Podcasts about eu turkey

In April a fundamental reform of the "Common European Asylum System" was adopted by the European Parliament. The core elements of the reform are asylum procedures to be carried out as quickly and "efficiently" as possible directly at the external borders, so that asylum seekers can be deported to their countries of origin and to so-called "safe third countries". Especially if they come from countries with a low chance of being accepted. The EU-Turkey deal of 18 March 2016 can be seen as a prototype for this third country regulation. Sybille Straubinger talks with Neva Öztürk, a Turkish lawyer and assistant professor at the Faculty of Law at Ankara University, about the effects of the EU-Turkey deal and the outsourcing of asylum policy.

This past week Washington's attention has been on Cyprus and the humanitarian corridor from Gaza, from President Biden's letter thanking President Christodoulides, to the National Security Council's chief of staff visiting Cyprus. Cyprus is also going to be a central theme for diaspora Greeks as celebrations for Greek independence day kick off on March 25th. Endy Zemenides, the Executive Director of the Hellenic American Leadership Council, joins Thanos Davelis with the latest on these key developments on Cyprus, and provides a look ahead at the upcoming Greek Independence Day celebrations.You can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:US racing to prepare Gaza jetty by May 1, says US officialBiden on Greek Independence Day: friendship ‘stronger than ever before'Christodoulides eyes EU-Turkey talks for Cyprob benefitEU summit stirs hope for Cyprus President's role in Turkey talksGreek authorities overhaul wildfire response plans ahead of summer fire season

Turkey's 2023 was marked by the reelection of President Erdoğan and by a reorientation of the country's economic policy—while old disagreements with the West over Ankara's close relationship with Moscow and poor rule-of-law record persisted.Marc Pierini and Sinan Ülgen, senior fellows at Carnegie Europe, discuss Turkey's political and economic landscape ahead of the 2024 municipal elections and what the future holds for the country's relations with Brussels and Washington.[00:00:00] Intro, [00:01:46] The Upcoming Local Elections in Turkey, [00:08:17] The Headlines From Turkey in 2023, [00:19:21] The Future of Turkey-EU Relations in 2024.Marc Pierini and Francesco Siccardi, October 24, 2023, “Turkey at 100,” Strategic Europe, Carnegie Europe.Marc Pierini, September 18, 2023, “Turkey's European Goals: Prospects and Impediments as Seen From Brussels,” Carnegie Europe.Marc Pierini et. al, July 24, 2023, “What does Erdoğan's new term in office mean for EU-Turkey relations?,” Centre for Applied Turkey Studies (CATS) Network.Marc Pierini, 2023, “Turkey's Geopolitical Role. Between National Ambitions, Western Anchors and Russian Sway,” European Institute of the Mediterranean.Marc Pierini, Alper Coşkun, Francesco Siccardi, June 14, 2023, “What to Expect From Erdoğan's New Term,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.Marc Pierini, May 19, 2023, “Turkey has to reassess its position between NATO and a disruptive Russia,” Le Monde.Sinan Ülgen, November 20, 2023, “Europe needs a new framework for Turkey,” Financial Times.Sinan Ülgen, Alper Coşkun, November 7, 2023, “A Reflection on Türkiye's Centennial,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.Sinan Ülgen et. al, October 13, 2023, “Arab Perspectives on the Middle East Crisis,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

With 2023 seeing a spike in arrivals on Europe's shores and borders, migration is once again the pressing  issue across the continent. The European Commission's vice-president, Margaritis Schinas, has urged member states to finalize a crucial deal over migration reform, telling ministers that a unified plan would be a means of fighting back against a rising tide of populism and smuggling networks. As the bloc looks to finalize a deal on migration policy, Greece is also making the case for Europe to revamp the EU-Turkey migrant deal from 2016. Alexandra Voudouri, Kathimerini's Brussels correspondent, joins Thanos Davelis to look at how a surge in migrant arrivals is impacting European politics, and explore whether a deal is finally around the corner for the EU's flagship migration reform.You can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:EU fails to agree changes to migration laws as Germany and Italy clashGerman-Italian rift thwarts EU deal on new rules to deal with migration crisesAthens wants to revamp EU-Turkey migrant dealComplications in reaching migration dealCyprus hails Moody's two-notch credit rating upgrade bringing the country into investment gradeTurkish planes raid Kurdish targets in Iraq after terror attack in AnkaraTurkey: Two officers injured in blast outside interior ministry

In the months since Turkish President Erdogan's reelection, we've heard a lot about the potential for a new page in EU-Turkey relations, and Erdogan even raised the issue of Turkey's membership in the EU at the July NATO summit. Despite this signaling from Ankara, the main obstacles concerning EU-Turkey relations have remained the same, whether we are looking at rule of law and human rights issues, or Turkey's continued occupation and refusal to recognize the Republic of Cyprus. As the debate over the future of EU-Turkey relations in the coming years unfolds, Ambassador Marc Pierini joins Thanos Davelis to look at what we should expect in the wake of Erdogan's reelection.Marc Pierini is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe, where his research focuses on developments in the Middle East and Turkey from a European perspective. Prior to this, Pierini was a career EU diplomat, and served as EU ambassador to Turkey (2006–2011).You can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:What does Erdoğan's new term in office mean for EU-Turkey relations?UN raises alarm over unauthorized construction in buffer zoneNorth announces intention to build ‘unauthorised' road through buffer zoneLess leeway for handouts this winter

In his remarks, Mehmet Öğütçü reflects upon Turkey's elections on 14 and 28 May 2023 and the implications which Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's winning yet another mandate to run the country for the next five years may have for Europe. He examines whether there is any prospect of resetting EU-Turkey relations and what could be done to improve the dialogue between Brussels and Ankara on key issues such as energy, climate change, migration and tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. Mr Öğütçü discusses whether Turkey's new government will be able to change course from its current approach to relations with Moscow, as well as Turkey's role in NATO enlargement. About the Speaker: Mehmet Öğütçü is the Chair of the London Energy Club. He is a former advisor to the Prime Minister, and diplomat in China, Belgium, France and the UK. Previously, Öğütçü served as a principal administrator for Asia-Pacific and Latin America at International Energy Agency and head of investment outreach for the OECD. He was director for BG Group (now part of Shell) and Chair of the advisory board of Invensys plc and the Middle East Institute, Washington DC. He was also a board member of Genel Energy plc, Şişecam, Yasar Holding. He is now Chair of the London Energy Club, the Bosphorus Energy Club and Global Resources Partners, UK.

Claire Brock speaks to Michael O'Regan, Emma Nolan, Seán Defoe & Trent Murray, while Ciara Doherty is joined in Brussels by Rosie Birchard, Colm Markey MEP, Billy Kelleher MEP, Suzanne Lynch & Peter Burke TD Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Photo: No known restrictions on publication. 1922 @Batchelorshow #US: #Russia: #India: #EU: #Turkey: #LatinAmerica: Forecasting war and peace. George Friedman Geopoliticalfutures.com https://geopoliticalfutures.com/forecast-for-2023/

In today's episode, we speak with David Llado, a search-and-rescue coordinator for the Spanish rescue organisation Open Arms. David talks to us the organisation's new ship, the Open Arms Uno, and runs us through what happened on its first mission.  He tell us why, despite the fact that the new vessel has gone through more official checks than any other ship in the Spanish fleet, the authorities may still block it from saving lives in the Mediterranean.  We also hear about the lengths European states have gone to stop the Open Arms' other ships, and how they break international law by refusing to provide the rescued with a safe port for days and days.  We end on the worrying potential return to power of Italy's far right leader Matteo Salvini.  ---Show Notes--- For more on the Open Arms, visit: openarms.es/en Follow Open Arms' English Twitter feed here: @openarms_found To read The Civil Fleet's coverage of the Open Arms, see here: bit.ly/3L3I2Zu Check out The Civil Fleet's December 2020 written interview with David Llado here: bit.ly/3RZrLat  Listen to Episode 13 with Albert Mayordomo for more on the Open Arms For more on the EU-Turkey migrant deal, see this article by the International Rescue Committee: bit.ly/3Di7rwO Watch the clip Ben mentions with the barber cutting hair on the Open Arms Uno here: bit.ly/3d5e9eR   Listen to episode 29 for more on David Yambio's story Also, hear about Syrian refugee Hasan's journey to the UK in episode 25 For more on the Colibri reconnaissance plane, see here: bit.ly/3B7oRcN  For more on Seabird reconnaissance plane, see episode 1, and/or read about them here: bit.ly/3qvSnnA Get in touch: @FleetCivil info@civilfleet.com civilfleet.com Support:  ko-fi.com/civilfleet

Follow-up: ME SCOTUS ruling may be for naught @1:20 News: Starts: @4:55 50 migrants found dead in a tractor trailer in San Antonio Soviets attacked a mall in the middle of Ukraine with a cruise missile, killing possibly dozens Sweden and Finland can join the EU Turkey has relented @6:20 Iran applied to join BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). New axis? @8:07 Gislain Maxwell sentenced to 20 years 9:20 Trump wanted to get rid of metal detectors at rally, go with them to the Capital. @9:54 Biden signs new gun bill @32:09 LA Governor vetoes bill that gave freedom to religious during health emergencies @38:36 SCOTUS @41:27 Roe overturned SCOTUS football prayer decision @56:51 How the story is misconstrued List of SCOTUS rulings @1:02:06 Religious Nonsense: FBI raid HOPCC @1:06:55 Final Stories: The End is Nye @1:11:23

In today's episode, we speak with Kathrin Schmidt, a rescue worker who saved the lives of 14,000 refugees in the Mediterranean Sea aboard the Iuventa five years ago.  This Saturday, May 21, she and three others from the ship are due to appear in an Italian court on charges of facilitating illegal entry into the country. They could all face 20 years behind bars.  The charges are bogus, of course, and Kathrin is going to tell us why. She will also explain how the Italian secret services wiretapped the Iuventa and surveilled journalists and lawyers speaking with their clients.  She will also explain what this case means for the future of activist-led sea rescues, and for the people on the move at Europe's edges. ---Show notes--- For more on the Iuventa, visit the website here: iuventa-crew.org If you can, you can set up a donation to them here: iuventa-crew.org/donate  Follow the Iuventa Crew on Twitter: @IuventaCrew You can also read this 2020 The Civil Fleet interview with Iuvena crew members Dariush Beigui and Hendrik Simon on their arrest here: bit.ly/38CdhMB And/or listen to episode 2, which features Sascha, the Iuventa's former head of operations You can read more of The Civil Fleet's Iuventa stories here: bit.ly/38EDH0e Read more about the EU-Turkey deal here: bit.ly/3wuQDPm  MRCC stands for Marine Rescue Coordination centre.  An SAR Zone stands for Search-and-rescue zone.  You can find a glossary of similar terms that often pop up on the podcast often here: bit.ly/3kGhkt0  Frontex is the European Border and Coastguard Agency. It has been accused of aiding the Greece authorities to illegally push people back across its borders and of assisting the Libyan Coastguard to intercept refugees escaping the country. See episode 23 for more. The Civil Fleet exposed how the EU's supposed training of the Libyan Coastguards, and Frontex's relationship with them, only made matters worse for those trying to escape across the Mediterranean. Read that here: bit.ly/3yNtYPH  Carola Rackete is an environmental and human rights activist from German. In June 2019, while captaining the Sea-Watch 3 and carrying 40 rescued refugees for 17-days, she sailed into port against the commands of the Italian authorities. She was placed under house arrest. But, in January 2020, Italy's highest court said she should never have been arrested nor charged with anything. You can read about that here: bit.ly/3sMCY3N  Sean Binder is another activist who has been arrested, detained and dragged through the courts for having saved hundreds of refugees lives. He appears in episode 16 of The Civil Fleet Podcast, along with Madi Williamson, a qualified nurse who has faced similar troubles for her humanitarian work.  The Samos 2 are two refugees, known as N and Hasan, who have been put on trial in Greece. Hasan was charged with human trafficking because he allegedly drove the boat they were on. N lost his son when their boat crashed as they approached the shore. He became the first refugee ever to be charged with "endangering the life of his child." On Wednesday, May 18, 2022, N was found innocent and Hasan was freed on a suspended sentence. You can read more about them here: freethesamostwo.com In the UK, the Appeals Court overturned the sentences of four people who were sent to prison for having driven dinghies across Channel. You can read about that here: bit.ly/3Lv2p0k  The Civil Fleet revealed in March 2021 that the UK government was spending up to £1 billion ($1.2bn / €1.1bn) on drones to fly over the Channel, the sole purpose of which appeared to be to help the state prosecute people seen driving the boats. Read about that here: bit.ly/3yNs0ik  Get in touch: @FleetCivil info@civilfleet.com civilfleet.com Support:  ko-fi.com/civilfleet

Six years after the EU-Turkey Joint Statement, domestic changes in Turkey and international developments such as the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan have ensured the border between Greece and Turkey remains a hotspot for migration flows. Today, Turkey is one of the world's biggest refugee-receiving countries and hosts four million refugees. In this episode, Ayşen Üstübici, assistant professor at Koç University in Istanbul, speaks to Mariana about EU-Turkey migration diplomacy and the Turkish role in international migration governance. Looking back, Ayşen outlines the implications of the 2016 statement and the evolving attitudes of Turkish cities towards migrants and asylum-seekers in the intervening years. Then Stefanos Levidis from Forensic Architecture explores the other side of the border with Danai, looking at the Greek case as the external border of the EU. Stefanos explains why the EU-Turkey border is important and how the natural environment can be weaponized to enforce border controls. Read Chatham House's expert comments on EU migration policies: https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/03/ukraine-exposes-europes-double-standards-refugees https://www.chathamhouse.org/2020/10/what-externalization-and-why-it-threat-refugees Credits: Speakers: Ayşen Üstübici, Stefanos Levidis Hosts: Danai Avgeri, Mariana Vieira Editor: Jamie Reed Sound Services Recorded and produced by Chatham House

Six years after the EU-Turkey Joint Statement, domestic changes in Turkey and international developments such as the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan have ensured the border between Greece and Turkey remains a hotspot for migration flows. Today, Turkey is one of the world's biggest refugee-receiving countries and hosts four million refugees. In this episode, Ayşen Üstübici, assistant professor at Koç University in Istanbul, speaks to Mariana about EU-Turkey migration diplomacy and the Turkish role in international migration governance. Looking back, Ayşen outlines the implications of the 2016 statement and the evolving attitudes of Turkish cities towards migrants and asylum-seekers in the intervening years. Then Stefanos Levidis from Forensic Architecture explores the other side of the border with Danai, looking at the Greek case as the external border of the EU. Stefanos explains why the EU-Turkey border is important and how the natural environment can be weaponized to enforce border controls. Read Chatham House's expert comments on EU migration policies: https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/03/ukraine-exposes-europes-double-standards-refugees https://www.chathamhouse.org/2020/10/what-externalization-and-why-it-threat-refugees Credits: Speakers: Ayşen Üstübici, Stefanos Levidis Hosts: Danai Avgeri, Mariana Vieira Editor: Jamie Reed Sound Services Recorded and produced by Chatham House

This week, EURACTIV's agrifood team brings you the latest on the first high-level meeting to strengthen the EU-Turkey agri-trade and we discuss our thoughts about what to expect from these talks. We also talk about the debate in Germany over suspending crop rotation rules and the Commission's plan to help Ukraine in exporting grain despite Russia's blockade of the country's ports. In this week's focus, we cover the inter-institutional talk around the EU deforestation law.

Frans Timmermans, one of Europe's top environmental officials, hailed Türkiye's potential as a source of energy exports. Timmermans made the statements during the latest round of EU-Turkey climate negotiations. The country has been increasing its solar and wind power capacity for several years. However, EU officials are particularly thrilled by Türkiye's potential as a source of green hydrogen. Experts emphasize that hydrogen produced from renewable energy sources will be critical in the transition away from fossil fuels. So, despite their political divisions, can Türkiye and the EU collaborate on green energy? Guests: Jonathan David Lamb Energy Analyst at Wood & Company Eser Ozil Founder of Glocal Group Consulting, Investment & Trade

Anne C. Richard, distinguished fellow and Afghanistan coordination lead at Freedom House, will lead a conversation on refugees and global migration. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Welcome to the final session of the Winter/Spring 2022 CFR Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record, and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/academic. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We are delighted to have Anne Richard with us today to talk about refugees and global migration. Ms. Richard is a distinguished fellow and Afghanistan coordination lead at Freedom House. She has taught at several universities including Georgetown, University of Virginia, Hamilton College, and the University of Pennsylvania. From 2012 to 2017, Ms. Richard served as an assistant secretary of state for population, refugees, and migration, and before joining the Obama administration she served as vice president of government relations and advocacy for the International Rescue Committee. She has also worked at the Peace Corps headquarters and the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, and is a member of CFR. So, Anne, thank you very much for being with us today. With your background and experience, it would be great if you could talk from your vantage point—give us an overview of the current refugee trends you are—we are seeing around the world, especially vis-à-vis the war in Ukraine, the withdrawal from Afghanistan, et cetera. RICHARD: Thank you so much, Irina, for inviting me today and for always welcoming me back to the Council. And thank you to your team for putting this together. I'm very happy to speak about the global refugee situation, which, unfortunately, has, once again, grown yet larger in a way that is sort of stumping the international community in terms of what can well-meaning governments do, what can foundations and charitable efforts and the United Nations (UN) do to help displaced people. I thought we could start off talking a little bit about definitions and data, and the idea is that I only speak about ten minutes at this beginning part so that we can get to your questions all the more quickly. But for all of us to be on the same wavelength, let's recall that refugees, as a group, have an organization that is supposed to look out for them. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees is the title of the number-one person in the organization, but the entire organization is known by that name, UNHCR, or the UN Refugee Agency. It also has a convention—the 1951 Refugee Convention—that came about after World War II and was very focused on not allowing to happen again what had happened during World War II where victims of the Nazis and, as time went on, people fleeing fascism, people fleeing communism, couldn't get out of their countries and were persecuted because of this. And there's a legal definition that comes out of the convention that different countries have, and the U.S. legal definition matches very much the convention's, which is that refugees have crossed an international border—they're not in their home country anymore—and once they've crossed an international border the sense is that they are depending on the international community to help them and that they're fleeing for specific purposes—their race, their religion, their ethnicity, their membership in a particular social group such as being LGBTQ, or political thought. And if you think back to the Cold War, these were some of the refugees coming out of the former Soviet Union, coming out of Eastern Europe, were people who had spoken out and were in trouble and so had to flee their home countries. So what are the numbers then? And I'm going to refer you to a very useful page on the UN High Commissioner for Refugees website, which is their “Figures at a Glance” presentation, and we're going to reference some of the numbers that are up there now. But those numbers change every year. They change on June 20, which is World Refugee Day. And so every year it hits the headlines that the numbers have gone up, unfortunately, and you can anticipate this if you think in terms of the summer solstice, the longest day of the year. It's usually June 20, 21, 22. So June 20, that first possible day, is every year World Refugee Day. So if you're working on behalf of refugees it's good sometimes to schedule events or anticipate newspaper articles and conversations about refugees ticking up in—at the end of June. So if you were paying attention last June for World Refugee Day, UNHCR would have unveiled a number of 82.4 million refugees around the world, and so this upcoming June what do we anticipate? Well, we anticipate the numbers will go up again and, in fact, yesterday the high commissioner was in Washington, met with Secretary of State Tony Blinken, and they met the press and Filippo Grandi, the current high commissioner, said that he thinks the number is closer to ninety-five to ninety-six million refugees. So, clearly, a couple things have happened since last June. One is that so many people are trying to flee Afghanistan and another is so many people have fled Ukraine. So if we went back to that $82.4 million figure that we know we have details on, we would find that this is the figure of people who are displaced because of conflict or persecution around the world. The ones that count as refugees who have actually crossed an international border is a smaller number. It's 20.7 million people that UNHCR is concerned about and then another close to six million people who are Palestinians in the Middle East whose displacement goes back to 1948, the creation of the statehood of Israel, and upheaval in the Middle East region as Palestinians were shifted to live elsewhere. And so—and they are provided assistance by a different UN agency, UNRWA—UN Relief Works Administration in the Near East—and so if you see a number or you see two sets of numbers for refugees and they're off by about five or six million people, the difference is the Palestinian, that number—whether it's being counted in, which is for worldwide numbers, or out because UNHCR cares for most refugees on Earth but did not have the responsibility for the Palestinians since UNRWA was set up with that specific responsibility. So what's the big difference then between the eighty-two million, now growing to ninety-five million, and this smaller number of refugees? It's internally displaced persons (IDPs). These are people who are displaced by conflict or are displaced by persecution, are running for their lives, but they haven't left their own countries yet. So think of Syrians who, perhaps, are displaced by war and they have crossed their own countries and gone to a safer place within their own country but they haven't crossed that border yet. Others who have crossed into Lebanon or Turkey or Jordan or Iraq or have gone further afield to Egypt, those would be considered refugees. Who's responsible for the IDPs then? Well, legally, their own countries are supposed to take care of them. But in my Syria example, the problem is Syria was bombing its own people in certain areas of the country, and so they were not protecting their own people as they should be. People can be displaced by things other than war and conflict and persecution, of course. More and more we talk about climate displacement, and this is a hot issue that we can talk about later. But who's responsible then when people are displaced by changing climactic conditions and it's their own governments who are supposed to help them? But more and more questions have been raised about, well, should the international community come together and do more for this group of people—for internally displaced persons—especially when their own governments are unwilling or unable to do so? What about migrants? Who are the migrants? Migrants is a much broader term. Everyone I've talked about so far who's crossed a border counts as a migrant. Migrants are just people on the go, and the International Organization for Migration estimates there's about 281 million migrants on Earth today—about 3.6 percent of the world population—and one of the big issues I've pushed is to not see migrants as a dirty word. Unfortunately, it often is described that way—that migratory flows are bad, when, in fact, lots of people are migrants. Students who travel to the U.S. to take classes are migrants to our country. The secretary general of the United Nations, António Guterres, who was himself for eleven years the high commissioner for refugees, he says, I am a migrant, because he's a Portuguese person working in New York City. People hired by Silicon Valley from around the world to work in high-paid jobs, legally in the United States, they are migrants. More concerning are vulnerable migrants, people who are displaced and don't have the wherewithal to, necessarily, protect themselves, take care of themselves, on the march or where they end up, or also if they're seen as traveling without papers, not welcome in the places where they're going, that can be a very, very dangerous situation for them. So be aware that migrants is a really broad all-encompassing term that can include travelers, businesspeople, as well as vulnerable and very poor people who are economic migrants. Finally, immigrants are people who set out and migrate because they intend to live somewhere else, and when we were talking about the Trump administration's policies to reduce the number of refugees coming to the U.S. we also see that immigration to the U.S. also was decreased during that administration as well. So both the refugee program and a lot of the immigration pathways to the U.S. are now being examined and trying to be not just fixed, because a lot of them have needed care for quite some time, but also put back on a growth trajectory. And then asylum seekers are people who get to a country on their own, either they have traveled to a border or they pop up inside a country because they have gotten in legally through some other means such as a visitor visa or business visa, and then they say, I can't go home again. It's too dangerous for me to go home again. Please, may I have asylum? May I be allowed to stay here and be protected in your country? So that's a lot of different terminology. But the more you work on it, the more these terms—you get more familiar using them and understand the differences between them that experts or legal experts use. So ninety-five to ninety-six million people, as we see another eleven million people fleeing Ukraine and of that four million, at least, have crossed the borders into neighboring countries and another seven million are internally displaced, still inside Ukraine but they've gone someplace that they feel is safer than where they were before. When we looked at the eighty million refugees and displaced people, we knew that two-thirds of that number came from just five countries, and one of the important points about that is it shows you what could happen, the good that could be done, if we were able to push through peace negotiations or resolutions of conflict and persecution, if we could just convince good governance and protection of people—minorities, people with different political thought, different religious backgrounds—inside countries. So the number-one country still remains Syria that has lost 6.7 million people to neighboring countries, primarily. Secondly was Venezuela, four million. Third was Afghanistan. The old number from before last August was 2.6 million and some hundreds of thousands have fled since. And the only reason there aren't more fleeing is that they have a really hard time getting out of their country, and we can talk more about that in a moment. The fourth are Rohingya refugees fleeing from Burma, or Myanmar. That's 1.1 million, and the fifth was Southern Sudanese, 2.2 million, who have fled unrest and violence in that country. So we know that we have not enough peace, not enough solutions, and we have too much poverty, too, and dangers. In addition to the Venezuelans, another group that has approached the U.S. from the southern border that were in the paper, especially around election times, is from the Northern Triangle of Central America, so El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. These are people who could be fleeing because of economic situations and could also be fleeing from criminal violence, gangs, warfare, narcotraffickers. And so if they are fleeing for their lives and approaching our southern border, we are supposed to give them a hearing and consider whether they have a case for asylum, and the—unfortunately, that is not well understood, especially not by folks working at our borders. The Customs and Border Protection folks are more and more focused on, since 9/11, ensuring that bad guys don't come across, that terrorists don't come across, that criminals don't come across. And we heard in the Trump administration conversations about Mexicans as rapists, gang warfare being imported into the U.S. from Central America when, in fact, some of it had been originally exported, and this sense that people from the Middle East were terrorists. And so really harsh language about the types of people who were trying to make it to the U.S. and to get in. Some final thoughts so that we can get to the question and answer. The U.S. government has traditionally been the top donor to refugee and humanitarian efforts around the world. The bureau at the State Department I used to run, the Population, Refugees, and Migration Bureau, was a major donor to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees—UNRWA—the International Committee of the Red Cross, and also the International Organization for Migration, which used to be an independent organization and is now part of the UN since 2016. We were also the number-one resettlement location, the formal program for bringing refugees to the United States, and when I was assistant secretary we brought seventy thousand refugees per year to the United States, invited them to come through a program that took eighteen months to twenty-four months, on average, to get them in because they had to be vetted for security reasons. They had to pass medical tests. Their backgrounds had to be investigated to see that they were who they said they were. And that number went higher in the last year of the Obama administration to eighty-five thousand refugees and, in fact, the Obama administration proposed some very strong additional measures to help refugees. But the Trump administration threw that all into reverse with a completely different set of policies. So the numbers then became reduced every year—fifty-three thousand in the first year of the Trump administration, 22,500 the next year, thirty thousand in 2019, 11,814 in 2020, a similar number in 2021, and slow numbers coming today, this despite bringing so many Afghans through an evacuation exercise last summer. Many of the people who were evacuated were American citizens or green card holders. Afghans who had worked for the U.S. but did not have their formal paperwork yet were brought in under what's called humanitarian parole, and the problem with that program is that it's no guarantee for a longer-term stay in the United States. So there's a bill in Congress right now to address that. A lot of the people who worked on that, especially within the U.S. government, are proud that they've scrambled and brought so many people so quickly—120,000 people brought from Afghanistan. At the same time, those of us who are advocates for refugees would say too many people were left behind and the evacuation should continue, and that's a real concern. In terms of resettlement in the U.S., it's a program run—public-private partnership—and we've never seen so many volunteers and people helping as there are right now, and initiatives to help welcome people to the United States, which is fantastic. I would say the program should be one of humanity, efficiency, and generosity, and that generosity part has been tough to achieve because the government piece of it is kind of stingy. It's kind of a tough love welcome to the United States where the refugees are expected to get jobs and the kids to go to school and the families to support themselves. So let me stop there because I've been just talking too long, I know, and take questions. FASKIANOS: It's fantastic, and thank you for really clarifying the definitions and the numbers. Just a quick question. You said the U.S. government is the top donor. What is the percentage of DVP? I mean, it's pretty— RICHARD: Tiny. Yeah. FASKIANOS: —tiny, right? I think there's this lack of understanding that it may seem like a big number but in our overall budget it's minuscule. So if you could just give us a— RICHARD: Yeah. It's grown in the last few years because of all these crises around the world to ten to twelve million—I mean, ten billion dollars to twelve billion (dollars) between the U.S. Agency for International Development and the State Department, which was bigger. It was around seven or eight billion (dollars) when I was the assistant secretary five, six years ago. But the important part of it was it provided the whole backbone to the international humanitarian system. Governments, some of them, saw Americans sometimes as headaches in terms of we, Americans, telling them what to do or we, Americans, having our own ideas of how to do things or we, Americans, demanding always budget cuts and efficiencies. But the fact is the whole humanitarian enterprise around the world is based on American generosity, especially the big operating agencies like World Food Programme, UNHCR, UNICEF, UN Development Program. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. So now we're going to go to all you for your questions. Hands are already up and Q&A written questions. So I'll try to get to everybody as much as I can. I'm going to go—the first question from Rey Koslowski, and if you can unmute yourself and give us your institution that would be fantastic. RICHARD: Hi, Rey. Q: All right. Rey Koslowski, University at Albany. Hi, Anne. Good to see you. I'd like to pick up on the use of humanitarian parole. So, as I understand it, it's being utilized for Afghan evacuees, Afghans, who you mentioned, who didn't—weren't able to get on the flights and were left behind, but also for Ukrainians. You know, President Biden announced a hundred thousand Ukrainians. I mean, a very—we're using other channels but we've had, I believe, three thousand at the U.S.-Mexican border and, I believe, they're being paroled for the most part, right. As I understand it, we're—one DHS letter that I saw said that there were forty-one thousand requests for humanitarian parole for Afghan nationals. But I'm wondering about capacity of the USCIS to handle this, to process this, because, you know, normally, I think, maybe two thousand or so, a couple thousand, are processed, maybe a couple of people who do this, and also in conjunction with the challenges for processing all of the asylum applications. So, as I understand it, back in the fall there was some discussion of hiring a thousand asylum officers—additional asylum officers. I was wondering, what are your thoughts about our capacity to process all of the—the U.S. government's capacity to process the humanitarian parole applications and the asylum applications, and if you have any insights on new hires and how many— RICHARD: Well, you know, Rey, at Freedom House now I'm working on a project to help Afghan human rights defenders and— Q: Right. RICHARD: —the idea is that they can restart their work if we can find a way for them to be safe inside Afghanistan, which is very hard with the Taliban in charge right now, or if in exile they can restart their work. And so we're watching to see where Afghans are allowed to go in the world as they seek sanctuary and the answer is they don't get very far. It's very hard to get out of the country. If they get to Pakistan or Iran, they don't feel safe. They have short-term visas to stay there, and the programs that might bring them further along like resettlement of refugees are—take a much longer time to qualify for and then to spring into action, and so they're stuck. You know, they're afraid of being pushed back into Afghanistan. They're afraid of becoming undocumented and running out of money wherever they are, and so they're in great need of help. The humanitarian parole program sort of—for bringing Afghans into the U.S. sort of understood that our eighteen- to twenty-four-month refugee resettlement program was a life-saving program but it wasn't an emergency program. It didn't work on an urgent basis. It didn't scoop people up and move them overnight, and that's, really, what was called for last August was getting people—large numbers of people—out of harm's way. And so when I was assistant secretary, if we knew someone was in imminent danger we might work with another government. I remember that the Scandinavians were seen as people who were more—who were less risk averse and would take people who hadn't had this vast vetting done but would take small numbers and bring them to safety, whereas the U.S. did things in very large numbers but very slowly. And so this lack of emergency program has really been what's held us back in providing the kind of assistance, I think, people were looking for the Afghans. I was surprised we even brought them into the United States. I thought after 9/11 we'd never see that kind of program of bringing people in with so little time spent on checking. But what they did was they moved up them to the front of the line and checked them very quickly while they were on the move. So it was safe to do but it was unusual, and I think part of that was because the military—the U.S. military—was so supportive of it and U.S. veterans were so supportive of it and we had, for the first time in a while, both the right and the left of the political spectrum supporting this. So the problem with humanitarian parole is I remember it being used, for example, for Haitians who had been injured in the Haitian earthquake and they needed specialized health care—let's say, all their bones were crushed in their legs or something. They could be paroled into the U.S., get that health care that they needed, and then sent home again. So we've not used it for large numbers of people coming in at once. So what refugee advocates are seeking right now from Congress is the passage of the Afghan Adjustment Act, which would give people a more permanent legal status. They would be treated as if they were—had come through the refugee resettlement program and they'd get to stay. So you're right that the numbers being granted humanitarian parole at one time is just not the normal way of doing things. You're also right that the—this is a lot of extra work on people who weren't anticipating it, and more can continue with the hundred thousand Ukrainians who the president has said we will take in. And so the thing is when we have these kind of challenges in the United States one way to deal with it is to spend more money and do a better job, and that seems to be an option for certain challenges we face but not for all challenges we face. With these more humanitarian things, we tend to have tried to do it on the cheap and to also use the charity and partner with charities and churches more than if this were sort of a more business-oriented program. So we need all of the above. We need more government funding for the people who are working the borders and are welcoming people in or are reviewing their backgrounds. We need more assistance from the public, from the private sector, from foundations, because the times demand it. And it's very interesting to me to see Welcome US created last year with three former U.S. presidents—President Bush, President Clinton, President Obama—speaking up about it, saying, please support this, and people from across the political aisle supporting it. I wish that had existed in 2015 when we were grappling with these issues at the time of candidate Trump. So the needs are greater. Absolutely. But that doesn't mean we have to just suffer through and struggle through and have long backups like we do right now. We could be trying to put more resources behind it. FASKIANOS: I'm going to take the next written question from Haley Manigold, who's an IR undergrad student at University of North Florida. We know that the war in Ukraine is going to affect grain and food supplies for the MENA countries. Is there any way you would recommend for Europe and other neighboring regions to manage the refugee flows? RICHARD: The first part of that was about the food issue but then you said— FASKIANOS: Correct, and then this is a pivot to manage the refugee flows. So— RICHARD: Well, the Europeans are treating the Ukrainians unlike any other flow of people that we've seen lately. It goes a little bit back and reminiscent to people fleeing the Balkans during the 1990s. But we saw that with a million people in 2015 walking into Europe from Syria, Pakistan, Afghanistan—mix of economic migrants and real refugees—that Europe, at first, under Angela Merkel's leadership were welcoming to these folks showing up, and then there was a backlash and the walls came up on that route from the Balkans to Germany and to Sweden. And so in the last few years, Europeans have not been seen as champions in allowing—rescuing people who are trying to get to Europe on their own. You know, especially the Mediterranean has been a pretty dismal place where we see Africans from sub-Saharan Africa working their way up to North Africa and trying to get from Libya across the Mediterranean to Europe. These are mostly economic migrants but not solely economic migrants, and they deserve to have a hearing and, instead, they have been terribly mistreated. They get stopped by the Libyan coast guard, the Europeans push boats back, and they are offloaded back into Libya and they are practically imprisoned and mistreated in North Africa. So that's a terribly inhumane way to treat people who are trying to rescue themselves, their families, and find a better life. And another point to the Europeans has been, couldn't you use these young people taking initiative trying to have a better life and work hard and get on with their lives, and the answer is yes. Europe has this sort of aging demographic and could definitely use an infusion of younger workers and talented people coming in. But, instead, they have really pushed to keep people out. So what's happened with Ukrainians? They're seen as a different category. They're seen as neighbors. There's a part of it that is positive, which is a sense that the countries right next door have to help them. Poland, Moldova, other countries, are taking in the Ukrainians. The borders are open. If they get to Poland they can get free train fare to Germany. Germany will take them in, and that's a beautiful thing. And the upsetting thing is the sense that there is undertones of racism, also anti-Islam, where darker-skinned people were not at all welcome and people who are not Christian were not welcome. And so it's probably a mix of all the above, the good and the bad, and it's potentially an opportunity to teach more people about “refugeehood” and why we care and why it affects all of us and what we should do about it and that we should do more. FASKIANOS: Thank you. All right, I'm going to take the next question from Kazi Sazid, who has also raised their hand, so if you could just ask your question yourself and identify yourself. Q: Hello. So I'm Kazi. I'm a student at CUNY Hunter College and I happen to be writing a research paper on Central American and Iraq war refugee crises and how international law hasn't changed the behavior of a state helping them. So my question is, how does confusion and ignorance of migration and refugee terminology by state leaders and the general populace impact the legally ordained rights of refugees such as having identity documents, having the right to education, refoulement, which is not being sent back to a country where they are danger? One example is like Central Americans are termed as illegal immigrants by the right wing but the reality is they are asylum seekers who are worthy of refugee status because gang violence and corruption has destabilized their country and the judicial systems. I think femicide in El Salvador and Honduras is among the highest and—so yeah. RICHARD: Yeah. Thank you for asking the question, and I have a soft spot in my heart for Hunter College. Only one of my grandparents went to college and it was my mother's mother who went to Hunter College and graduated in the late 1920s, and as we know, it's right down the street from the Harold Pratt House, the home of the Council on Foreign Relations. So I think a lot of what you—I agree with a lot of what you've said about—for me it's describing these people who offer so much potential as threats, just because they are trying to help themselves. And instead of feeling that we should support these folks, there's a sense of—even if we don't allow them in our country we could still do things to ease their way and help them find better solutions, but they're described as these waves of people coming this way, headed this way, scary, scary. And if you follow the debates in the United States, I was very alarmed before and during the Trump administration that journalists did not establish that they had a right to make a claim for asylum at the border. Instead, they talked about it as if it were two political policies duking it out, where some people felt we should take more and some people felt we should take less. Well, the issue that was missed, I felt, in a lot of the coverage of the Southern border was the right to asylum, that they had a right to make a claim, that we had signed onto this as the United States and that there was a very good reason that we had signed onto that and it was to make sure people fleeing for their lives get an opportunity to be saved if they're innocent people and not criminals, but innocent people who are threatened, that we'd give them a place of safety. So I agree with you that the lack of understanding about these basic principles, agreements, conventions is something that is not well understood by our society, and certainly the society was not being informed of that by a lot of the messengers describing the situation over the past few years. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So I'm going to take the next question from Lindsey McCormack who is an undergrad at Baruch—oh, sorry, a graduate student at Baruch College. My apologies. Do you see any possibility of the U.S. adopting a protocol for vetting and accepting climate refugees? Have other countries moved in that direction? And maybe you can give us the definition of a climate refugee and what we will in fact be seeing as we see climate change affecting all of us. RICHARD: I don't have a lot to say on this, so I hate to disappoint you, but I will say a couple things because, one, I was on a task force at Refugees International, which is a very good NGO that writes about and reports on refugee situations around the world and shines a light on them. I was part of a task force that came out with a report for the Biden administration on the need to do more for climate migrants, and so that report is available at the Refugees International site and it was being submitted to the Biden administration because the Biden administration had put out an executive order on refugees that included a piece that said we want to do a better job, we want to come up with new, fresh ideas on climate migrants. So I don't know where that stands right now, but I think the other piece of information that I often give out while doing public speaking, especially to students, about this issue is that I feel not enough work has been done on it, and so if a student is very interested in staying in academia and studying deeper into some of these issues, I think climate migration is a field that is ripe for further work. It's timely, it's urgent, and it hasn't been over-covered in the past. I admire several people, several friends who are working on these issues; one is Professor Beth Ferris at Georgetown University who was, in fact, on the secretary general's High Level Panel on Internal Displacement and she made sure that some of these climate issues are raised in very high-level meetings. She was also part of this task force from Refugees International. Another smart person working on this is Amali Tower, a former International Rescue Committee colleague who started a group called Climate Refugees and she's also trying to bring more attention to this; she's kind of very entrepreneurial in trying to do more on that. Not everybody would agree that the term should be climate refugees since “refugees” has so much legal definitions attached to it and the people displaced by climate don't have those kind of protections or understandings built around them yet. But I think it's an area that there definitely needs to be more work done. So I think the basic question was, did I think something good was going to happen anytime soon related to this, and I can't tell because these crazy situations around the world, the war in Ukraine and Taliban in charge in Afghanistan—I mean, that just completely derails the types of exercises that the world needs of thinking through very logically good governance, people coming together making decisions, building something constructive instead of reacting to bad things. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from raised hand Ali Tarokh. And unmute your—thank you. Q: Yes. OK, I am Ali Tarokh from Northeastern University. I came here in the United States ten years ago as a refugee. And I was in Turkey—I flew Iran to Turkey. I stayed there fourteen, sixteen months. So this is part of—my question is part of my lived experience in Turkey. So one part is humanitarian services, helping refugees move into the third country, OK? The one issue I—it's my personal experience is the UNHCR system, there is many corruptions. This corruption makes lines, OK, produce refugees—because some countries such as Iran and Turkey, they are producing refugees and there is no solution for it, or sometimes they use it as—they use refugees as a weapon. They say, OK, if you don't work with me—Turkey sent a message to EU: If you don't work with me, I open the borders. I open the borders and send the flow of refugees to EU. Even some—even Iran's government. So my question is, how can we in the very base on the ground—the level of the ground—how can we prevent all these corruption or how can we work out with this kind of government, countries that are—I named them the refugee producers. And by the time there is two sides of the refugees—one is just humanitarian services, which is our responsibility, United States playing globally there; and other side it seems refugees issue became like industry. In Turkey, the UNHCR staff, some lawyers/attorneys, they take money from people, they make fake cases for them. Even they ask them: Hey, what country—which country would you like to go, United States, Canada, Scandinavian countries? So what is our strategy? What is our solution to help real refugees or prevent produce refugees? RICHARD: Well, there's several things that are raised by your question. Turkey and, now we see, Russia have both been countries where we have seen instances where they can turn on the flow of refugees and turn it off. And Turkey was watching people walk through Turkey, cross the Mediterranean is very scary, dangerous trip between Turkey and Greece in these rubber boats in 2015, 2016, and then they would make their way onward, and then, because of this big EU-Turkey deal that involved 3 billion euros at the time, all of a sudden, the flow stopped. And then in further negotiations going on and on, Turkey would say things that seemed like it came right from a Godfather movie, like, gee, I'd hate to see that flow start up again; that would be a real shame. And so it was clear it was sort of a threat that if you didn't cooperate it could play this very disruptive role on the edges of Europe and deploying people, as you said, which is so cruel not just to the people who are receiving them but to the individuals themselves that they're not being seen as people who need care but instead as a problem to be deployed in different directions. And we saw that also with Belarus and Poland and now also it may have been part of the thinking of Vladimir Putin that by attacking Ukraine, by going to war with Ukraine that there would be exactly what is happening now, people scattering from Ukraine into Europe and that that would be a way to drive a wedge between European countries and cause a lot of not just heartache but also animosity between these countries. So what the Russians didn't seem to appreciate this time was that there would be so much solidarity to help the Ukrainians, and that has been a bit of a surprise. So you've also talked about corruption, though, and corruption is a problem all over the world for lots of different reasons, in business and it's embedded in some societies in a way that sometimes people make cultural excuses for, but in reality we know it doesn't have to be that way. But it is very hard to uproot and get rid of. So I find this work, the anti-corruption work going on around the world, really interesting and groups like Transparency International are just sort of fascinating as they try to really change the standards and the expectations from—the degree to which corruption is part of societies around the world. So UNHCR has to take great care to not hire people who are going to shake down and victimize refugees, and it's not—there's never a perfect situation, but I know that a lot of work is done to keep an eye on these kinds of programs so that the aid goes to the people who need it and it's not sidetracked to go to bad guys. And the way I've seen it is, for example, if I travel overseas and I go to someplace where refugees are being resettled to the U.S. or they're being interviewed for that, or I go to UNHCR office, there will be big signs up that will say the resettlement program does not cost money. If someone asks you for money, don't pay it; you know, report this. And from time to time, there are mini scandals, but overall, it's remarkable how much corruption is kept out of some of these programs. But it's a never-ending fight. I agree with you in your analysis that this is a problem and in some countries more than others. FASKIANOS: So I'm going to take the next question from Pamela Waldron-Moore, who's the chair of the political science department at Xavier University in New Orleans. There are reports in some news feeds that African refugees from Ukraine are being disallowed entry to some states accepting refugees. I think you did allude to this. Is there evidence of this, and if so, can the UN stop it or alleviate that situation? RICHARD: We saw before the Taliban took over in Afghanistan that some European countries were saying it was time for Afghans to go home again, and the idea that during this war it was safe for Afghans to go back—and especially for Afghans who are discriminated against even in the best of times in Afghanistan, like the Hazara minority. It's just—I found that sort of unbelievable that some countries thought this was the right time to send people back to Afghanistan. And so at the moment there's a weird situation in Afghanistan because it's safer in some ways for the bulk of the people because the active fighting has—in large parts of the country—stopped. But it's deadly dangerous for human rights defenders, women leaders, LBGTQ folks—anyone who tries to stand up to the Taliban—you know, scholars, thinkers, journalists. And so those are the folks that, in smaller numbers, we need to find some kind of way to rescue them and get them to safety while they are still inside Afghanistan or if that's outside Afghanistan and in the region. The borders—the border situations change from time to time. For a while they were saying only people with passports could come out, and for most Afghan families, nobody had a passport or, if they did, it was a head of household had a passport for business or trade. But you wouldn't have had passports for the spouse and the children. And so this has been a real dilemma. We also see a whole series of barriers to people getting out; so first you need a passport, then you need a visa to where you're going, and then you might need a transit visa for a country that you are crossing. And what has come to pass is that people who are trying to help evacuate people from Afghanistan—a smaller and smaller number as the months go on; people are trying to make this happen because it's so hard—that they will only take people out of the country if they feel that their onward travel is already figured out and that they have their visas for their final-destination country. So the actual number that's getting out are tiny. And the people who have gotten out who are in either Pakistan or Iraq are very worried. And they're afraid to be pushed back. They're afraid they will run out of money. They are afraid—I think said this during my talk before—they're afraid that there are people in Pakistan who will turn them in to the Taliban. And so it's always hard to be a refugee, but right now it's really frightening for people who are just trying to get to a safe place. FASKIANOS: And in terms of the discrimination that you referenced for refugees leaving the Ukraine, I mean, there have been some reports of EU—discrimination in European countries not accepting— RICHARD: Well, like African students who are studying in Ukraine— FASKIANOS: Yes. RICHARD: —who were not treated as if they were fleeing a country at war— FASKIANOS: Correct. RICHARD: —but instead were put in a different category and said, you know, go back, go home. FASKIANOS: Yes. RICHARD: Yeah, that's—that is quite blatant— FASKIANOS: And there's— RICHARD: And that was happening at the borders. FASKIANOS: Is there anything the UN can do about that, or is that really at the discretion of the countries—the accepting countries? RICHARD: Well, the—yeah, the UNHCR has these reception centers that they've set up, including between the border of Poland and Ukraine, and I think the other neighboring countries. And so if one can get to the reception center, one could potentially get additional help or be screened into—for special attention for needing some help that maybe a white Christian Ukrainian who spoke more than one language of the region would not need. FASKIANOS: Great. So let's go to Susan Knott, who also wrote her question, but has raised her hand. So Susan, why don't you just ask your question? And please unmute and identify yourself. KNOTT: OK, am I unmuted? FASKIANOS: Yes. KNOTT: OK. I am Susan Knott, University of Utah, Educational Policy and Leadership doctoral program. I am also a practicum intern at ASU, and I'm also a refugee services collaborator. And I'm engaged in a research project creating college and university pathways for refugees to resettle. I'm just wondering what your feel is about the current administration efforts in seeking to establish the pathway model similar to ASU's Education for Humanity Initiative with Bard, and is there helping lead the Refugee Higher Education Access program that serves learners who require additional university-level preparation in order to transition into certificate and degree programs. And I just—I'm not just—and all of this buzz that's going on since all of terrible crises are occurring, I'm not seeing a whole lot that—based on my own experience working with refugee education and training centers at colleges—on the college level, and learning about the Presidents' Alliance on Higher Ed and Immigration. I'm just wondering—and they're saying let's have this be more of a privately funded or partnerships with the university scholarships and private entities. What about a federally-funded university sponsorship program for refugee students given that the numbers or the data is showing that that age group is the largest number of just about every refugee population? RICHARD: That's a really fascinating set of issues. I'm not the expert on them, so I'm going to disappoint you. but I appreciate that you took a little extra time in how you stated your intervention to add a lot of information for this group, which should very much care about this. I get a lot of questions every week about university programs that Afghan students could take advantage of. I don't have a good handle on it, and I'm trying to do that with—I'm overdue for a conversation with Scholars at Risk in New York. Robert Quinn is the executive director of that, I believe. And so I'm glad you raised this and I'm not going to have a lot of extra to say about it. FASKIANOS: Anne, are there—is there—there's a question in the chat in the Q&A about sources for data on U.S. initiatives toward refugees. Where would you direct people to go to get updates on the latest programs, et cetera? RICHARD: Sometimes I'm embarrassed to say the best summaries are done by not-for-profits outside the government than by the government. The best source for data on resettlement of refugees to the U.S. is a website that is funded by the U.S. government called WRAPSNET.org—WRAPS spelled W-R-A-P-S-N-E-T dot-O-R-G. And in double-checking some of the things last summer, I felt that DHS had better descriptions of some of the programs than the State Department did, and that's my bureau that I used to—run, so—but they are responsible for determining who is in and who is out of these different programs, so maybe that's why they do. So there's a lot on the DHS website that's interesting if you are looking for more information. And one of the things the Council does, it has done a number of these special web presentations: one on refugees that I got to help on a couple of years ago, and I think there's one up now on Ukrainians. And this is the type of public education function that the Council does so well I think because they fact-check everything, and so it's very reliable. FASKIANOS: Thank you for that plug. You can find it all on CFR.org—lots of backgrounders, and timelines, and things like that. So we don't have that much time left, so I'm going to roll up two questions—one in the Q&A box and one because of your vast experience. So what role do NGOs play in refugee crises and migration initiatives, particularly in resettlement? And just from your perspective, Anne, you have been in academia, you've worked in the government, you worked at IRC, and now are at Freedom House. And so just—again, what would you share with the group about pursuing a career in this—government, non-government perspectives and, what students should be thinking about as they launch to their next phase in life. RICHARD: Yeah, that we could have a whole ‘nother hour on, right? That's—(laughs)— FASKIANOS: I know, I know. It's unfair to, right, do this at the very end, but— RICHARD: NGOs play really important roles in both the delivery of humanitarian assistance overseas and the help for resettlement in the United States. In the U.S. there are nine national networks of different groups; six are faith-based, three are not. They are non-sectarian, and they do amazing work on shoe-string budgets to—everything from meeting refugees at the airport, taking them to an apartment, showing them how the lights work and the toilet flushes, and coming back the next day, making sure they have an appropriate meal to have, and that the kids get in school, that people who need health care get it, and that adults who are able-bodied get jobs so they can support themselves. The other type of NGO are the human rights NGOs that now I'm doing more with, and I guess if you are thinking about careers in these, you have to ask yourself, you know, are you more of a pragmatic person where the most important thing is to save a life, or are you an idealist where you want to put out standards that are very high and push people to live up to them. Both types of organizations definitely help, but they just have very different ways of working. Another question for students is do you want high job security of a career in the U.S. government—say, as a Foreign Service Officer or as a civil servant where maybe you won't move up very quickly, but you might have great sense of satisfaction that the things you were working on were making a difference because they were being decisively carried out by the U.S. or another government. Or do you prefer the relatively lean, flatter organizations of the NGO world where, as a young person, you can still have a lot of authority, and your views can be seen—can be heard by top layers because you're not that far away from them. And so, NGOs are seen as more nimble, more fast moving, less job security. Having done both I think it really depends on your personality. Working in the government, you have to figure out a way to keep going even when people tell you no. You have figure out—or that it's hard, or that it's too complicated. You have to figure out ways to find the people who are creative, and can make thing happen, and can open doors, and can cut through red tape. In NGOs you can have a lot of influence. I was so surprised first time I was out of the State Department working for the International Rescue Committee one of my colleagues was telling me she just picks up the phone and calls the key guy on Capitol Hill and tells him what the law should be. That would never happen with a junior person in the U.S. government. You have to go through so many layers of bureaucracy, and approvals, and clearances. So, really, it depends on the type of person you are, and how you like to work, and the atmosphere in which you like to work. I can tell you you won't get rich doing this type of work, unfortunately. But you might be able to make a decent living. I certainly have, and so I encourage students to either do this as a career or find ways to volunteer part-time, even if it's tutoring a refugee kid down the block and not in some glamorous overseas location. I think you can get real sense of purpose out of doing this type of work. Thank you, Irina. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. And I have to say that your careful definitions of the different categories—and really, I think we all need to be more intentional about how we explain, talk about these issues because they are so complex, and there are so many dimensions, and it's easy to make gross generalizations. But the way you laid this out was really, really important for deepening the understanding of this really—the challenge and the—what we're seeing today. So thank you very much. RICHARD: Thank you. Thanks, everybody. FASKIANOS: So thanks to all—yeah, thanks to everybody for your great questions. Again, I apologize; we're three minutes over. I couldn't get to all your questions, so we will just have to continue looking at this issue. We will be announcing the fall Academic Webinar lineup in a month or so in our Academic Bulletin, so you can look for it there. Good luck with your end of the year, closing out your semester. And again, I encourage you to go to CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for research analysis on global issues. And you can follow us on Twitter at @CFR_Academic. So again, thank you, Anne Richard. Good luck to you all with finals, and have a good summer. (END)

In this conversation with RevDem editor Ferenc Laczó regarding contemporary Turkey, Dimitar Bechev discusses how the Justice and Development Party has evolved into a personality cult; how Erdogan pro-active, remilitarized foreign policy has probably reached its limits; how leverage now goes both ways in EU-Turkey relations while Europeanization may also mean a turn to xenophobia; as well as the promising signs of democratic health and political competition.

In today's episode, we speak with Iason Apostolopoulos, a search-and-rescue coordinator with Italian refugee rescuers Mediterranea: Saving Humans. We speak about the organisation's latest rescue operation aboard the Mare Jonio, and how the Italian cops put Mediterranea under investigation last year for supposedly facilitating the arrival of "illegal migrants." In July 2021, Iason was scheduled to receive the Medal of Honour from the Greek President for his search-and-rescue activities since 2015. But the country's right-wing government cancelled it at the last minute, calling him a "traitor to the state."  Iason tells us all about that too. ---Show notes--- For more on Mediterranea: Saving Humans, visit: mediterranearescue.org/en/  Or follow them on Twitter via: @RescueMed The International Rescue Committee has a great explanation of the EU-Turkey deal here: bit.ly/3B0Nvez Iason also worked on Doctors Without Borders' (MSF) rescue ship, the Geo Barents. For more on the Geo Barents, see here: bit.ly/3HtYsrF  Check out episode 14 of The Civil Fleet for an interview with the Geo Barent's search-and-rescue team leader Riccardo Gatti and midwife Kira Smith.  Ben and Iason mention Italy's former Interior Minister and leader of the far-right Lega Party Matteo Salvini. Read about a recent trial against him for blocking the Open Arms refugee rescue ship from entering a port in 2019 here: bbc.in/3gmyeeO The Aquarius was a refugee rescue ship operated by MSF and SOS Mediterranee between 2016 to 2018. You can read about why it was forced to stop its operations here: bit.ly/35WeOvr  Carola Rackete was captain of the Sea Watch 3. After a 17-day stand-off with the Italian authorities following the rescue of 40 people in 2019, Rackete was forced to enter the port of Lampedusa without permission. You can read about that here: bit.ly/3uIVvA7 For pictures of the Mare Jonio's last rescue mission, see here: bit.ly/3Hy1niZ Want to know more about Alarm Phone? Read about them here: bit.ly/3gqybyt or check out episodes 3 and 5. For more on how Frontex has aided the Libyan Coastguards to return thousands of people back to Libya since at least 2020, see here: bit.ly/3rre1uE   For more on the Maersk Etienne, see here: bit.ly/3HyJMHU Iason mentions the Iuventa at one point in the interview. Read an interview with two members of that ship here: bit.ly/3rppLO9 or check out episode 2. Want to know more about Unclos and Solas? Check this out unclos.org, and/or this: bit.ly/3smJzAS   Read Aegean Boat Report's story on the 25 people who were kidnapped by the Greek authorities after they reached Lesbos here: bit.ly/3rsJ60O For more on the situation in Greece on The Civil Fleet podcast, check out episodes 3, 4, 9 and 16. Read this New York Times story in the 12 people who froze to death after the Greek Coastguards allegedly kidnapped and stripped them: nyti.ms/3Jaigkl

Under President Erdogan, Turkey has undergone a substantial degradation of its rule-of-law architecture in all relevant fields. One example of this is the continued imprisonment of philanthropist Osman Kavala, which is in violation of a 2019 judgment of the European Court of Human Rights. This case could see the Council of Europe's Committee of Ministers - which is meeting over the next few days - initiate infringement proceedings against Turkey. Rule of law is also a thorny issue in the EU-Turkey relationship, as Ankara has repeatedly refused to entertain an open rule-of-law dialogue with Brussels. Ambassador Marc Pierini joins us to discuss the steps the Council of Europe could take over the Osman Kavala case, how the degradation of rule of law in Turkey is impacting EU-Turkey relations, and why the EU must stand firm when it comes to rule of law issues and its core values and principles.Marc Pierini is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe, where his research focuses on developments in the Middle East and Turkey from a European perspective. Prior to this, Pierini was a career EU diplomat, and served as EU ambassador to Turkey (2006–2011).Read Marc Pierini's latest article here: The EU Should Stand Firm on TurkeyYou can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:Greece to mandate COVID-19 vaccination for over-60sAppointments tripled after announcement mandating jabsUS to spend $35 mln on Larissa base

Nacho Sanchez Amor, European Parliament's rapporteur on Turkey, met with Turkish journalists on October 9 during a visit to Istanbul. Speaking to Medyascope, Nacho Sanchez Amor underlined that the last two years were the worst year in ties between Turkey and European Union but relations are slightly better. He also citing that Turkey's steps in Eastern Mediterranean resumption of dialogue as a positive move. Amor added that, “We need political fact. We need that Turkey shows the political will to come back to European path.”

This week Begüm Başdaş talked with Wiebke Judith, Legal Policy Advisor for the NGO Pro Asyl about how Germany's migration policies might shift after Merkel retires in 2021 Fall elections. Judith responded to Başdaş' questions on the future of EU-Turkey migration deal in relation to the emerging criticisms in Turkey by the leaders of oppositional political parties. Judith said that there is a significant consensus among human rights organizations in Germany that EU-Turkey deal is indeed a violation of international norms. She argued that “EU violates refugees' need to protection at the borders” and added, “EU has to do more resettlement through legal and safe ways, and the individual right to seek asylum when refugees arrive in Europe has to be protected.” On the escalation of violence in Afghanistan and the increased numbers of Afghans who are trying to leave the country, Judith argued that for the EU “this is the problem with the safe third country concept, where what happens in Afghanistan is totally excluded at that point. It is only about can you return them back to Turkey. This is really worrying.” Furthermore, she commented that “Germany must stop the forced returns of Afghans and people should get protection status in Germany.” Wiebke Judith works as a Legal Policy Advisor for the NGO PRO ASYL on German and European asylum law and politics. She holds an LL.M. degree in European and International Human Rights Law and previously worked with Amnesty International in Germany on refugee politics and asylum law.

The meeting between US president Biden and the Turkish president Erdogan, as well as the upcoming European Council Summit on Turkey come at a critical moment in the EU-US-Turkey relationship. After years of heightened tensions, there appears to have been a thawing in relations since the beginning of this year. The renewed focus on climate policy by the EU, however, makes many aspects of this relationship uncertain. Are carbon border taxes a threat to Turkish trade? How can Turkey and the EU cooperate on green energy? To find out, host Susi Dennison, director of ECFR´s European Power programme, talks to Asli Aydıntaşbaş, senior policy fellow at ECFR and in-house expert on Turkey, and Simone Tagliapietra, senior fellow at Bruegel focusing on European Union climate and energy policy. They discuss the outcomes of the Biden-Erdogan summit and the prospects for the EU-Turkey relationship, particularly in relation to the EU's climate policies. This podcast was recorded on 17 June 2021. Further Reading: - "Europe's Green Moment: How to meet the climate challenge" by Susi Dennison, Rafael Loss and Jenny Söderström: https://buff.ly/3v48Lw4 - "The geopolitics of the European Green Deal" by Mark Leonard, Jean Pisani-Ferry, Jeremy Shapiro, Simone Tagliapietra and Guntram Wolff: https://buff.ly/3tpyKxG Bookshelf: - "Catherine the Great: Portrait of a Woman" by Robert K. Massie - "The New Climate War" by Michael E. Mann

On May 19 we commemorate the genocide of the Greeks of the Pontus region, in which at least 353,000 people perished. The Pontian Genocide, although commemorated and remembered separately, was part of Turkey's broader genocide against Christian Greeks, Armenians, and Assyrians in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace that began in the spring of 1914. By 1923, out of approximately 2 million Greeks living in Asia Minor at the beginning of World War I, more than 700,000 had perished, and over 1.1 million were uprooted in the forced population exchange between Greece and Turkey. HALC's Executive Director Endy Zemenides and Kostas Ouranitsas, the chairman of the National Hellenic Student Association of North America and a HALC Leadership 2030 Fellow with roots from Pontus, join The Greek Current to discuss the continued fight for genocide recognition. Read Endy Zemenides' piece in Neo Magazine here: The Hard Work Starts NowYou can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:EU-Turkey relations at 'historic' low point: European ParliamentEuropean Parliament calls on Commission to suspend Turkey's EU accessionTurkey condemns European Parliament voteNorth Macedonia PM: EU risks losing sway in Balkans

Turkish foreign policy has changed considerably in recent years and has become increasingly aggressive. Esme Nicholson talks with Sinem Adar and Hürcan Aslı Aksoy on how domestic political dynamics shape Ankara's foreign relations with Europe. Talk Guests: Dr Sinem Adar is Associate at the Centre for Applied Turkey Studies (CATS) at SWP. Her main research areas include Turkish domestic politics, EU-Turkey relations, Turkish diaspora policy, and EU-Turkey cooperation over migration. Dr Hürcan Aslı Aksoy is Deputy Head of the Centre for Applied Turkey Studies (CATS) at SWP. She mainly works on Turkish domestic politics, democratization and autocratization in Turkey, Turkey's foreign policy in the Middle East, and women and politics in Turkey. Host: Esme Nicholson

In the five years since the European Union turned to Turkey to keep asylum seekers and other migrants from reaching European soil in exchange for a variety of economic and other considerations, governments around the world have increasingly externalized their migration controls and asylum proceedings. They have done so by pushing their borders outward through arrangements with transit and origin countries, as well as by implementing barriers that make it harder to access protection. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated these challenges by providing a public-health rationale for border closures and entry limitations. The five-year anniversary of the EU-Turkey deal provides an opportunity to examine how the accessibility of asylum and protection globally has changed. In this discussion experts considered the extent to which externalization strategies, such as the EU-Turkey agreement or deals with Libya and now-rescinded U.S. agreements to send asylum seekers to Central America, have become the dominant strategies deployed by countries of asylum. How have the impacts of these policies been felt, both by asylum seekers and host and transit countries? And what can be done to ensure refugees continue to have access to protection and asylum procedures? This event marks the launch of an initiative led by MPI and the Robert Bosch Stiftung, “Beyond Territorial Asylum: Making Protection Work in a Bordered World.” The initiative aims to redesign the global protection and resettlement infrastructure in a way that is more equitable, flexible, and sustainable. 

Iraqi photographer Yousif Al Shewaili, 21, sitting on a bench by Lesbos' main port in Mytilene, points to the spot where a boat carrying him and other migrants arrived in 2018.“It was just a beautiful, beautiful moment,” he said.Shewaili, who's now a recognized refugee, fled Baghdad and made the journey from Turkey to Greece in a dinghy along with dozens of other asylum-seekers.Related: A mental health crisis on Lesbos is worsening Midjourney, the boat sprang a leak. Children were screaming, and Shewaili feared everyone aboard would drown.“I couldn't help anyone. So, I put my face on my backpack, and I started crying.”Yousif Al Shewaili, Iraqi refugee in Greece“I couldn't help anyone. So, I put my face on my backpack, and I started crying.”Luckily, help came. The dinghy was spotted by the Greek Coast Guard, which took the migrants aboard their vessel and brought them to land.This is how authorities are supposed to respond when they encounter people at sea — especially people in distress. A boat is shown in the Aegean Sea from the port of Mytilene on the Greek island of Lesbos.  Credit: Lydia Emmanouilidou/The World  But increasingly, migrants and advocates claim, Greek authorities are illegally pushing back to Turkey people who are making the journey to Greece in the Aegean Sea. Greek authorities have strongly denied claims of pushbacks. Evidence and pressure, though, are mounting.Related: ‘This island is a prison’: Migrants say plan for a refugee camp on Lesbos is too isolating“What the Greek government is doing — and what we have documented them doing through testimonies, through evidence sent to us by survivors — is that people are being abandoned in the middle of the sea.”Lorraine Leete, coordinator for Legal Centre Lesvos“What the Greek government is doing — and what we have documented them doing through testimonies, through evidence sent to us by survivors — is that people are being abandoned in the middle of the sea,” said Lorraine Leete, coordinator for Legal Centre Lesvos, a nonprofit that’s documenting pushbacks and providing legal support to survivors.In the last year, the organization has filed four cases with the European Court of Human Rights regarding pushbacks in the Aegean.While some migrants describe being intercepted and turned back at sea, others claim they were forcefully removed once they made it to land, and put on boats back to Turkey. There are also reports of pushbacks on land along Greece’s northern border.Allegations of pushbacks are not new. Organizations such as Aegean Boat Report have been tracking them for years.But in the last year, “there has been an increase in the systemic practice of pushing people back,” Leete said, partly because of a failure to implement a deal between the European Union and Turkey. Under the 2016 EU-Turkey deal, Turkey agreed to close its borders and stop asylum-seekers from coming into Europe in exchange for EU funds. Ankara also agreed to take back people whose asylum applications were rejected in Greece. But that’s not happening.“As a result, we see that, unofficially, Greece has been stopping people from coming, has been pushing people back to Turkey because it cannot officially deport people,” Leete said.‘Asylum is a human right’“I never imagined this would happen here,” said Shewaili, the Iraqi refugee, who is now working on documenting pushbacks. “I never imagined that when they see people with life jackets, with nothing in their pockets in the middle of the sea, they [would] push them back and they leave them for dead.”Related: Activists protest migrant facility plan in Greece: ‘Greek islands will not be turned to prisons’ He worked as an interpreter for Legal Centre Lesvos, and more recently, has been tracking pushback cases on his own.“It's just inhuman[e], illegal and a project of death.”Yousif Al Shewaili, Iraqi refugee in Greece“It's just inhuman[e], illegal and a project of death,” he said of the practice.Greek authorities have repeatedly denied allegations of pushbacks. A car drives along the seaside near the port of Mytilene on Lesbos, Greece.  Credit: Lydia Emmanouilidou/The World  “The officers of the Hellenic Coast Guard who are responsible for guarding the Greek and European sea and land borders … [work] around the clock with efficiency, a high sense of responsibility, perfect professionalism, patriotism, and also with respect for everyone’s life and human rights,” the Hellenic Coast Guard said in a statement to The World.In their email, they also alleged that the Hellenic Coast Guard has been “systematically and methodically” targeted by nongovernmental organizations and other organizations and that the vast majority of reports are based on unsubstantial reports and unreliable sources.Related: The EU proposes certificates to ease travel during the pandemic. Not everyone is on board.“We strongly deny that the Greek Coast Guard has [ever been] involved in pushbacks,” Greek Migration Minister Notis Mitarakis said at a press conference in March, where he also described reports of pushbacks as “fake news.”There are also allegations that Frontex, the EU’s border agency, has been involved in illegal pushbacks of migrants.Leaked internal documents of #Frontex (EU's border agency) offer insights into possible #illegal pushback of asylum seekers.The documents were obtained by German pro-transparency group FragDenStaat. https://t.co/f2dtjYXK3v#LawOfRule @fragdenstaat #renegade @Frontex— This is Europe (@This_is_Europe) March 9, 2021An internal probe, whose findings were released in March and were widely criticized, found no substantial evidence linking Frontex to pushbacks. Other investigations, including one by a European Parliament committee, are ongoing.Meanwhile, major humanitarian organizations, including the UN’s refugee agency, are sounding the alarm on the issue.“The fact is that the frequency of reports is increasing. [That] deserves attention and mobilization by everyone.”Mireille Girard, UNHCR’s representative in Greece“The fact is that the frequency of reports is increasing,” said Mireille Girard, UNHCR’s representative in Greece. “[That] deserves attention and mobilization by everyone.”Since the beginning of 2020, the agency has been looking into approximately 300 cases of reported pushbacks in Greece and passing along information it’s been able to verify to Greek authorities so they can conduct formal investigations.One example is a case from mid-February, whose details UNHCR has been able to substantiate by speaking with witnesses and survivors and reviewing other evidence.“What we know is that several families of Afghan nationals arrived on Lesbos,” Girard said. Graffiti sprayed on a building in Mytilene, Lesbos.  Credit: Lydia Emmanouilidou/The World  Thirteen people, including four children, presented themselves to the authorities and were put in a reception area with new arrivals. But overnight, they were forced into a van and driven to a port. Once there, they were taken out to sea on a speedboat, put on a life raft without life jackets and left adrift. The people were later rescued by the Turkish Coast Guard.“It's very important that Europe upholds the principle on which it's founded and its own asylum policy, meaning that people should be received with dignity at borders and they should have a chance to explain their claim if they're seeking protection,” Girard said.“Asylum is a human right. It’s an imperative norm of human rights,” she added. “When there are indications that there may have been a pushback, this needs to be looked at very formally and seriously because this is illegal.” ‘Climate of impunity’ “In cases [where] we receive written comments from actors like UNHCR, we do take them seriously,” Greek Migration Minister Mitarakis said at the March press conference, adding that there have been a number of independent investigations but that none of them have found authorities violating EU or international laws.The EU’s top migration official, Home Affairs Commissioner Ylva Johansson, who sat beside Mitarakis at the press conference, said Greek authorities “can do more when it comes to investigating these alleged pushbacks and to clarify them.”Critics say that Greece and a number of EU member states have been far too complacent — and that Greece isn’t doing enough to investigate these pushbacks while EU member states are turning a blind eye to the problem.“You see this atmosphere, this climate of impunity … spreading.”Tineke Strik, member of the European Parliament from the Netherlands“You see this atmosphere, this climate of impunity … spreading,” said Tineke Strik, a member of the European Parliament from the Netherlands, with the Greens group.Strik is on the parliamentary committee currently investigating Frontex’s role in pushbacks and other human rights violations.Strik pointed to a recent statement by one of Europe’s top officials. During a visit to Greece last year, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen thanked Greece “for being our European shield.”Strik said she took the comment to mean: “You’re doing a good job because you keep the migrants out,” adding, “And as long as this is the message, member states feel free to go on with violations.” 

Week 15 2021 | 05 April - 11 April Host: David Kennedy This episode will cover three key selected geopolitical events. 1. Geopolitical crisis looms large in eastern Ukraine. 2. Riots erupt in Northern Ireland, amid critical post-Brexit scenario. 3. EU-Turkey diplomatic spat. Find us on Instagram, LinkedIn, and Twitter | @varemeng #Informationmatters

A Polish salt mine provides relief for post-Covid patients - The Dutch go techno to learn more about easing coronavirus restrictions - Is the EU about to reset ties with Turkey? - What kind of impact will the pandemic have on Rome’s historic centre? - Greenland’s rare-earth election - A spat between Latvia and Russia over a war memorial - Protests in France over veggie school lunches - And more…

Gender equality issues took centre stage in Brussels a day after Ursula von der Leyen, one the EU's most powerful executives, was treated like a second-rank official during a visit to Ankara.Von der Leyen — the European Commission president — and European Council chief Charles Michel visited Turkey on Tuesday for talks with Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan focusing on the EU-Turkey relations. After they were led in a big room for discussions with Erdogan, TV images showed that only two chairs had been laid out in front of the EU and the Turkish flags for the three leaders.Michel and Erdogan took the chairs as von der Leyen stood looking at both men, expressing her astonishment with a "ehm" and a gesture of disappointment. Von der Leyen eventually sat on a large beige sofa, away from her male counterparts.According to a EU source, the meeting between the three leaders lasted more than two hours and a half."The important thing is that the president should have been seated exactly in the same manner as the president of the European council and the Turkish president," EU commission chief spokesman Eric Mamer said, adding that Von der Leyen was surprised by the arrangements."She decided to proceed nevertheless, prioritizing substance over protocol, but nevertheless let me stress that the president expects that the institution that she represents to be treated with the required protocol, and she has therefore asked her team to take all appropriate contacts in order to ensure that such an incident does not occur in the future," Mamer said.He added that Von der Leyen's protocol team did not travel to Turkey with her due to the coronavirus pandemic.There was no immediate comment from the Turkish presidency.Michel said the embarrassment was the result of the "strict interpretation" by Turkish services of protocol rules and regretted "the differentiated, even diminished, treatment of the president of the European Commission."In a statement released late Wednesday, Michel said that although TV images could have given the impression he was "insensitive" to Von der Leyen's uncomfortable situation, "nothing could be further from reality, nor from (his) deepest feelings."The diplomatic incident was abundantly commented on social media. European lawmaker Sophie in 't Veld posted pictures of previous meetings between Michel's and Von der Leyen's predecessors with Erdogan, with the trio of men sitting in chairs next to each other."And no, it wasn't a coincidence, it was deliberate," in 't Veld wrote on Twitter, questioning why Michel remained "silent.""'Ehm' is the new term for 'that's not how EU-Turkey relationship should be,' said Sergey Lagodinsky, another member of the European Parliament, using the hashtags #GiveHerASeat and #womensrights."Last month, Erdogan pulled Turkey out of a key European convention aimed at combatting violence against women, triggering criticism from EU officials. The move was a blow to Turkey's women's rights movement, which says domestic violence and murders of women are on the rise.Von der Leyen called for Erdogan to reverse his decision to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention."Human rights issues are non-negotiable. We were very clear about that. We urge Turkey to reverse its decision because it is the first international binding instrument to combat violence against women and children," she said.Asked whether the commission regarded the incident as specifically gender-related, Mamer said Von der Leyen traveled to Ankara as the president of an EU institution."Being a man or a woman does not change anything to the fact that she should have been seated according to the very same protocol arrangements as the two other participants," Mamer said. "She seized the opportunity to specifically tackle the Istanbul convention and women's rights. I believe that the message sent was clear." 

Following the European Council meeting last week which suggests a dual approach for Turkey-EU relations, William Noah Glucroft talks to Günter Seufert and Ilke Toygür about the most important issues that are confronting the EU-Turkey relations with a special focus on the next steps. Talk Guests: Dr. Günter Seufert is Head of the Centre for Applied Turkey Studies (CATS) at SWP. His main research areas include political developments in Turkey. Dr. Ilke Toygür is an Analyst at Elcano Royal Institute, Madrid and CATS Fellow at SWP Berlin. Her main research areas include European integration, Geopolitics of Europe and transatlantic relations, Turkish politics and Turkish foreign policy. Host: William Noah Glucroft

The month of March 2021 marked the fifth anniversary of a refugee deal between Turkey and the European Union. The agreement saw Ankara agree to stem a mass exodus of refugees and migrants to Europe in exchange for monetary aid. But the future of that controversial agreement is now in question. EU chiefs Charles Michel and Ursula von der Leyen will travel to Turkey next week for a meeting with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Turkish coast guards regularly intercept boats full of refugees and migrants making the short but often perilous trip from Turkey across the Aegean Sea to EU member Greece.  Under an agreement with the European Union, Turkey has become Europe's gatekeeper in exchange for billions of euros to help host Syrian refugees. The number of people seeking to enter Greece from Turkey has fallen from 856,000 in 2015 to just 10,000 in 2020, according to Turkish government figures.  With Turkey's EU membership bid frozen, the refugee deal is one of the last remaining ties Ankara has with the European bloc. "The refugee deal has become an important component of the EU/Turkey relationship, because many important channels have become dysfunctional," said Sinan Ulgen of the Istanbul-based Centre for Economics & Foreign Policy Studies.    "When we look at the overall framework of the Turkey/EU relationship, it was underpinned by the accession track, but that has stalled over the past few years. The refugee deal is the only area where we see real and positive momentum in the Turkey/EU relationship, and that is why it remains a critical component of this relationship today," added Ulgen. Refugees caught in a power struggle But the deal is under strain, with the refugees caught in the middle. Social media platforms are awash with videos of Greek coast guards appearing to push flimsy boats packed full of migrants back towards Turkish waters Ankara, backed by rights groups, accuses Athens of pursuing a deliberate and illegal policy of forcibly returning refugees to Turkey, a charge which Greece denies.  Last year, Turkey temporarily opened its Greek border to migrants after accusing the EU of reneging on the deal. This resulted in weeks of clashes between migrants and Greek security forces. Ankara is now calling for the refugee agreement to be revised. "Turkey has not been happy with the deal since the beginning because the European Union has not fulfilled its promises, claimed Huseyin Bagci, Director of the Turkish Foreign Policy Institute.   "The European Union doesn't trust the Turkish government concerning the transfer of cash," added Bagci. "They, naturally, want to control whether the projects are realised or not. So from this perspective, it will be difficult."  Who funds refugee education and health? Turkish schools have opened their doors to millions of Syrian children. Ankara is pressing for greater control over EU funds to cover costs like providing Syrians with education and health services.  Turkey puts a price tag of over 20 billion euros for hosting the nearly four million Syrian refugees. Ankara also says a promise of visa-free travel for Turkish citizens hasn't been honoured by the EU. But Ankara is aware the refugee deal provides important diplomatic protection.  "It's the biggest leverage Turkey has," said Sezin Oney, columnist for Turkey's Duvar News Portal.  "For example, human rights issues, or economic related issues, these kinds of pressures that Turkey might face in the form of sanctions are in a way taken hostage because of the refugee issue. So then the European countries lack pressure or any kind of leverage they might have over Ankara," added Oney.  Turkey's increasing crackdown on dissent has seen critics accuse the EU of failing to take a tough stance against Ankara over its deteriorating human rights record. Refugees are now a domestic political problem But with recent opinion polls indicating growing public resentment in Turkey to Syrian refugees, the Turkish government could yet pay a heavy political price for the refugee deal.    "There are a lot of discussions concerning the migrants and refugees. The issue here is how long can Turkey cope with this problem alone?" said Bagci. "The political parties in the next election will definitely use the Syrian migrants, or migrants in general, refugees in general as a big domestic political issue."  The nearly four million Syrian refugees in Turkey, who have little prospect of returning home or moving on to Europe, appear destined to continue to remain pawns in the region's intricate political calculations.

Turkey continues to try to dominate EU politics this week: 5 years after the EU-Turkey deal on migration, it has asked for a renegotiation of the pact, as well the retaking the procedure on becoming a EU member, while the government in Ankara quits the Convention of Istanbul, the world first binding treaty in violence against women. Recorded and elaborated by Dorina Achelaritei

How do we make sense of Turkey’s recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca’s new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey’s engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey’s increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey’s pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey’s energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey’s relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

How do we make sense of Turkey’s recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca’s new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey’s engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey’s increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey’s pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey’s energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey’s relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

How do we make sense of Turkey's recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca's new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey's engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey's increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey's pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey's energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey's relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph's University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren't Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post's Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.

How do we make sense of Turkey's recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca's new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey's engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey's increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey's pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey's energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey's relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph's University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren't Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post's Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

How do we make sense of Turkey’s recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca’s new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey’s engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey’s increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey’s pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey’s energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey’s relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

How do we make sense of Turkey's recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca's new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey's engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey's increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey's pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey's energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey's relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph's University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren't Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post's Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

How do we make sense of Turkey’s recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca’s new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey’s engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey’s increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey’s pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey’s energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey’s relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/national-security

How do we make sense of Turkey’s recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca’s new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey’s engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey’s increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey’s pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey’s energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey’s relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

How do we make sense of Turkey’s recent turn against the West – after decades of Turkish cooperation and desire to be integrated into the European and wider Western community in terms of foreign policy? Dr. Oya Dursun-Özkanca’s new book Turkey-West Relations: The Politics of Intra-alliance Opposition (Cambridge UP, 2019) interrogates the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and the West, particularly the EU, NATO, and the United States. The compelling book develops a framework of intra-alliance opposition to explain this shift from Turkey’s engagement with the West as a desirable ally to Turkey’s increasingly hostility to the West after 2010. Moving beyond the power and personality of Erdogan, Dursun-Özkanca develops an analytical framework of the politics of intra-alliance opposition and provides a comprehensive and nuanced account of how and why Turkish foreign policy has changed within the transatlantic alliance. She offers three categories of intra-alliance opposition behavior: boundary testing; boundary challenging; boundary breaking. She deploys these categories to differentiate between the motivations behind the use of each tool – providing an analysis of Turkey that can also be exported to other cases. This extensively researched book depends upon extensive fieldwork and more than 200 semi-structured elite interviews conducted with government officials, diplomats, academics, officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the UK, Germany, and the U.S. The book provides 6 case studies (Turkey’s pragmatic foreign policy in the Western Balkans, the Turkish vote over the EU-NATO security exchange, the EU-Turkey deal on the refugee crisis, Turkey’s energy policies, Turkish rapprochement with Russia in security and defense and Turkish foreign policy on Syria and Iraqi) that demonstrate the 3 categories. The book concludes three possible alternative futures for Turkey’s relations with the West and the podcast includes an analysis of what the change in U.S. leadership (Biden-Blinken) might mean for Turkish-Western relations. Dr. Dursun-Özkanca is the Endowed Chair of International Studies and Professor of Political Science at Elizabethtown College. She has edited two books – The European Union as an Actor in Security Sector Reform (Routledge, 2014) and External Interventions in Civil Wars (co-edited with Stefan Wolff, Routledge, 2014) – and has a forthcoming book entitled The Nexus Between Security Sector Reform/Governance and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages and Policy Recommendations, forthcoming by Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) (London: Ubiquity Press). Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

TRT World's Andrew Hopkins talks to Turkish Deputy Foreign Minister Faruk Kaymakci about EU-Turkey relations and regional challenges Turkey is facing. The Turkish Deputy Foreign Minister in charge of EU relations says a new refugee deal with Brussels must put an end to illegal pushbacks in the Aegean Sea. An agreement reached in 2016 gave financial aid to Turkey to provide help for Syrian refugees. Both sides are currently looking at renewing it.

During an interview with CNN on Wednesday, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis said that Greece would be prepared for tourism this summer amid the COVID-19 pandemic. His statement coincided with an announcement from European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who officially unveiled the EU's plan for a vaccine certificate. Meanwhile, Greece issued its first 30-year government bond sale since before the financial crisis on Wednesday, prompting Prime Minister Mitsotakis to say this is proof “Greece is back.” Tom Ellis, the editor-in-chief of Kathimerini English edition, joins us today to talk about Prime Minister Mitsotakis' interview with CNN, the EU vaccine certificate, Greek tourism, Greek-Turkish relations, and more.You can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:Kyriakos Mitsotakis on CNN: Greece Will Be Ready for TourismGreece concludes second early repayment of IMF loansGreek, Turkish foreign ministers to meet on April 14EU halts sanctions on Turkey oil executives as ties improveUS slams Turkey's plan to ban pro-Kurdish partyEU slams Turkish moves against Kurdish party, legislator5 years on, stalled EU Turkey migrant deal remains a modelTurkey migration deal a 'stain on EU rights record'

Apostolos Veizis (@AVeizis) offers a medical view from the frontlines of the ongoing refugee crisis, which as he explains, is not so much a "refugee crisis" as a crisis of logistics and lack of political will. We discuss the mental and physical health effects of life in overcrowded camps (in this case in the Greek islands), how these conditions are created and exacerbated by cruel policies of deterrence, the true drivers of mass migration from Syria and elsewhere, COVID in the camps, the 2016 EU-Turkey deal, and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) as an example of a medical-humanitarian response to the crisis. Apostolos Veizis MD is the former Director of Medical Operational Support Unit of MSF Greece, and is presently the Executive Director of INTERSOS in Greece. He had worked as Head of Mission and Medical Coordinator for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and Médecins du Monde(MDM) in Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Russian Federation, Albania, Egypt, Georgia, Greece, Turkey, and participated inassessment, emergency assignments and evaluations in Kyrgyzstan, Morocco, Armenia, Lebanon, Syria, Ukraine, Turkmenistan, Zambia, Malawi, Uzbekistan, North Macedonia, Cyprus and Tajikistan. He actively participates in international and national medical congresses and contributes to the literature on refugee issues and health. Recommended Resources: "Greece - Invisible Suffering of Migrants & Asylum Seekers | MSF" (2014, video), bit.ly/2PKgQ9J "Migration and Health: Medical and Humanitarian Assistance for People on the Move, MSF Experiences and Challenges" (2016, video), bit.ly/3v3aSkn "Apostolos Veizis: On the front line of the refugee and migrant crisis in Greece," WHO, bit.ly/3kVav72 Veizis, A (2020). "Commentary: 'Leave No One Behind' and Access to Protection in the Greek Islands in the COVID‐19 Era," International Migration 58(3), bit.ly/3v2742W

The list of divergences between Ankara and European capitals at the moment is long, from human rights to the Eastern Mediterranean. It's against this background that EU leaders will meet to examine the bloc's relations with Turkey at a summit on March 25-26.  Ambassador Marc Pierini - the author of the recent piece “The Price of a Positive EU-Turkey Agenda” - joins The Greek Current to look at where EU-Turkey relations are as we approach this summit, and to discuss what concrete actions the EU should expect from Ankara if there is to be a positive agenda.Ambassador Marc Pierini is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe, where his research focuses on developments in the Middle East and Turkey from a European perspective. Pierini was a career EU diplomat from 1976 to 2012, and served as EU ambassador and head of delegation to Turkey from 2006 to 2011. Read Ambassador Marc Pierini's latest piece here: The Price of a Positive EU-Turkey AgendaYou can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here: Borrell: EU will never accept a two-state Cyprus solutionMerkel calls for broad-mindedness, compromise in Cyprob talksCyprus: EU stands ready to help restart dormant peace talksStart work on vaccination certificates, von der Leyen tells EU

Manfred Weber, the leader of the European People's Party group in the European Parliament and a Member of the European Parliament since 2004, joins The Greek Current to discuss the EU-Turkey relationship and where it is heading, his view on the talks between Greece and Turkey and the need for Ankara to take concrete steps to show it is serious about conflict resolution, and more. We need actions more than words from TurkeyEU and AstraZeneca in 'step forward' on vaccinesEU toughens rules on entry for non-EU visitorsAstraZeneca to deliver 9M more coronavirus vaccine doses to EUTurkey's Erdogan says may begin working on new constitutionErdogan says Turkey needs new constitution

Damien McGuinness talks to Alan Makovsky and Ilke Toygür about what a Biden presidency means for EU-Turkey relations. Will it improve that rocky relationship? And what does the US expect from the EU? Alan Makovsky, senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, Washington D.C., and non-resident fellow at SWP's Centre for Applied Turkey Studies (CATS) until December 2020. His research interests include US-Turkey relations. Dr. Ilke Toygür, analyst at the Elcano Royal Institute, Madrid, and non-resident fellow at SWP's Centre for Applied Turkey Studies (CATS). Her research interests include EU-Turkey relations. Host: Damien McGuinness, Berlin correspondent for the BBC

Today on The Leaders' Brief - The UK's has decided to impose a new competition regime next year taking into account a recommendation towards making regulatory changes for Google and Facebook. The new code will be enforced by the Digital Markets Unit, a newly created division under the CMA, and is expected to come into effect in April next year.  The European Parliament has urged the European Union to impose sanctions on Turkey for violating Cyprus's territorial integrity. After a visit by Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan to the disputed Turkish Cypriot, the parliament that voted on the matter has asked Ankara to reverse its decision to re-open part of Maras and resume negotiations aimed at resolving the Cyprus issue based on a bi-communal and bi-zonal federation.  Britain based electrical appliance company Dyson told media houses that it plans to invest $3.6 billion in new technology in the next five years to double its product portfolio. The company, founded in the early 90s, presently manufactures hand dryers, air purifiers, and vacuums. While Dyson is yet to reveal the exact products it plans to invest in, it has indicated that it would focus on solid-state battery technology for its ongoing electric car project.  About egomonk: Website | Facebook | Twitter | LinkedInegomonk is a global intelligence platform delivering asymmetric outcomes by bringing organizations closer to the communities they want to serve and the leaders they wish to influence. If you wish to collaborate with us then email us at contact@egomonk.com.

Defne Arslan, Director of the Atlantic Council IN TURKEY, joined The Europe Desk to discuss the complicated dynamics of EU-Turkey relations, how we arrived at this point in the relationship, its impact on various issues such as migration. The Europe Desk is a podcast from the BMW Center for German and European Studies at Georgetown University in Washington, DC. It brings together leading experts working on the most pertinent issues facing Europe and transatlantic relations today. Music by Sam Kyzivat and Breakmaster Cylinder Production by Jonas Heering, Mitch Fariss and Emily Traynor Mayrand Communications by Hannah Tyler, Iris Thatcher and Angie Chermanz Monroy Design by Sarah Diebboll https://cges.georgetown.edu/podcast Twitter and Instagram: @theeuropedesk If you would like a transcript of this episode, more information about the Center's events, or have any feedback, please email: theeuropedesk@georgetown.edu.

This week Greece stepped up diplomatic efforts to mobilize its European Union partners against Turkey, as Ankara continues its provocations in the Eastern Mediterranean near the Greek island of Kastellorizo. These diplomatic steps included a call for a halt on military exports to Turkey, a potential reevaluation of the EU's customs union with Turkey, and an appeal for solidarity in line with the bloc's mutual defense clause. Yiannis Palaiologos, Kathimerini and SKAI TV's EU correspondent in Brussels, joins us to analyze these latest moves by Athens and the mood among EU members when it comes to Turkey.You can read the articles we discuss on The Daily Roundup here:Athens bracing for Ankara's next moveGreece asks EU countries to halt military exports to TurkeyWeber supports Greek proposal for suspension of EU-Turkey customs unionGreece Puts Navy on Alert as Turkey Tensions Flare AgainGreek court imprisons far-right Golden Dawn party leadershipGD leadership heading to jail after court rulingThe women who brought down Greece's Golden Dawn 

Host: Cansu Çamlıbel | Guest: Sergey LagodisnkyIn this sixth episode, host Cansu Çamlıbel and her guest Sergey Lagodinsky, member of the EU Parliament (Greens/EFA) and the chairman of the delegation to the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee on Legal Affairs, discussed the state of media and freedom of expression crisis in Turkey.In this episode, Lagodinsky shares his experience as the chair of the Joint Committee and what should be done to improve the relationship. He explains how this partnership would be beneficial for both parties and move Turkey forward in terms of freedoms of expression and the press. And how 2018 German Social Media Law became dangerous and influenced many authoritarian governments.Topics covered in the podcast include:What does the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee do?Highs and lows of the debates between Turkey and the EU and its importanceThe differences between the Turkish and the German Social Media Laws in its own political contextLagondisky’s experience in courtrooms of TurkeyThe future of the EU and Turkey’s relations and what we should expect

One hour after 34 Turkish soldiers were killed in Idlib, Syria’s last rebel-held bastion, Turkey opened its borders to Greece, prompting thousands of migrants to head for the frontier in the hope of crossing into Europe.  Berkay Mandıracı, Crisis Group’s Turkey expert and our guest on War & Peace, sheds light on what triggered Ankara’s decision, what implications it could have on the fragile 2016 migration deal with the EU and what can be done at this critical moment to strengthen rapidly declining EU-Turkey relations. One thing is clear: as the humanitarian situation on the Turkey-Greece border and in Idlib deteriorates and the threat of the COVID-19 pandemic grows, cooperation between the EU and Turkey is growing ever more urgent. Joint work to help refugees and migrants is the most promising place to restart it. For more information, see Berkay’s recent commentary: Sharing the Burden: Revisiting the EU-Turkey Migration Deal

Join GMF hosts Rachel Tausendfreund and Sydney Simon for a discussion on the crisis in Idlib. From Washington, Sydney speaks with GMF senior fellow Jonathan Katz on the confluence of Syrian, Russian and Turkish interests in the area, the stance of the United States and the humanitarian stakes at hand. We then head to our Berlin office where Rachel dives into the big picture implications of the crisis and its effect on EU-Turkey relations with GMF experts Jessica Bither, Migration Fellow & Senior Program Officer, and Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, the Director of GMF's Ankara Office.

Mit Tickets für die Lage Live in Hamburg!Begrüßung Tickets für die Lage Live in Hamburg, 18.04.2020 Chancen im Team der GFF (Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte) 1,5 Zimmerwohnung zu vermieten (ImmobilienScout24) Thüringer Ministerpräsidentenwahl Ministerpräsidentenwahl in Thüringen (Süddeutsche.de)Ministerpräsidenten-Wahl in Thüringen: Hartes Lehrstück (Süddeutsche.de)Ramelow regiert wieder (Süddeutsche.de) Julia Probst (twitter)Thüringen: Bodo Ramelow zum Ministerpräsidenten gewählt (spiegel.de) phoenix (twitter) Ministerpräsidentenwahl in Thüringen (Süddeutsche.de)Ministerpräsidenten-Wahl in Thüringen: Hartes Lehrstück (Süddeutsche.de)Ramelow regiert wieder (Süddeutsche.de) Das sagte Ramelow nach seiner Wahl zu Höcke (t-online.de) Grenzöffnung Türkei Der geplatzte Flüchtlingsdeal – #294 (FALTER.at)Es sind Menschen auf der Flucht, keine "illegalen Migranten" (DER STANDARD) Are there really 3.6 minion refugees in Turkey or could there be considerably less? 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At this event we discussed the paper “Estimating the cost of capital for wind energy investments in Turkey”, written by Gustav Fredriksson, Simone Tagliapietra, and Georg Zachmann. The paper proposes an estimation of the cost of capital for wind energy investments in Turkey. Seeing as wind energy, like all renewable energies, is highly capital intensive compared to investments into conventional energy, the cost of capital represents a crucial element in every wind energy investment decision. Simply put, the high cost of capital substantially increases the cost of investing in wind power plants, putting investments at risk. Given the primary role of wind in Turkey’s 2023 energy strategy, it is therefore important to have a better understanding of this factor. The event was organised in collaboration with the Istanbul Policy Center and with the support of Stiftung Mercator.

Director of the Asylum Service in Greece, Dr. Markos Karavias, explains the procedure of becoming recognised as a refugee in Europe and why it takes so long. There is a story in Europe that the refugee crisis is over and that the numbers of arrivals are going down. That doesn't apply to countries like Greece or Cyprus. On our first episode, Markos Karavias tells Aristea about the growing number of asylum applications in Greece, the lack of competent interpreters, and what an asylum seeker should do in order to become or at least try to become documented. As of December 2018, almost 200,000 asylum applications have been lodged in Greece. According to data shared by the Asylum Service, in 2015, there were 13,187 applications submitted - a 39,8% increase from 2014 (9,431 applications). The EU-Turkey statement, signed one year later, on March 18, 2016, didn't really stop asylum seekers from risking their lives in the Aegean, and the numbers went up by 287,1% with 51,053 applications in total. The statistics for 2017 and 2018 show that Greece has turned from merely a country of transit into a country of destination for asylum seekers fleeing war in Middle East, with 58,642 and 61,760 applications submitted per year respectively.

In this 3. program about the externalisation of EU border policies, we will be bringing you an interview with research at Stop Wapenhandel, Mark Akkerman. We will talk about the companies who profit from the policy of externalisation, how some achieve double-gain of the so-called refugee crises and come to establish themselves as counciling experts in EU. In second part of the program, we will talk with Reduan an activist in Ceuta, one of the Spanish enclaves on the African mainland with border to Morocco. As part of the externalisation policies of the EU, Morocco has what is called 'advanced status partnership' with Europe since 2001 which gives political advantages in trade and political affairs. The European Union accounts for more than half of Morocco’s trade and EU provides morocco with billions of Euro in aid for security and development. The border between Morocco and Spain is one of the most fortified borders of the EU and one that has served as a laboratory for EU’s policies of externalization proving inspiration for the EU-Turkey agreement for example. Redaun is part of watchthemed (an online mapping platform to monitor the deaths and violations of migrants' rights at the maritime borders of the EU) and Alarm phone (a hotline for people’s boat in distress, pushing authorities to carry out rescue missions). He also does media work around the situation in the Spanish colonies. We have asked him about his work in Ceuta and how he sees the situation there. Thanks to Daniel Cariola for the translation. Links to research by Mark Akkerman:' - Expanding the Fortress, https://www.tni.org/en/publication/expanding-the-fortress - How the security industry reaps the rewards of E.U. migration control https://www.tni.org/en/article/how-the-security-industry-reaps-the-rewards-of-eu-migration-control

Sinan Ülgen on EU-Turkey relations (March 26, 2018) by the Clingendael Institute

People who return to Turkey under the EU-Turkey deal are detained and many risk onward deportation without access to legal aid and international protection.

ECFR’s director Mark Leonard speaks with ECFR's senior fellows, Asli Aydintasbas and Almut Moeller on the German-Turkish diplomatic spat, the forthcoming polls and the bigger picture of EU-Turkey relations. The podcast was recorded on 9 March 2017. Bookshelf: Atul Gawande, Being Mortal: Illness, Medicine and What Matters in the End Jan Morris, Trieste and the Meaning of Nowhere Ivan Krastev, After Europe

Since the peak in refugee and migrant arrivals on the Greek islands last year, subsequent border closures and the EU-Turkey deal have led many migrants to become stranded in Greece. In this Practitioner Profile, we examine how the humanitarian response there has evolved as a consequence, and what challenges remain in the transition to more protracted displacement. Pooya Rezai has been working on refugee assistance, and search and rescue operations with the Emergency Response Centre International (ERCI) in Lesvos, Greece.

The Balkan route is closed, the fragile EU-Turkey deal is in effect, the Pope has been and gone, the traffickers are turning their attention to Italy & so is much of the media. But Greece continues to be the epicentre of a slow emergency. In a country in advanced economic meltdown more than 50,000 refugees & migrants, 'people on the move', are stuck. On the islands, the asylum processing "hotspots" funded by the EU are often grim affairs, like the one on Chios made out of repurposed shipping containers. Outside Thessaloniki, in a place where the railroad tracks run into grass, stands an abandoned toilet paper factory: no windows, no light, and tents huddled under the low roof. But, for a desperately stretched Greek government, this is better than the dark anarchy of the recently cleared camp at Idomeni, or the petrol station where children play in the still-working forecourt & the car wash has tents inside. The deportations back to Turkey of some 8,500 people who came since the deal was done have started (as have the suicide attempts). For the more than 40,000 refugees and migrants who arrived before March 20th and now have no place to go, another long, gruelling story is beginning. The left-wing Syriza government is having to contemplate just how long these refugees will be stuck there. Minister of Migration Yannis Mouzalas knows that the much criticised EU-Turkey deal is the only thing preventing another wave of refugees reaching the shores of Greek islands that are already struggling to cope: "This is not Greece's crisis, this is Europe's crisis." In the second episode of Destination Europe, Maria Margaronis explores the hopes & fears of refugees, islanders & Greek politicians & asks whether Greece is becoming Europe's "warehouse of souls." Producer: Mark Burman (Image: A Syrian woman in Greece)

Australian News:Socialist candidate for Fremantle takes aim at the corporate rorters; https://www.greenleft.org.au/node/61489Coral bleaching hits Great Barrier Reef as temperatures soar; https://www.greenleft.org.au/node/61482International News:Spain: Left denounces EU-Turkey refugee deal; https://www.greenleft.org.au/node/61517Interviews:John Passant re progressive taxation, Panama leaks. John is a member of Solidarity, and is a former assistant commissioner at the ATO in charge of international tax reform. John is a PhD candidate at Australian National University (ANU) in Canberra and runs the en passant blogSocialist Alliance Councillor Sue Bolton re: Wurundjeri treaty resolution @ Moreland council. Moreland council has resolved to seek a treaty with custodians the Wurundjeri people whose land Moreland sits within.Brisbane Socialist Alliance member Liam Flenady regarding his session on the European left he will be giving at the Socialism for the 21st century conference coming up in Sydney from May 13-15. socialismforthe21stcentury.orgSpike from the Bendigo street occupation to get an update on the situation there and discussing broader issues of housing availability, homelessness and disused / unoccupied buildings (both publicly and privately owned) across Melbourne. HPUV facebook here 

A panel discuss the deal between the EU and Turkey regarding immigration

The EU and Turkey deal are seeking to close the 'Balkan route' to Europe. On March 7 2016, Turkey offered to take back any migrants entering the EU from Turkey who didn’t qualify for protection. For every migrant Turkey receives, the EU has offered to resettle one Syrian refugee currently residing in Turkey. Franck Düvell argues that this seemingly simple and straightforward swap will face a litany of legal and logistical uncertainties.

ECFR’s director Mark Leonard speaks with ECFR Visiting Fellow Asli Aydintasbas, ECFR Senior Policy Fellow Mattia Toaldo, and ECFR Board Member and German politician Norbert Röttgen, about the EU-Turkey ‘one-in one-out’ deal over the Syrian refugee crisis. Picture: Flickr/European Union 2012 - European Parliament +++ Dear listeners, we have technical difficulties this week and we apologise for the sound quality +++

European leaders have negotiated a deal with Turkey aimed at stemming the flow of refugees into the European Union. But can it work? Gideon Rachman puts the question to Alex Barker, the FT's European diplomatic editor, and Tony Barber, the FT's Europe editor. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Sophia Besch talks to the CER's JHA expert Camino Mortera-Martinez about the details of this week's migration summit deal and broader implications for the sustainability of Schengen.

120,000 migrants and refugees made the sea crossing from Turkey to Greece in the first two months of this year, outstripping the number for the first six months of last year. This happened despite an EU-Turkey deal to stem the flow of desperate people. Ankara feels overburdened and undervalued, while frustration with Turkey is mounting in Brussels, Washington, and Moscow. Selim Yenel is Turkey's EU ambassador. Is his Government treading a dangerous path?(Photo: Selim Yenel, Turkish Ambassador to the EU)