra to say about it. FASKIANOS: Anne, are there—is there—there's a question in the chat in the Q&A about sources for data on U.S. initiatives toward refugees. Where would you direct people to go to get updates on the latest programs, et cetera? RICHARD: Sometimes I'm embarrassed to say the best summaries are done by not-for-profits outside the government than by the government. The best source for data on resettlement of refugees to the U.S. is a website that is funded by the U.S. government called WRAPSNET.org—WRAPS spelled W-R-A-P-S-N-E-T dot-O-R-G. And in double-checking some of the things last summer, I felt that DHS had better descriptions of some of the programs than the State Department did, and that's my bureau that I used to—run, so—but they are responsible for determining who is in and who is out of these different programs, so maybe that's why they do. So there's a lot on the DHS website that's interesting if you are looking for more information. And one of the things the Council does, it has done a number of these special web presentations: one on refugees that I got to help on a couple of years ago, and I think there's one up now on Ukrainians. And this is the type of public education function that the Council does so well I think because they fact-check everything, and so it's very reliable. FASKIANOS: Thank you for that plug. You can find it all on CFR.org—lots of backgrounders, and timelines, and things like that. So we don't have that much time left, so I'm going to roll up two questions—one in the Q&A box and one because of your vast experience. So what role do NGOs play in refugee crises and migration initiatives, particularly in resettlement? And just from your perspective, Anne, you have been in academia, you've worked in the government, you worked at IRC, and now are at Freedom House. And so just—again, what would you share with the group about pursuing a career in this—government, non-government perspectives and, what students should be thinking about as they launch to their next phase in life. RICHARD: Yeah, that we could have a whole ‘nother hour on, right? That's—(laughs)— FASKIANOS: I know, I know. It's unfair to, right, do this at the very end, but— RICHARD: NGOs play really important roles in both the delivery of humanitarian assistance overseas and the help for resettlement in the United States. In the U.S. there are nine national networks of different groups; six are faith-based, three are not. They are non-sectarian, and they do amazing work on shoe-string budgets to—everything from meeting refugees at the airport, taking them to an apartment, showing them how the lights work and the toilet flushes, and coming back the next day, making sure they have an appropriate meal to have, and that the kids get in school, that people who need health care get it, and that adults who are able-bodied get jobs so they can support themselves. The other type of NGO are the human rights NGOs that now I'm doing more with, and I guess if you are thinking about careers in these, you have to ask yourself, you know, are you more of a pragmatic person where the most important thing is to save a life, or are you an idealist where you want to put out standards that are very high and push people to live up to them. Both types of organizations definitely help, but they just have very different ways of working. Another question for students is do you want high job security of a career in the U.S. government—say, as a Foreign Service Officer or as a civil servant where maybe you won't move up very quickly, but you might have great sense of satisfaction that the things you were working on were making a difference because they were being decisively carried out by the U.S. or another government. Or do you prefer the relatively lean, flatter organizations of the NGO world where, as a young person, you can still have a lot of authority, and your views can be seen—can be heard by top layers because you're not that far away from them. And so, NGOs are seen as more nimble, more fast moving, less job security. Having done both I think it really depends on your personality. Working in the government, you have to figure out a way to keep going even when people tell you no. You have figure out—or that it's hard, or that it's too complicated. You have to figure out ways to find the people who are creative, and can make thing happen, and can open doors, and can cut through red tape. In NGOs you can have a lot of influence. I was so surprised first time I was out of the State Department working for the International Rescue Committee one of my colleagues was telling me she just picks up the phone and calls the key guy on Capitol Hill and tells him what the law should be. That would never happen with a junior person in the U.S. government. You have to go through so many layers of bureaucracy, and approvals, and clearances. So, really, it depends on the type of person you are, and how you like to work, and the atmosphere in which you like to work. I can tell you you won't get rich doing this type of work, unfortunately. But you might be able to make a decent living. I certainly have, and so I encourage students to either do this as a career or find ways to volunteer part-time, even if it's tutoring a refugee kid down the block and not in some glamorous overseas location. I think you can get real sense of purpose out of doing this type of work. Thank you, Irina. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. And I have to say that your careful definitions of the different categories—and really, I think we all need to be more intentional about how we explain, talk about these issues because they are so complex, and there are so many dimensions, and it's easy to make gross generalizations. But the way you laid this out was really, really important for deepening the understanding of this really—the challenge and the—what we're seeing today. So thank you very much. RICHARD: Thank you. Thanks, everybody. FASKIANOS: So thanks to all—yeah, thanks to everybody for your great questions. Again, I apologize; we're three minutes over. I couldn't get to all your questions, so we will just have to continue looking at this issue. We will be announcing the fall Academic Webinar lineup in a month or so in our Academic Bulletin, so you can look for it there. Good luck with your end of the year, closing out your semester. And again, I encourage you to go to CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for research analysis on global issues. And you can follow us on Twitter at @CFR_Academic. So again, thank you, Anne Richard. Good luck to you all with finals, and have a good summer. (END)

Manjari Chatterjee Miller, CFR's senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia, leads a conversation on why nations rise: China, India, and the narratives of great powers. FASKIANOS: Welcome to today's sessions of the Winter/Spring 2022 CFR Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/academic. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We are delighted to have Manjari Chatterjee Miller with us to talk about why nations rise. Dr. Miller is CFR's senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia. She's currently on leave from Boston University where she is a tenured associate professor of international relations at Boston University's (BU) Frederick Pardee School of Global Studies. Dr. Miller is also a research associate in the Contemporary South Asian Studies Program at Oxford University's School of Global and Area Studies, and she's been a nonresident fellow at the Atlantic Council, the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, and several other universities. Dr. Miller is the author of several books, including her most recent one, which is what we'll be focused on today, Why Nations Rise: Narratives and The Path to Great Power. And it's a fantastic cover. I love that, Dr. Miller. So thank you for being with us and thank you. Love having you at CFR. I thought we could begin by you talking about some of the strands, the arguments from your book on what constitutes a rising power and why different countries rise and what the narrative is around that. MILLER: Yeah. Thank you so much, Irina. It is an honor to do this, and since I'm on leave from BU, it's lovely to be talking to academics and students again. So let me just—you know, I'm going to answer your question by going back a little in time, which is that, you know, when I wrote my first book, I was really looking at China and India and why they had these very similar responses to how they saw the world and their foreign policy, and so they often saw themselves as victims of colonialism, and they would essentially take the position that they were being victimized by other countries when it came to certain issues. And doing that—when I finished this book, I would give talks on the book and people would say, but they're rising powers, these countries are rising powers, so why do they talk about being victims when clearly they vanquished colonialism? And that was a really interesting question, right? So that was just a very interesting question. And I thought that's true. You know, these countries are rising powers; when do countries forget? So I began looking at Chinese news, and Chinese newspapers were full of these stories about what it meant for China to rise and how it was going to be a great power and what it should do and how should it respond to the United States? And then I looked at Indian newspapers and I didn't see much of that. I saw a lot of ideas on foreign policy but not really so much on India rising. So I thought, wow, this is really unusual. Is it normal for countries to be also calling themselves rising powers when other countries are, or is it not? So I went back to India and I did some interviews at really high levels of government and what I found really surprised me because it turned out that Indian officials were very uncomfortable with the idea of India as a rising power, they were not quite sure how to handle it, and they weren't strategizing in a long-term way about what it meant for India to rise. And I thought, wow, that's really weird. If we talk about rising powers so much, which we do because international relations is our specialty and we talk about rising powers a lot, as an important category of actors, what does it mean if one country talks about its rise and strategizes and another doesn't? Is this normal? And so I started going back in time and I thought, OK, let me look at the one other country which is a rising power and that was the United States, and wow, I found the United States talked about its rise and then I found that Meiji Japan talked about its rise, but then you had other countries that had opportunities to, you know—where they were increasing their military and economic power but didn't talk about their rise. India was one of them, but so was Cold War Japan, so was the Netherlands in the late nineteenth century, which was a very, very rich country. And so that's really the crux of the book is that, we talk about rising powers, whether it's us in the policy community or in the academic community—we talk about rising powers as this one category of actors, right, but that all rising powers are not created the same; there are different kinds of rising powers, and some of them behave exactly as we expect them to do, so they rise to become great powers, but then other rising powers seem stymied. And so what I argue in the book is that whether a country rises to become a great power or not is definitely dependent on its economic and military power, of course; you need that. But it is also dependent on what I call idea advocacy or, rather, the stories that these countries either tell or do not tell about their rise. And so the book really looks at two kinds of rising powers: one is active rising powers. So they rise to become great powers, they get military and economic power, but they also do what I call globalize their authority. So they basically start behaving as we would expect great powers to behave. And what's really interesting here is that what—how we would expect great powers to behave is not always the same, so in the nineteenth century, what we expected a great power to do is different from what we expect a great power to do today. So these active rising powers in the beginning of their rise, what they are is they're very accommodational of these great-power narratives, so that means they say, OK, hey, this is how a great power behaves, this is how we should behave, and so we're going to try and behave like them. And this is actually counterintuitive to how we normally think about rising powers because we think about them as revisionist, but active rising powers in the beginning are accommodational. And then you have this other kind of rising powers that are reticent rising powers, and reticent rising powers don't do that. So they don't have these narratives. They have military and economic power, they have opportunities, often to take advantage of that military and economic power, but they don't try and behave like the great power of the day; they don't try and get recognition of the fact that they're rising. They also lack narratives about becoming a great power. And so, I think the two big takeaways that I have is that when we talk about rising power, it's a process, so you become a rising power through this whole process that involves this material power, but then it also involves these narratives about becoming a great power. And the reason this is really important is because coming back to this China-India story, what I argue is that if you look at this idea advocacy that India is lacking and China has, what we find is that this can explain the differences in behavior between them, so they're not the same as rising powers. And this difference existed—I mean, of course, today we can say, look, China is just so much, you know, has just so much more in terms of military capability and economic power than India does and that would be correct. But in fact, we can see this even in the 1990s, right, so a period when their material power was comparable, we see that they developed very, very different narratives, so China had these narratives about becoming a great power, even at that time, and India did not. And so what we can really argue is that when we want to manage a rising power, these active rising powers that are the powers that we need to manage, we need to manage them when they're active, not when they suddenly become revisionist. And on the other hand, reticent rising powers like India often don't meet expectations, so because they have narratives that are not about becoming like the great power of the day, they have much more limited engagement with the international order and they can end up frustrating their allies and partners. And so in the book I essentially look at these six cases, right, so I look at three cases of active rising powers and three cases of reticent rising powers, and what I find is that across time and across culture and across regime type, you had these very particular kinds of beliefs about becoming a great power that the United States had, Meiji Japan had, 1990s China had, but then when you look at the Netherlands in the late nineteenth century or you look at Cold War Japan or you look at India in the 1990s, all periods for these countries, when they had some amount of military and economic power and the opportunity to take advantage of them, they didn't have these narratives; they had very different kinds of narratives. And the way they behaved was significantly different from how these active rising powers behave. And so that's really the basis of the book, is these six cases and the idea that we need to stop talking about rising powers as this one category of actors. And I'll leave you with just one note. So, one of the things that we often talk about as rising powers is BRICS, right, so Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, and people rarely realize that BRICS was something that was just made up; it was made up in 2005 by an analyst at Goldman Sachs who clumped these countries together based on the fact that they were emerging-markets economies, but then if you look at what each of these countries have or don't have, the picture is much more muddied. I mean, Brazil does not have nuclear weapons. Can you be a rising power without nuclear weapons? Can you become a great power without nuclear weapons? Russia—you know, especially with the Ukraine crisis—are we really thinking of Russia as an emerging country or is it a declining country, right? South Africa is a country that in the past has seen its life expectancy drop. Is that a rising power? So we use the term very loosely and we clump countries together and we need to understand that there's variation in between. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. That was a great overview. And let's turn to all of you now for your questions and comments. You know how to do this. (Gives queuing instructions.) So we already have a couple written questions and I'm going to see—first hand, raised hand is from Ahmya Cheatham. Q: Yes. First and foremost I would just like to say that thank you so much for introducing this panel. I am an international studies major with an emphasis on foreign language, and I just really wanted to emphasize on the key point that you pointed out between the different kinds of powers and there isn't much taught historically, at least throughout the Western world or the United States where I'm from, about what you called reticent powers, which are people who—they had the military prowess or they had the opportunity to move in a more imperialist kind of way for power but didn't necessarily choose so. So I wanted to ask, why do you think those type of high powers aren't as recognized or taught about in Western culture? FASKIANOS: And Ahmya, what university are you with, college or university? Q: University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Thank you. MILLER: I have a fondness for Wisconsin. My husband's from Madison, Wisconsin, so go Badgers. Yeah, so I'm heading—that's a great question. So your question is, why is it that the Western world has not recognized these categories of rising powers and I think it has as a lot to do with—well, first of all, in international relations theory in general—I mean, this is changing, but in the past, essentially, theorists focused on countries that had enough military or economic power to matter and what mattered was set by the West, right? So that's, obviously, one way in which you are clearly narrowing down right away which countries matter and which countries don't and that excluded a lot of Asia and Africa. But I think there's another way it matters which is that, if you look at the literature in rising powers, in academic theory—and as somebody in policy, I will say that IR theory is really important because it helps you understand policy better, OK, so do not dismiss it. But in academic theory, in IR theory, there's an entire body of work that's called power transition theory, OK, and power transition theory is about essentially—well, it's kind of set our expectations about why we fear rising powers. So what does power transition theory say? It says that there is a cycle in world politics, there's a recurring cycle, so you have a great power who's the status quo power, and then eventually there is always a challenger, and that challenger is a challenger because this country is dissatisfied with how goods are distributed in the international system, right, and because they're dissatisfied, they eventually challenge the status quo power for control of the international system so they can access those goods. Now, you see here—so when they challenge the status quo—how a war occurs, and so therefore you have this recurring cycle of conflict. And so that's why rising powers are considered such an important category in international relations because they have the power to affect war and peace. But then there's the other part of it, which is—and this is where my work comes in because when you are talking about a challenger's dissatisfaction with the distribution of goods, you're not really talking about how goods are actually distributed, right? You're really talking about their belief about how goods are distributed. And so, narratives, which come very strongly from what a country believes or does not believe about its role, then derives from those beliefs. If you ignore their perception, then you're ignoring a fundamental characteristic that should be intrinsic to rising powers, but we don't look at that. But power transition theory kind of has set our bar for how and why we think of rising powers, which is that they're always challengers, they always have military and economic power that matters, and they're always going to challenge the status quo. And I think everything else in rising powers has flown from power transition theory. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. Terron Adlam has a raised hand, also wrote the question, but why don't you just ask it yourself and give your affiliation? Q: Hi there. My name is Terron Adlam. I'm from Delaware State University. My question is, knowing how the olden times old powers are based on military and economic, knowing today's global society, do you think we have a new definition of global powers? MILLER: OK, so I think you actually have a two-part question here, right, so one part is, is the military and economic power the only thing that matters, and the second part is, do societal factors matter? So let me take the first one. So military and economic power do always matter, OK? I emphasize the importance of ideas and narratives in my book but I would in no way say that military and economic power does not matter for a country to become a great power. That would be nonsensical, right? What I'm saying is it is necessary but it's not sufficient, and that's where this book comes in because it helps you plug the gap and say, well, what else do you need, because clearly military and economic power, by themselves, cannot propel a country towards rising-power status. So that's the first part of it. The second part of it is about societal—what matters societally? And I think this is really interesting because this gets to the heart of how we think about great powers, and how we think about great powers is very different depending on the era that we're in, right? So what matters societally is different depending on the era that we are in. So let's look at the late nineteenth world. So the late nineteenth century world—what did it mean if you were going to be this great power and this great country? What did it mean if you wanted to become like that? And what it really meant was owning colonies. It meant not just being a great power but being a colonial great power. So in order to be a great power and to be like, let's say, Great Britain, you actually had to own colonies; you had to have sway over the lives and deaths of millions of citizens who you did not accept as equal citizens of your empire, right? That's what it meant to be a great power. So when you went out and gained territory, you weren't just gaining territory, you were gaining territory specifically for the purpose of what economists have called extractive colonialism, where you're extracting resources from the territory and then sending them back to the mother country. So when you look at the United States and Meiji Japan rise in this time, they engage in expansionism. That we know, right? But what's really interesting is that it's a very particular kind of expansionism. It's colonial expansionism. So all of the narratives that exist in Meiji Japan and in the United States, they're different in subtle ways, but in many ways they're similar, that they recognize that the path to great power is through colonies. So the question the United States has, well, should we acquire colonies, should we become a great power and acquire colonial great power? That's what they debate because the notion of great power is dependent on colonies. Now, if you fast forward to the 1990s, that's not what great power is anymore. I mean, nobody would—no country—even Russia does not say that we are out to colonize and this is our colony and it's perfectly OK to do that. That is not what being a great power means. Being a great power means controlling, directing, and shaping the process of globalization, particularly through international institutions. So the narratives of great power in the 1990s in India and China are not about becoming colonial great powers. So it's not about saying we're going to go out and acquire colonies, we're going to be like Meiji Japan and show how we're administering the colonies in really benevolent, beautiful ways, and how we're extracting resources efficiently. That would not be OK. That would not be socially acceptable. What they say is we're going to enter international institutions—particularly China says this, is that the path to great power lies through international institutions. And you can kind of, even in the 1990s, see the seeds of BRI in this, because that it is what BRI is; it's really about using institutions and the rules that were laid down after World War II by the United States and the liberal international order to see how China could actually end up controlling and impacting and eventually shaping those rules. So that's what great power is. So it is absolutely societal, because how we think of great power changes depending on the era that we're in. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Pamela Waldron-Moore, who is the chair of the political science department and professor at Xavier University of Louisiana: Is there a perception among states of internal global efficacy versus external global political efficacy, where internal efficacy reflects how India, for example, perceives itself versus how the globe was perceived to view the state's rise, and in this case example of China? MILLER: I'm sorry, Irina. I'm not sure I follow that question. Does she define political efficacy? FASKIANOS: She did not. But Pamela, do you want to unmute and give your definition? There we go. Pamela, great. You just have to unmute yourself. There we go. Q: OK. Yes. What I was referring to is the fact that internal efficacy is usually how you perceive yourself as a state and your rise, your power, your movement, versus the external efficacy where you understand who you are by the perceptions externally of others. So if the world sees you as a rising state, they will promote you and you start to think of yourself, perhaps in the case of India, as oh, yes, we are rising because we've done all these—we've established all of these links, these blocs. But if you are simply looking at yourself and saying, well, we're not, we don't have military might, we don't have X, Y, and Z, therefore we cannot see ourselves as efficacious, we can't call ourselves a rising state. So it's a question about perception. Is the perception of China, where everybody thinks, OK, you're moving fast and you're promoting yourself, different from the perception of India which, in the context of Asia and the Commonwealth and so forth, still see themselves as lesser than a rising state. I hope that is a little clearer. MILLER: Yes. It is. So that's actually really interesting because—I mean, there's certainly a difference, but here's the thing is that China's what you call internal efficacy aligns with external efficacy, so in that both China and external perceptions, China's external perceptions of China are aligned in the 1990s about China as a rising power, right? There's no dichotomy there. In India there's a dichotomy. So there's also external perceptions of India as a rising power, as evidenced by news media or reference or—I look at, like, different kinds of newspapers that refer to these countries. But the internal efficacy doesn't keep pace with the external efficacy. Now, actually—and I haven't heard that term before so thank you for bringing it to my attention; that's a really interesting way to put it—the question is why. I think the question is why is it that in China it's different and in India it's different? And this—and I think that, to be honest, like, there could be a whole volume on this, which is this question of where do narratives come from, and why is it that some countries develop this narrative, this internal perception of themselves that is concurrent with the external perception of themselves, but other countries don't? And you know—so when I was looking at—so, I mean, this book—six cases and huge and so I wasn't going to look at narratives as—and you're a political science professor so I'm just going to say it as a dependent variable; there was not the dependent variable. It was not what I was examining. I was examining it more as a cause. But if you did—I mean, I talk about this in the conclusion. It was interesting how many people had different ideas about where these narratives come from and why they were different in China and India. I mean, Indians and Chinese had different perceptions of this as well. Some of it was really institutional, about how the institutions were constructed and which institutions mattered when it came to foreign policy, and so therefore, Chinese institutions were set up in a way to be more diffused to these narratives, whereas Indian institutions were not. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to the raised hand, Teresita Schaffer. Q: Thank you. And thank you for this really interesting introduction to your work. I am retired Foreign Service and I teach at Georgetown, of course on diplomacy. I spent much of my Foreign Service career working on India so that's where my examples come from. But you have a situation where India at independence saw itself as, to use the vernacular, punching above its actual weight, and it conducted its diplomacy, to a large extent, on that basis. It built up its military for the needs that it perceived already. And it was the economy which was the most out of step with this impending great-power status, and not until the Indian economy started growing fast did you see people in the so-called chattering classes talking about India as coming close to realizing the greatness of its five-thousand-year-old civilization. Do other countries that you studied display similar disconnects between the different elements of the things that make you more readily seen as a great power, or is the disconnect itself something that matters to this transition? MILLER: So, first of all, Ambassador, thank you for attending the talk. I'm honored. So let me restate your question. So you're asking, is it about civilizational greatness, that India had this perception that it needed to punch above its weight after independence and so that's why it began investing in its military and, eventually, of course, it did economic reforms. And so are you asking whether this notion of civilizational greatness is necessary? Could you clarify? Q: Not really, because—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—I'm asking whether it matters to your idea of rising powers but whether the different elements of—(inaudible, technical difficulties)—with one another or not. FASKIANOS: I don't know if that was just for me that was garbled. For some reason, your audio is now on the fritz, so we did not hear that at all. It was a bit garbled. Q: I could try again, briefly. FASKIANOS: There we go. Perfect. Go ahead. MILLER: And if it gets garbled again, perhaps you could put it in the chat because it sounded like a really interesting question. Q: There were reasons why India pushed the civilizational narrative. It fit in so beautifully with the way Nehru thought, and he was the foreign policy. But the economic and the military elements that you agreed were necessary elements were out of sync. The military element had to get built up earlier, largely because India's independent years started with a war. The economic was always viewed as a liability, until the point where India's economy started growing a whole lot faster in the 1990s. Question: Does the fact that the different elements are out of sync, does that figure in the way you think about the different kinds of rising powers? MILLER: Yes, it does because—and I'll tell you why. So—and I'm going to be—I'm going to state this very carefully. So in India's case—so there are a couple of different elements in what you're saying. So India has this idea of civilizational greatness even in the 1990s, so it's not that the idea of civilizational greatness went away, right? I mean, you see that even today in Prime Minister Modi's speeches or his talk with his harkening back to—I mean, of course, he talks about it as a Hindu civilization, but in the 1990s that wasn't what the talk was, although it was coming up. It was still about India as just a great civilization with secular nationalism being the predominant idea. So it wasn't about civilizational greatness. That never went away. This was about India's status changing, so it was specifically about being a rising power, which is that a country that is changing its status, not one that has always been a great power and has civilizational greatness to hark back upon, but rather its status was changing vis-a-vis the great power of the day, which is the United States. So that consciousness existed in China because China also had ideas of civilizational greatness but that wasn't the only thing that China was talking about in the 1990s. It was really talking about well, how do we take this—we are becoming a rising power and we are rising in the international system, our military and economic power is changing vis-a-vis other countries, particularly the status quo power; how, then, do we respond to that? And that response was lacking in India, although the notion of civilizational greatness did not go away. And the question I think you're particularly asking is what happens if you have narratives about being great, and you don't have the military power and you don't have the economic power? And that is a really interesting case because there was one case that historians told me about and I nod to it in my conclusion, and I don't explore it so I definitely do not want to go into it, and state with authority that this is the case. But Weimar Germany—I learned from a lot of historians that Weimar Germany was a country that lacked the military and economic power but had these narratives, that—of changing status, had these narratives that it was going to become great again. And because it did, these narratives actually propelled a lot of military and economic reforms that may not have otherwise resulted, and I'm saying that very carefully because I nod to this in my conclusion, but that is my understanding of the literature that I've read. So if that is true, if that is true that you can have narratives of great power but not have the military and economic power to back that up, do the narratives then propel you to aggressively acquire that military and economic power? And I think that's a really interesting and open question about whether that's the case. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Natalie Holley, who is an undergraduate student at Carnegie Mellon University. How has social media shaped these two categories of rising powers? What have been the advantages and consequences of social media use as countries construct their narratives? MILLER: Wow. (Laughs.) FASKIANOS: Good question. MILLER: That's a really—yeah, that's a really hard question to answer. So I will say that in the 1990s—I'm old enough to remember—there was no social media. (Laughs.) It did not exist in the 1990s so it certainly did not affect the narratives then. Would it affect the narratives now? So this is actually a bigger question and it's interesting because we talk about information and disinformation a lot, but to my knowledge, and this is—I actually have colleagues at Boston University who are working on this. The question is, to what extent does that disinformation then result in behavior. It's one thing to have disinformation and fake news, and we know that that exists in abundant ways. But then to actually show the link that when you get that disinformation, that in turn leads to a behavioral change among people who consume it, as opposed to just talking about it, that has not—that link has not been clearly shown yet, and people are working on it. So the colleague whom I was referencing is actually in the computer science department at Boston University and that's part of his research—does that change behavior? So that's the question you're asking is if you have social media and you see these narratives reflected and re-reflected in social media, does that then change behavior? And that's a—in some ways that's a chicken and egg situation. So let's take the narratives of Hindu nationalism that exist today in India or wolf warrior diplomacy that exists in China. Is that amplified on social media by Indian officials and Chinese officials? Absolutely. Hugely. And then it's picked up. So does that then intensify and then lead to behavioral change in what the government does? That's not always so clear, right? Even when it comes to wolf warrior diplomacy, I think it's Huang at Seton Hall University, I think, has a book that's going to come out soon which is really interesting because it shows how a lot of this is about, when Chinese officials talk about wolf warrior diplomacy or take these narratives up, it's not so much about changing China's behavior as posturing to the Chinese leadership that that is what you're doing. It's posturing to the Chinese leadership and saying we are doing what Xi Jinping wants us to do and we're reflecting all of these narratives. Does that then lead to a behavioral shift? That's not as clear. FASKIANOS: Thank you. We have several questions in the chat. Let's go to Maya Chadda with the raised hand. You need to unmute yourself, Maya. There we go. Q: OK, I just want to say it was wonderful introduction, very thought-provoking. A number of questions that Ambassador Schaffer—asked one of the—the key question I wanted to ask. The only thing I wanted to sort of comment/question on that I'd like to hear from you about is this gap we talked about, the gap between self-perception of the country, China or India, and its material basis, what it has achieved in terms of economic and political stability. There is an intervening factor there and that goes back to their historical experience in terms of the immediate issues, so while India and China were at a similar stage and saw themselves as victims of colonialism, they processed under colonialism very differently. In case of China, the Opium Wars, the unequal treaties, the Japanese invasion, everything that the civil war, rise of—it was a very, totally different experience of the country, which I think acts as an intervening factor. It sort of explains just how it sees itself as a great civilization and what it must do. You mentioned—you sort of remarked that China is much more pragmatic, India is much more ideological in building images—pragmatic in the sense what it should do internally in order to get there, to become a great power, while India sort of talks a lot and there is a greater gap between material power and image. So the question is this: Doesn't India's historical experience of independence, the perceptions, the narratives, as you call it, it built—I like to call it stories about themselves—they build. And China—doesn't that explain to a large extent the way in which they process the world today? MILLER: OK, so first of all, I did not say that China was pragmatic and India was ideological. I want to be crystal clear about that. I said that China had narratives and India did not. The deduction from that is not that China is pragmatic about it. It has these narratives about becoming a great power, or it did in the 1990s. Is it about—did they have very different experiences of colonialism? Yes and no. So they do have very different experiences of colonialism. India had two hundred years of extractive colonialism under the British Empire, so the Raj, and China had what's been called piecemeal colonialism. So you had the colonial—the Opium Wars but then you had the colonialism by Japan. And so what was interesting to me in my first book was that both the countries treated colonialism the same way. So they responded to colonialism as historical trauma, and they teach it as historical trauma. So in China it is taught as one hundred years of national humiliation. And then you have two hundred years of British colonialism, and this is really important to remember. And even though, in China's case, not only is—does China say that it was colonized for a hundred years, but China accepts the Qing, for example, which is not a Han dynasty, it's a Manchu dynasty, not as colonizers, as some historians have dubbed them, but as Chinese. So you have those contradictions. So the point is that they treat it the same way. They perceive colonialism the same way. Now, the reason this is—and this is particularly also evocative because I remember when I was doing the research for my first book, I came across these diplomatic negotiations between Zhou Enlai and Jawaharlal Nehru, which were the last negotiations in 1960 before the border war of 1962, and there's this really interesting conversation—these are like verbatim negotiations, transcripts of these negotiations, and what's really interesting in them is that there's this squabble between the Indian and Chinese delegates about who has been colonized more. So, Zhou Enlai says, no, no, you don't understand, we've been colonized, and I think it was Morarji Desai says, no, no, not as much as us; we have been colonized more. And so this idea of who's been colonized more in factual life doesn't matter so much as how they treat them. So no, I don't think that the absence or presence of narratives has to do with piecemeal colonialism in China and two hundred years of solidified colonial rule in India. What I do think it may have to do with is with institutions and I can—I mean, I want to be mindful of time, but I can talk a little bit about this very briefly. So it's really interesting because in India, what you find is in the foreign policy decision-making establishment, as you see ideas percolate in the establishment, that establishment is very, very—what's the word I'm trying to use?—it's very strong bulwark against ideas from outside. So there's a resistance to ideas from outside. So think tanks, for example, don't operate in the same way in India as they did in China in the 1990s and early 2000s. Everything is a little bit different now, now that Xi Jinping has taken over and the censorship and the authoritarianism have increased. But in the 1990s and early 2000s, in China you did not have independent opinions but you had a lot of autonomy among these think tanks. You had a lot of ideas that used to come up, ground up and affect how foreign policy officials thought about issues, and so it was really interesting because you'd see a back and forth in China between government and university think tanks and senior foreign policy officials that simply did not exist in India. And it exists in the U.S. today and it's somewhat—somewhat; I'm saying this very carefully—somewhat exists in China today because there's just so much more censorship. But let's say you had something like, Xi Jinping coming to the United States and saying, OK, we're going to talk about a new type of great-power relations. Well, before his visit, think tanks would be asked to convene a conference on new type of great-power relations and they would sit around and talk about what that meant, what it could mean, how could it be framed, and officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would come and they would sit and attend these conferences. They wouldn't say a word, they would just take notes. Now, how those ideas actually made their way up to President Xi and then impacted his speeches or his foreign policy initiatives, I can't tell you. Nobody can. I mean, if I did, I'd be a billionaire. I wouldn't—(laughs)—be sitting here. But the fact is that there was that give and take. That give and take does not exist in India—did not exist in India and does not exist in India even today. So that kind of diffusion of ideas is different. Now, I'm not saying that that's exactly why those narratives exist in China and that's why they did not exist in India, but it gives you an idea of how institutions are very different, right, and institutions do matter when it comes to percolating ideas up and institutions do matter when it comes to impacting and institutionalizing and ensuring that narratives continue. So that could be a difference. So no, I don't think it's a difference in colonialism, and yes, I do think it can be an institutional difference. FASKIANOS: Great. So Kazi Sazid has written a question but also has a raised hand, so why don't you just ask it and if you could limit it to one question, that would be great. That way I don't have to choose when you get to more questions. Q: OK, so I'll say my first question is—I'm a student at Hunter College. So my question is, the Cold War demonstrated the dangers of two military hegemonic powers establishing a duopoly over global politics, which is the U.S. and the Soviet Union. How does the rise of India and China and let's add Nigeria as rising regional and global powers be seen as a positive thing to help balance the power structure by not allowing a single or two countries to completely control the global political rhetoric? Sorry if that's a loaded question. MILLER: That is a loaded question. (Laughs.) That's a very loaded question. I am not in the business of assigning value judgments to, just a country is a rising power per se. I will tell you that if you take India's perspective, India sees a multipolar world as better than a bipolar world. And so when it comes, even today, to the United States and Russia and China, what India wants is multipolarity. It does not want this bipolarity like the Cold War where it's forced to choose between one or the other. And of course it didn't; it was non-aligned. So are rising powers a positive or negative thing? So that depends really on who you read. If you look at power transition theorists, they would say no because a rising a power is always a challenger; it inevitably leads to war. Now, what I show in my book is that of course you don't always have challenging rising powers; you have different kinds of rising powers. So the question is—the question that you're really asking is that is revisionism a bad thing? It can be, right? I mean, World War II was an indication that revisionism was a bad thing. And so if you talk to China today and the Chinese, even they would say that revisionism is a bad thing and they would say that we're not trying to revise the international system, we're playing by the rules. And when the United States talks about a rule-based order, Chinese officials would say, but wait, we were sticking by the rules-based order and you changed the rules on us. That would be their take. So revisionism is a very, very loaded word, and so traditionally, yes, rising powers have been seen as challengers, but as I show, not all rising powers are the same. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Brian Chao who's at the U.S. Naval War College. What are the differences, if any, in narratives and behaviors between rising powers that simply see themselves as returning to their rightful place among the great powers—example, China—a status they perhaps feel they never should have lost, and second, rising powers that may not have histories to draw upon and for whom great-power status is really something unprecedented? MILLER: I don't think rising powers see themselves as returning to their rightful place. China does, but that's not how Meiji Japan thought of itself. It wasn't about reattaining civilizational greatness. It was really about becoming a great power, and in Meiji Japan it was very much about becoming a great power like the Western great powers. That is what the narratives were. They were about becoming a colonial great power and showing the Western powers that Japan could administer its colonies just as efficiently, just as extractively, and just as well as them, and so Meiji Japan was very careful to abide by the laws and rules of the international order, and the narratives were not at all about civilizational greatness. And so—and again, the example here, again, is of India, which does have narratives about civilizational greatness but didn't have narratives about becoming—or didn't have narratives about rising-power status. So the two are not always the same. There's a subtle difference between them. But just because China also happens to have civilizational greatness narratives alongside its rising-power-status narratives doesn't mean that the two can be conflated. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next written question from Isis Roopnarine from Howard University. How do you feel the global push toward environmental sustainability will affect current world powers and rising powers? Do you feel this will heavily impact India's ability to rise, or do you feel world powers like China may be limited heavily by carbon taxes, regulations, and maybe start to decline? MILLER: I don't know the answer to that question. I'm just going to totally punt on that because that—that's about environmental sustainability and whether that has long-term economic effects on countries. I assume it does, but a lot of it will depend on how much the—how countries buy into it. So I'm going to punt on that question. FASKIANOS: So we'll have to do a call or a webinar specifically focused on environmental concerns. MILLER: Which is a really important one, by the way, and we should. FASKIANOS: Absolutely. Absolutely. I am surprised to see that nobody's asked—so I'm going to take the moderator prerogative just to ask you to talk a little bit about Russia's invasion of Ukraine and vis-a-vis China and India and their response and how you feel that they are playing and thinking about their narrative, vis-a-vis their response to that conflict? MILLER: Yeah, so on the surface of it, it seems similar because they're both trying not to take a position and they're being careful about it, but it's also very—it's also different. So in India's case, India is really worried about the Ukraine crisis because India worries that it has this historical relationship with Russia and if it is publicly seen to condemn Russia with whom it has historical relationship, with whom it has had a very long defense relationship, with almost 70 percent of its military hardware today being Russian, it will drive Russia into the arms of China, which is India's number one enemy, so it is very clear about who its number one enemy is and it is China, and so India definitely does not want to publicly take a position that would essentially push Russia closer to China. At the same time, India also wants a multipolar world so it wants Russia and China and—well, particularly Russia—to be a factor in countering the rise of China and in balancing China and the United States. At the same time, India has a very deep strategic partnership with the United States and the relationship with the United States is not the same as it was twenty years ago so India also is very careful that it does not want to push the United States away from it, because this relationship has now broadened to include many, many sectors. So that's where you see India's position, where it's playing a very careful game; it hasn't come out and condemned Russia, but, at the same time, it has talked about—it's talked about humanitarian supplies to Ukraine, it has talked about the importance of there being a cease to the violence in Ukraine without actually coming out and taking a strong position on its side. Now, in China's case, it's gone back and forth. It's very interesting because—particularly I was struck by Ambassador Qin Gang's op-ed in the Washington Post recently, which kind of laid out China's clearly approved position on Russia. And so, in the West we think that—we've particularly seen these newspaper reports of China perhaps helping Russia, perhaps giving military supplies, will it help Russia evade sanctions, but what was really interesting to me in Ambassador Qin Gang's op-ed was the dilemma that it posed in those pages, and I'll tell you what I mean. So China in that op-ed, Ambassador Qin clearly says Ukraine is a sovereign state. Now that statement I have not seen from any Indian official. I have not actually seen any Indian official say Ukraine is a sovereign state. I have not seen that statement. It was there in Ambassador Qin's statement that Ukraine is a sovereign state. Then he said—and China does not support violation of sovereignty. And then he said, Ukraine is not like Taiwan because Taiwan is an internal affair, which means that Ukraine is not an internal affair, which is what Russia has been saying. So you kind of see this dilemma here that China poses where China has a relationship with Europe; China—(laughs)—a great relationship with Ukraine, right, and so what it sees is Russia jeopardizing all of that, and yet it cannot come out and condemn Russia very strongly either because it has this, the rapprochement that's been happening with Russia, and of course, the statement that President Putin and Xi Jinping laid out. So you see the countries with dilemmas in both respects, and even though the surface they look the same, the dilemmas are different. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I want to raise Ray Bromley's question, the University of Albany at SUNY: Would it be fair to say that India's reticence is based on a strong South Asian and British Commonwealth focus and an obsession with Pakistan? In other words, the Indian news media and educational system don't give enough attention to the world as a whole and to global issues; it focuses on reporting and discussing relations with Pakistan, so if you could comment on that. MILLER: Yes, and I have one quote that I'm going to give you that a very senior Indian Foreign Service official once said to me, which I think is exactly emblematic of India's relationship. This person said Pakistan is just an enemy; China is the adversary. And the reason—this is really important—is because India is not obsessed with Pakistan. India's obsessed with China, like really obsessed with China. And so India's focus is all about China. I mean, there's a huge power imbalance now with Pakistan, even with Pakistan with nukes. So what India's most worried about is a two-front war. If you have a war with Pakistan on the border and then a war with China on the border, and so what India would like is to do something that would forestall that, and that's really important. And so for India the focus is very much on China, and if you think that India's focus is on China, as a rising power that's going to become a great power, you would think that then the narratives would follow from that about India's status and how to manage China and India's own changing status, but they don't. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the last question from Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome. Q: Thank you very much. I'm just wondering about how you rank these two rising powers. So which one has the most capabilities in terms of the military and economic power? And then, the tendency to be reticent and to swagger and be confidently stating that you are a rising power and you are challenging the hegemon—can this be attributed to cultural differences in terms of how one is supposed to move around in the world? OK, so where I come from it's like if your hand is not on the hilt of the sword, you don't challenge the people who killed your father. So if you're not really, really sure that you're going to win, you shouldn't start swaggering all over the place. So is that sort of influencing the dynamics of what's going on? MILLER: I have not heard that quote before. That's such an interesting proverb. Thank you for sharing that. So I would say no—(laughs)—because the narrative's about rising-power status and not about challenging international order. I think that's the point that I make very clearly in the book, which is that active rising powers, which are the countries that do have these narratives about rising-power status are countries that are essentially talking about how they will become a great power just like the great power that exists then. So far from being challenging, these are accommodational narratives. Now, that does not mean that these countries will not challenge later, but that's not what the narratives are, so it's hard to then argue that they stem from military and economic power. But also what's interesting is that particularly to forestall this, I looked at India and China in the 1990s, which is a time when their military and economic power are very comparable, which is really not the case today. Now, if I were to say, can you compare them militarily? No, you cannot; you cannot them militarily or economically. But you could in the 1990s. And so if it were true that these narratives derive from the sword, as you put it, then they should have derived in both cases, and they didn't. You had narratives, the presence of narratives in China but the absence of these narratives in India. And I should be very clear: It's not that India doesn't have foreign policy narratives. There's plenty of narratives on foreign policy. It was really these ideas about becoming a great power, about being a rising power, about responding to this changing status and these expectations that the globe seemed to have of both countries at the time. FASKIANOS: We are almost at the end of time and I just wonder, having looked back as you've done this research, do you want to project—or you may not want to do this—of where you see China and India's power spheres developing over the next decade? MILLER: (Laughs.) Wow. I don't want to project. I will say—I will say this: I think in China's case what happens domestically will be really important. I think domestic politics is something—I think there are two things about China that we tend to ignore in the United States. I think one is we tend to ignore the domestic politics of the Chinese Communist Party, which I think is crucially important for how China's power's going to play out in the next few decades. The other thing that we tend to ignore is we tend to ignore the fact that even in China, even with censorship, even with Xi Jinping being the most powerful Chinese president since Mao Zedong, you have a plethora of different interests and ideas in China and that doesn't make its way out of China. We tend to think of China as like this one single actor and it's not one single actor. There are different interests, there are different competing interests, there are different competing narratives, there are different competing ideas, and how all of those play out I think will be very, very important. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. With that, Manjari Miller, thank you very much for being with us. We really appreciate it. And I apologize for not getting to everybody's questions and comments but we had a very rich discussion and we'll have to have you back. We have put a link to Dr. Miller's book in the chat. We will be sending out the audio, video, and transcript link after the fact, but I do commend her book to all of you. And our last Academic Webinar of the semester will be on Wednesday, April 13, at 1:00 p.m. Eastern Time. Anne Richard, who is a professor at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service, will talk about refugees and global migration. Very timely given the flows we are seeing from Ukraine as that war is happening. So I hope you all will join us for that. In the meantime, please follow us at @ CFR_academic. Visit CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for research and analysis on global issues. So thank you all again. Thank you, Manjari. MILLER: Thank you so much, Irina. This was really fun. Really great questions, very stimulating discussion. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Have a great day, everybody. (END)

J'ai le plaisir de recevoir Anne Richard, fondatrice du projet HEY! modern art & pop culture. Dans cet épisode, Anne nous parle de sa nouvelle exposition Hey! Le dessin à la Halle Saint Pierre à Paris, à voir jusqu'au 31 décembre 2022.

A discussion about pathways to certification, education, licensure, and protecting the public with the Executive Director from the National Council for Therapeutic Recreation Certification.

Anne & Richard do the morning #BAM #InYoFaceDevil Bible Studis and do worship every morning 3 days a week. We gathered some songs for your worship. Watch Bible Studies - https://www.watb.tv/series/bible-studies

À finaliser les détails d'une autre belle édition d'ExpoCam, Thierry Quagliata, le directeur général de ce must de l'industrie, nous fait part de ce qui attend les visiteurs le 22 et le 23 septembre. Anne Richard, une étudiante, et Caroline Milot, enseignante sont au rendez-vous pour parler de la formation en logistique du transport au... The post 9 Septembre 2021 Le Salon EXPOCAM et La Logistique en Transport appeared first on Truck Stop Québec.

General Crutchfield and Anne Richard talk about US diplomatic and military engagement with Myanmar/Burma, the persecution and statelessness of the Rohingya, the closed Burmese military mindset, the available US tools to influence behavior, and the shifts in US refugee policy.

Un soir, une femme se rend dans un commissariat pour confesser le meurtre de son mari violent, commis il y a plusieurs années. Seulement, plus la policière de permanence interroge cette femme, plus elle connaît sa vie, moins elle a envie de l'arrêter. Pourquoi cette femme que personne ne soupçonnait veut-elle absolument être reconnue coupable? Pourquoi cette policière ne veut-elle absolument pas l'arrêter? L'une des deux gagnera. "Coupables", avec Anne Richard, Gaëlle Billaut-Danno et Erwan Orain, est une adaptation du célèbre roman "Les lois de la gravité" de Jean Teulé dont Jean-Paul Lilienfeld a déjà signé l'adaptation cinématographique "Arrêtez-moi" avec Sophie Marceau et Miou-Miou en têtes d'affiches. A découvrir au Festival off d'Avignon du 7 au 30 juillet 2021 (Théâtre du balcon). Et en tournée de septembre 2021 à Juin 2022. Anne Richard est l'invitée de Pierre-Philippe Cadert.

Kristen Anne Richard of Kristen Anne Fibers shares the in’s and out’s of her creative business, lifestyle, and partnership. There have been so many moment throughout Kristen’s life where she could have chosen to settle and stick to what felt familiar but she continues to move in the direction of curiosity and intrigue, creativity and hope. She shares candidly about her past struggles with her mental health, how she weaned herself off of medication, and how that has impacted her creativity today. She talks about fiber art as a healing modality and about how the medium found her when she needed it most.Kristen talks about meeting her now partner Erica of THrō Ceramics and how they are creating a life that is fully reflective of who they are, individually and as a couple. She talks about living in an Airstream full-time and how her and her partner are consciously curating a home that will spark joy on the daily.This is a potent conversation that highlights the power of standing in your truth despite what others might think. Let’s get into it.Join Creative Living Community — a space for creatives to connect, collaborate, and dig through the mud, together.We also talk about:Her challenging adolescent years of drinking, pills, and regrettable tattoosGetting on medicationThe disconnect between her and her half siblingsKristen’s deep connection with her mother Her past career as a cake maker How Kristen found fiber art and how it started to heal her When Kristen came out as being bisexual The process of going through her divorce How creativity fuels her relationship The importance of feeling your feelings The ways she’s managing her mental health today off medicationHow her family responded to her falling in love with a woman Living in an Airstream Creating a space to spark your creativity Financial autonomy Social media detoxWhat creativity looks like for her todayLinks:THrō CeramicsHy and Dani's Airstream Tour Mountain Standard Market Prints Connect with Kristen:InstagramWebsiteConnect with Dani:InstagramWebsiteNewsletter 

Après une année 2019 à peu près correcte, les différents acteurs de filière volaille de chair ont dû lutter pour sauver l’essentiel en 2020. Pour l’année 2021, les professionnels parlent d’un contexte critique. Trois raisons expliquent ces appréhensions. D’abord la flambée des prix des matières premières, ensuite une épidémie d’influenza aviaire, et enfin les effets du Covid-19 et les mesures barrières qui ont gelé toute activité.     La filière Volaille de Chair représente environ 100.000 emplois en France, dont 34 000 dans les élevages, pour un chiffre d'affaires d'environ 6,8 milliards d'euros en sortie abattoirs. Ces producteurs doivent faire face à une hausse des prix des matières premières de l’ordre de 18% en moyenne. La question est sérieuse, quand on sait que l’alimentation du cheptel représente 60 à 65% du coût de production dans cette filière.   Puis, sont intervenues des questions sanitaires. D’abord une épizootie d’influenza aviaire. Il y a eu des abattages dans les fermes et de fortes contraintes de circulation. Les professionnels sont également confrontés à la fermeture de certaines frontières les empêchant d'exporter. De plus, il faut que les scientifiques interviennent au plus tôt, car il est urgent de préserver les élevages de volailles d'une nouvelle épizootie l'année prochaine. Pour la crise du Covid-19, elle concerne tout le monde et toutes les professions. Invitée : Anne Richard, directrice de l’Association Nationale interprofessionnelle de la VOLaille de chair (ANVOL).      Production : Sayouba Traoré Réalisation : Ewa Piedel

Les matinales présentées par Sandrine Sebbane qui reçoit Avec Annette Lévy-Willard, journaliste écrivain et Anne Richard, Réalisatrice pour le documentaire « #Metoo secoue (aussi) la France » diffusé le 15 septembre sur France 5. Et en direct d’Israël, Emmanuelle Adda, journaliste sur Kan radio qui évoquera le choc après le viol collectif d’une jeune fille de 16 ans à Eilat

On today's episode David Busis, Partner at 7Sage Admissions Consulting, speaks with Sabrina Huffman and Anne Richard, Director of Admissions and Acting Dean of Enrollment Management, respectively, of George Mason's Scalia Law School. Please send your comments, questions, and ideas for future episodes to podcast@7sage.com Links to other 7Sage Admissions content: • Top Law School Rankings: https://7sage.com/admissions/top-law-school-rankings/ • Admissions Webinars: https://7sage.com/admissions/webinar/ • Law School Admissions Predictor: https://7sage.com/admissions/predictor/ • Top Law School GPA/LSAT Medians: https://7sage.com/admissions/top-law-school-admissions/

In this episode, Former Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration Anne Richard joins us along with panelists Arnaldo Cruz, Poppy Coleman, and Elaine Li to answer entertaining trivia questions about recent news events! Credits:Hosting, producing, scripting and editing: Jason ZukusAnnouncing and Scorekeeping: Iszy LichtEngineering: Julian LakePanelists: Arnaldo Cruz (MPP ’04), Poppy Coleman (MPP ’14), and Elaine Li (MPP ’19)Cover art: Jay LiSpecial thanks to Anne Richard for joining us for a special internet slang-themed quiz segment and to the Harris School of Public Policy for co-hosting this event!

In this episode, Former Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration Anne Richard joins us along with panelists Arnaldo Cruz, Poppy Coleman, and Elaine Li to answer entertaining trivia questions about recent news events! Credits:Hosting, producing, scripting and editing: Jason ZukusAnnouncing and Scorekeeping: Iszy LichtEngineering: Julian LakePanelists: Arnaldo Cruz (MPP ’04), Poppy Coleman (MPP ’14), and Elaine Li (MPP ’19)Cover art: Jay LiSpecial thanks to Anne Richard for joining us for a special internet slang-themed quiz segment and to the Harris School of Public Policy for co-hosting this event!

The Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration operates with a 3 million dollar budget, and combines aid with diplomacy. Anne Richard served as the former Assistant Secretary of State for PRM from 2012 to 2017, and in this episode she talks about her experiences during those years, including how she worked with countries to accept more refugees, and implemented changes to refugee policy here in the U.S. under President Obama. She also discusses how those changes are being reversed or rolled back under the Trump administration, and puts anti-refugee sentiment into historical context.  Displaced is produced by the Vox Media Podcast Network in partnership with the International Rescue Committee. Find our show notes here: www.rescue.org/displaced Rate and review the show, and email us: displaced@rescue.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Pour son double CD "Histoires de princes et de princesses".