Podcasts about Enver Hoxha

Send me a Text Message!MARCH 2025Hey everyone—checking in from Albania! This month's been a bit of a whirlwind. I finally moved into my new place in Porto (which felt amazing), but then had to leave Portugal until my visa is approved. Cue the Great Travel Shuffle: Porto > Madrid > Tirana > Frankfurt > US > Frankfurt > Porto. So. Many. Flights.But you know what? Tirana—and especially the Blloku neighborhood—continues to surprise me. It's my third time here and there's always more history to discover. From strong espressos and people-watching to powerful pieces of history tucked around every corner, it's been a unique little chapter.In this episode, I'm talking about the highs, the hectic moments, the history, and what it's like living out of a suitcase while craving a little stillness. If you've ever felt that mix of wanderlust and wanting to just hang your clothes up for once—you'll get it.Website  I  Instagram  I  Twitter  I  LinkedIn  I  YouTubeEmail: actorbobtapper@gmail.comIn this episode:Moving into my Porto Apartment (for a quick minute)Pack, Unpack, Repack and back to TiranaEnver Hoxha's Home: 40 years of communist rulePostbllok MemorialLooking forward to my return to PortoAirBnbBook your stay!Former Residence of Enver HoxhaRight in the heart of Tirana is a quiet villa that once belonged to Enver Hoxha, Albania's longtime communist leader. For decades, the entire area around it—now known as Blloku—was completely off-limits, guarded by police and secret agents. It was basically a wall-less fortress for the regime's elite, hidden in plain sight. Today, it's one of the city's liveliest neighborhoods, but that history still lingers.Postbllok MemorialOne of the most powerful spots in Tirana is the Postbllok Memorial—a small but impactful installation created by former political prisoner Fatos Lubonja and artist Ardian Isufi. It features concrete beams from Spaç Prison, part of a military bunker, and a piece of the Berlin Wall gifted by the city of Berlin. Each element tells a story of Albania's past under dictatorship and its long road to freedom. Support the show

Listen to this engaging podcast with historian Robert Austin, the author of Royal Fraud: The Story of Albania's First and Last King (Central European UP, 2024). In the book, Austin explains the rise and fall of Albania's first and only monarch, King Zog!. The road to becoming Europe's youngest president in 1925 and king of Albania in 1928 was paved with feuds and assassinations. Zog retained his power until his "friend" Mussolini ousted him in 1939. He left Albania with almost no roads or trains, thoroughly uneducated and utterly impoverished. Zog may have regretted sending a young Enver Hoxha to France on a state scholarship. But one thing Hoxha did learn from Zog: it makes sense to have your rivals murdered. In this podcast, Austin talks about Zog, Albania's communist project, Italy's interest in the Balkans, Albania's limited reckoning with its communist human rights violations and its failure to identify a "usable past." Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Listen to this engaging podcast with historian Robert Austin, the author of Royal Fraud: The Story of Albania's First and Last King (Central European UP, 2024). In the book, Austin explains the rise and fall of Albania's first and only monarch, King Zog!. The road to becoming Europe's youngest president in 1925 and king of Albania in 1928 was paved with feuds and assassinations. Zog retained his power until his "friend" Mussolini ousted him in 1939. He left Albania with almost no roads or trains, thoroughly uneducated and utterly impoverished. Zog may have regretted sending a young Enver Hoxha to France on a state scholarship. But one thing Hoxha did learn from Zog: it makes sense to have your rivals murdered. In this podcast, Austin talks about Zog, Albania's communist project, Italy's interest in the Balkans, Albania's limited reckoning with its communist human rights violations and its failure to identify a "usable past." Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

Listen to this engaging podcast with historian Robert Austin, the author of Royal Fraud: The Story of Albania's First and Last King (Central European UP, 2024). In the book, Austin explains the rise and fall of Albania's first and only monarch, King Zog!. The road to becoming Europe's youngest president in 1925 and king of Albania in 1928 was paved with feuds and assassinations. Zog retained his power until his "friend" Mussolini ousted him in 1939. He left Albania with almost no roads or trains, thoroughly uneducated and utterly impoverished. Zog may have regretted sending a young Enver Hoxha to France on a state scholarship. But one thing Hoxha did learn from Zog: it makes sense to have your rivals murdered. In this podcast, Austin talks about Zog, Albania's communist project, Italy's interest in the Balkans, Albania's limited reckoning with its communist human rights violations and its failure to identify a "usable past." Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/italian-studies

Rory is joined by author and founder of Fussball Geekz Phil Harrison and his friend Irvin Shima to talk about the Superclubs of Communist Albania. Covered extensively in Phil's latest book, we dive into the clubs formed and financed by Albania's Stalinist regime in an attempt to manufacture competition and legitimise the administration of Enver Hoxha. About Us Follow us on X: @_footyheritage Email us: hello@footballheritage.co.uk Visit our website: footballheritage.co.uk About Our Guests Phil Harrison: @fussballgeekz Irvin Shima: @vinitir77

Springende Masai-krijgers die happen naar ontbijtkoek, de jonge Evert van Benthem die op het ijs een boterham met pindakaas eet, en wasmiddel dat witter dan wit wast. ‘Reclame kan ons ontroeren of ergeren, maar houdt ons altijd een spiegel voor,' aldus Wilbert Schreurs. De historicus vertelt wat ‘de commerciële boodschappen' doen en deden met ons gestel. De negentiende-eeuwse filosoof Hegel vroeg zich ernstig af of Afrika wel deelhad aan de geschiedenis. Dat had het wel degelijk. Onze geschiedenis begon er zelfs, zo betoogt journalist en publicist Zeinab Badawi in Afrika, een Afrikaanse geschiedenis. ‘Dankzij dit boek kunnen heel wat misvattingen over Afrika in de prullenmand,' aldus recensent Anne-Lot Hoek. Onenigheid aan de top. Zo heet het laatste boek van de op 1 juli overleden Albanese schrijver Ismail Kadare. Het gaat over een even curieus als onheilspellend telefoontje van Jozef Stalin aan de schrijver Boris Pasternak, waarin ze zouden hebben gesproken over de arrestatie van dichter Osip Mandelstam. Kadare kreeg dertig jaar later een gelijksoortig telefoontje van Enver Hoxha, de Stalinistische dictator van Albanië. ‘Jullie moesten eens weten hoe dat voelt, zo'n gesprek. Oordeel niet te snel,' schrijft Kadare daarover.

durée : 00:48:56 - Affaires sensibles - par : Fabrice Drouelle, Franck COGNARD - Aujourd'hui dans Affaires sensibles :Enver Hoxha, un héros de la résistance à l'Italie fasciste et à l'Allemagne nazie, qui imposa au peuple albanais, durant 40 ans et jusqu'à sa mort en 1985, une tyrannie paranoïaque, mélange de stalinisme, de maoïsme et de nationalisme. - réalisé par : Helene Bizieau

Han var Albaniens mest kända författare och ofta Nobelpristippad. Ann Lingebrandt återvänder till Ismail Kadarés författarskap, som utgjorde en litterär balansgång med livet som insats. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna.Jag hade precis tagit mig ur sängen efter en kraftig matförgiftning när det var dags för besöket vid resans tänkta höjdpunkt. Jag befann mig i Gjirokastër, den albanska bergsstaden som klädd från topp till tå i sten klamrar sig fast på branta sluttningar. Kullerstensgränderna är trånga och slingrande, med höjdskillnader som känns svindlande åtminstone för en blek konvalescent med darriga ben. Det handlade om några hundra meters promenad, men jag var tvungen att vila vid vart och vartannat steg innan vi var framme. Där var det, stenhuset som hade fört mig till Albanien: författaren Ismail Kadarés barndomshem.I Kadarés uppväxtroman ”Krönika i sten” görs den uråldriga staden själv till huvudperson. Medan ockupanterna avlöser varandra i krigets 40-tal pågår trots allt en vardag i staden och genom barnets vidöppna blick får allting liv, från den missnöjda vattenbrunnen till flygplanen som uppsvällda av bomber cirklar över husen. ”Att se! Vilken oförklarlig förmåga!” utropar den unge berättaren förundrat. Och författaren gör allt för att också läsaren ska se. Även liken som staplas på gatstenarna.Det var trollkraften i Kadarés berättande som drog mig till Gjirokastër och till det hem som tecknats så kärleksfullt och smått skräckinjagande i ”Krönika i sten”. Nu fanns det väl inte så mycket litterär magi kvar i de nymålade vita väggarna i huset som precis renoverats och gjorts om till museum. Även om brunnen ännu fanns där hittade i alla fall den här svimfärdiga besökaren betydligt mer stoff för fantasin i staden runtomkring, med de höga fortliknande ottomanska palatsen, de skymningsfärgade bergen och korparna som kretsade ovanför det medeltida slottet.Inte särskilt många stapplande steg från Kadarés barndomshem ligger huset där Enver Hoxha Albaniens envåldshärskare under fyra decennier, föddes. Också det ett museum, som paradoxalt nog har bevarat betydligt mer av den rustika historiens suggestionskraft.Kadaré var fortfarande ett barn när Hoxha kopplade sitt järngrepp om landet. Förtryckets villkor kom att kasta sin skugga över hans författarskap. Själv lämnade Kadaré Albanien och flyttade till Paris, mitt under kommunismens upplösning 1990.En av de frågor man inte kan låta bli att ställa sig när man läser Ismail Kadaré är hur en författare kan verka i en diktatur. Inte minst en diktatur som Albanien, länge Europas mest isolerade land, som brutalt kvävde all opposition. Var det den internationella berömmelsen som skyddade Kadaré? Någon slags lojalitet från Hoxhas sida med en son av samma barndomsstad? Eller räddades han av de eftergifter han såg sig tvungen att göra i överlevnadens namn?Kadaré företog en litterär balansgång med livet som insats. Han blev en dubbeltydighetens mästare, en allegorins virtuos som tog historien till hjälp för att spegla sin egen tids, och alla tiders, maktspel. Och något så paradoxalt som en författare som både kunde porträttera despotin med skoningslös klarsyn och vara regimens gunstling. Hela hans författarskap kan beskrivas som en kamp mellan totalitarismens tvångsföreställningar och fantasins frihet.De konstnärliga kompromisserna är uppenbara i storsatsningen ”Den hårda vintern”, som handlar om Albaniens dramatiska brytning med Sovjetunionen 1961. Det är en berättelse som vill skapa en god spegelbild för diktatorn och den skäms av ett glorifierat porträtt av Enver Hoxha. Samtidigt kan författaren under skyddet av smickret göra en mångfasetterad rundmålning av den albanska vardagen, där familjemedlemmar klipper bort de som uteslutits ur partiet ur sina fotoalbum, där litteraturkritiker försöker göra karriär på att hitta ideologiska fel och invånare hyschar varandra när någon börjar prata politik.Man kan häpna över frispråkigheten i flera av de böcker som Kadaré skrev under den kommunistiska tiden. Men det hjälpte inte alltid att skruda motståndet i historisk och allegorisk dräkt. Författaren beskylldes för existentialistisk ångest, feminism och surrealism, såväl som för att vara kontrarevolutionär: några verk måste revideras, andra bannlystes, han belades med skrivförbud och beordrades till offentlig självkritik.Dystopin ”Drömmarnas palats” förbjöds omedelbart när den kom ut 1981. Här försöker en paranoid stat kontrollera medborgarnas undermedvetna och samlar in folkets alla drömmar för att upptäcka komplotter mot sultanen. Det är en fantastisk labyrintisk fabel om hur var och en kan sugas upp av maktmaskineriet och författaren bli en kugge i diktaturens mytproduktion. Och bilden av ett övervakningssamhälle som kartlägger oss ända in i våra drömmar känns fortfarande högaktuell.Med absurdistisk svärta väver Kadaré samman saga och bittert svidande realism. Några saker går ständigt igen: intresset för tyranniets väsen, krigets vansinne och den albanska historien och identiteten. Allt finns redan i hans första roman och stora internationella genombrott ”Den döda arméns general”, som publicerades 1963 och senare blev en film med Marcello Mastroianni. Här återvänder en italiensk general till Albanien tjugo år efter andra världskriget, för att återföra kvarlevorna efter de stupade italienska soldaterna till hemlandet. Av den stolta historien finns inte kvar mer än utspridda leriga gravar, ur vilka han gräver upp skelett efter skelett.Så gott som alltid i Kadarés verk konfronteras det moderna med myten och traditionen. Det upplysta förnuftet krockar med folkets arkaiska föreställningsvärld. Som i ”Grymma april”, där ett nygift par från storstan Tirana åker på exotisk bröllopsresa till blodshämndens högländer.Kadaré ställer sig på folktrons och legendernas sida. Men också i hans snudd på mystiska nationalism finns en dubbelhet: den främmandes skräckfascinerade blick utifrån. Därför rymmer Kadarés romaner alltid lager på lager av tolkningsmöjligheter.I en av hans mest öppna skildringar av maktfullkomlighet, ”Nischen i muren”, beskrivs hur det osmanska imperiet undertrycker varje ansats till uppror i provinserna genom att utplåna det kollektiva minnet och inte minst det lokala språket. När språket steg för steg utarmas blir det till slut oanvändbart och ofarligt: det förlorar förmågan att ”föda fram poesi, berättelser, legender.”I Kadarés berättelser lever språket och dikten vidare och hans författarskap blir ett försvar för att upprätthålla det mänskliga i trots mot omänskliga system.Kadaré är en författare som inte bara får oss att se, utan också får oss att tro på fiktionens oförklarliga kraft. En kraft som kan få benen att darra, inte bara hos en enskild läsare utan även hos en diktatur.Ann Lingebrandt är litteraturkritiker och producent för Dagens diktLitteratur:Ismail Kadaré, Krönika i sten. Översättning: Britt Arenander. Albert Bonniers förlag, 1975Ismail Kadaré, Den hårda vintern. Översättning: Marianne Eyre. Albert Bonniers förlag, 1980Ismail Kadaré, Drömmarnas palats. Översättning: Agneta Westerdahl. Albert Bonniers förlag, 1992Ismail Kadaré, Den döda arméns general. Översättning: Britt Arenander. Albert Bonniers förlag, 1973Ismail Kadaré, Grymma april. Översättning: Dagmar Olsson. Albert Bonniers förlag, 2007.Ismail Kadaré, Nischen i muren. Översättning: Marianne Eyre. Albert Bonniers förlag, 1986

Today, we have Distinguished Albanian translator John Hodgson with us. He is talking about his international Booker-longlisted rendition of 'A Dictator Calls' written by Albanian Writer Ismail Kadare. The author and translator were previously longlisted for the novel The Traitors Niche for the Man Booker International prize in 2017.So far, John Hodgson has translated seven novels by Ismail Kadare. John Hodgson's origins are in Tyneside. He studied English at the Universities of Cambridge and Newcastle. In 1980, the British Council sent him to teach English at the University of Kosovo in Prishtina, where he learned Albanian, mainly from his students. After the fall of communism in Albania in 1991, he went to Tirana and lived there for five years. Following the Balkan wars, he worked as a translator and interpreter for the United Nations Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia at The Hague, interpreting at the trial of Slobodan Milosevic. He translated three books by Fatos Lubonja, most recently Like a Prisoner, a collection of short stories describing life in Enver Hoxha's labour camps. He has written in Albanian a memoir of Kosovo in the 1980s, Eardhmja në të kaluarën (The Future in the Past), published in Prishtina in 2022.To buy the book - https://harshaneeyam.captivate.fm/kadare* For your Valuable feedback on this Episode - Please click the link given below.https://harshaneeyam.captivate.fm/feedbackHarshaneeyam on Spotify App –https://harshaneeyam.captivate.fm/onspotHarshaneeyam on Apple App – https://harshaneeyam.captivate.fm/onapple*Contact us - harshaneeyam@gmail.com ***Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed by Interviewees in interviews conducted by Harshaneeyam Podcast are those of the Interviewees and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Harshaneeyam Podcast. Any content provided by Interviewees is of their opinion and is not intended to malign any religion, ethnic group, club, organization, company, individual, or anyone or anything.This podcast uses the following third-party services for analysis: Podtrac - https://analytics.podtrac.com/privacy-policy-gdrpChartable - https://chartable.com/privacy

As a new premier takes charge in Moscow, Hoxha makes a new friend in China. The Albanian dictator tasks an entire media industry with maintaining his image. But as his country sinks into an economic mire and his own health deteriorates, Hoxha and Albania's isolation will be complete. How will the country even begin to escape his clutches? A Noiser production, written by Sean Coleman. Many thanks to Bernd Fischer, Artan Hoxha and Shannon Woodcock. This is Part 2 of 2. Get every episode of Real Dictators a week early with Noiser+. You'll also get ad-free listening, bonus material and early access to shows across the Noiser network. Click the Noiser+ banner to get started. Or, if you're on Spotify or Android, go to noiser.com/subscriptions Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Todos viajamos en el tiempo. y lo ha cemos durante toda nuestra vida pero solo en una dirección. Algunos, como Antonio Rosado, apropvechan ese tiempo para rodar y hacer muchos kilómetros. Conocer gentes, culturas y paisajes es la obsesión de Antonio Rosado, un portugués que lleva años encima de la moto. En la homilía inicial hablamos de Atlas Obscura, de Enver Hoxha, de Stalin y de La Biblia, del "polvo eres". Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

From 1944 to 1985, Enver Hoxha ran Albania as an extraordinarily repressive Stalinist dictatorship. But how did a middle class teacher from the provinces become the most powerful man in the country and a key player in the communist world? What did he do to turn Albania into one of the most isolated countries in the world? And how did ‘Uncle Enver' keep his citizens in the dark for so much of the 20th century? A Noiser production, written by Sean Coleman. Many thanks to Bernd Fischer, Artan Hoxha and Shannon Woodcock. This is Part 1 of 2. Get every episode of Real Dictators a week early with Noiser+. You'll also get ad-free listening, bonus material and early access to shows across the Noiser network. Click the Noiser+ banner to get started. Or, if you're on Spotify or Android, go to noiser.com/subscriptions. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

durée : 00:48:56 - Affaires sensibles - par : Fabrice Drouelle - Aujourd'hui dans Affaires sensibles :Enver Hoxha, un héros de la résistance à l'Italie fasciste et à l'Allemagne nazie, qui imposa au peuple albanais, durant 40 ans et jusqu'à sa mort en 1985, une tyrannie paranoïaque, mélange de stalinisme, de maoïsme et de nationalisme.

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/racconti-di-storia-podcast--5561307/support.OFFERTA ESCLUSIVA NORDVPN Non perderla: https://nordvpn.com/dentrolastoriaSi è autodefinito quale l'ultimo vero stalinista d'Europa. Dagli studi giovanili in Francia negli anni '30 in avanti, Enver Hoxha ha improntato la sua vita politica alla fede assoluta nel dittatore georgiano al punto di modellare la nuova Albania indipendente quale copia carbone dell'URSS di Stalin. Refrattario ai cambiamenti, isolato per scelta, Hoxha ha lasciato in eredità al suo Paese un arsenale ricco, centinaia di migliaia di bunker, l'ateismo di Stato, le persecuzioni, le violazioni dei diritti umani e una nomea difficile da rimuovere. Quella di ultimo fedele di Stalin.Il nostro canale Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC1vziHBEp0gc9gAhR740fCwSostieni DENTRO LA STORIA su Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/dentrolastoriaAbbonati al canale: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC1vziHBEp0gc9gAhR740fCw/joinSostienici su PayPal: https://paypal.me/infinitybeatDentro La Storia lo trovi anche qui: https://linktr.ee/dentrolastoria Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/racconti-di-storia-podcast--5561307/support.

Repasamos a los mayores dictadores de la historia. El 90% comunistas. Hoy Javier Cárdenas recuerda cuales fueros los dictadores de la historia, que han estado más tiempo en el poder y hay una aplastante línea comunista entre todos ellos, les siguen muy de lejos los nacionalistas y otros. Pasando por alto a Muda Hassanal Bolkiah, sultán de Brunéi desde hace más de 50 años con un régimen absolutista, la misma familia ha estado gobernando la región durante cerca de seis siglos. Pero pasamos a Fidel Castro que dominó Cuba con su comunismo ni más ni menos que durante 49 años y 8 días,Durante su mandato, Cuba se convirtió en un Estado socialista de ideología marxista-leninista, bajo el mando del Partido Comunista de Cuba, único en la isla a partir de su llegada al poder, y se llevaron a cabo nacionalizaciones y expropiaciones de medios productivos con el objetivo de llevar a cabo una política económica socialista. Jalifa bin Salman Al Jalifa – que gobernó con mano de hierro Baréin durante 48 años y 331 días. Chiang Kai-shek de China y nacionalista radical estuvo en el poder 46 años y 177 días. Kim Il-sung de Corea del Sur y comunista dominó el país 45 años y 302 días.Yumjaagiyn Tsedenbal de Mongolia y comunista estuvo 44 años y 137 días.Salchak Toka de la República Popular de Tuvá comunista que estuvo más de 41 años en el poder. Enver Hoxha de Albania fue un comunista de un partido político albanés de ideología marxista-leninista y estuvo en el poder más de 40 años. Denis Sassou-Nguesso de la República del Congo era comunista del Partido Congoleño del Trabajo un partido marxista-leninista y que estuvo en el poder más de 39 años.Mohamed Abdelaziz del Sahara Occidental estuvo en el poder durante más de 39 años nacionalista y del Frente Polisario. Además en la historia de las dictaduras de larga duración y con más de 40 años en el poder, tenemos a personajes como Gadafi de Líbia, Alí Jamenei de Irán o a Paul Biya de Camerún.

Join our email list to get Special reports and updates:  https://dougcasey.substack.com/about Connect with us on Telegram:  https://t.me/dougcasey Chapters: 00:00 Intro Stalin's Birthday (00:04:54) Discussion on Stalin's birthday, his role as a dictator, and why no one attempted to assassinate him. Tito's Attempt on Stalin (00:07:55) Mention of Joseph Tito's attempts to assassinate Stalin and the message he sent to stop the attempts. Enver Hoxha and Albanian Bunkers (00:09:57) Conversation about Enver Hoxha, the ruler of Albania, and the large number of bunkers he built throughout the country. The untouchables in India (00:12:23) Discussion about the dalit movement in India and the caste system, and how it has changed over time. Tensions between Hindus and Muslims in India (00:15:03) Exploration of the growing nationalism among Hindus and the potential for civil war or secession in India due to religious differences. Colonialism and its impact (00:17:43) Debate on the pros and cons of colonialism, including the imposition of Western culture and technology, and the potential consequences of its absence in Africa. The World Service Authority Passport (00:25:12) Doug discusses his experiences traveling with a World Service Authority passport and gaining entrance to various countries. Jefferson Davis and the Civil War (00:28:25) Doug reflects on the death of Jefferson Davis and discusses the mythologization of the Civil War, sharing his perspective on Abraham Lincoln and the secession of the South. Slavery and its History (00:37:17) Doug delves into the history of slavery, discussing its abolition in various countries and offering his thoughts on the topic. The logic of history (00:39:07) Discussion on the potential outcomes of the abolition of slavery and the narrative arc of American history. The significance of Juneteenth (00:40:00) Conversation about the new national holiday and the perception of the US as the only country celebrating it. Entertainment and arm's length (00:41:11) The idea of maintaining distance from societal issues and the hope for engaging conversations and reactions from listeners.

The Palace of Dreams is a novel from 1981 that is ostensibly set in the 19th century Ottoman empire, but the Albanian writer Ismail Kadare cleverly smuggles in thinly veiled criticism of the totalitarian state presided over by Enver Hoxha. The book was duly banned shortly after publication. Matthew Sweet looks at this and other examples of fiction that satirise bureaucratic overreach from Dickens to Kafka to Georgi Gospodinov, the Bulgarian novelist who won the 2023 International Booker prize for his novel Time Shelter. Sharing their thoughts on these books and on the history and role of bureaucracy within both democratic and totalitarian states are Lea Ypi, Mirela Ivanova and Roger Luckhurst.Producer: Torquil MacLeodLea Ypi is a Professor at the London School of Economics and the author of Free: Coming of Age at the End of History. You can hear her discussing the culture of Albania in a previous Free Thinking episode Professor Roger Luckhurst's books include Gothic: an illustrated history; Corridors - passages of modernity; Science Fiction: a Literary History Mirela Ivanova teaches at the University of Sheffield. You can hear her in a Free Thinking discussion of Slavic Myths

Dr. Harry Sidebottom joins Kevin to discuss his Warrior of Rome series of novels featuring the Anglo-Saxon nobleman turned Roman army officer Ballista and his Family. Dr. Sidebottom has traveled widely, especially around the Mediterranean. These trips have varied from the luxury of traveling as a guest speaker on a Cunard liner to a memorable solo journey into Albania not long after the fall of the dictator Enver Hoxha. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Become a member for access to the episodes a day early with no ads and no cuts: Thank you to our sponsors: 1) Channeling.com is our trusted network of talented spiritual advisors dedicated to empowering lives by helping people discover answers to their most pressing questions, gain closure, find their purpose in life, and more. Just click the link http://www.channeling.com 2) Go To http://www.themooreshow.com/qhht and use The discount code MOORETALKS and get 10% off ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Subscribe To Our YouTube Channel Click Here: http://bit.ly/3kiuOPi Never Miss A Video! Turn On Notifications Now-Click the Notification bell!

Dita e hënë nuk mund të quhet e plotë kurrësesi pa emisionin e Top Albania Radio-s “Sot Nuk Është e Hënë” me komentet më interesante dhe tema të trajtuara nga Koloreto Cukali dhe Blerina Shehu. 

Dita e hënë nuk mund të quhet e plotë kurrësesi pa emisionin e Top Albania Radio-s “Sot Nuk Është e Hënë” me komentet më interesante dhe tema të trajtuara nga Koloreto Cukali dhe Blerina Shehu. 

KOPPOD's Jake Razor conducts an interview with none other than GARRY BUSHELL. If you listened to Part One, you learned a bit about Garry; he managed the COCKNEY REJECTS, he curated the iconic 'Strength Thru Oi!' compilation (and the other great compilations in that series), he sang for the GONADS, and as a SOUNDS journalist he penned a mountain of words championing punk rock's misunderstood underdogs and UK subculture's quixotic tribespeople. This work and more continues to this day as Garry remains an active writer. For his part, Jake picks the man's brain about the austerity of 70s Britain, UK youth subculture tribes, reggae, punks vs. skinheads, and... British Trotskyite sects, briefly. Maybe we can get his take on Enver Hoxha next time. For now, check out this episode to hear a true powerhouse share insight on the aforementioned topics and much more. Garry's website: http://www.garry-bushell.co.uk/ Music featured in this episode: "TNT" by the Gonads (ft. our guest) "Punk Rock Will Never Die" by the Gonads (you already know) "Inner London Violence" by Bad Manners (not ft. Garry Bushell, but an appropriate interlude after the first half) NEW STICKERS!!!: https://kingsofpunkpodcast.bigcartel.com/product/kill-your-local-band-sticker Instagram: @koppodofficial Website: kingsofpunk.com YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@kingsofpunkpodcast4349

VIDEO: cartone animato su Madre Teresa ➜ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HXUI5yBvSdoTESTO DELL'ARTICOLO ➜ https://www.bastabugie.it/it/articoli.php?id=4361MADRE TERESA SARA' PROCLAMATA SANTA IL 4 SETTEMBRE di Rodolfo CasadeiOggi il Meeting di Rimini chiude i battenti con un attesissimo incontro su Madre Teresa di Calcutta, che verrà proclamata santa il 4 settembre prossimo, e fra i relatori non poteva mancare Brian Kolodiejchuk, il postulatore della causa di beatificazione e di quella di canonizzazione della suora albanese. Kolodiejchuk, canadese di origine ucraina e sacerdote dei padri missionari della Carità, ha frequentato madre Teresa per vent'anni, dal 1977 fino alla morte nel 1997, e oggi è il direttore del Mother Teresa Center. Oltre alla mostra rimasta esposta per tutta la settimana al Meeting, ha curato molti libri di scritti della fondatrice delle Missionarie della Carità, fra i quali Sii la mia luce, il libro che rivela la "notte dell'anima" che Teresa visse fino alla fine dei suoi giorni e che più oggi risulta utile per capire la natura della santità che la Chiesa ha riconosciuto e intende sottolineare celebrando la canonizzazione nel corso del Giubileo della misericordia.Padre Brian, lei ha detto e scritto che madre Teresa sarà la patrona di chi ha maggiormente bisogno della misericordia di Dio. Cosa intende dire?In una lettera pubblicata nel libro Sii la mia luce madre Teresa scrive: «Se mai diventerò una santa, sarò una santa dell'"oscurità". Sarò sempre assente dal Paradiso per accendere la luce di coloro che sono nell'oscurità sulla Terra». Questa è la missione di misericordia che si prefigge di svolgere dal Paradiso. Allo stesso tempo l'opera delle sue suore è essenzialmente opera di misericordia. Nell'ultimo libro tradotto in italiano, Il miracolo delle piccole cose, i quattordici capitoli mettono a fuoco le sette opere di misericordia corporale che madre Teresa e le sue suore hanno compiuto, e si tratta della documentazione ufficiale della causa di canonizzazione. Che avviene provvidenzialmente nell'anno del Giubileo della misericordia, per proporre la Madre come un modello di misericordia.Qual è la cosa che più ha fatto soffrire madre Teresa in vita?Vedere continuamente la sofferenza dei poveri. Nei suoi ultimi anni di vita ripeteva spesso: «Chi si prenderà cura dei poveri?». E non si riferiva a quelli di cui le Missionarie della Carità si prendevano cura, ma ai poveri di tutto il mondo in generale. Le dava sollievo il fatto che, grazie anche alle sue iniziative, il mondo era diventato più cosciente della condizione dei poveri. Ha accettato di ricevere più di 200 premi, oltre al premio Nobel, nel corso della sua vita, in nome dei poveri e del fatto che attraverso di lei il mondo prendeva coscienza di loro.Cosa pensava madre Teresa delle critiche che le facevano persone come Christopher Hitchens, di chi la accusava di fare assistenzialismo senza affrontare le cause della miseria?Alcuni fatti che Hitchens ha riportato nel suo libro non erano precisi, come quando ha accusato madre Teresa di aver reso omaggio alla tomba del dittatore Enver Hoxha a Tirana: lei è stata portata lì come le autorità facevano con tutti i visitatori stranieri, la sua intenzione era quella di pregare sulla tomba dei suoi genitori in Albania. L'ha criticata per essersi limitata a creare una casa per i moribondi a Calcutta, quando avrebbe potuto finanziare una clinica di prim'ordine per loro. Ma quella casa era stata creata proprio per i moribondi, per persone abbandonate e senza speranza di guarigione, affinché potessero morire nella dignità. Tutti sanno la storia di quell'uomo che disse: «Ho vissuto tutta la vita come un animale, ma ora muoio come un angelo». Doveva essere un luogo dove si realizzava un incontro personale profondo fra chi accudiva il morente e il morente stesso. Ho invitato Hitchens a rendere la sua testimonianza durante il processo di beatificazione, e lui ha ammesso che la sua antipatia per madre Teresa è nata quando, nella seconda parte della sua visita alle opere delle missionarie della Carità a Calcutta, caduto il discorso sulla questione dell'aborto lei gli disse che la soluzione per le donne che volevano abortire era che partorissero e dessero il figlio in adozione. [leggi MADRE TERESA: IL PIU' GRANDE DISTRUTTORE DELLA PACE E' L'ABORTO, clicca qui, N.d.BB]Riguardo alle critiche sul fatto che lei non si occupava delle cause della miseria, la Madre ha sempre risposto che la sua missione era quella di prendersi cura dei bisogni del sofferente qui ed ora, ad altri era data quella di occuparsi della rimozione delle cause, appoggiandosi sulla dottrina sociale della Chiesa. [leggi MADRE TERESA: PORTAVA AI POVERI SIA IL PANE CHE CRISTO (NO ALL'UMANITARISMO RELATIVISTA), clicca qui, N.d.BB]Quali sono stati il santo e la santa preferiti di madre Teresa?La santa è Teresina di Lisieux, che era stata canonizzata e poi proclamata co-patrona delle missioni insieme a san Francesco Saverio proprio negli anni della formazione e dei primi voti di madre Teresa. La colpiva tantissimo la «via dell'infanzia spirituale» di Teresina, che consiste nella fiducia e nell'abbandono nelle braccia di Gesù perché lui operi in noi quando a noi è impossibile operare. Teresa tradurrà in inglese "confiance et abandon" con "trust and surrender". Fra i santi amava molto san Francesco: era l'unica immaginetta dentro al suo libro di preghiere. E sant'Ignazio di Loyola, al quale si ispirava il primo ordine religioso a cui si consacrò, quello delle suore di Loreto.Quale era la sua preghiera preferita?Era il Memorare, la preghiera di intercessione alla Vergine Maria attribuita a san Bernardo di Chiaravalle. Ne aveva fatto una novena, che chiamava la "novena volante", nella quale si ripeteva per nove volte di seguito la preghiera ogni giorno per nove giorni. Ricordo il caso di una suora che non riusciva ad avere il visto per l'allora Ddr (la Germania comunista): lei e altre suore pregarono e già dopo il primo giorno il visto arrivò. E quella non è stata l'unica grazia ottenuta attraverso la novena volante.Aveva pratiche ascetiche particolari?Solo il digiuno in concomitanza del pranzo del primo venerdì del mese. Il corrispettivo del pranzo saltato andava in un fondo speciale a cui si faceva ricorso per le richieste di aiuto impreviste. Non era attratta da pratiche ascetiche straordinarie, anche nella vita ascetica applicava il suo motto generale: "fare le cose ordinarie con un amore straordinario".Quali persone ha sentito maggiormente amiche nel corso della sua esistenza?Anzitutto Jacqueline De Decker, una donna belga che voleva diventare missionaria della carità, ma a causa di un grave problema di salute è dovuta tornare in Belgio. Madre Teresa le ha chiesto di essere il suo braccio destro spirituale, di fondare i Cooperanti sofferenti delle missionarie della Carità, che offrivano le loro sofferenze per donare alle suore la forza di compiere la loro opera di misericordia. Poi Anne Blaikie, che condusse con lei la campagna "tocca un lebbroso con la tua compassione" a Calcutta e poi fondò gli Youth Co-workers, giovani che collaborano le Missionarie della Carità. Infine Kathryn Spink, figlia di diplomatici britannici e scrittrice di successo: madre Teresa si fidò tanto di lei da farne la sua biografa autorizzata.Si è molto parlato della "notte dell'anima" che scese su madre Teresa a un certo momento. Come attraversò quel tempo e come ne uscì?Non è uscita dall'oscurità per il resto della sua vita. Di solito nella vita dei mistici la notte dell'anima è un passaggio verso l'unione mistica con Cristo. In madre Teresa la cosa è diversa. Lei afferma di avere provato la dolcezza dell'unione della sua anima con Cristo fra il 10 settembre 1946, il giorno in cui si manifesta in lei l'ispirazione per quella che sarà la sua opera, e la metà del 1947, quando comincia a visitare gli slum di Calcutta. In quel momento la dolcezza svanisce e non torna più. Questa seconda esperienza di oscurità, dopo che era avvenuta l'unione mistica con Cristo, la definirei un'oscurità apostolica, missionaria. Lei capisce che la povertà più grande dell'uomo non è quella materiale, ma il sentirsi non amati, abbandonati, soli, ed è ciò che lei stessa sperimenta nel rapporto con Cristo: ha il sentimento che Gesù non la ama e che lei non riesce ad amare Gesù come vorrebbe. Diceva: «Lo stato della mia anima è come quello dei poveri che vivono per strada».Paradossalmente questa aridità del rapporto con Cristo l'ha unita maggiormente a lui e ai poveri. A lui perché ha condiviso con lui l'esperienza della solitudine nell'orto del Getsemani e dell'abbandono da parte di Dio sulla croce, quando Gesù dice: "Mio Dio, mio Dio, perché mi hai abbandonato?". E con i poveri perché è diventata come loro non solo nello stile povero di vita, ma nel condividere il loro senso di abbandono, di solitudine, di assenza dell'amore.

دیکتاتورها دوست دارن که خوشون رو انسان‌هایی با قدرت ماورایی نشون بدنحتی خداگوناما باور کنید یا نه، اونا هم مثل بقیه‌ی ما نیازهای اولیه دارنمثلا یه دیکتاتور نیاز داره که غذا بخورهنقش آشپز شخصی یه دیکتاتور، نقش بسار جذابی‌هخاطرات اونا چه چیزی از سلیقه غذایی دیکتاتورها به ما میگهو اونا چه تصویری از اون شیاطین برای ما می‌سازن؟توی این اپیزود، سازندگان پادکست مرجع دو میم، مصاحبه‌ای داشتن با ویتولد شابوفسکی، روزنامه نگار لهستانی و نویسنده کتاب How to Feed a Dictator: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks غذا دادن به دیکتاتورها تحت اللفظی معنی‌ش اینه که چی براشون می‌پزیم اما معنای استعاری‌ش اینه که ما خاکی که اونا توش رشد کنن رو براشون آماده می‌کنیمما با ترس‌هامون، عصبانیت‌هامون و درد دل‌هامون، باعث رشد وقوی شدنشون می‌شیماین کتاب با نام «مصائب آشپزی برای دیکتاتورها» در ایران هم ترجمه شدهمن مصاحبه رو به شکل روایت براتون تعریف می‌کنم چون ترجمه مصاحبه به فرم اصلی خودش و روایت با یک صدا بجای دو نفر جذاب نمیشهو در نهایت نظر شخصی من اینه که حتما این کتاب رو بخونید و به این اپیزود اکتفا نکنید حمایت مالی دلبخواهی از پادکستاپیزود مرجع: مصاحبه با ویتولد شابوفسکیوبلاگ پادکستکانال تلگرام پادکست دو میماینستاگرام پادکست دو میماکانت توییتر پادکست دو میم Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

For this special bonus episode, Noiser writer Duncan Barrett sat down for a chat with Witold Szabłowski, author of How to Feed a Dictator: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks. The role of personal chef to a dictator is a fascinating one. It's an extremely intimate relationship. These cooks have literally nourished tyrants. They've satisfied their culinary cravings, altered their moods for better and worse, and even influenced their policies. So what can they tell us about dictators' appetites? Real Dictators will return soon for Season 5. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Da Lea Ypi var liten, så hun på Stalin og Albanias leder Enver Hoxha som trygge farsfigurer, hun likte at lærerinnen Nora hadde enkle svar på alt, og det hun ønsket seg mest av alt var å bli pioner. Men når det kommunistiske regimet faller i 1991, forstår unge Lea at ingenting er som hun har trodd. Har hele livet hennes vært en løgn?I boka Fri. En oppvekst ved historiens ende (til norsk ved Inger Sverreson Holmes) skildrer Ypi en oppvekst utenom det vanlige: Før hun ble myndig hadde hun opplevd et kommunistisk regime og dets fall, nyliberalismen som overtok og en grufull borgerkrig. Med sanselighet, detaljrikdom og en stor dose humor gir Ypi leseren et unikt innblikk i Albanias nyere historie og brytninger mellom ideologier og politiske og økonomiske interesser.Lea Ypi er oppvokst i Albania, men er i dag professor i politisk teori ved London School of Economics, der hun blant annet underviser om marxisme. Memoarboka Fri ble tildelt Ondaatje-prisen og kåret til en av årets beste bøker, blant annet i The New Yorker og Financial Times.På Litteraturhuset møter Ypi Marianne Marthinsen til samtale. Marthinsen er forfatter av både skjønnlitteratur og sakprosa. Hun har lang fartstid fra AUF og Arbeiderpartiet, og satt på Stortinget for Arbeiderpartiet fra 2005 til 2021. Hun jobber i dag i Finans Norge. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

As a little girl, Lea Ypi regarded Stalin and Albania's leader Enver Hoxha as dependable father figures, she liked how her teacher Nora har simple answers to everything, and what she wanted most of all, was to be named a pioneer. But when the communist regime falls in 1991, the young Lea suddenly realizes that nothing is truly like she thought. Has her whole life been a lie?In her memoir Free: Coming of Age at the End of History, Ypi depicts an unusual childhood: Before she came of age, she had lived trough a communist regime and its fall, the neoliberal society that succeeded it, as well as a ghastly civil war. With acute awareness, attention to detail and no small amount of wit, Ypi offers her reader a unique insight into Albania's recent history and contention between ideologies and political and economic interests.With her childhood in Albania, Lea Ypi is today a professor of political theory at London School of Economics, where she, among other things, teaches Marxism. Her memoir Free was awarded the Ondaatje prize and named one of the best books of 2022 by both The New Yorker and Fincancial Times.At the House of Literature, Ypi will be joined in conversation by Marianne Marthinsen. Marthinsen is a writer of both fiction and non-fiction. Her background is from Norway's Worker's Youth League and the Labour Party, which she represented in parliament between 2005 and 2021. Today, she works for Finance Norway. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

L'articolo continua su BastaBugie.itwww.bastabugie.it/7213BOLSONARO COME TRUMP: LE ELEZIONI BRASILIANE SONO STATE TRUCCATE di Julio LoredoGli occhi del mondo erano puntati sul ballottaggio in Brasile. Domenica 30 ottobre, il Paese doveva decidere tra il consegnarsi al comunismo, portando alla presidenza il marxista Luis Inácio "Lula" da Silva, oppure continuare a reagire in senso conservatore, riconfermando per un secondo mandato il presidente uscente Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Dall'esito delle urne dipendeva anche l'indirizzo che avrebbe preso il continente latinoamericano. Si sarebbe rafforzata ulteriormente la marea rossa che lo sta inghiottendo? O sarebbe invece iniziata una riscossa anticomunista? Da ogni punto di vista, erano elezioni storiche.Il risultato ormai lo conosciamo tutti: il candidato del Partito dei Lavoratori (PT) ha vinto di misura, con uno scarto di meno del 2%.C'era da aspettarsi che, indossando magliette rosse (il colore di Lula), una folla festosa invadesse le strade e le piazze del Brasile per celebrare la vittoria. E, infatti, la folla c'è stata, ma indossava magliette gialloverdi, il colore di Bolsonaro. Centinaia di migliaia di persone sono scese in piazza per incoraggiare il Presidente e per protestare contro il comunismo. I video mostrano le oceaniche manifestazioni che, un po' ovunque e in modo del tutto spontaneo, sono esplose al grido "Il colore del Brasile non sarà mai il rosso!". Lunghe colonne di camion hanno bloccato le principali strade del Paese, mentre madri di famiglia spingendo passeggini inneggiavano alle Forze Armate di fronte alle caserme.Qualcosa non quadra. Ciò che si vede per strada non riflette per nulla il risultato delle urne. Lula non riesce nemmeno a mettere il naso fuori dalla sua finestra senza essere seppellito da una tempesta di fischi e di gridi "Lula ladrone!". Infatti, egli è scomparso per più di dieci giorni, alimentando anche voci di un possibile malore. I pochi comizi della vittoria che il PT é riuscito a organizzare sono rimasti ridicolamente vuoti. In contrasto, Bolsonaro passa da un bagno di folla all'altro. È quindi lecito chiedersi: ma questi risultati riflettono la realtà? IL RAPPORTO DEL MINISTERO DELLA DIFESASi fa strada l'ipotesi che le urne elettroniche usate per le votazioni non siano del tutto affidabili, soprattutto se adoperate da personale schierato col PT.Per esempio, in un collegio elettorale dello stato di Rio Grande do Sul tutte le macchine hanno dato 129 voti per Bolsonaro. Centoventinove: non uno in più, non uno in meno. Si paventa la possibilità che qualche hacker sia riuscito a manomettere il sistema. Proprio lo scorso 17 luglio Bolsonaro aveva riunito circa quaranta ambasciatori al Palazzo presidenziale per presentare prove dell'inefficacia del sistema di sicurezza delle urne elettroniche. Le prove erano contenute in un'indagine della Polizia Federale che riguardava una denuncia secondo cui un hacker era riuscito ad accedere ai sistemi virtuali del Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE).Sotto pressione pubblica per la sua ormai nota parzialità in favore di Lula, il TSE ha deciso di costituire una Commissione della trasparenza per assisterlo durante il processo elettorale. Ha invitato quindi il Ministero della Difesa a farne parte. Dopo un accurato esame, fatto con i propri tecnici informatici, il Ministero ha presentato un corposo Rapporto (286 pagine) che segnalava "aree di preoccupazione". Queste preoccupazioni, teneva a rilevare il Rapporto, "sono tecniche e per niente politiche".Tanto per cominciare, il 39% delle urne elettroniche non aveva superato il test di operabilità, secondo quanto informa da Brasilia JP News. Non avevano quindi il certificato di omologazione. Ciò invalida a priori qualsiasi risultato ottenuto tramite il loro utilizzo. In Italia, per esempio, la regolarità di una multa per eccesso di velocità rilevata con mezzi elettronici (autovelox o tutor) dipende dal fatto che l'apparecchiatura sia stata correttamente tarata nei sei mesi precedenti. In assenza del certificato di omologazione, una multa può essere legittimamente contestata. Ora, la maggior parte delle urne brasiliane non era stata toccata dalle ultime elezioni nel 2018. Avevano perciò superato largamente la scadenza di omologazione. Altri fonte dicono che tali urne avrebbero superato il test successivamente. Resta comunque un punto di interrogazione.Il Rapporto della Difesa sollevava poi il problema della sicurezza interna. Mentre i firewall installati dal TSE fornivano un accettabile grado di protezione contro attacchi di hacker esterni, erano invece inefficaci nel bloccare manipolazioni interne. In pratica, chiunque poteva manomettere dall'interno il sistema. Se prendiamo in considerazione che, a cominciare dal Presidente, molti membri e tecnici del TSE parteggiano per il socialismo, le "preoccupazioni" del Ministero della Difesa appaiono del tutto comprensibili.Il Rapporto raccomandava quindi che il conteggio dei voti fosse fatto pubblicamente e con la partecipazione di tecnici super partes. Cosa che, ovviamente, non è stata fatta. Fonti militari hanno parlato di "atteggiamento di sdegno" del TSE nei loro confronti.In una conferenza stampa nei giorni seguenti alle elezioni, il generale Paulo Sérgio Nogueira, ministro della Difesa, ha dichiarato: "Abbiamo rilevato irregolarità già nel primo turno, e abbiamo consigliato il Presidente di adottare misure per proteggersi. Egli, però, ha voluto affrontare il ballottaggio comunque, pensando forse che sarebbe riuscito a monitorare il sistema [di voto elettronico]. L'analisi dei risultati permette di sollevare sospetti di frode. C'è un'evidente parzialità del TSE a favore della sinistra, a cominciare dal presidente Alexandre de Moraes, che era stato capo del dipartimento giuridico del PT".Sta circolando pure un altro Rapporto, scritto da "un gruppo di esperti tecnici nei campi della matematica, delle scienze politiche e dell'analisi forense": Relatório preliminar de análise das urnas eletrônicas usadas na eleição presidencial do Brasil. Usando la Legge di Benford sulla distribuzione di probabilità, il Rapporto conclude: "Ci sono molteplici indicazioni cruciali che rendono improbabile la completa imparzialità del processo elettorale del 2022. Di queste, almeno due (02) sono indicazioni difficili da confutare scientificamente".Il Rapporto - settanta pagine di dati, grafici e statistiche - è stato ripreso da fonti autorevoli, come il New York Times e Fox News. Tuttavia, il suo carattere anonimo e l'assenza di un ente accademico che lo possa avvalorare, lo rende poco fruibile. Per evitare questo tipo di brogli, il Governo Bolsonaro aveva chiesto che, dopo aver votato in modo elettronico, l'elettore potesse avere uno scontrino, o comunque un documento cartaceo, che comprovasse il suo voto. Il TSE si negò perentoriamente di concedere questa garanzia.MAGGIORANZE BULGAREIn epoca sovietica, l'Albania era diventata lo zimbello del mondo, tra l'altro perché il dittatore Enver Hoxha vinceva regolarmente le elezioni presidenziali col 100% dei suffragi. Quel ruolo lo ricopre adesso la Corea del Nord, dove pure Kim Jong-un ottiene senza sforzo il pieno dei voti. Si tratta di un vizietto molto diffuso tra i dittatori di sinistra: da Fidel Castro, che otteneva il 99,4% dei voti, fino a Saddam Hussein, che se la cavava con un 97,6%. Per descrivere una tale situazione, il gergo giornalistico italiano ha coniato l'espressione "maggioranza bulgara".Sembra che Lula voglia entrare a far parte di questo esclusivo club.Stando ai dati ufficiali divulgati dal TSE, sono migliaia i distretti in cui il candidato marxista ha superato largamente il 90%, lasciando a Bolsonaro le briciole. Non poche urne hanno attribuito addirittura il 100% dei voti a Lula. Un Rapporto, pubblicato lo scorso martedì 8 novembre, mostra le urne che attribuiscono il 100% al candidato della sinistra. Ogni risultato è accompagnato dal rispettivo link al sito ufficiale del TSE. Per aggiungere la beffa al danno, alcune di queste urne attribuiscono un solo voto a Bolsonaro. Qualcuno si è perfino divertito a fare un Google Maps con i paesi dove Lula ha ottenuto il 100%. Ciò è alquanto strano e puzza di brogli. Eppure guai a dirlo! Si rischia perfino il carcere.Vediamo il caso del noto commentatore politico Marcos Cintra, già Segretario della Receita Federal (Agenzie delle entrate). Egli si è permesso di dichiarare: "Ho verificato i dati diffusi dal TSE, e non vedo una spiegazione perché Jair Bolsonaro non abbia nemmeno un voto in centinaia di urne". Questa anomalia, secondo Cintra, "solleva legittimi sospetti sull'affidabilità delle urne elettroniche, che meritano un'indagine". Tanto è bastato perché la dittatura giustizialista si abbattesse su di lui con inaudita ferocia. Cintra ha avuto tutti i suoi account social sequestrati per ordine diretto del presidente del TSE Alexandre de Moraes, che sta assumendo sempre di più le fattezze di un Führer tropicale.È andata peggio alla deputata bolsonarista Carla Zambelli, la più votata a San Paolo. De Moraes no solo ha sequestrato tutti i suoi account, ma le ha anche proibito di crearne nuovi, pena una multa di 100.000 reais (circa ventimila euro). Temendo un colpo di mano che la facesse finire in carcere, Zambelli è scappata via dal Brasile, rifugiandosi negli Stati Uniti. In Brasile, infatti, l'immunità parlamentare non è rispettata. Diversi deputati sono stati imprigionati per ordine del Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) per aver criticato la faziosità della Giustizia.

In the 1970s, Albania's Stalinist leader, Enver Hoxha, launched a new series of purges against government ministers and officials, following numerous purges in previous decades. Those accused of being ‘enemies' of the ruling Party of Labour were executed or received lengthy prison sentences. Their families were punished too. Many were sent into internal exile and forced to work in the fields. Rob Walker speaks to Kozara Kati whose father was imprisoned in 1975. She spent 15 years in a camp with her mother, brother and sister. Rob also hears from Fred Abrahams, long term researcher and writer on Albania, who is the author of ‘Modern Albania: From Dictatorship to Democracy in Europe'. (Photo: Enver Hoxha embraces Chinese Leader Yao Wen-Yuan 1967. Credit: Keystone-France, Gamma-Keystone via Getty Images)

Growing up in Albania, our guest had a childhood of two halves. One was lived in plain sight, since she was brought up at school to believe and love the communist doctrine of Albania's Enver Hoxha and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. The other half was hidden, as she slowly discovered that not everyone loved Uncle Enver, and that even in her own family, not everyone was a believer. Lea Ypi is now a highly respected academic at the London School of Economics. Her new book "Free", which has just been translated into French as "Enfin Libre", tells the story of her childhood as she slowly understood, and later escaped, the repression that dominated her youngest years. She joined us for Perspective.

Between fires, floods, hurricanes and famines, it might look like the end of the world. But Professor Laura Mersini-Houghton has done the math - and can tell us when and perhaps how the Universe will end and how it began. As a student in the dying days of Enver Hoxha, she was no stranger to the concept of thought crime, but found that the Western scientific establishment could also be unforgiving for iconoclasts (while harboring sexual harassers). Despite all, her engaging personal Odyssey covers from the chaos of Big Bang to the last whimper via Communist Tirana and the Large Hadron Collider and is a readable and comprehensible guide to the Cosmos. Laura Mersini-Houghton is a cosmologist and theoretical physicist, Professor of Theoretical Physics and Cosmology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and author of Before the Big Bang. T his briefing is made possible by the Foreign Press Foundation. Donate at foreignpressassociation.org/ways-to-support.html Become a member of the Foreign Press Association at foreignpressassociation.org/join-the-association1.html Follow us on social media: twitter.com/fpanewsusa facebook.com/fpanewyork instagram.com/fpanewyork youtube.com/c/foreignpressassociationusa linkedin.com/in/fpausa/

I løpet av 40 år omformet Albanias hersker, Enver Hoxha, landet sitt til å bli et av verdens mest bisarre steder. Hoxhas diktatur ble preget av en rekke stormannsgale og absurde påfunn, der han blant annet sørget for å forby skjegg. Ikke minst gjorde han Albania til det landet verden som i dag har flest bunkere per innbygger. Vi gir deg hele den absurde historien om en av historiens galeste diktatorer.

En 1990, quand la dictature albanaise est renversée, Lea Ypi a 11 ans. Dans son récit, Free, a child and a country at the end of history publié aux éditions Norton & Company, celle qui est aujourd'hui professeur de théorie politique à la London School of Economics, nous propose une réflexion autour de la liberté que les Albanais convoitaient tant lors du renversement du régime communiste et qui n'a parfois été qu'un mirage. Elle raconte l'effondrement du communisme, les ravages du libéralisme, mais aussi le bouleversement personnel que cette révolution engendre chez la petite fille élevée dans le culte du dictateur Enver Hoxha.

En 1990, quand la dictature albanaise est renversée, Lea Ypi a 11 ans. Dans son récit, Free, a child and a country at the end of history publié aux éditions Norton & Company, celle qui est aujourd'hui professeur de théorie politique à la London School of Economics, nous propose une réflexion autour de la liberté que les Albanais convoitaient tant lors du renversement du régime communiste et qui n'a parfois été qu'un mirage. Elle raconte l'effondrement du communisme, les ravages du libéralisme, mais aussi le bouleversement personnel que cette révolution engendre chez la petite fille élevée dans le culte du dictateur Enver Hoxha.

Saade number 418. Köögilaud räägibki söögist ja köögist. Et saade läheb eetrisse Jaanipäeval, mil kõikide näod rasvast läigivad, heidame pilgu sellele, mida on aastate jooksul söönud kõikvõimalikud diktaatorid. Sestap on köögilaua taga koos Juku-Kallega võtnud platsi ajaloodoktor Einar Värä. Juttu tuleb mitmete veriste kätega riigijuhtide toidueelistustest: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, kes väidetavalt inimestega maiustas, Enver Hoxha, Pol Pot, Fidel Castro, Jossip Tito, aga muidugi ka Ivan IV, Lenin, Stalin, Hitler jt. Ning loomulikult peatume ka Vladimir Putinil, kelle vanaisa oli tuntud legendi järgi Stalini kokk. Selles võib küll väheke kahelda, ehkki Putin ise seda legendi tagant õhutas, aga kommunistlikku ladvikut toitis Putja vanaisa küll, oli selleks siis Krupskaja, muud vingemad parteilased või ka Nikita Hruštšov. Head isu, seltsimehed!

Under historien har synen på döden förändrats och de döda har blivit föremål för olika maktanspråk. Kristoffer Leandoer funderar över vad vi ska med döden till, om vi ändå inte får vara ifred. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna.Varje morgon kör jag förbi Martyrkyrkogårdens kulle i Tirana där albanska kommunister som stupade i partisankriget mot italienare och tyskar ligger begravda. Trots att han dog fridfullt fyrtio år efter andra världskrigets slut begrovs även landets ledare Enver Hoxha där 1985 under högtidliga former. Men med kommunismens fall fråntogs Hoxha retroaktivt denna utvaldhet, han hörde inte hemma bland martyrerna längre. I april 1992 öppnades graven vid en ny offentlig ceremoni, diktatorns kvarlevor grävdes upp och flyttades till en allmän begravningsplats på andra sidan stan. Det var den värsta dagen i mitt liv, har Hoxhas son sagt om gravöppningen.Och då vet Ilir Hoxha ändå var han har sin pappa: barn och barnbarn till regimens offer letar alltjämt efter sina bortförda och försvunna anförvanter; arbetet med att spåra upp offrens kvarlevor och ge dem en riktig begravning är en viktig del i landets ännu pågående läkeprocess och bearbetning av det förflutnas trauma. Närmast profetiskt hade den albanske författaren Ismail Kadaré redan 1963 skildrat detta myckna grävande i romanen Den döda arméns general, där en melankolisk italiensk general åker runt i ett regnigt och slutet efterkrigs-Albanien med en präst och gräver upp benen efter andra världskrigets stupade italienska soldater för återtransport till hemlandet.Alla dessa kvarlevor är argument, inlägg, vältaliga påståenden eller förtiganden.Så länge vi finns till finns icke döden; när döden finns, finns icke vi. Svårare än så var det inte enligt den grekiske filosofen Epikuros, mer än så behövde man inte bekymra sig över det hinsides. Det är en tanke som mänskligheten kunnat hämta tröst ur i 2 300 år. Men i fallet Enver Hoxha och Albanien hade Epikuros tydligen inget att erbjuda.Uppenbarligen kan vi finnas även när döden finns. Uppenbarligen finns det ett liv efter döden. Åtminstone i politisk mening.Filosofen Hans Ruin kallar det att vara med de döda i en bok som heter just Being with the dead där han argumenterar för en syn på människan och det mänskliga som inte gör halt vid livets slut: varje mänskligt samfund omfattar i praktiken både levande och döda. Ruin vidgar Sokrates berömda definition av filosofi som konsten att dö: enligt Ruin är filosofi konsten att leva samman med de döda.Utifrån den franske sociologen Robert Hertz epokgörande studier i dödens riter och praktik visar Ruin hur döden i de flesta kulturer inte är ett oföränderligt tillstånd utan en process precis som livet: den döda kroppen liksom de sörjande har flera stadier att gå igenom innan skilsmässan är avslutad och de sörjande kan leva som vanligt igen.Det kanske inte alltid är lika påtagligt som i den turkiska stenåldersstaden Çatalhöyük, där invånarna sov direkt ovanpå de döda, på plattformar av lera som byggts ovanpå gravar där de döda vilade i fosterställning. Men vi är med våra döda, som Ruin säger. De är medborgare i samma samfund som vi, med rättigheter som går att kränka eller kämpa för. Och därför har också de dödas rättigheter blivit en angelägenhet i flera av den västerländska litteraturens portalverk, till exempel Antigone och Iliaden.I boken Moment of Reckoning, alltså Räkenskapens stund, hävdar den amerikanska religionshistorikern Ellen Muehlberger att döden genomgick en förändring i den kristna världen under senantiken: livet tog helt enkelt inte längre slut bara för att man dog.Fram till dess hade kristna kunnat möta döden bekymmersfritt, den var det garanterat lyckliga slutet på deras historia. Det som hände under 300400-talet var att döden flyttade från slutet av historien till mitten. Själva dödsstunden blev alltmer central i en människas biografi. Hela predikningar strukturerades som sofistikerade hörspel kring dödsögonblicket, där prästen spelar alla roller och till exempel beskriver hur rosslingarna i den döendes strupe liknar ljudet av en såg som börjat ta ner ett träd som märkts ut för att fällas. Det påminner om scenen i Det sjunde inseglet där Döden börjar såga ner trädet som skådespelaren Skat klättrat upp i: frågan är om inte Muehlberger skildrar starten på den medeltida dödsfixering som ger Bergmans film dess grundton.Döden blir nu måttet på kvaliteten hos ett människoliv. I Eusebios biografi över Konstantin, skriven direkt efter kejsarens död 337, skildrar Eusebio Konstantin som bättre och lyckosammare än både Alexander den store och perserkungen Kyros, trots att deras fälttåg var lyckosammare, deras segrar fler och deras erövringar större. Varför? Jo, för Konstantin dog bättre vid hög ålder, med ordning och reda i såväl sina egna som rikets affärer.Som pedagogisk kontrast till Konstantins och andras exemplariska frånfällen börjar tidens kristna författare samtidigt frossa i utdragna skildringar av skräck och plåga: hedningars eller dåliga kristnas dödsstunder. Döden förändras från frälsning och befrielse till rannsakan och dom, eventuellt en port till evig pina.Ingående skildrades hur själen drogs ur den livlösa kroppen med hjälp av fiskkrokar, hur de saligas himmelska städer doldes i insektssvärmar, så att pilgrimerna i det hinsides inte kunde hitta dem på egen hand, utan bara om de leddes av en Guds ängel.Fiskkrokar och insektssvärmar: det slår mig att vår fantasi ändå är bra mager, vi kan inte föreställa oss något vi inte redan sett, vi kan inte hitta på nya former utan bara lägga pussel med de gamla vanliga.Eftersom människan ska dömas enskilt måste hon kunna uppvisa giltigt prov på sin identitet även i det tillkommande, inte bara befrias från sin jordiska lekamen och uppgå i en kollektiv salighet. Det blev nödvändigt att behålla kroppen som identitetshandling, eftersom ansvar skulle utmätas. Därför lades större vikt vid kroppens vidare öden, på gravplatser och begravningar.Varför förändrades synen på döden just då? Det är lätt att räkna ut: förvandlingen av dödsstunden från lyckligt slut till domstolsförhandling ägde rum samtidigt som kristendomen blev statsbärande. Det gällde makt och realpolitik. Eftermäle, gravplatser och begravningar användes både för att demonstrera att man hade makten och för att legitimera den. Var man på fel sida politiskt, ökade risken att ens kvarlevor också skulle hamna på fel sida. Frågan om en rätt död, vem som är martyr och inte och en rätt behandling av de döda blev makthavarnas slutgiltiga sätt att både legitimera sin egen makt, och utöva den: sköter du dig inte, får du ingen plats på kyrkogården och riskerar därmed din plats i nästa värld.Jag finner allt det här grävandet i döda kroppar och deras politiska symbolvärde högst provocerande: räcker inte alla ställningstaganden som yttervärlden avtvingar en medan man lever? Om man inte får vara ifred ens när man är död, när ska man då få vara det? För egen del tänker jag hålla fast vid Epikuros: när jag dör upphör jag att vara ett bekymmer. Åtminstone för mig själv.Kristoffer Leandoer, författare

“Amazing stories . . . Intimate portraits of how [these five ruthless leaders] were at home and at the table.” —Lulu Garcia-Navarro, NPR's Weekend Edition Sunday Anthony Bourdain meets Kapuściński in this chilling look from within the kitchen at the appetites of five of the twentieth century's most infamous dictators, by the acclaimed author of Dancing Bears. What was Pol Pot eating while two million Cambodians were dying of hunger? Did Idi Amin really eat human flesh? And why was Fidel Castro obsessed with one particular cow? Traveling across four continents, from the ruins of Iraq to the savannahs of Kenya, Witold Szabłowski tracked down the personal chefs of five dictators known for the oppression and massacre of their own citizens—Iraq's Saddam Hussein, Uganda's Idi Amin, Albania's Enver Hoxha, Cuba's Fidel Castro, and Cambodia's Pol Pot—and listened to their stories over sweet-and-sour soup, goat-meat pilaf, bottles of rum, and games of gin rummy. Dishy, deliciously readable, and dead serious, How to Feed a Dictator provides a knife's-edge view of life under tyranny.

Born and raised in Communist Albania, Dr. Elida Dakoli overcame unprecedented political persecution from the regime run by Enver Hoxha and the Party of Labour of Albania. In Part 1 of this remarkable journey, she shares the origins of her extraordinary family story and some of her first-hand experiences in harsh living circumstances under a cruel communist dictatorship.Click HERE for Part 2!Learn more about Elida's story and work on her website: elidadakoli.com!SUBSCRIBE to our e-mail list for the latest news and updates from Friends & Fellow Citizens!Support the show (https://www.patreon.com/friendsfellowcitizens)

Aberdeen fish market ferry, Hong Kong, reimagined by Keith de Mendonca. "I visited the fish market in Hong Kong many years ago and so I had some small connection with the place and the sound recording - grinding sounds of ice-cutting machines, noises of machinery and wet fish containers echoing about a large hall.   "Some of these clanging noises were used to create the rhythm of this piece. "A music box given to me as a Christmas present became another sound source - its sad tones suggested a piece of music about loss. "I can't quite explain how I ended up listening to an archive radio broadcast from Albania's Radio Tirana... but the portentous message provided the theme and a voice to finally bind the piece together. Enver Hoxha's passing resulted in the opening up of Albania; Hong Kong's political tectonic plates are now also changing fast - moving the island in the opposite direction towards the mainland's political system."

نتعرف في هذه الحلقة إلى تاريخ ألبانيا في ظل حكم رئيسها أنور خوجة، الذي حكمها لأكثر من ٤٠ عاماً، قضاها الألبانيون في عزلةٍ عن العالم، وخوفٍ مستمر من حكمه الاستبدادي ومن حرب وهمية، تذرّع بها خوجة لبناء ما يقارب المليون ملجأ إسمنتي في كل زاوية من هذا البلد الصغير، مستنزفاً بذلك موارد الدولة الشحيحة أساساً. كتابة وتقديم بشر نجّار، تحرير جنى قزّاز، تدقيق بيان عاروري. الإخراج الصوتي لمحمود أبو ندى. بودكاست «منبِت» هو بودكاست معرفي نستمع فيه لقصص عن تاريخنا، عن السياسة والعلوم والفنون والاقتصاد، لنفهم أنفسنا وعالمنا وعلومنا بشكل أفضل. منبِت من إنتاج صوت. المصادر: ١) وثائقي عن ألبانيا تحت حكم أنور خوجة: https://youtu.be/CS_db_7cVh4?list=PL4UgrEBwk58e0rb0t2UE8mR8xoYtjmGtk ٢) تقرير تلفزيوني حول إرث الدكتاتورية لدى ألبانيا:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4vaKwRjgmKc ٣) وثائقي عن نهاية الشيوعية في ألبانيا: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uO79nDE8U5E ٤) وثائقي حول وضع ألبانيا الاقتصادي: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sxaTKKQBhdM ٥) وثائقي عن إلبانيا الاشتراكية تحت حكم أنور خوجة: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mr7wWLK9xjI&list=PL4UgrEBwk58e0rb0t2UE8mR8xoYtjmGtk ٦) وثائقي: الجدل حول خوجة، جلّاد أم بطل؟ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gFZHc8YZ_z8 ٧) مقال عام حول ألبانيا: https://www.britannica.com/place/Albania ٨) مقال عن أنور خوجة: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Enver-Hoxha ٩) مقال حول وفاة أنور خوجة: https://www.historytoday.com/archive/months-past/death-enver-hoxha

Canale Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC-Idufifk1hamoBzkZngr1wProduzione, Editing e Sound Design - UncleMatt: https://www.instagram.com/unclemattprod/Volete far parte della community e discutere con tanti appassionati come voi? Venite sul nostro gruppo Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/groups/624562554783646/Se volete chiaccherare o giocare con noi, unitevi al server Discord : https://discord.gg/muGgVsXMBWIl nostro Instagram per essere sempre aggiornati sulle novità : https://www.instagram.com/bibliotecadialessandria/?hl=itGruppo Telegram : https://t.me/joinchat/Flt9O0AWYfCUVsqrTAzVcg

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Lea Ypi fæddist árið 1979 í Albaníu sem þá var harðlæst og afskekkt kommúnistasamfélag þar sem Enver Hoxha ríkti yfir öllu. Lea ólst upp við persónudýrkun, tvískinnung og kúgun á öllum sviðum en gerði sér enga grein fyrir því sjálf, og hélt að lífið með foreldrum sínum og ömmu væri hið besta hugsanlega líf. Nú er Lea prófessor í stjórnmálafræði við London School of Economics, stórsnjöll kona og var að gefa út endurminningar sínar frá hinum undarlegu æskuárum. Illugi Jökulsson les sýnishorn úr þeim í þættinum í þættinum.

Lea Ypi fæddist árið 1979 í Albaníu sem þá var harðlæst og afskekkt kommúnistasamfélag þar sem Enver Hoxha ríkti yfir öllu. Lea ólst upp við persónudýrkun, tvískinnung og kúgun á öllum sviðum en gerði sér enga grein fyrir því sjálf, og hélt að lífið með foreldrum sínum og ömmu væri hið besta hugsanlega líf. Nú er Lea prófessor í stjórnmálafræði við London School of Economics, stórsnjöll kona og var að gefa út endurminningar sínar frá hinum undarlegu æskuárum. Illugi Jökulsson les sýnishorn úr þeim í þættinum í þættinum.

Lea Ypi fæddist árið 1979 í Albaníu sem þá var harðlæst og afskekkt kommúnistasamfélag þar sem Enver Hoxha ríkti yfir öllu. Lea ólst upp við persónudýrkun, tvískinnung og kúgun á öllum sviðum en gerði sér enga grein fyrir því sjálf, og hélt að lífið með foreldrum sínum og ömmu væri hið besta hugsanlega líf. Nú er Lea prófessor í stjórnmálafræði við London School of Economics, stórsnjöll kona og var að gefa út endurminningar sínar frá hinum undarlegu æskuárum. Illugi Jökulsson les sýnishorn úr þeim í þættinum í þættinum.

From music hall to Red Dwarf, pantomime to Absolutely Fabulous, we look at the history of British comedy, the names, shows, and historical events that made it what it is today. Like what you hear?  Become a patron of the arts for as little as $2 a month!   Or buy the book or some merch.  Hang out with your fellow Brainiacs.  Reach out and touch Moxie on Facebook, Twitter,  or Instagram. Music: Kevin MacLeod, Steve Oxen, David Fesliyan.  . Reach out and touch Moxie on Facebook, Twitter, or Instagram. Links to all the research resources are on the website. Podchaser: Moxie got me through 2,500 miles. I listened to every episode regardless of audio quality from the vault. I got my fix of facts with a personality that kept me entertained the entire time. I shared it with everyone I knew that would appreciate the facts, wit and hilariously subtle segues. Profile avatar 2 months ago byBoredatwork23 Book: David Nowlin 5.0 out of 5 stars Be prepared to be amazed at what you needed know, but did not. Reviewed in the United States on October 31, 2021 Great book. Read it cover to cover, but am planning to reread it again and again. It is so full of such wonderful pieces of information that I use to interject conversations whenever I can. Thank you Moxie for such a wonderful gift, and the book is great too Gift and merch “The story so far: In the beginning the Universe was created.  This has made a lot of people very angry and been widely regarded as a bad move.”  Thus begins Douglas Adams' Restaurant at the End of the Universe, sequel to his culture touchstone The Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy.  That's the book that gave us the answer to life, the universe and everything, though not the question.  Welcome to episode number 42, which I have decided to devote to [drumroll] the history of British comedy.  That means we're going to try to cram hundreds of years, thousands of performers, and a dozen mediums into a half-hour show.  But don't panic.  My name's Moxie and this is your brain on facts.    British comedy history is measured in centuries, from chase scenes and beatings into Shakespeare's comedies to the misadventures of Mr. Bean.  Even as times, tastes, and technologies changes, some themes are eternal.  Innuendo, for example, has been a staple in the literature as far back as Beowulf and Chaucer, and is prevalent in many British folk songs.  King Charles II was such a fan of innuendo that he encouraged it to the point that Restoration comedy became not only its own genre, but an explicit one at that.  The repressive Victorian period gave us burlesque, though not in the same form as the shows you can see today - more vaudeville than striptease.  Absurdism and the surreal had always been an undercurrent, which firmly took root in the 1950's, leading Red Dwarf, The Mighty Boosh, and Count Duckula.  Though the British Empire successfully conquered ¼ of the globe, but its individual people struggled and suffered.  Plagues, wars, poverty, class oppression, and filthy cities gave rise to, and a need for, black humor, in which topics and events that are usually treated seriously are treated in a humorous or satirical manner.  The class system, especially class tensions between characters, with pompous or dim-witted members of the upper/middle classes or embarrassingly blatant social climbers, has always provided ample material, which we can see in modern shows like Absolutely Fabulous, Keeping Up Appearances, and Blackadder.  The British also value finding humor in everyday life, which we see in shows like Father Ted, The IT Crowd, and Spaced, which also incorporates a fair amount of absurdity.   But there's nothing the Brits do better than satire and nobody does it better than the Brits.  “The British, being cynical and sarcastic by nature do have a natural flair for satire,” says BBCAmerica.com writer Fraser McAlpine.  “There's a history of holding up a mirror to society and accentuating its least attractive qualities that goes back hundreds of years...Sometimes the satire is biting and cold, sometimes it's warm and encouraging, but if you want someone who can say a thing that isn't true, but also somehow IS true in a really profound way. You need look no further.”  There are three principal forms of satire.  Menippean satire uses fantasy realms that reflect back on modern society.  Everything from Alice in Wonderland to the works of Terry Pratchett fit here, as would Dr. Who.  Horatian satire skewers cultural moments of silliness using parodic humor.  These are the kind of thing you tend to see most of in comedy TV shows, like The Office.  We're laughing at people being inept and harassed, but not evil.  Juvenalian satire skewers everything with abrasive, often bleak, wit.  If there's an element of horror at the topic being discussed, that's a clue that it's Juvenalian.  John Oliver is a fair hand with Juvenalian satire.  Most political cartoon and black humor fall under this heading.   Though comedy is as old as laughter, we're going to begin today's time travel with the music hall.  (FYI, the narrative today is going to overall linear, but there will be a fair amount of bouncing around.)  Music halls sprang up as an answer to proper theater, which was at the time heavily monitored and censored by the government.  It took place in humble venues like the backs of pubs and coffee houses.  By the 1830s taverns had rooms devoted to musical clubs. They presented Saturday evening Sing-songs and “Free and Easies”. These became so popular that entertainment was put on two or three times a week.  Music in the form of humorous songs was a key element because dialogue was forbidden.  Dialogue was for the theater and if you had speaking parts, you'd be subject to censorship.  The Theatrical Licensing Act of 1737 empowered the Lord Chamberlain's Office to censor plays; this act would be in force until 1968. So, no speaking parts, less, though still some censorship.  Music halls also allowed drinking and smoking, which legitimate theaters didn't.  As the shows became more popular, they moved from the pubs into venues of their own.  Tavern owners, therefore, often annexed buildings adjoining their premises as music halls.  The usual show consisted of six to eight acts, possibly including a comedy skit (low comedy to appeal to the working class), a juggling act, a magic act, a mime, acrobats, a dancing act, a singing act, and perhaps a one-act play.  In the states, this format was essentially vaudeville.  The music hall era was a heyday for female performers, with headliners like Gracie Fields, Lillie Langtry, and Vesta Tilley.  The advent of the talking motion picture in the late 1920s caused music halls to convert into cinemas to stay in business.  To keep comedians employed, a mixture of films and songs called cine-variety was introduced.     The other critically important tradition of that era was panto or pantomime, but not the Marcel Marceau type of pantomime you might be picturing, but a type of theatrical musical comedy designed for family entertainment.  Modern pantomime includes songs, gags, slapstick comedy, dancing, and gender-crossing actors.  It combines topical humour with well-known stories like fables and folk tales.  It is a participatory form of theatre, in which the audience is expected to sing along with certain parts of the music and shout out phrases to the performers.  It's traditionally quite popular around Christmas and New Years.  In early 19th century England, pantomime acquired its present form and featured the first mainstream clown Joseph Grimaldi, while comedy routines also featured heavily in British music halls.  British comedians who honed their skills at pantomime and music hall sketches include Charlie Chaplin and Stan Laurel.  The influential English music hall comedian and theatre impresario Fred Karno developed a form of sketch comedy without dialogue in the 1890s, and Chaplin and Laurel were among the young comedians who worked for him as part of "Fred Karno's Army". VODACAST   Hopping back to famous ladies of music hall, one such was Lily Harley, though her greatest claim to fame is having given birth to Charles Spencer Chaplin.  When Lily inexplicably lost her voice in the middle of a show, the production manager pushed the five-year-old Charlie, whom he'd heard sing, onto the stage to replace her.  Charlie lit up the audience, wowing them with his natural comedic presence.   Sadly, Lily's voice never recovered, and she was unable to support her two sons, who were sent to a workhouse.  For those of us who don't know workhouses outside of one reference in A Christmas Carol, think an orphanage or jail with indentured servitude.  Young Charlie took whatever jobs he could find to survive as he fought his way back to the stage.  His acting debut was as a pageboy in a production of Sherlock Holmes.  From there he toured with a vaudeville outfit named Casey's Court Circus and in 1908 teamed up with the Fred Karno pantomime troupe, where Chaplin became one of its stars as the Drunk in the comedic sketch A Night in an English Music Hall.  With the Karno troupe, Chaplin got his first taste of the United States, where he caught the eye of a film producer who signed Chaplin to a contract for a $150 a week, equivalent to over three-grand today.   During his first year with the company, Chaplin made 14 films, including The Tramp, which established Chaplin's trademark character and his role as the unexpected hero.  By the age of 26, Chaplin, just three years removed from his vaudeville days, was a superstar.  He'd moved over to the Mutual Company, which paid him a whopping $670,000 a year to make now-classics like Easy Street.   Chaplin came to be known as a grueling perfectionist.  His love for experimentation often meant countless takes, and it was not uncommon for him to order the rebuilding of an entire set or begin filming with one leading actor, realize he'd made a mistake in his casting and start again with someone new.  But you can't argue with results.  During the 1920s Chaplin's career blossomed even more, with landmark films, like The Kid, and The Gold Rush, a movie Chaplin would later say he wanted to be remembered by.  We'll leave Chaplin's story while he's on top because his private life from here on out gets, in a word, sordid.   Though Chapin was English, his film were American.  British cinema arguably lagged decades behind, but they began to close the gap in the 1940's.  Films by Ealing Studios, particularly their comedies like Hue & Cry, Whisky Galore! and The Ladykillers began to push the boundaries of what could be done in cinema, dealing with previously taboo topics like crime in comedic ways.  Kitchen sink dramas followed soon after, portraying social realism, with the struggles of working class Britons on full display, living in cramped rented accommodation and spending their off-hours drinking in grimy pubs, to explore controversial social and political issues ranging from abortion to homelessness.  These contrasted sharply with the idea of cinema as escapism.  This was the era of such notable stars as actor/comedian/singer-songwriter Norman Wisdom.  Beginning with 1953's Trouble in the Store, for which he won a BAFTA (the British equivalent to an Oscar), his films were among Britain's biggest box-office successes of their day.  Wisdom gained celebrity status in lands as far apart as South America, Iran and many Eastern Bloc countries, particularly in Albania where his films were the only ones by Western actors permitted by dictator Enver Hoxha to be shown.  He also played one of the best characters in one of my favorite and most hard to find films, “The Night They Raided Minsky's.”   There are few institutions in British history that have had such a massive role in shaping the daily lives of British citizens as the British Broadcasting Corporation, which for decades meant the wireless radio.  “For many it is an ever-present companion: from breakfast-time to bedtime, from childhood through to old age, there it is telling us about ourselves and the wider world, amusing and entertaining us,” says Robin Aitkin, a former BBC reporter and journalist.  The BBC solidified its place in the public consciousness from its beginnings in 1922 to the end of the Second World War in 1945 is of special interest because these pivotal years helped redefine what it means to be British in modern society.  This was especially true during the high unemployment of the 1920's, when other forms of entertainment were unaffordable.  The BBC was formed from the merger of several major radio manufacturers in 1922, receiving a royal charter in 1927, and governmental protection from foreign competition made it essentially a monopoly.  Broadcasting was seen as a public service; a job at the BBC carried similar gravitas to a government job.  Classical music and educational programs were its bedrock, with radio plays added to bring theater to the wireless.  The BBC strove to be varied but balanced in its offerings, neutral but universal; some people found it elitist nonetheless.  Expansion in offerings came slowly, if at all, in the early years.     Trying to bring only the best of culture to the people meant that bawdy music hall acts had little to no place on the radio.  Obscenity was judged by laws passed as early as 1727.  British libel and slander laws are more strict than in the US, so making fun of public figures was taboo even in forms that would have been legal.  And blasphemy?  Lord, no.  In 1949, the BBC issued to comedy writers and producers the Variety Programmes Policy Guide For Writers and Producers, commonly known as "the Green Book."  Among things absolutely banned were jokes about lavatories, effeminacy in men, immorality of any kind, suggestive references to honeymoon couples, chambermaids, fig leaves, ladies' underwear, prostitution, and the vulgar use of words such as "basket".  (Not an actual basket, the Polari word “basket,” meaning the bulge in a gentleman's trousers.  More on that later.)  The guidelines also stipulated that "..such words as God, Good God, My God, Blast, Hell, Damn, Bloody, Gorblimey, Ruddy, etc etc should be deleted from scripts and innocuous expressions substituted."  Where the independently tun music halls gave people what they wanted, BBC radio gave people what it felt they needed.  But comedy writers are nothing if not clever and there is always a way to slip past the censors if you try.   In the very beginning of radio, comedies lampooned the poor, because only those with money had radios.  As radio ownership grew, the topics of shows broadened.  First half-hour comedy program in 1938, Band Wagon, included musical interludes, was effectively a sitcom and set the stage for much of what came after.  By then, nearly every household had a radio.   WWII had an enormous impact on British comedy and entertainment in general.  Unlike WWI, which was fought on the continent, WWII was right on top of them, with the Blitz, blackouts, rationing, et al.  All places of amusement, which by their nature meant lots of people would gather and could be a target for bombings, were closed.  But the government soon realized comedy had an important role to play in helping its people to keep calm and carry on.  Bonus fact: The iconic 'Keep Calm and Carry On' poster was designed months before WWII began, but was never officially sanctioned for display.  It only achieved its prominent position in the public imagination after its rediscovery in 2001.  All the parody t-shirts still annoy me though.   Theater was allowed to continue, but television service was suspended.  This brought radio back to the forefront for communication and diversion.  The most popular show was It's That Man Again, which ran on BBC radio from ‘39-'49.  It's humor was a great unifier during the war, helping people to laugh at the things they were scared of.  People would often listen huddled around their radio during a blackout.  In its character archetypes, it offered a more comprehensive range of social representation than what had come before it, with characters ranging from east end charwomen to the upper class.  It was so universally popular that supposedly its catch-phrases, which is regarded as the first to really succeed with, were used to test suspected German spies.  If you didn't know who said what, they'd be shot.      During the war, Britain fought back against the Nazi propagandists' ferocious scaremongering with things like a song about the fact that Hitler may or may not have only one testicle, the other of which we were storing in a London theatre for safe keeping.  This attitude, combined with having had enough authority to last them a while, would extend to their own government at the start of the 1960's when Peter Cook, Dudley Moore, Alan Bennett, and Jonathan Miller made fun of the prime minister in their stage show Beyond The Fringe, with the PM in the audience.  This would open the door for satirical news programs like 1962's That Was The Week That Was, grandfather to The Daily Show and The Colbert Report.  There was also The Frost Report, whose staff of writers included five names many of know well and you know we're going to get into more detail on - Chapman, Jones, Idle, Palin, and Cleese.   The war would remain subject to comedy, either as the primary setting or a recurring plot point for decades to come in shows like Dad's Army, Allo Allo, and even Are You Being Served?, one of my personal favorites.   If you've ever seen me at my customer service day jobs, I pattern my behavior on Mrs. Slocombe, though I don't reference my pussy as often. [clip]  Experiences in the war led to the prominence of absurdism/surrealism, because nothing could match what they men had been through.  One of the most famous example was The Goon Show, with Spike Milligan, Harry Secombe, and Peter Sellers.  The scripts mixed ludicrous plots with surreal humour, puns, catchphrases and an array of bizarre sound effects. Some of the later episodes feature electronic effects devised by the fledgling BBC Radiophonic Workshop, who also created the theme to Dr Who.  The Goon Show and other such programs were popular with those who were students at the time, seeding their sense of humor into the next generation.  Spike Milligan in particular had wide-reaching cultural influence.  The Goon Show was cited as a major influence by The Beatles, the American comedy team The Firesign Theatre, as well as, among many others, Monty Python.   PATREON   Do you remember how I said in episode #39, Short-Lived, Long Remembered that Jackie Gleason's Honeymooner's was the first TV sitcom?  I was mistaken and I don't mind issuing a correction.  Pinwright's Progress, which ran for ten episodes starting in 1946, was the first half-hour television sitcom, telling the tale of a beleaguered shop-owner, his hated rival and his unhelpful staff.  By 1955, ⅓ of British households had a TV.  That year saw the launch of ITV, I for independent, because it was *not run by BBC with its war vets with good-school educations, but by showmen and entertainers.  Where the BBC did comedies for and about the middle-class, ITV brought full-blooded variety to TV.  The BBC was forced to loosen its tie a bit to keep up.  ITV also had commercials, which BBC shows never did -a concept that is quite foreign to the American brain- so writers had to learn to pace their shows differently to allow for the break.  One stand-out was Hancock's Half-hour, which began on radio and moved to TV.  Fom 54-61, it pushed sitcoms with a focus on character development, rather than silly set-ups, musical interludes, and funny voices of radio plays.  Two writers on the show, Ray Galton and Alan Simpson, would leave to create Comedy Playhouse in 1961, ten half-hour plays.  One of these grew into the TV show Steptoe and Son (1962–74), about two rag and bone men, father and son, who live together in a squalid house in West London.  This was the basis for the American series Sanford and Son, as well as version in Sweden, Netherlands and Portugal.  For those not in the know, a rag and bone man collected salvageable rubbish from the streets, making it a bizarre name choice for a clothing company but oh well.    The tone and offerings changed considerably with the cultural revolution of the 1960's.  Rock music, the birth control pill, civil rights, everything was changing.  Round The Horne, which aired on BBC radio on Sunday afternoons was chock full of brazen innuendos and double-entendres.  Some of them were risque to the point of being ironically safe -- people who would have objected to them were not of the sensibility to catch the joke it the first place.  Their most remarkable characters were Julian and Sandy, two very obviously gay characters in a time when it was still illegal to be gay in Britain.  Julian and Sandy got away with the bawdiest of their jokes because they spoke Polari, a pidgin language made up a words from Romani, French, Italian, theater and circus slang and even words spelled backwards.  They might refer to someone's dirty dishes and the squares would have no idea that “dish” meant derriere.  Bonus fact: You probably use Polari words without even realizing it, if you describe a masculine person as “butch” or something kitchy as “camp,” even “drag” meaning clothes, particularly women's.    The Carry On Films, a franchise that put out nearly a movie a year for three decades and spun off a TV series, held up a cartoonish mirror to the depressed and repressed Britain of the 1950s and 1960s.  They blended the rapid-fire pace of music hall sketches with topicality and a liberating sense of directness.  Carry On also filled the gap left as music halls as an institution collapsed.   Monty Python's Flying Circus aired from 69-74 and enjoyed a unique watershed success not just for British comedy but also for television comedy around the world. Monty Python was unlike anything that had appeared on television, and in many ways it was both a symbol and a product of the social upheaval and youth-oriented counterculture of the late 1960s.  The show's humour could be simultaneously sarcastic, scatological, and intellectual.  The series was a creative collaboration between Graham Chapman, John Cleese, Eric Idle, Terry Jones, Michael Palin, and Terry Gilliam, the sole American in a group of Oxford and Cambridge graduates.  The five Brits played most of the roles, with Gilliam primarily contributing eccentric animations.  Although sketch comedy shows were nothing new, television had never broadcast anything as untraditional and surreal, and its importance to television is difficult to overstate.  Their free-form sketches seldom adhered to any particular theme and disregarded the conventions of comedy that writers, performers and audiences had been accustomed to for generations.  Even the opening title sequence didn't follow the rules; it might run in the middle of the show or be omitted entirely.  Over the run of the series, a *few characters recurred, but most were written solely for one sketch.  The show spun-off a number of feature films, like Monty Python and the Holy Grail (1975), Life of Brian (1979), and the Meaning of Life (1983) and even a Tony Award-winning musical comedy Spamalot, first produced in 2005, as well as books and albums like Instant Record Collection.  Decades after the show's initial run, the mere mention of some dead parrots, silly ways, Spam or the Spanish Inquisition is enough to prompt laughter from even casual fans.  All the members who continue on to successful careers, but let's follow John Cleese to his next best-known project.  I put my favorite sketch in Vodacast; see if you can guess it before you look.  And tell me yours, soc med.   Fawlty Towers has been described as the sitcom by which other sitcoms must be measured, voted number one in the BFI's 100 Greatest British Television Programmes in 2000. Its main character, Basil Fawlty, was inspired by a seethingly rude hotel proprietor John Cleese encountered while filming abroad with the Monty Python team.  Cleese actually tested the character on another show in 1971, Doctor At Large, a comedy about newly-graduated doctors, based on the books of Richard Gordon.  The setting for Fawlty Towers was a painfully ordinary hotel that Basil constantly struggling to inject a touch of class into.  His escapades included trying to hide a rat from a hygiene inspector, keeping a dead customer hidden, and pretending that his wife Sybil was ill during their anniversary party, when in fact she's walked out on him).  Basil was the perfect vehicle for Cleese's comic talents: mixing the biting verbal tirades against his wife and guests with the physical dexterity utilised to charge about between self-induced disasters.  Part of the success of the show is arguably the fact that it ran for a mere twelve episodes, so never ran out of steam.  It's been remade in other countries, but those version never really capture the success of the original.  That's one of the key differences between British and American TV series.  A British show might have 2 writers for a season of 6-10 episodes, whereas an American show will have a team of writers for a season of 13-25 episodes.  Quality over quantity, I suppose.  In part, this is a reflection of the difference between the size of the TV audience in the two countries, and the economics of television production; for decades sitcoms on US television that delivered the highest ratings, whereas; in Britain the highest ratings figures were normally for soap operas.   The tone shifted again as the 60's gave way to the 70's.  The anger of 60's revolution gave way to a more comfortable feeling in the 70's.  One of the stand-outs of the decade, which continued into the 80's, was The Two Ronnies.  A sketch show starring Ronnies Barker and Corbett, it moved away from the long-standing comic and straight-man format.  It was the BBC's flagship of light entertainment, the longest running show of its genre.  If we're talking modern comedy duos, we need to talk about Dawn French and Jennifer Saunders.  Even in alternative comedy scenes, women had trouble gaining the same notoriety as their male peers.  A step in the right direction was 1987's French and Saunders, a sketch show that displayed the wilful amateurishness of much alternative comedy, but shunned both the violence and scatology or the strident politics that were staples of the big-name performers.  The duo's humour was distinctively female, but not feminist, and most of their jokes were at the expense of themselves or each other.  As audiences and budgets grew, the pair increasingly favoured elaborate spoofs of pop stars and blockbuster movies.  After the show French starred in The Vicar of Dibley and Saunders to the role she's probably best known for, Edina in Absolutely Fabulous.   And that's where we run out of ideas, at least for today.  Don't be surprised if this topic spawns a sequel.  I left out Punch and Judy, skipped right over literature, had to forgo luminaries like Morecambe and Wise, didn't get to the panel show format, and said nothing of Stephen Fry and Hugh Laurie, which may actually be a crime, I'm not sure.  Well, it's like they say in the biz, always leave them wanting more.  Thanks for spending part of your day with em.     Sources: https://www.iwm.org.uk/history/truth-behind-keep-calm-and-carry-on https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2016/feb/17/the-five-stages-of-british-gags-silliness-repression-anger-innuendo-fear https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Goon_Show https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Norman_Wisdom https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hancock%27s_Half_Hour https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2008/apr/17/gender.filmnews https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Round_the_Horne http://www.screenonline.org.uk/film/id/1011109/index.html https://www.britannica.com/topic/Monty-Pythons-Flying-Circus https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Galton_and_Simpson http://www.bbc.co.uk/comedy/fawltytowers/ http://www.bbcamerica.com/anglophenia/2014/06/history-brits-better-satire https://www.britannica.com/art/music-hall-and-variety https://www.biography.com/people/charlie-chaplin-9244327 https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=1107&context=ghj https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U77CXPANrCc&list=PL9e1sByp65ixpMQlW9hpMMdomwSwGK9-Y

Lea Ypi grew up in one of the most isolated countries on earth, a place where communist ideals had officially replaced religion. Albania, the last Stalinist outpost in Europe, was almost impossible to visit, almost impossible to leave. It was a place of queuing and scarcity, of political executions and secret police. To Lea, it was home. People were equal, neighbours helped each other, and children were expected to build a better world. There was community and hope.Then, in December 1990, a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, everything changed. The statues of Stalin and Hoxha were toppled. Almost overnight, people could vote freely, wear what they liked and worship as they wished. There was no longer anything to fear from prying ears. But factories shut, jobs disappeared and thousands fled to Italy on crowded ships, only to be sent back. Predatory pyramid schemes eventually bankrupted the country, leading to violent conflict. As one generation's aspirations became another's disillusionment, and as her own family's secrets were revealed, Lea found herself questioning what freedom really meant.Free is an engrossing memoir of coming of age amid political upheaval. With acute insight and wit, Lea Ypi traces the limits of progress and the burden of the past, illuminating the spaces between ideals and reality, and the hopes and fears of people pulled up by the sweep of history.Buy the book and support the podcastUK buyers  https://amzn.to/2ZVgRx4US buyers https://amzn.to/3psOkr8Now time doesn't come free and I'm asking listeners to support my work recording these incredible stories via a small (or large)l donation. If you become a monthly supporter via Patreon, you will get the sought after CWC coaster as a thank you and bask in the warm glow of knowing you are helping to preserve Cold War history.Just go to https://coldwarconversations.com/donate/If you can't wait for next week's episode do visit our Facebook discussion group where guests and listeners continue the Cold War Conversation. Just search Cold War Conversations in Facebook. SchattenbergI am delighted to welcome Lea Ypi  to our Cold War conversation…There's further information here.  https://coldwarconversations.com/episode210/Thank you very much for listening. It is really appreciated – goodbye.Looking for a Xmas gift for the Cold War aficionado in your life? Do check out loads of gift ideas including our wide range of CW themed mugs at our store. More info here https://rdbl.co/3kv7lYk Have a look at our store and find the ideal gift for the Cold War enthusiast in your life? Just go to https://coldwarconversations.com/store/Support the show (https://www.patreon.com/coldwarpod)

Under 18- och 1900-talen växte nya nationer upp som svampar ur jorden, och många av dem försvann lika snabbt. Vart tog de vägen? Kristoffer Leandoer tar med oss till några av dem i denna essä. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna.Det händer att man ser prins Lekas långa och aningen vemodiga gestalt på Tiranas gator, en prins utan land, tronarvinge i ett kungarike som inte längre är ett kungarike och i praktiken inte varit det sedan år 1939, då Lekas farfar kung Zog I tog den albanska guldreserven och flydde undan italienarna till en bekväm men livslång exil.Under de oroliga åren efter kommunismens fall återvände prinsens far, vapenhandlaren Leka Zogu, till Albanien i hopp om att återinföra monarkin, men nedröstades med stor majoritet i en folkomröstning 1997. Såna planer när knappast sonen, den blide prins Leka. Han kan röra sig genom stan obesvärat till fots medan republikens officiella styresmän förflyttar sig till och från jobbet i skottsäkra bilar med blinkande blåljus. Det har sina poänger att vara statsöverhuvud i ett kungarike som inte längre finns i världen utanför historieböckerna.Länderna som inte finns är på många sätt roligare att tänka på än länderna som finns. Och då menar jag inte i första hand konstnärliga projekt som Elgaland-Vargaland, Ladonien eller Kjartanistan. Inte de fiktiva Tintinländerna Bordurien och Syldavien och inte heller Ursula LeGuins vackra centraleuropeiska skapelse Orsinien. Utan länder som faktiskt utropat sin självständighet i den här världen, hissat sina flaggor, tryckt sina frimärken bara för att nästan omgående hamna under hjulen på historiens triumfvagn. För vilken sorts historia kan vara intressantare än den som aldrig riktigt blev av, den som Hugh Trevor-Roper år 1981 skisserade i sin numera klassiska föreläsning History and Imagination: de missade avtagsvägarnas historia, de krossade drömmarnas och förlorade illusionernas; historien om hur det kunde ha blivit.Landet som jag bor är generöst i detta avseende. Trots att här bott människor som talat albanska sen urminnes tider har Albanien bara funnits som självständig stat sedan 1912, och har på den korta tiden invaderats och på andra sätt hotats till sin existens ett flertal gånger. Och trots att Albanien är mindre än Småland kan vi innanför landets nuvarande gränser hitta flera försvunna statsbildningar. Den brittiske historikern Norman Davies "Vanished Kingdoms. The History of Half-Forgotten Europe" är en 830 sidor tjock bjässe till bok, men inte ens i dess 35 sidor långa namnregister får de här länderna plats. Så försvunna är de. Vilket kanske är lika väl, för de vittnar inte bara om de egna invånarnas drömmar och förhoppningar, utan även om grannländernas hungriga blickar på en nyfödd nation.Den 28 november 1912 höjde Ismail Kemal den albanska flaggan från en balkong i kuststaden Vlora i södra Albanien och utropade landets suveränitet. Strax utanför Vlora ligger den karga ön Sazan, vars strategiska läge som lås i Adriatiska havet genom historien gjort den till åtråvärt byte för pirater och sjömakter, trots att ön saknar eget vatten. Under första världskriget ockuperades ön av italienarna, som byggde en ubåtsbas där år 1922, samtidigt som man nödtorftigt maskerade sin ockupation med egen frimärksutgivning som bevis på autonomi. Ur militär synpunkt förblev Sazan en attraktiv plats: under kalla kriget låg här en sovjetisk ubåtshamn, samt en fabrik för tillverkning av biologiska och kemiska vapen, fram till år 1961 när Enver Hoxha klippte förbindelsen med Sovjet. Därefter drevs anläggningen vidare med kinesisk hjälp. Då levde 1500 soldater på den ogästvänliga och numera helt obebodda ön. Kanske tänkte de på Odysseus, som enligt Homeros i sju års tid hölls fången på denna ö av den blint förälskade nymfen Kalypso.Söder om Vlora ligger den lilla kuststaden Himara med ungefär tretusen invånare. En strandpromenad, ett fiskeläge. En bit upp i bergen finns gamla Himara en befäst stad med gott om kyrkor, byggd utom räckhåll för pirater och andra fiender från havet. Numera vill de flesta bo på gångavstånd till vattnet, så trots den hänförande utsikten har husen uppe i den gamla staden fått förfalla och många är rena ruiner. En av dessa ruiner får jag särskilt utpekad för mig: I det här huset bodde kaptenen av Himara, här utropade han den fria republiken Himara!Jag vet ju att de till stor del grekiskspråkiga invånarna i Himara har ett eget politiskt parti, och att man sätter en ära i att tänka självständigt och fritt. Men det förefaller som ett stort och vådligt steg för en sömnig småstad, även under det kaos som rådde i glappet mellan balkankrig och världskrig, när den färska nationen Albanien ännu sökte former för sitt statsskick, att utropa sig till en autonom republik.Ändå skedde det. Kaptenen av Himara hette egentligen Spyros Spyromilios och var en grekisk militär, frihetskämpe och orosande. Under namnet Kapten Bouas ledde han en friskara på trettiofem man i den makedonska frihetskampen. Överallt där det bråkas på Balkan dyker han upp, inblandad i statskupper, skärmytslingar och krig. Under balkankrigen slåss han med albansk gerilla och besätter sin födelsestad Himara för grekisk räkning. På direkt order från Aten att evakuera vägrar han och utropar i stället den 9 februari 1914 den fria republiken Himara, vars oavhängighet varar i knappt tre veckor. Den 28 februari, i Gjirokaster längre inåt landet, utropas nämligen den Autonoma republiken Norra Epirus, där Himara bara ingår som en del. Denna något större stat hinner erkännas av stormakterna, få president och egen flagga: en svart dubbelhövdad örn som breder ut sina vingar mot ett vitt kors på blå botten, mycket stiligt. Denna flagga får vaja över Norra Epirus i knappt 8 månader, fram till den 27 oktober 1914, när grekiska armén invaderar hela området och upplöser regeringen. Men då har första världskriget brutit ut och Europakartan kommer ändå inte att se likadan ut efteråt.Ännu längre inåt landet, nära gränsen till nuvarande Nordmakedonien, ligger Korça, med sina 75 000 invånare Albaniens åttonde största stad. Under första världskriget befriades Korça från bulgarisk ockupation av franska styrkor, och de fyra år fransmännen var kvar satte så djupa spår att Korça än idag kallas Lilla Paris. Staden hade också ingått i Autonoma republiken Norra Epirus, men under fransmännens beskydd vaknade andra drömmar till liv, och i december 1916 utropade Themistokli Gërmenji den Autonoma albanska republiken Korça, också försedd med egen flagga, en kombination av trikoloren och den albanska flaggan. Korçarepubliken varade fram till 15 juni 1920, när fransmännen drog sig tillbaka: utan dem i ryggen hade man inte en chans att bevara självständigheten. Men på tre och ett halvt år sattes viktigare avtryck än flaggor och frimärken. Korça är fortfarande en stad som värnar om utbildning, konst och kulturliv. Den första albanskspråkiga skolan grundades i Korçarepubliken ett viktigt steg på vägen mot genuint oberoende. Här startades också det franskspråkiga lyceum där Albaniens blivande diktator Enver Hoxha inte bara själv gick, utan även senare hade tjänst som fransklärare.Under en kort period av oro och stora drömmar i början av förra seklet var ingen plats i Albanien för liten för att hissa egen flagga och trycka egna frimärken. Idag drömmer man snarare om välstånd, resor och EU-medlemskap vare sig man är prins eller pizzabagare så är det vidare gränser man vill ha, inte snävare.Kristoffer Leandoer

The stories we've told you so far have been of patriots and ordinary citizens who fell foul of Albania's brutal communist regime. But for this episode of the memory files, we wanted to give you a slightly different perspective. Koco Theodosi was an elite member of the communist party and a politburo member. He held many high-ranking positions, including that of deputy prime minister. He and his family lived in Blloku, an area of ​​the city shut off from the rest of the country. This small section of the town was heavily guarded and was home to the party elite, their families, and dictator Enver Hoxha. Here the rules were somewhat more relaxed. While the rest of the country starved and struggled, those in Blloku lived a life of relative luxury. They ate well, could dress in more western fashions, and enjoyed a level of freedom their fellow countrymen could not. But even in this enclave of privilege, people were not entirely safe. They lived with the threat of falling out of favor hanging over them at all times. As Enver Hoxha became more paranoid and desperate to cling to power, even those closest to him suffered. He regularly purged high ranking officials, even his close friends and confidants. They were rounded up, charged with frivolous crimes, and either imprisoned or executed. Some, like Mehmet Shehu, committed suicide in suspicious circumstances. Today, Blloku is the vibrant heart of the city. It is home to bars, clubs, high-end shops, restaurants, and various other businesses that Hoxha would not have approved of. It's almost like after the fall of communism, the people claimed back this enclave of privilege and made it theirs, a show of defiance against their oppressor.

Lea Ypi grew up in one of the most isolated countries on earth. Albania was Europe's last outpost of communism; nearly impossible to visit, and even more difficult to leave. It was a place of queuing and scarcity, and of political executions and secret police.... But to Lea it was home. Her new book Free: Coming of Age at the End of History is a memoir about growing up in the last days of the last Stalinist outpost. She uncovers the trauma of discovering the truth about her family, her country, and her two favourite uncles; Albanian leader Enver Hoxha and Joseph Stalin. Susie speaks with Lea Ypi, who is now a professor in political theory at the London School of Economics and an adjunct associate professor in philosophy at the Australian National University.

Apoya el canal con nuestro PATREON: https://www.patreon.com/geopolinomics :00 Introducción 00:37 Noticias geopolíticas de la semana 10:28 Los papeles de Abbotabad 31:24 Golpe de Estado en Sudán 44:17 Guerra por los semiconductores 1:01:57 Enver Hoxha es nuestro Sátrapa de la semana 1:12:12 Recomendación bibliográfica: CHINA, RUSSIA and 21st century global geopolitics, Paul J. Bolt y Sharyl N. Cross. Enlace afiliado: https://amzn.to/3pUYXVE 1:25:40 Preguntas de los espectadores

David talks with Lea Ypi about her astonishing new memoir Free: Coming of Age at the End of History, which tells the story of her childhood in Stalinist Albania and what came after. It's a tale of family secrets, political oppression and the promise of liberation - and a profound meditation on what it really means to be free. From Marxism to liberalism and back again, this is a conversation that brings political ideas to life. Lea Ypi is Professor of Political Theory at the LSE and Free has been shortlisted for the Baillie Gifford PrizeTalking Points: Albania was a socialist country that went through various alliances.By the time that Lea was born, it was largely isolated.The dominant narrative was that Albania was a country surrounded by empires, which stood on the moral high-ground.In other words, it was socialist and anti-imperialist but also fiercely nationalist. For Albania, the key year was not 1989 but 1990.Initially, dissidents were described as ‘hooligans.'In December 1990, protesters requested political pluralism.How do we conceptualize freedom? People in Western countries often relate to non-liberal societies by conceptualizing themselves as liberators.What does freedom mean in a limit-case like Albania? There is a risk of paternalism in the dominant liberal conceptions of freedom. There are always margins of dissidence.What does it feel like to suddenly gain freedom in the liberal sense? How does this affect relations between generations?For Lea, freedom is about being the author of your own fate, even when it seems overdetermined.Studying political ideas can make one a nihilist, or you can choose to believe that there is something about humans that is inherently moral.In other words, freedom is moral agency.Mentioned in this Episode: Lea's new book, FreeLea on political legitimacy in Marxist perspectiveBook tickets for our upcoming event with Hilary MantelFurther Learning: Lea in the Guardian on growing up in Europe's last communist stateMore on Albania after the fall of communism from the FTMore on Enver HoxhaMore on the Albanian-Soviet splitLea talks to David and Helen about states of emergencyTP History of Ideas on Fukuyama and the ‘End of History'  See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/talkingpolitics.

Una breve introduzione sulla storia più recente dell'Albania, a partire dall'indipendenza dall'Impero Ottomano fino alla caduta del regime socialista di Enver Hoxha alla fine degli anni Ottanta. ---Un ringraziamento speciale all'aiuto di Paolo Arigotti, laureato in Storia Contemporanea, per l'ottimizzazione delle fonti, lo script e il fact checking. Per altre info su Paolo: Facebook.com/paoloarigottiIstagram paolo_arigotti_writerYoutube https://bit.ly/3adusljFonti utilizzate per questo episodio:Antonello Biagini, Storia dell'Albania contemporanea, Bompiani, 2005;https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WUGn8AvJlMc;https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4wAFZIqinNk;https://www.limesonline.com/uno-spettro-non-si-aggira-per-i-balcani-cose-oggi-la-grande-albania/107865?prv=true;https://www.limesonline.com/cartaceo/tra-italia-e-turchia-lalbania-sceglie-lamerica;https://www.limesonline.com/notizie-mondo-oggi-5-maggio-accordo-ue-cina-stop-defender-europe-albania-marocco-biden-sahara-occidentale/123371;https://www.limesonline.com/intervista-sindaco-tirana-veliaj-albania-ue-usa-italia/114055?prv=true;https://www.limesonline.com/cartaceo/che-cosa-significa-essere-albanese-2.------Un grazie a Sebastiano Benatti in arte Jouzu Music, per la realizzazione della colonna sonora della sigla: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/jouzumusic/ email: jouzumusic@gmail.comUn grazie a Luca Orlando, in arte Shudew, per la realizzazione dello speakeraggio della sigla: Spotify: bit.ly/SpotyShudewInstagram: bit.ly/InstaShudew

"Müstilise Venemaa" 941. saates räägime, milliseks kujunesid NSV Liidu ja Albaania suhted pärast Stalini surma, milliste tulemustega lõppesid Albaania kompartei juhi Enver Hoxha visiidid Moskvasse ning missugust rolli nägi Hruštšov Albaaniale sotsialistlike riikide tööjaotuses.

"Müstilise Venemaa" 941. saates räägime, milliseks kujunesid NSV Liidu ja Albaania suhted pärast Stalini surma, milliste tulemustega lõppesid Albaania kompartei juhi Enver Hoxha visiidid Moskvasse ning missugust rolli nägi Hruštšov Albaaniale sotsialistlike riikide tööjaotuses.

For 50 years, Albanian people languished in poverty and persecution. Communists revoked their human rights, and only the elite, such as members of the party, existed in comfort. Over the years, thousands of people were executed and murdered. Thousands more lost their lives in horrific conditions in prison and labor camps throughout the country. Today, the remains of between 6000 and 7000 people are still missing. One of the most horrifying parts of this situation is that there is no memorial for them, and prosecutors have stonewalled efforts to recover their bodies. Yet, in the center of Tirana, just off the main boulevard, the remains of statues paying tribute to Enver Hoxha, Stalin and Lenin remain. The iron fist of Hoxha grasped the entire country from north to south, east to west. It knew no mercy, and even those in far-flung rural areas could not escape his tyranny. For the second episode of the Memory Files, we traveled to Voskop in the Municipality of Korce, some 185 kilometers from the dictator's seat of power. This story demonstrates that even a deep and unbridled love for your country was not enough to escape the wrath of communist terror. Project Funded by the Konrad Adenaur Foundation F

In the 1991, the nation of Albania was liberated from 50 years of hard-line Communism led by Enver Hoxha. Even by Soviet and Eastern European standards, the system of Communism imposed on Albania in 1944 was cruel and rigid. From 1944 until 1991, Albania was, in many ways, completely closed off from the rest of the world. When Communism fell, the country opened up to market reforms. Unfortunately, this also led to a proliferation of criminal gangs who took advantage of the confusion to set up "investment funds" that were nothing more than Pyramid or Ponzi schemes. Thousands of people lost money in these schemes which led to the collapse of the government and a brief civil war. We explore in this episode how pyramid schemes led to the collapse of an entire government. Introduction and exit music: Dark Hallway (clean) Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com). Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 3.0 License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/gene-tausk/message

For almost 50 years, Albania was in the grips of a brutal communist regime, led by dictator Enver Hoxha. During that time, tens of thousands of Albanian men, women, and children were persecuted, imprisoned, and murdered. Many more died because of horrific conditions in prison and labor camps throughout the country. Today, 30 years later, there are still over 6000 people still missing. There are no memorials, no justice, and many families do not know where their loved ones remains are. The Memory Files will take a snapshot of 12 of these stories. Over the next year, we will go beyond the statistics and take a look at who these people were, what their lives were like, what went so wrong, and how their families have tried to cope with the tragedy of their loss. Our first story begins with the story of Nazmi Uruci. With thanks to the Daci and Uruci family, in loving memory of Nazmi Uruci, 1904-1944. This article was created with financial support from Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung.

Tomorr Kokona has had an extraordinary. Plucked from his class in communist Albania, he trained as a gymnast and professional dancer, specializing in ballet and Albanian folk dancing. But his journey to the stage wasn't smooth and involved an angry letter, an AK47, and a life-changing trip to Spain. He now lives in the UK and runs several successful businesses. In an interview with Alice Taylor, he talks about his life story and the importance of always having a plan.

Bis 1991 unterdrückte die Hoxha-Diktatur Menschen in Albanien. Viele politisch Verfolgte warten bis heute auf Entschädigung und Respekt. Auch 30 Jahre nach dem Zusammenbruch des kommunistischen Regimes von Enver Hoxha sind die gesellschaftlichen Gräben in Albanien tief. Die Vergangenheit ist keineswegs aufgearbeitet. Etwa 100 000 Menschen waren in Gefängnissen und Lagern der Willkür der kommunistischen Diktatur ausgesetzt. Drohende Exekution, Folter, willkürliche Haftverlängerungen und Zwangsarbeit waren Alltag. Rund 20 000 Familien von Angehörigen wurden enteignet, verbannt und interniert. Geraubtes Eigentum hat bisher niemand zurückbekommen. Verbände ehemals politisch Verfolgter haben mühsam Entschädigungen und das Recht auf Akteneinsicht erkämpft. Entschädigungen werden nur in Raten ausbezahlt. Viele haben noch nichts erhalten. Auch in den Schulen findet keine Aufarbeitung der Hoxhazeit statt. In Schulbüchern wird das Thema nur auf wenigen Seiten behandelt. Viele kommunistische Eliten glitten von der Diktatur in die Demokratie. Täter von damals, sowie ihre Töchter und Söhne, sitzen heute in Universitäten, dem Parlament und haben hohe Posten in der der Justiz. Politisch Verfolgte werden angefeindet und ihre Anliegen nach finanzieller Unterstützung im Alltag, mehr Respekt und Anerkennung, unterdrückt.

In this episode, critic K. Austin Collins joins hosts Catherine Nichols and Isaac Butler to discuss Albanian author Ismail Kadare's 1971 novel The General of the Dead Army. In this novel, an Italian general comes to Albania 20 years after World War II to find the bodies of Italian soldiers who died there and return them to their families, and ends up in a small village looking for the remains of a particular army captain with a particularly brutal reputation. Working as a writer in the Stalinist Albania of Enver Hoxha, Ismail Kadare became an international literary figure and a preeminent commenter on totalitarianism. His nominating juror for the Neustadt Prize wrote: "No one since Kafka has delved into the infernal mechanism of totalitarian power and its impact on the human soul in as much hypnotic depth as Kadare." K Austin Collins is a film critic for Rolling Stone and a programmer for the New York Film Festival. He was formerly film critic for The Ringer, and has also written for the Los Angeles Review of Books, Reverse Shot, and the Brooklyn Rail. He writes crosswords for The New Yorker, The New York Times and the American Values Crossword Club. He lives in Brooklyn. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Con Sagrario Fernández-Prieto. Cómo alimentar a un dictador Sadam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro y Pol Pot. A través de los ojos de sus cocineros Autor: Witold Szablowski. Editorial: Oberon. 250 págs. Un libro muy interesante que recorre la vida y los respectivos gobiernos de cinco terribles dictadores. Para conocerlos nada mejor que acercarse a las personas que cocinaron para ellos, conocían sus gustos y les trataban a diario. LLeno de sorpresas, interesante información sobre los dictadores, sus países y la política internacional, ofrece además una buena cantidad de exóticas recetas de cocina y la descripción de la curiosa relación que se establece entre los dictadores y sus cocineros. Un libro interesantísimo que no defrauda a los lectores. Vamos a buscar un tesoro Autor: Janosh. Editorial: Kalandraka. Casi nunca las cosas son como uno piensa. O mejor dicho, casi siempre son justo al revés, les dijo el búho anciano a pequeño oso y a pequeño tigre cuando se empeñaron en conseguir lo mejor del mundo. Se cansaron de hacer agujeros en la tierra y de buscar incluso bajo el agua, aunque allí solo encontraron algas, peces y basura. Y cuando por fin habían obtenido el dinero que querían para satisfacer todos sus caprichos, volvieron a quedarse sin nada. Engañados y robados, volvieron a casa; hasta entonces habían vivido muchas aventuras, se habían peleado entre ellos, y no solo habían conocido al búho anciano, sino también al topo feliz, al pez del río, al león de los pantalones azules, a la gallina loca y al burro viajero. Un libro delicioso, como todos los de Janosh, un clásico de la literatura infantil que no debe faltar en ningún hogar con niños. Para padres y primeros lectores.

Radio Kamrat är Rebecca Weidmo Uvells poddserie för upplysning om kommunism. I det här avsnittet får ni en inblick i det lilla fattiga landet på andra sidan Adriatiska havet - Albanien. Och lära känna The Iron Fist of Albania som höll landet i ett järngrepp i 40 år.    Ljud: Janne Jansson Beatbox

Dopo la prima “puntata dantesca”, che qualche settimana fa ha visto protagonista il critico d’arte Achille Bonito Oliva, oggi vi presentiamo la conferenza dell’intellettuale e dissidente albanese Fatos Lubonja. Imprigionato nel 1974 dal regime di Enver Hoxha, Lubonja rimarrà in carcere per 17 anni, fino alla sua liberazione nel 1991, dopo la caduta del regime. In questo incontro, Fatos Lubonja raccontò al pubblico del Festival come la scoperta di Dante, attraverso una copia di fortuna dell’Inferno ricopiata a mano da altri prigionieri, lo aiutò a capire e ripensare la sua stessa esperienza carceraria.

To understand Albania's history it is imperative to visit t​he ​giant bunker built to protect Enver Hoxha and his inner circle in the event of an atomic attack, the museum and contemporary art space Bunk Art museum. The bunker was built between 1981 and 1986 as a shelter for top interior ministry officials and was big enough to easily hold hundreds of people. Now The museum and art space reflect the city initiative to use culture to celebrate the birth of a new era, whilst remembering its intense past.​ ​The​ underground long and reverberating dark corridors are ​accessed along a creepy 200-metre tunnel that blasts out eerie soundscapes, almost ​resembling a dark movie. A lonely walk through the ​subterranean labyrinth ​tunnels makes you ​descend into ​a musty five-storey bunker that feels like it was abandoned the day before. It intends to ​unearth the memory of tens of thousands of people who were imprisoned and executed by the communist regime as an acoustic experience of intrinsic value.​ ​An excellent re-imagining of a Communist-era nuclear bunker scenario through sound installations that can inspire the work of a sound designer like myself. So whether you're spending a day or a week in this city, now you have a glimpse of the best places to go and be immersed by the multitude of surrounding sounds that Tirana has to offer. Recorded by Rafael Diogo as a city sound guide for Cities and Memory - see more at https://citiesandmemory.com/city-sound-guides 

Many wouldn't think that Albania would become a great tourist destination one day and that these bunkers would have played a role in that. The major question that pops into our heads is why there are so many bunkers everywhere? Well, it was due to national propaganda perpetrated by the communist regime. Fearing invasion during the Cold War, Albania’s leader Enver Hoxha forced his country to build tens of thousands of bunkers. Long after the regime’s collapse, many still remain and are now overgrown and left alone in the landscapes of Albania, lined like unearthly statues in deserted environments. There are plenty of intriguing bunkers to visit around the city and this soundscape reflects just one of these abandoned lonely hulks standing throughout all weather conditions eroding grain by grain. If you listen to this haunting recording while looking at the photograph you can feel what the photograph cannot: a living presence across a duration of time. Recorded by Rafael Diogo as a city sound guide for Cities and Memory - see more at https://citiesandmemory.com/city-sound-guides 

The second in a two-part series, Exit News journalist Alice Taylor speaks to Albanian writer, journalist, and dissident Fatos Lubonja about his past and the history of Albania. In this episode, they discuss whether Albania would have been communist if Enver Hoxha had not existed, why the Communist Party succeeded as opposed to other political actors, and why Albanians seem to gravitate towards strongmen leaders.

Enver Hoxha by Radio Victoria

Përshëndetje from Albania! After my incredible journey aboard Nomad Cruise, it was time to get back to reality. Sadly, I was unable to join my fellow nomads in Santorini for a post-cruise reunion as I had already booked my trip to the Balkans, but I promised myself I would hang around after my next Nomad Cruise - yes, I was sure there was going to be a next one. So, after a sad ‘nomad goodbye' in Athens, I hopped on a flight headed to a country that had previously never featured high on my bucket list (but turned out to be one of my favourite places I visited that year) - Albania.   ADAM THE ALBANIAN As a delightfully handsome and modest vagabond, I sometimes get friend requests from people I don't know. A month before my trip to Albania I got one from a guy called Adam. I almost declined but then I saw that we had a mutual friend (an extreme traveller from Denmark whom I respect) so I decided to accept his friend request. This turned out to be a really great decision as Adam works in the tourism space in Albania and he agreed to show me around after I said I was on my way to his neck of the woods. Adam is the General Director for Albania Express, a travel agency and Balkan tour operator with great experience in arranging accommodation, transport, and group and individual tours with experienced guides in different languages. They also organise events and meetups, treks, hikes and walking tours, as well as holidays to Albania and its neighbouring countries: Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, and Slovenia. I landed in the Albanian capital of Tirana, where Adam had offered to pick me up. Unfortunately, Adam had some important tourism work to attend to but had arranged for his good friend to welcome me to the city. I was taken to my hotel and the next day Adam and I met for a coffee. But before I tell you about my chat with Adam, here are some facts about where I am:   QUICK FACTS ABOUT ALBANIA Hoxha's official title was ‘Comrade-Chairman-Prime Minister-Foreign Minister-Minister of War-Commander in Chief of the People's Army' – quite a mouthful! Under the leadership of Enver Hoxha, Albania was declared the world's first atheist state in 1967. Tirana, the capital of Albania is one of the few European capital cities to not have a McDonalds. However, it does have a chain named Kolonat whose logo looks suspiciously familiar! The official name for Albania is "Republika e Shqiperise" meaning the Republic of Albania. Between 1950 to 1985 around 150,000 bunkers were built in Albania, they are nearly impossible to destroy so many are still in existence. Nodding your head in Albania is a disagreement while shaking the head means "yes", so it can get pretty confusing for tourists! At its closest point, Albania is only 10km away from Corfu across the Ionian Sea. Albania is bordered by Montenegro to the north, Kosovo to the northeast, Macedonia to the east and Greece to the southeast.   ALBANIA OF THE PAST Let's be honest: for most Westerners that want to go on holiday in the southern part of Europe, Albania is definitely not on the top of the list. But maybe it should be, and maybe it will be in the future. According to Adam, the country is changing. “Albania was a Communist country for 50 years, with nobody allowed in or out during that period. We had our first democratic election only in 1992. The transition of power was a turbulent time for Albania and poverty was rife. We had never heard of a ‘free world' before, we didn't even know that Coca-Cola existed. The country was like a big jail.” says Adam. “But now Albania has grown up economically. We have slowly emerged into the rest of the world and we are a beautiful country - we are in the heart of Europe and our land is full of raw natural beauty. And our cultural sense of hospitality is unmatched!” he says. Imagine growing up in a dictatorship in a country that was totally closed to the outside world. And then after 40 years of Communism and isolation, as well as the revolutions of 1989 and the fall of the Soviet Union, people here in Albania (mostly students) started to become politically active and campaigned against the government. That led to the first multi-party elections in the early '90s and the victory in the general elections of 1992 led by the Democratic Party. And then freedom, choices, and open borders. It was so different and not easy. So now the system has changed and the country enjoys a democracy. But it was so different during the dictatorship. What they did to keep people in check is horrific. Adam tells me a story of what happened to his neighbour. A friend of his went to a bakery and complained about the stale bread they were selling. Someone in the bakery overheard him and reported him to the authorities and he got a 10-year jail sentence for this.   ALBANIA OF TODAY I don't know exactly what I was expecting from Albania. But it's definitely much more modern than I pictured. Tirana is a vibrant city with lots of shops, restaurants and cafes. We passed one of the Kolonos restaurants (the McDonald's copycat). It isn't very popular here with only 1 person inside! The cars are better and bigger than I expected. I notice a lot of Mercedes Benzes. Actually, Adam called them the national car of Albania. It's kind of ironic that one of Europe's poorest countries has more Mercedes Benzes than anywhere else I've seen. Adam tells me that the reason for this is because Albanians think that they are the only cars that handle the poor quality roads of the country. Adam and I take a walk through the city. The architecture is also fairly modern even though you can see the Russian and Chinese Communist influence in some of the buildings. As we're about to walk over a bridge, Adam points out the funniest official sign I've seen in a long time. If you publicly urinate in the river, the sign says you will be recorded and the video will be uploaded to YouTube to shame you! Hilarious. And then we got to another iconic building in Tirana - a large pyramid that was designed by the dictator's daughter who was a talented architect. The pyramid was used as a mausoleum for the dictator when he died in 1985. Adam tells me about the corruption problem in Albania which is unfortunately widespread. The economy is also not doing so well due to various scandals which involve high-ranking members of parliament.   THE MORE YOU KNOW The more I travel the more I learn. I often joke that living as a nomad makes me a better Trivial Pursuit player. For instance, I know where Mother Teresa was born from my visit to Skopje in North Macedonia. So, I was a bit surprised when we came to a square and Adam tells me that the square is called Mother Teresa Square and that Mother Teresa was, in fact, Albanian. At the time, Skopje in North Macedonia was still part of Albania and so according to Adam and most Albanians, Mother Teresa was Albanian. Like any serious academic, I consulted Wikipedia and it says she was born in Skopje (now the capital of North Macedonia), then part of the Ottoman Empire. Her father was from what is now Albania and her mother was from what is now Kosovo. Yes, it can be confusing with borders and names of countries changing.   OLD BAZAAR AND FISH MARKET After walking through the city for a few hours, Adam took me to the old bazaar and fish market. It's very unique in that this is the only place where there are a lot of historical buildings left. During the Communist era, they destroyed everything old and built new infrastructure instead. Such a pity that the country's history was eradicated. And this was the last stop of many on my day with my new Albanian friend, Adam. We sat down and had a nice dinner and a few glasses of wine. I'm so grateful to Adam for spending all this time showing me around his city. He is such a nice man and a great representative of his country. But I would see him the next day too, and he told me he had some special plans for me. Stay tuned for the next episode to find out… My name is Palle Bo, and I gotta keep moving.   I WANT TO HEAR FROM YOU! I really would like to hear from you. Where are you and what are you doing as you listen to this episode? You can either send me an email on listener@theradiovagabond.com or go to my website TheRadioVagabond.com. Or send me a voicemail on WhatsApp and I can play it on the next episode. My WhatsApp number is +4540105105. Either way, I would love to hear from you. It's so nice to know who's on the other end of this…   SPONSOR A special thank you to my sponsor, Hotels25.com, who always provide me with the best, most affordable accommodation wherever I am in the world.

Nesse episódio, temos discussão e reflexão sobre texto Mao Tse-tung e Enver Hoxha e a Luta sobre duas Frentes de Ludo Martens. Musica de inicial: Korea Will Defend Itself From the United States We Will Follow You Only 우리는 당신밖에 모른다. Falas: @nathuzka, @pedro_fernandex, Severino (@opragaruim) e Willian. Edição:@Sousaa977. Icon: Ian @camarada_dolin. Renderização:Hermeto. Instagram.com/gepedropomar. facebook.com/gepedropomar. twitter.com/gepedropomar. Compartilhem!

In which our heroes are joined by guest Alice Vaughn (@RationalBlonde) from Two Girls One Mic (@TGOMPodcast). Graham hosts another poorly thought-out quiz, Chris teaches us about his favourite dictator Enver Hoxha, Adam unbuttons his shirt and Dan is told to give up. Alice’s dictator colouring (coloring) books, crayons and facemasks are available for purchase … Continue reading Episode 198 – Artisinal Dictators → The post Episode 198 – Artisinal Dictators appeared first on Two Star Podcast.

Albania emerged from one-party rule under Enver Hoxha as the poorest and most backward Eastern European state. Hoxha bequeathed Albanians 700,000 concrete pillbox forts and a complete lack of familiarity with even the basics of a cash economy. Inexperienced in the ways of capitalism, Albanians didn't realize 100% monthly interest on a bank deposit is a red flag. So in 1996 the entire country fell into a mania for investments that turned out to be pyramid schemes. When I say the whole country I mean 2/3 of the GDP of Albania. 95%+ of all adults invested everything, then sold their homes and farms to invest more. Minicasts are short stories for fans of quick, to-the-point podcasts and as a nice change of pace from the longer full episodes of Mass for Shut-ins. I value your support on Patreon.

What do dictators have in common? Apparently, however bloody their regime, in the end they just want to eat food that reminds them of their mothers. Award-winning Polish journalist Witold Szablowski went to meet the chefs who cooked for some of the world’s worst tyrants. He tells Georgina Godwin all about his book ‘How To Feed A Dictator: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks’.

Author: Witold Szablowski Book: HOW TO FEED A DICTATOR: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks Publishing: Penguin Books (April 28, 2020) Synopsis (from the Publisher): “Amazing stories . . . Intimate portraits of how [these five ruthless leaders] were at home and at the […] The post WITOLD SZABLOWSKI – HOW TO FEED A DICTATOR: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks appeared first on KSCJ 1360.

If you’re a despot, there are two people you can’t lie to, your doctor and your chef. This is one of the nuggets explained to me by Witold Szabłowski, author of How to Feed a Dictator: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks (Penguin, 2020), translated from the Polish by Antonia Lloyd-Jones. The author, a tireless journalist, used his skills at getting people to talk and his knowledge of cooking to convince those who served some of the 20th century's most infamous tyrants to open up about the men who employed them, what they ate, and what food can tell you about power. An enlightening, terrifying and deliciously informative read. Since I co-authored a book about Donald Trump, we had some things to discuss about cheeseburgers and fries as well. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

If you’re a despot, there are two people you can’t lie to, your doctor and your chef. This is one of the nuggets explained to me by Witold Szabłowski, author of How to Feed a Dictator: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks (Penguin, 2020), translated from the Polish by Antonia Lloyd-Jones. The author, a tireless journalist, used his skills at getting people to talk and his knowledge of cooking to convince those who served some of the 20th century's most infamous tyrants to open up about the men who employed them, what they ate, and what food can tell you about power. An enlightening, terrifying and deliciously informative read. Since I co-authored a book about Donald Trump, we had some things to discuss about cheeseburgers and fries as well. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

If you're a despot, there are two people you can't lie to, your doctor and your chef. This is one of the nuggets explained to me by Witold Szabłowski, author of How to Feed a Dictator: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks (Penguin, 2020), translated from the Polish by Antonia Lloyd-Jones. The author, a tireless journalist, used his skills at getting people to talk and his knowledge of cooking to convince those who served some of the 20th century's most infamous tyrants to open up about the men who employed them, what they ate, and what food can tell you about power. An enlightening, terrifying and deliciously informative read. Since I co-authored a book about Donald Trump, we had some things to discuss about cheeseburgers and fries as well. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

If you’re a despot, there are two people you can’t lie to, your doctor and your chef. This is one of the nuggets explained to me by Witold Szabłowski, author of How to Feed a Dictator: Saddam Hussein, Idi Amin, Enver Hoxha, Fidel Castro, and Pol Pot Through the Eyes of Their Cooks (Penguin, 2020), translated from the Polish by Antonia Lloyd-Jones. The author, a tireless journalist, used his skills at getting people to talk and his knowledge of cooking to convince those who served some of the 20th century's most infamous tyrants to open up about the men who employed them, what they ate, and what food can tell you about power. An enlightening, terrifying and deliciously informative read. Since I co-authored a book about Donald Trump, we had some things to discuss about cheeseburgers and fries as well. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Pictured: Katherine Johnson Matthew Bannister on Nexhmije Hoxha, the wife of the Albanian dictator Enver Hoxha. The couple ran a repressive Stalinist regime and she was known in the West as the Lady Macbeth of Albania. Katherine Johnson, the best known of a small group of African American mathematicians who carried out crucial calculations for the American space programme. Their story was told in the 2017 film "Hidden Figures". Sir Michael Berridge, whose pioneering research into the saliva of blowflies revealed the process of cell signalling, with major implications for humans. And Diana Serra Cary, who, under the screen name "Baby Peggy" Montgomery, was a celebrated child star of silent cinema. Interviewed guest: Professor James Pettifer Interviewed guest: Albana Kasapi Interviewed guest: Dr Martin Bootman Interviewed guest: Tom Lamont Interviewed guest: Pamela Hutchinson Producer: Neil George Archive clips from: Invasion Of Albania 1939, British Pathé 13/04/2014; Bugajksi Hour, Rezart Taci 23/03/2012; The World Tonight, Radio 4 11/04/1985; Newsnight, BBC Two 11/04/1985; President Obama Awards the Presidential Medal of Freedom, The Obama White House 24/11/2015; Hidden Figures, directed by Theodore Melfi, Fox 2000 Pictures/Chernin Entertainment/Levantine Films/TSG Entertainment 2016; Katherine Johnson: Math Interest, visionaryproject 08/03/2010; 5 Live Breakfast, Radio 5 Live 25/02/2020; What Matters - Katherine Johnson: NASA Pioneer and "Computer", WHRO Public Media 25/02/2011; John Glenn's Historic Space Flight 1962, CNN 08/12/2016; Lewis Wolpert Conversations, Radio 3 01/04/1993; Front Row, Radio 4 18/01/2006; Summer of Silents, Oscars 21/03/2014.

Attraverso il mito dell'eroe del mitologo Joseph Campbell andremo a scoprire due vite straordinarie. Quella di Annemarie Schwarzenbach, viaggiatrice e nomade in fuga da se stessa, e una delle poche donne ad aver viaggiato da sola in Afghanistan e quella di Musine Kokalari, prima, grande scrittrice e poetessa albanese del Novecento, che per le sue idee fu condannata, nel 1946, dal regime comunista di Enver Hoxha, al carcere e all'isolamento forzato fino alla morte, avvenuta nel 1983. In questa puntata il loro viaggio diventa il nostro.

For almost 50 years, Albania was so hermetically sealed under the Communist dictatorship of Enver Hoxha that it was named the “little North Korea” of Europe. Between 1945 and 1991, at least 6,000 people are believed to have been executed and nearly 100,000 Albanians were interned in Gulag-style labour camps. Today, nearly 30 years on, Albania and its capital Tirana are gradually emerging from their isolation, but victims of the dictatorship are still demanding justice. FRANCE 24’s Juliette Lacharnay and Cécile Khindria report.

Pendant près de cinquante ans, l'Albanie a évolué en complète autarcie sous le joug du dictateur Enver Hoxha. Le pays avait même été surnommé "la petite Corée du Nord" de l'Europe. Entre 1945 et 1991, au moins 6 000 personnes ont été exécutées et près de 100 000 Albanais ont été internés dans des camps. Aujourd'hui, Tirana sort peu à peu de son isolement, mais les victimes réclament toujours justice. Nos reporters s'y sont rendues.

In this episode I chat with Michael Jones from Inspiring Philosophy about his recent debate with atheist Aron Ra on the question, "Is Christianity Dangerous?" Enjoy the show!!! -------- Here are some excerpts from peer reviewed articles on the role of Atheism in Albania and the former Soviet Union:   From the article, “Violations of Freedom of Religion in Albania” by Barbara Frey, OPREE, vol IX, no. 6. 1989.   “Belying the Constitution, however, anti-religious activity commenced almost immediately after the new government was formed. In August 1945, the government passed an agrarian reform law which deprived religious institutions of much of their property. A series of show trials and executions were held, following which the Jesuit order was banned in 1946 and the Franciscans in 1947. In 1946, all Catholic priests, nuns, and monks were expelled. Many priests were imprisoned, executed, or assassinated.” pp4-5.   “At about the same time, the Ministry of Education banned the teaching of religion in state schools. In April 1947, the Party of Labor recommended introducing anti-religious teaching in schools. The government also attempted to halt religious instruction by clerics and lay-people even in homes.” p5.   “Once the statues were passed, criminal penalties which had formerly protected the constitutional guarantee of freedom of religion were removed from the Albanian Penal Code.” p5.   “Public meetings were held at which the public denounced the clergy and vowed never to practice religion again. People's tribunals decided which public celebrations were religious in nature and how to replace them with appropriate national atheistic holidays. During public proceedings, crowds turned over their crucifixes, icons, bibles, and other religious items. Children whose fathers were priests denounced them as fakes, and “thunder sheets” (fletë-rrufe) were posted attacking those parents who had given religious names to their children.” p6.   “All possible signs of religion were eradicated. Graveyards and tombstones were cleared of religious symbols: only the Communist star was permitted. Religious phrases were attacked too: the term “P.K.” meaning Përpara Krishit (in English, B.C.) was replaced with “P.E.R.” for Para Erës Sëre (“Before the New Era)... Despite stated constitutional guarantees, the People's Assembly passed Decree No. 4334 on 13 November 1967 (Published in Gazeta zyrtare on 22 November) which cancelled the legal status of religion... Radio Tiranë announced that Albania was now the “first atheist state in the world.” Religious freedom was removed from the statures; it would shortly be removed from the constitution as well.” p7.   Speaking of the 1976 Constitution:   “Article 37: The State recognizes no religion whatever and supports atheistic propaganda for the purpose of inculcating the scientific-materialist worldview.” p8.   “Article 55 of the 1977 Criminal Code: Fascist, anti-democratic, religious, warmongering or anti-socialist propaganda, as well as the preparation, distribution or the possession for distribution of literature with such a content in order to weaken or undermine the state of the dictatorship of the Proletariat are punishable by imprisonment of between three and ten years. If these actions occur in time of war or if they have caused particularly serious consequences, they will be punished with imprisonment of not less than ten years or with death.” p9.   “The government had already instituted another facet of it's anti-religious campaign. On 23 September 1975, it passed administrative Decree No. 5339 (also the similar Legislative Decree No 5334...) which stipulated that, ‘Citizens who have inappropriate names and offensive surnames from a political, ideological, and moral standpoint are obliged to change them...' therefore, it is legitimate to insist on the use of national names so that... the names of people do not become an indicator of the religious affiliations and divisions of yesteryear in the eyes of future generations.” p9.   -------------------------------- From the article, “Soviet Books and Pamphlets on the Theme of Atheism: Statistics and Crucial Points” by Paul Roth, OPREE, vol V, no. 4. 1985.   “Indeed, the Soviet constitution permits public atheistic propaganda but not religious propaganda. A religious book offered to the public would be an offense against the constitution. Thus, it is not surprising the Soviet authorities consider so-called “illegal” importation of Bibles into the Soviet Union as an offense against the laws of the state.” p9.   “Those books and pamphlets which belong to the categories ‘Marxism-Leninism,' ‘Social Sciences,' and ‘Philosophy, Sociology, Psychology' are based on atheism. Those which belong to the category ‘Atheism and Religion' are anti-theistic, often militantly atheistic, with the exception of those texts which are intended for export to foreign countries.” p10.   “Most of the titles, 17, are concerned with ‘atheistic education of the population' (total number of copies 761,000)... Some publications deal especially with the question of how a person can accomplish atheistic education goals in mathematic classes by using films.” p14.   “In connection with the previously discussed group, we must also observe the following thematic category which presents ‘Atheism as a provision for a fulfilling life' to Soviet citizens... Religion is presented as the reason for spiritual and intellectual problems. Religion is to be replaced by a life based on atheistic principles with an atheistic value system and holidays and rituals free of religious content.” pp16-17.   “If we attempt to draw a conclusion from the statistic taken from “New Books,” which, we reiterate, are obviously incomplete, we can state the following: 1) Clearly, atheistic literature in the Soviet Union belongs to the category of prescribed literature, not popular literature.”   ------------------------ From the article, “The Current Situation of Religion in Albania” by Peter Prifti, OPREE, vol III, no. 3. 1983.   “Questioning the zeal, if not the integrity of critics of Albanian atheism, Hoxha said that there are hundreds of millions of people in the world who do not believe in religion. Why then all the astonishment at socialist Albania? He closed his defense by saying, ‘Our state is atheistic by the will of its people.'” p2.   ------------------------ From the article, “Grave Violations of Religious Rights in Albania” by Gjon Sinishta, OPREE, vol III, no. 5. 1983.   “Enver Hoxha again set the stage for action with his infamous speech of February 6, 1967, urging the Albanian youth to fight “religious superstitions.” A ruthless campaign against all religions followed. Everywhere churches were burned or turned into sports arenas, dance halls, movie theaters, apartments, etc. Priests and bishops were publicly beaten. The Franciscan church of Arrmadhe in Shkodra, together with the Friary, was set afire one evening and four elderly Franciscans were burned to death. During 1967, according to the journal of Albanian writers, Nendori (November), about 2200 mosques, churches, chapels, monasteries and other religious buildings were vandalized and closed. Of that number, 327 were Roman Catholic. On November 22, 1967, the government published Decree No. 4337 ordering the annulment of the religious charters and of all laws pertaining to state-church relationships. All religious rites were prohibited and grave penalties were imposed on violators. The remaining priests were sent to forced-labor camps for ‘re-education.' The Albanian Party and government boasted that it had become the first totally atheistic state in the world.” p13.   “With these articles Albania became the only country in the world where the suppression of religion and the propagation of atheism have become a constitutionally mandated state policy... Prior to the actual enactment of such official acts, the government manifested the same kind of suppression of religion. Fr. Stephen Kurti was executed in 1972 for baptizing a child in a labor camp at the parent's request. In 1974 the government also sentenced the three remaining Catholic Bishops to detention camps for conduction religious services in private. Following the constitutional outlawing of religion, in 1977 Fran Mark Gjoni of Shkodra was brought to trial for the possession of Bibles. Gjoni admitted, when presented with the Bibles taked from his home, that he had found them in parks and at the seashore where they had been left by tourists or floated in by sea. For his ‘crime' Gjoni was sentenced to 12 years in prison... For religious criminals such as Gjnoi, according to reports from recent refugees, the government has at least six prisons, nine concentration camps and 14 areas of external exile.” pp14-15.  

Enver Hoxha

Enver Hoxha

Enver Hoxha

L'Albanie de Jérôme [caption id="attachment_74639" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Ergest, Inès et Jérôme depuis la Maison de l'Albanie.[/caption]   Pour cette première émission de la saison 2018-2019, direction l'Albanie où Jérôme a séjourné durant l'été. Désireux de voyager de façon plus "écolo", il voulait rejoindre l'Albanie sans prendre l'avion. Avec son ami, il sont donc passés par l'Italie et la Grèce en empruntant trains et bateau mais aussi en faisant de l'autostop. Une fois en Grèce, ils ont longé la côte Adriatique en passant par Sarandë et Dhërmi. Puis, ils se sont rendus à Berat, ville inscrite au patrimoine mondial de l'Unesco, avant de redescendre vers le Sud-Est pour randonner vers Përmet. Après ça, ils ont fait du stop jusqu'à Korçë et ont séjourné quelques jours autour du lac d'Ohrid, à cheval entre l'Albanie et la Macédoine. A la fin, ils sont passés à Tirana, la capitale depuis 1920 seulement, et ont terminé par quelques jours dans les montagnes du Nord, vers Theth, dans la province de Shkodër. [caption id="attachment_74640" align="aligncenter" width="348"] Frontière Albanie-Monténégro dans les environs de Theth et Vusanje - Crédits photo : Jérôme Perrot[/caption] [caption id="attachment_74641" align="aligncenter" width="348"] Eglise Saint Jean de Kaneo à Orhid (côté Macédoine) - Crédits photo : Jérôme Perrot[/caption] Si Jérôme a été déçu par la Riviera albanaise très touristique et très urbanisée, en revanche, il a adoré les parties montagneuses des terres intérieures, beaucoup plus préservées. Au programme : des randonnées, des nuits de camping sauvage et des baignades dans les canyons. Il a aussi été agréablement surpris par Berat, une ville construite dans la pierre, ainsi que par Tirana où il a pu profiter d'un concert US un tantinet déjanté pour les Albanais. Jérôme voulait visiter l'Albanie car il était intrigué par ce pays, longtemps fermé au reste du monde (47 années de régime communiste sous Enver Hoxha), qui s'est soudainement ouvert dans les années 90. Aujourd'hui, de cette époque, il reste surtout...des bunkers ! [caption id="attachment_74642" align="aligncenter" width="302"] Hugo, l'ami de Jérôme, à Berat - Crédits photo : Jérôme Perrot[/caption] [caption id="attachment_74643" align="aligncenter" width="379"] Hugo et Jérôme dans les sources chaudes de Bunja dans les environs de Permet - Crédits photo : Jérôme Perrot[/caption]   Gjergji et Ergest nous ont reçus à la Maison de l'Albanie, place Denfert Rochereau. Comme le veut la coutume, ils nous ont accueillis avec du raki, un alcool fort à base de raisin. Jérôme nous a d'ailleurs raconté une soirée albanaise où on l'a nourri exclusivement au raki. Mémorable !    Programmation musicale :  -Xhamadani Vija Vija interprété par Elvana Gjata, Flori Mumajesi, Mentor Haziri -NRGQ de (Chk Chk Chk) Réalisation et diffusion :  Ecriture, montage, voix : Inès Edel-Garcia Durée : 15 min environ Emission diffusée le 10 octobre 2018

We've all heard of Hitler, Stalin and Mao. But what about Enver Hoxha or Ramfis Trujillo? Today The Chaser look at the pissiest dictators of the 20th Century.

The Prince’s purge: Mohammed Bin Salman’s moves to reform Saudi Arabia. Kate Adie introduces stories, wit, and analysis from correspondents around the world.Frank Gardner chronicles the meteoric rise of the Crown Prince reshaping Saudi Arabia.Kate Lamble meets the campaigners struggling to convince Muscovites that Alexei Navalny should be the next Russian President. They complain of political apathy and hostile media.Xavier Zapata mingles with the young Catalonians newly energised and politically engaged by the independence debate but struggling to get their voices heard. Andrew Hosken is in Albania where new attempts are underway to investigate the crimes of Enver Hoxha’s brutal dictatorship. Thousands of people were ‘disappeared’ - many ended up in mass graves. And Juliet Rix reports from the Inuit region of Nunavut – the newest, northernmost and largest territory in Canada.

In Albania, attempts are now being made to discover the fate of about 6,000 people who went missing during 40 years of Communism. Andrew Hoskens in Tirana speaks to one man whose Catholic priest uncle fell foul of Enver Hoxha's regime. (Photo: Nikolin Kurti at the site of the mass grave he exhumed in 2009. Credit: Andrew Hoskens/BBC)

Albanian kansantasavallan presidentti Enver Hoxha oli älyllisesti hienostunut, komea ja hurmaava mies. Mutta hän oli myös vainoharhainen, jyrkän ahdasmielinen ja murhanhimoinen stalinistinen Albanian tyranni, joka eristi ja köyhdytti maansa nelikymmenvuotisen valtakautensa aikana. Hän kidutti ja murhasi omia kansalaisiaan ja johti hallitusta synkän, joskus jopa tragikoomisen väkivaltaisesti. Hän tappoi monia ystäviään lavastetuissa onnettomuuksissa ja näennäisten itsemurhien ja teloitusten kautta. Enver Hoxha johti yksinvaltiaana Albaniaa toisen maailmansodan lopusta1945 kuolemaansa 1985 saakka. Ennen kuolemaansa hän ehti muuttaa maansa epäonnistuneeksi ja vararikon partaalla hoippuvaksi valtioksi. Suuri opettaja lempinimeä kantava Hoxha mm. kielsi länsimaisen pop-musiikin, kreikkalaiskristillisen nimen antamisen lapselle, suutelemisen televisiossa sekä ulkomaanmatkailun. Myös televisiovastaanottimien ja henkilöautojen kaltaisten kulutushyödykkeiden yksityisomistus oli kielletty. Varmistaakseen lempiruokansa riittävyyden Enver Hoxha teki punatäplätaimenen kalastuksesta laitonta, rangaistus kalan pyydystämisestä oli 15 vuotta pakkotyötä. Kulutushyödykkeiden puutteesta ei kuitenkaan kuulunut juuri valituksia sillä rangaistus kauppojen valikoimista valittamisesta oli niin ikää 15 vuotta pakkotyötä. Albania on vitsi, joka ei naurata. Hoxhan johdolla Albaniasta tuli Pohjois-Korea keskellä Eurooppaa. 700 000 bunkkerin miestä ja hänen tekojaan arvioi Kauppalehden uutispäällikkö Mikko Metsämäki, joka on mm. suomentanut teoksen Hullut Diktaattorit. Toimittajana Raimo Tyykiluoto. Kuva: Armando Babani EPA

Enver Hoxha, vijf oorlogen. Albanië heeft de afgelopen 100 jaar flink wat voor de kiezen gekregen. In van Albanië tot Zwitserland beginnen we met dit land op de Balkan.

At long last, it's time to bring you the first in our occasional series, Kit Brands. In episode 10, we're turning our attention towards Hummel, the Danish (or German, as we soon discover) manufacturer of wonderfully stylish and diverse kits for teams the world over. And thanks to you, we've got lots to discuss as we not only look back at the history of Hummel but also read out many of your comments about those great Hummel kits of the past and present. Also features a mention of Enver Hoxha, communist leader of Albania from 1944 until 1985...

Colouring in the spaces between the headlines. In this edition: the Front National is expected to do well in the French regional elections - our correspondent goes for a drive along the Cote d'Azur and asks why the party's apparently finding favour with voters. 'We cannot allow our revolution to be stolen!' The Venezuelan president has been imploring the electorate there to give his socialists another term in office, but most observers feel the left's grip on this nation will be severely weakened in this weekend's election. Three and a half million and counting! We find out why so many young Nepalis have decided to leave their country. And is it the truth or is it just paranoia? We hear that the influence of the long-dead dictator Enver Hoxha continues even today in Albania.

Maria Margaronis explores the debris of Albania's painful past-the prison labour camps, concrete bunkers and secret police headquarters--as archives are unlocked and new monuments put up in an effort to redefine who Albanians are. The country's citizens are trying to come to terms with history and move on from Enver Hoxha's dictatorial regime, the pyramid schemes and the political and economic collapse that followed. Instead of moving on, though, many are moving out of the country altogether. Do their leaders' efforts represent real change, or are they just an attempt to plaster over the cracks and reinforce Albania's plan to enter the EU?

Time seems to have stood still in the mountain villages of northern Albania. Alongside the state law, the Kanun, a set of laws and norms dating back to the Middle Ages, is still in force here. The back-breaking work in the fields is considered women's work in Albania. That was also true under Communism. In the Catholic stronghold of the north, the Kanun also survived the dictatorship of Enver Hoxha. Under the Kanun, the wife is considered the husband's property. He is permitted to beat and even to kill her if she is disobedient or unfaithful. Fabiola Egro is trying to change that. She's a pivotal figure in the Albanian women's movement.

In February 1991 protesters in Tirana pulled down the giant statue of Albania's former dictator. It was the end of the last communist regime in Europe. Edith Harxhi was among the anti-government protesters. (Photo: Protesters hold up anti-Communist placards. Credit: D. Deymov/AFP/Getty Images)

Dans cet épisode : Kotor, à seulement 5000 km de la destination, le Surly Long Haul Trucker, des plaques d’égout qui manquent, Enver Hoxha, un bled qui s’appelle Bled, Ljubljana, Krk, le prénom de Molière (Muller?), le traversier vers Cres, Mostar à Noël, Mikhaïl Kalashnikov.