Podcasts about seventeen

Ned wakes up with another ear worm. David and Pete dial in.Claim your AG1 offer here!Sign up to BIKMO and get a free NSF T-shirt!Our Giro editions are selling fast! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Seventeen years ago, Ricardo da Silva, the host of this podcast, heard a homily that has stayed with him ever since. It was preached by his novice master, British Jesuit priest Paul Nicholson, and began with a simple but unforgettable image drawn from medieval art: Jesus' feet dangling in the air, his body swallowed by clouds. Preaching for the Solemnity of the Ascension of the Lord, Year A, Paul returns to that homily, reflecting on how visual art and imagination can lead those who receive a homily beyond scriptural explanation or catechesis and into prayer. Together, he and Ricardo explore how this feast—so often understood as a moment of departure—can also reveal God's nearness and how that insight might shape preaching at funerals and help preachers speak to grief, absence and hope. Guest: Paul Nicholson, S.J., director of the Jesuit Institute in the United Kingdom. Get daily Scripture reflections and support “Preach” by becoming a digital subscriber to America Magazine⁠⁠⁠ “Preach” is made possible through the generous support of the Compelling Preaching Initiative, a project of Lilly Endowment Inc. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Send us a textJon tours the quickly dwindling food stores of the Night's Watch and then is summoned by King Stannis. The king offers Jon a surprising gift, then adds to the shock by revealing his risky plan to win the north. Jon redirects him to a new plan that is safer and has huge upsides. Mackelly and Simon fear that Stannis is not earning their loyalty.Chapter Review:Jon Snow joins Bowen Marsh to inspect winter food stores held beneath Castle Black. Despite past generosity from lords and a long summer, feeding Stannis' army and wildlings has depleted supplies. Marsh proposes winter rations early. Jon agrees, knowing it'll cause unrest.Jon later meets Stannis, Melisandre, and others in the king's solar. Stannis gifts Jon a controlled Rattleshirt as a soldier. Discussion turns to Mors Umber's terms for support. Stannis hesitates, but Jon urges acceptance, warning that rejecting Mors' terms would turn the North against him. Stannis reveals plans to take the Dreadfort, but Jon argues the Boltons will return too soon and crush Stannis' force. Pressed to arm wildlings, Jon reluctantly offers basic gear, wary of violating the Night's Watch vows. Privately, Stannis tempts Jon again with legitimization and Winterfell. Jon refuses but proposes recruiting Northern mountain clans instead. If successful, Stannis could retake Deepwood Motte and build support. Stannis likes the plan—but Jon's left with more mouths to feed.Characters/Places/Names/Events:Jon Snow - Bastard son of Ned Stark. Member of the Night's Watch.Stannis Baratheon - Surviving brother of dead King Robert Baratheon, claims the Iron Throne because Cersei's children are not Robert's.Melisandre - The Red Woman of Ashaii. Priestess of R'Hellor, the Lord of Light.Bowen Marsh - Lord Steward of Castle Black.Castle Black - Headquarters of the Night's Watch.Rattleshirt - Wildling leader who is despised  by the Night's Watch.Mors Umber - Co-castellan of Last Hearth, with his brother Hother. Support the showSupport us: Buy us a Cup of Arbor Gold, or become a sustainer and receive cool perks Donate to our cause Use our exclusive URL for a free 30-day trial of Audible Buy or gift Marriott Bonvoy points through our affiliate link Rate and review us at Apple Podcasts, Spotify, podchaser.com, and elsewhere.Find us on social media: Discord Twitter @GhostsHarrenhal Facebook Instagram YouTube All Music credits to Ross Bugden:INSTAGRAM! : https://instagram.com/rossbugden/ (rossbugden) TWITTER! : https://twitter.com/RossBugden (@rossbugden) YOUTUBE! : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kthxycmF25M

  Last time we spoke about the Xi'an Incident. In December 1936, tensions in China erupted as Nationalist General Chiang Kai-shek faced a revolt led by his commanders, Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng. Disillusioned by Chiang's focus on battling communists instead of the Japanese invaders, the generals swiftly captured him in a coup. Confined in Xi'an, Chiang initially resisted their demands for a united front against Japan but eventually engaged in negotiation with Zhang and the Chinese Communist Party. As public sentiment shifted against him, Chiang's predicament led to urgent discussions, culminating in an unexpected alliance with the communists. This pact aimed to consolidate Chinese resistance against Japanese aggression, marking a critical turning point in the Second Sino-Japanese War. By December 26, Chiang was released, and this uneasy collaboration set the stage for a more unified front against a common enemy, though underlying tensions remained between the factions.   #152 China Prepares for War Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Before we jump into the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945, which I honestly have no idea how long will take us, I thought it would be a good idea to dedicate two episodes to how both China and Japan prepared themselves for war.  Going all the way back to the 1910s, Chinese intellectuals began to view an outright conflict between Japan and China was inevitable. In the discussions about China's strategic options, Jiang Fangzhen pioneered a strategy of protracted warfare, a concept that would later shape China's approach during the Sino-Japanese War. Having studied in Japan during his youth, Jiang developed a keen understanding of the Japanese government and military. As early as 1917, he predicted that China and Japan would become embroiled in a long-term conflict, with the battleground likely to be west of the Peiping–Wuhan and Guangzhou–Wuhan railways. In his work titled "Guofang Lun" or “On National Defense”, Jiang reiterated the importance of protracted warfare as a means to thwart Japan's aspirations for a swift victory. He argued that China should leverage its vast population and extensive territory to extend the conflict, gradually wearing down Japanese strength and turning the situation to its advantage. Jiang recommended that China not focus on defending its coastal regions but instead confront the enemy west of the Peking–Wuhan Railway.   Chiang Kai-shek would eventually come to share Jiang's belief that “the longer the war drags on, the more advantageous it will be for China.” Despite significant public criticism, both the Nationalist government and General Zhang Xueliang, decided against military resistance when Japan invaded Manchuria in September 1931 and attacked Shanghai in 1932. Chiang was particularly hesitant to engage Japan directly, as he was also dealing with a Communist insurgency in central China. He feared that Chinese forces would suffer quick defeat, predicting that Japan would capture key coastal areas and critical infrastructure within just three days, crippling China by dismantling its military and economic lifelines. Following the invasion of North China Chiang was forced to adopt a firmer stance. The Nationalist government proposed a dual strategy of pursuing peace and security while simultaneously preparing for war. If peace proved impossible, China would mobilize its resources for ultimate victory through prolonged conflict. This approach was formalized in the National Defense Plan, which China adopted by prioritizing protracted warfare as its core strategy. After the Sino-Japanese clash in Shanghai on January 28, 1932, the Military Affairs Commission devised a plan that divided China into four defense areas along with a preparation area. While some troops were assigned local security, commanders were directed to concentrate their remaining forces for potential confrontations with Japan. That year, the Military Affairs Commission issued General Defense Guidelines that outlined two strategic responses to a potential Japanese invasion. The first, conservative approach focused on maintaining key positions and utilizing protracted warfare to impede the enemy. The second strategy advocated for decisive battles in key regions to thwart Japan's ambitions and protect China's territorial integrity, prioritizing disengagement from Japanese forces along the Yangtze River and coastline. In August 1935, German military adviser General Alexander von Falkenhausen provided recommendations to Chiang Kai-shek based on his predictions of Japanese advance routes into China. He identified three main routes: one from northern Hebei to Zhengzhou, the second from Shandong toward Xuzhou, and the third crossing the Yangtze River to Nanjing and onwards to Wuhan. He suggested treating the Yangtze River as the primary combat zone and highlighted Sichuan as a possible retreat area. Taking all of this into consideration. in 1936, a draft of a new National Defense Plan divided the country into four zones: a war zone, a defense zone, an internal security zone, and a preparation area. The war zone encompassed ten provinces and established strategies for retreating to predetermined defensive positions when necessary, with Sichuan designated as the main base for the war. In January 1937, the Chinese General Staff Department introduced its annual War Plan, outlining three possible military conflict regions between China and Japan. It proposed two main strategies: Proposal A emphasized sustained combat and retreat to fortified positions if the situation became unfavorable, aiming to eventually go on the offensive against Japan. Proposal B focused on repelling Japanese invasions along the coast and from the north, prioritizing counter offensives against Japanese units stationed near key locations. To prepare, the NRA completed several critical projects outlined in its plans, establishing military supply depots in Nanjing, Bengbu, Xinyang, Huayin, Nanchang, and Wuchang to manage logistics for supplies across various strategic railways. These depots were equipped to sustain the military, with ample ammunition and provisions, including 60 million rounds of small-arms ammunition and food for hundreds of thousands. Despite these preparations, not all projects were completed by the time war broke out in July 1937. In contrast to the Japanese military's tactics, Chinese forces prioritized defensive strategies. For example, at the Mount Lushan Military Officer Training Camp in July 1934, Chiang Kai-shek outlined four possible approaches against Japan, favoring a defense-as-offense strategy. Other options included building fortifications, tenaciously defending key positions, and employing guerrilla warfare through irregular forces to constrain enemy advances. Chiang stressed the importance of national mobilization for the war effort.  There was a significant disparity in equipment between the Japanese and Chinese armies. To give you an idea, each Japanese division included a mechanized group featuring thirty-nine light military vehicles and 21 light armored cars, supplemented by 6,000–7,000 horses, 200–300 automobiles, and specialized troops such as poison gas teams. In contrast, Nationalist divisions lacked any of these capabilities, a typical nationalist division theoretically had an armored regiment, but this unit was equipped with fewer than 72 armored vehicles. Another major weakness of the Nationalist forces was their insufficient artillery. In 1936, a division was officially assigned one artillery battalion, which was divided into three batteries totaling twelve guns. It also included a mechanized cannon company with four direct-fire weapons. By comparison, a Japanese division boasted four infantry regiments and one mountain artillery or field artillery regiment, with each artillery regiment comprising three field artillery battalions and one howitzer battalion. The infantry regiment itself included a mountain artillery section with four mountain guns, while the infantry battalion had one Type 70 mountain gun section with two guns. In total, a Japanese division possessed sixty-four artillery pieces of various calibers, four times the number of a Chinese division and of significantly higher quality. In reality, in 1936, twelve of the twenty elite Chinese “reformed divisions” still lacked artillery battalions. The ordnance available in the “reformed divisions” mostly consisted of the outdated Type 60 mountain gun. Nationwide, very few of the 200 divisions were equipped with any artillery, and those that did often used obsolete field artillery pieces or mountain artillery provided to local forces. Some units even relied on trench mortars as a makeshift solution. The artillery weapons came from various countries, but they frequently lacked necessary observation and signal components, and were often low on ammunition. The majority of mountain guns and field artillery were of the Type 75, which, while capable of providing fire support, had limited range and inflicted minimal damage. To give you an idea of the striking inadequacy of the Chinese artillery, during the Shanghai fighting in 1937, the mountain artillery of the Guangxi 21st Army Group could only reach targets within 1,200 yards, while Japanese field artillery had an effective range of 8,000 yards. Chinese-made mountain artillery suffered due to inferior steel-making technology; the gun shields were constructed from low-quality steel, and the barrels often overheated after firing just a few rounds, increasing the risk of explosions. Additionally, the equipment of local forces varied greatly in quality. In fact, some local units had superior equipment compared to Nationalist units. For example, before the Sino-Japanese War, troops from Yunnan were equipped with French antitank guns and heavy machine guns, which were better than the German water-cooled machine guns used by the Nationalist forces. However, the majority of local troops relied on inferior equipment; the 122nd Division under Wang Mingzhang from Sichuan, noted for its brave defense of Tengxian County during the Xuzhou Battle, was armed with locally produced light and heavy machine guns that frequently malfunctioned, and their Type 79 rifles, also made in Sichuan, were often outdated, with some dating back to the Qing Dynasty. These weapons had limited range and sometimes malfunctioned after fewer than one hundred rounds. Now before the war, both Nationalist and local forces acquired weaponry from diverse foreign and domestic sources. Even domestically produced weapons lacked standardization, with those made in Hanyang and Manchuria differing in design and specifications. Arms manufactured in Germany, France, Russia, Japan, and Italy were similarly inconsistent. Consequently, even within a single unit, the lack of uniformity created significant logistical challenges, undermining combat effectiveness, particularly in the early stages of the war. Despite Nationalist ordnance factories producing over three million rounds of small-arms ammunition daily, the incompatibility of ammunition and weapons diminished the usable quantity of ammunition. Chinese communications infrastructure was inadequate. In the Nationalist army, signal units were integrated into engineering units, leading to low-quality radio communications. In emergencies, telegrams could remain undelivered for days, and orders often had to be dispatched via postal services. By 1937, the entire country boasted only 3,000 military vehicles, necessitating heavy reliance on horses and mules for transport. To effectively equip twenty Nationalist divisions, 10,647 horses and 20,688 mules were needed, but by the end of 1935, only 6,206 horses and 4,351 mules were available. A statistic from 1936 indicated a 5 percent mortality rate among military horses, with some units experiencing a rate as high as 10 percent. The distribution of weaponry led to disputes during army reorganization efforts following the Northern Expedition. Although Chiang Kai-shek's forces were part of the regular army, the quality of their equipment varied significantly. Domestic production of weapons was limited, and imports could not close the gap. Priority was given to small arms; through army reorganization, Chiang aimed to diminish the influence of forces less loyal to him. Nationalist army staff officers observed that troops loyal to Chiang received the best weapons. Northwest and Northeast forces, having cultivated good relations with the KMT, were similarly better equipped, while Shanxi troops received inferior supplies. Troops associated with the Guangxi Clique were given even poorer quality weapons due to their leaders' stronger political ambitions. Troops regarded as “bandit forces,” such as those led by Shi Yousan, Li Hongchang, and Sun Dianying, were naturally assigned the least effective weaponry. This unequal distribution of arms increased some local forces' inclination to align with the KMT while alienating others, which inadvertently led to additional turmoil in the aftermath of the Northern Expedition. Logistical accounting within the Nationalist military was severely lacking. Military expenditures accounted for a significant portion of government spending, roughly 65.48 % in 1937, with personnel costs being the largest component. However, military units prioritized boosting their own resources over accurate accounting. Surpluses were not returned but rather utilized to reward military officers and soldiers for merits in battle, care for the wounded, or to create a reserve. Conversely, if deficits arose, troops would resort to “living off vacancies,” a practice in which they would fail to report desertions promptly and would falsely claim new soldiers had arrived. Military leaders typically appointed their most trusted subordinates to serve as accountants and logistic officers. As the war commenced, these issues became readily apparent. During the Battle of Shanghai in 1937, frontline soldiers sometimes went days without food and went months without pay. Wounded soldiers and civilians had to search tirelessly for medical treatment, and when main forces relocated, they often abandoned grain, ammunition, weapons, and petroleum along the way. General Chen Cheng, the commander in chief during the Battle of Shanghai, noted, “This phenomenon clearly revealed our inability to supply frontline troops, indicating that China remains a backward country with poor management.” Many logistical shortcomings severely impacted troop morale and combat effectiveness. In a 1933 speech, Chiang Kai-shek acknowledged that poor food, inadequate clothing, and ineffective logistics contributed to widespread desertion. Soldiers were further demoralized by reduced or embezzled salaries. A lack of professional medical staff and equipment hampered healthcare efforts, leading to high disease and mortality rates. According to official statistics from 1936, approximately 10 percent of soldiers fell ill annually, with a mortality rate as high as 5 percent. Japanese military authorities reported that one in three wounded Japanese soldiers died, while a Dutch military officer present during the early stages of the Sino-Japanese War observed that one in every two wounded Nationalist soldiers perished. Due to inadequate equipment and limited transport options, Nationalist forces were compelled to recruit farmers and rent vehicles, as they lacked essential facilities such as tents. This reliance on local resources inevitably led to frequent conflicts between military personnel and civilians. China is clearly a vast nation with an extensive coastline, requiring the construction of several significant fortresses during the modern era. These included Wusong, Jiangyin, Zhenjiang, Jiangning, and Wuhan along the Yangtze River, as well as Zhenhai, Humen, and Changzhou along the seacoast. Except for the Wuhan fortress, built in 1929-1930, all other fortifications were established during the late Qing Dynasty and featured uncovered cannon batteries. These fortresses suffered from inadequate maintenance, and many of their components had become outdated and irreplaceable, rendering them militarily negligible. Following the January 1932 Shanghai Incident, the Japanese military destroyed the Wusong forts, leaving the entrance to the Yangtze River completely unfortified. Consequently, there were no defenses along the coastline from Jiangsu to Shandong, allowing the Japanese to land freely. In December 1932, the Military Affairs Commission established a fortress group tasked with constructing fortresses and defensive installations, seeking assistance from German military advisers. After the North China Incident in 1935, the Nationalist government accelerated the construction of defensive structures in line with national war planning, focusing particularly on Nanjing. The Nationalists prioritized building fortifications along the seacoast and the Yellow River, followed by key regions north of the Yellow River. The government also ordered a significant quantity of heavy artillery from Germany. This included several dozen pieces of flat-fire antiaircraft and dual-purpose heavy artillery, which were installed at fortifications in Jiangyin, Zhenjiang, Nanjing, and Wuhan. By the summer of 1937, the construction of nine fortified positions was complete: Nanjing, Zhenjiang, Jiangyin, Ningbo, Humen, Mawei, Xiamen , Nantong, and Lianyungang. In total, China had established 41 forts and equipped them with 273 fortress cannons. Some defensive installations were poorly managed, with many units assigned to their perimeters lacking training and access to proper maps. The barbette positions in the fortresses were not well concealed and could hardly store sufficient ammunition. Troops stationed at these fortresses received little training. Despite these shortcomings, the fortresses and fortifications were not entirely ineffective. They bolstered Chinese positions along the defense line stretching from Cangxian County to Baoding and from Dexian County to Shijiazhuang, as well as in southern Shandong.  Before the war, China's political and economic center was situated along the seacoast and the Yangtze River. As Japanese influence expanded, the Nationalist government was compelled to establish bases in China's inner regions, very similar to how the USSR pulled back its industry further west after Operation barbarossa.The Japanese attack on Shanghai in 1932 prompted the Nationalists to relocate their capital to Luoyang. On March 5, during the Second Plenary Session of the KMT's Fourth Congress, the Western Capital Preparation Committee was formed to plan for the potential relocation of all governmental bodies to Xi'an in the event of full-scale war. In February 1933, the Central Political Conference approved the Northwest Development Bill, and in February 1934, the National Economic Commission set up a northwestern branch to oversee development projects in the region. On October 18, 1934, Chiang Kai-shek traveled to Lanzhou, recording in his diary that “Northwest China has abundant resources. Japan and Russia are poised to bully us. Yet, if we strengthen ourselves and develop northwest China to the fullest extent, we can turn it into a base for China's revival.” Interestingly, it was Sichuan, rather than the northwest, that became China's rear base during the 2nd Sino-Japanese War. In October 1934, the Communist army evacuated its Soviet base in southern China, initiating the Long March that would ultimately end in the northwest. By this time, Chiang Kai-shek had decided to designate Sichuan as the last stronghold for China. In January 1935, the Nanchang Field Headquarters of the Military Affairs Commission, responsible for combatting the Communists and serving as the supreme military and political authority over most provinces along the Yangtze River and central China, dispatched a special advisory group to Chongqing. Following this, the Nationalist army advanced into Sichuan. On February 10, the Nationalists appointed a new provincial government in Sichuan, effectively ending the province's long-standing regionalism. On March 2, Chiang traveled to Chongqing, where he delivered a speech underscoring that “Sichuan should serve as the base for China's revival.” He stated that he was in Sichuan to oversee efforts against the Communist army and to unify the provincial administration.  After the Xinhai revolution, the Republic of China was still suing the Qing Dynasty's conscription system. However, once in power, the Nationalist government sought to establish a national military service program. In 1933, it enacted a military service law, which began implementation in 1936. This law categorized military service into two branches: service in the Nationalist army and in territorial citizen army units. Men aged eighteen to forty-five were expected to serve in the territorial units if they did not enlist in the Nationalist army. The territorial service was structured into three phases: active service lasting two to three years, first reserves for six years, and second reserves until the age of forty-five. The Ministry of Military Affairs divided China into sixty divisional conscription headquarters, initially establishing these headquarters in the six provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, Henan, and Hubei. By December 1936, approximately 50,000 new soldiers had been drafted. The military service law disproportionately favored the middle and upper classes. Government personnel were exempt from enlistment, allowing privileged families to register their children with government agencies. Similarly, students in middle and higher education were excused from service, while youth from poorer backgrounds often felt compelled to enlist due to financial constraints that limited their educational opportunities. Village and town leaders were responsible for executing the recruitment process and frequently conspired with army recruiters. Recruitment principles often favored wealthier families, with guidelines stating that one son should be drafted for every three sons, two for five sons, but no drafts if there was only one son. Wealthy families could secure exemptions for all their male children, while poor families might see their only son conscripted if they were unable to provide the requisite bribe. Town and village heads wielded significant power in recruitment. This new recruitment system also created numerous money-making opportunities. Military personnel assigned to escort draftees to their units would often allow draftees to escape for a fee. Additionally, draftees could monetize their service by agreeing to serve as substitutes for others. For some, being drafted became an occupation. For example, in 1936, 600 individuals were drafted in the Wuhu area of Anhui province, and accounts from regional administrators indicated that every draftee had either been traded, replaced, or seized. Beginning in 1929, the Nationalist government also instituted military training for high school students and older individuals. Students were required to participate in one theoretical class and one practical class each week, totaling three hours. Starting in 1934, students had to complete a three-month military training program before graduating. Graduates of military academies were employed as military instructors. By the end of 1936, over 237,000 high school students had undergone military training. This student military training was overseen by the Society for the Implementation of the Three People's Principles of Sun Yat-sen, which also provided political education and sometimes gathered information on students' political beliefs.  Although the Nationalists made significant efforts to improve the military training of both officers and troops, they inherited deep-seated challenges that they were unable to completely overcome. A lack of facilities, outdated training manuals, low regard for military instructors, and the ongoing influence of regionalism and warlordism hindered progress. The Japanese would also later exploit these shortcomings of the Nationalist army. The Central Military Academy, which evolved from the Whampoa Military Academy established in 1923 in Guangzhou to train officers for the Northern Expedition, became the primary training institution for junior military officers. The academy offered a basic course, lasting eighteen months, which included general education, specialized training in various subjects, and field practice. This was followed by a two-year cadet training program focused on developing the skills necessary for junior military officers. Seventeen classes were admitted before the outbreak of war. Admission to the academy was highly competitive, with military officers receiving attractive salaries. For instance, in 1935, the academy received 10,000 applications for the twelfth class, but only 7% were accepted. Upon graduation, cadets were typically assigned to divisions within the Nationalist army loyal to Chiang Kai-shek. Their training, influenced by German advisors, resulted in a high-quality cadre. In modern China, most sergeants were veterans. While some units provided training for sergeants, a lack of formal education led to their diminished status. Truly qualified sergeants were rare. During his tenure as Minister of Military Training, General Bai Chongxi proposed establishing a sergeant school and creating a professional noncommissioned officer system; however, the Ministry of Military Affairs opposed this on financial grounds. While commanding officers enjoyed rapid promotions, military instructors did not. Furthermore, there was no system for transferring instructors to field commands or assigning commanders to military academies for extended periods. Despite minor updates to cover modern warfare concepts such as tank warfare and machine guns, Qing Dynasty military manuals were still in use at the Central Military Academy at the start of the war. Yeah, 1937 they were still rocking the old Qing books. Following the establishment of the Ministry of Military Training, a bureau for military translation was set up to evaluate existing course materials and translate military manuals, but its contributions were limited. Another significant shortcoming of military instruction focused on theory at the expense of practical application.  To enhance the quality of military officers, the Nationalist army instituted specialized schools for artillery, infantry, transport, engineering, and signals starting in 1931. These institutions were considered to have high-quality administrators and facilities. The Nationalists adopted German military training models, replacing the previously used Japanese models. They appointed German advisors to oversee instructor training at military academies and established three instructional divisions. By the onset of the Sino-Japanese War, 15,000 students had graduated from programs with a German military influence, resulting in the creation of about fifty combat divisions from these instructional units. However, the progress of other Nationalist army units was limited because their training was not aligned with contemporary battlefield realities. Before World War I, troops operated in close formations due to limited firepower. The widespread introduction of machine guns after World War I necessitated a shift to dispersed formations. Although a new drill manual issued by the Ministry of Military Training in 1935 introduced small-group tactics, few units adopted these methods. General Chen Cheng highlighted another underlying issue in 1938, commenting on the outmoded focus on parade ground drills and formal military manners. He noted, “We have paid too much attention to stereotypical formality and procedures of no practical use. Sometimes, even though soldiers could not get a haircut or take a bath for several months, their camps had to be in order. They underwent intensive training in close-order drill but learned little about gun handling, marksmanship, or maneuvering. This was inappropriate in peacetime, yet we continued this practice even after the Sino-Japanese War started, even using it on highly educated youth.” In contrast, the Communist army simplified training, emphasizing two essential skills: live-fire exercises and physical endurance, which significantly enhanced troop effectiveness in the challenging terrain characteristic of the Sino-Japanese War. Ultimately, the Nationalist army's training did not reach all soldiers. Only about half of all combat soldiers received adequate training, while the rest were neglected. According to statistics from the time, there were approximately five million military personnel during the Sino-Japanese War, with three million serving in logistics. Most of these logistics personnel had received little training, leading to disastrous consequences for overall combat effectiveness. As warfare has become more complex, the role of highly trained staff officers has become increasingly important. Napoleon developed operational plans close to the front and communicated orders via courier. During World War I, military commanders collected information at their headquarters and utilized telephones and automobiles to relay orders to the front lines. In World War II, with the battlefield expanding to include land, sea, and air, senior commanders often made decisions from headquarters far from the action, relying on a significant number of staff officers with specialized skills to keep them informed. In China, however, the staff officer system was underdeveloped. By 1937, only about 2,000 commanders and staff officers had received training. Prior to the Sino-Japanese War, most commanders managed staff work themselves, with staff officers serving primarily as military secretaries who drafted orders, reports, and maps. Many staff officers had no formal military training, and as a whole, the branch lacked respect, causing the most talented officers to avoid serving in it. The situation was even more dire for staff officer departments within local forces. For example, in March 1937, Liu Ziqing, a graduate of the Whampoa Military Academy, was appointed as the director of political instruction in the Forty-fourth Army, a unit under Sichuan warlord Liu Xiang. Liu Ziqing's account illustrates the dysfunction within the ranks: “The commander in chief was not supposed to manage the army and even did not know its whereabouts... But he could appoint relatives and former subordinates—who were officials and businessmen as well—to the army. Each month they would receive a small stipend. At headquarters, there was a long table and two rows of chairs. Around ten o'clock in the morning, senior officers signed in to indicate their presence. Those with other business would leave, while the remaining officers sat down to leisurely discuss star actresses, fortune-telling, business projects, mah-jongg, and opium. Occasionally they would touch on national affairs, chat about news articles, or share local gossip. In the afternoons, they primarily played mah-jongg, held banquets, and visited madams. Most mornings, the commander usually presided over these activities, and at first, I reported for duty as well. But I soon realized it was a waste of time and came very rarely. At headquarters, most staff members wore long gowns or Western-style suits, while military uniforms were a rare sight.” Most senior military personnel were trained at the Baoding Military Academy during the early republic. 2/3rds of commanders in chief, 37 %of army commanders, and 20 % of division commanders were Baoding graduates. Higher-ranking officers were more likely to have launched their careers there. In contrast, only 10 % of division commanders and a few army commanders were graduates of the Whampoa Military Academy. Additionally, commanders trained in local military schools and those with combat experience accounted for 1/3rd of all commanders. While the prevalence of civil war provided opportunities for rapid promotion, it also hindered officers' ability to update their training or gain experience in different military branches. German advisors expressed their concerns to Chiang Kai-shek, emphasizing that officers should first serve in junior roles before taking command. During one battle in 1938, Chiang noted, “Our commanders in chief are equivalent only to our enemy's regiment commanders, and our army and division commanders are only as competent as our enemy's battalion and company commanders.” Despite not viewing high-ranking Japanese officers as great strategists, Nationalist officers respected them as highly competent, diligent, and professional commanders who rarely made critical errors. The infantry was the primary component of the Nationalist army, with middle and junior infantry officers constituting over 80 %of all army officers. A 1936 registry of military officers listed 1,105 colonels and 2,159 lieutenant colonels within the infantry, demonstrating a significant outnumbering of Baoding graduates at ranks below lieutenant colonel. However, the quality of middle and junior infantry officers declined during the Sino-Japanese War; by 1944, only 27.3 % of these officers were from formal military academies, while those promoted from the ranks increased to 28.1 %. In 1937, 80 % of officers in an ordinary infantry battalion were military academy graduates, but this percentage dropped to 20 % during the war. Its hard to tell how educated soldiers were before the war, but it is generally believed that most were illiterate. In 1929, sociologist Tao Menghe surveyed 946 soldiers from a Shanxi garrison brigade and found that only 13 percent could compose a letter independently, while the rest had either never learned to read or were unable to write. In contrast, in August 1938, General Feng Yuxiang found that 80 percent of a regiment in Hunan were literate. Regardless, during the Sino-Japanese War, the quality of recruits steadily declined. More than 90 percent of soldiers were illiterate, and few possessed any basic scientific knowledge, which hindered their ability to master their weapons. On the battlefield, they heavily relied on middle and junior officers for guidance.  In autumn 1933, General Hans von Seeckt, the architect of the post World War I German army, visited China at the personal invitation of Chiang Kai-shek. In his recommendations for military reform, he identified China's greatest problem as its excessively large forces drawn from diverse backgrounds. He stated, “At present, the most pressing goal is to... establish a small, well-equipped army with high morale and combat effectiveness to replace the numerous poorly armed and trained forces.” He suggested forming an army of sixty divisions and recommended the establishment of a training regiment for military officers to equip them with the skills needed for modern warfare. Chiang Kai-shek accepted von Seeckt's proposals, and on January 26, 1935, he convened a National Military Reorganization Conference in Nanjing. On March 1, the Army Reorganization Bureau was established in Wuchang, under the leadership of General Chen Cheng. In the same month, General Alexander von Falkenhausen took charge of the German Military Advisors Group. Before war broke out, around nineteen divisions, roughly 300,000 troops received training from German advisors and were equipped with German-style weapons. At the onset of the Sino-Japanese War, the forces stemming from the First Army of the National Revolutionary Army and the Whampoa cadets, who had fought in the Northern Expedition, held the highest reputation and were referred to as the “core central forces” by the Japanese. Other notable forces included the Guangxi Army, Northwestern Army, Northeastern Army, some Uyghur units, the Guangdong Army, and the Shanxi Army. In contrast, provincial forces such as the Yunnan Army and Sichuan Army were viewed less favorably. Nationalist forces were generally far inferior to those of the Japanese enemy. In 1937, General He Yingqin noted that Nationalist forces had failed to prevail in 1932 and 1933, even when outnumbering the Japanese by 4-1.  In November 1937, during a national defense conference, Chiang Kai-shek stated, "In recent years we have worked hard, prepared actively, and achieved national unification. By the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, we were in a better domestic situation and had improved military preparedness compared to before. Since 1935, our strength has doubled. It increased by more than two to three times since January 1932 or September 1931 [when Japan attacked Shanghai and Mukden]. If peace had been achievable, we should have delayed the war for two or three years. Given an additional three years, our defensive capabilities would have been drastically different... Now, if we merely compare the military strength of China and Japan, we are certainly inferior." However, such assessments were overly optimistic, as Chiang failed to recognize that Japan's military capabilities would not have stagnated. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek certainly was dealt a difficult hand of cards for the upcoming poker match he was to play. Yet the Chinese were resilient and they had to be for the absolute horror that would be inflicted upon them from 1937-1945. Until this point, their enemies had been far more lenient, the Empire of Japan would show no mercy.

SojuTalk is back at it again as we discuss releases from Seventeen, SHINee, Irene & Seulgi! As always, the Crew keeps you up to date with all the recent Kpop News/Events. And you know we gonna get hype as we declare this week's Spice King and give our State of the Nation!!! Links ◆Email - sojutalkpodcast@gmail.com ◆Discord - discord.gg/3rb74x4 ◆Patreon - patreon.com/sojutalk Timestamps ◆Intro - 0:00 ◆Big New Releases - 3:54 ◆SojuScore - 46:10 ◆Show Winners - 51:47 ◆News - 53:02 ◆Afterhours -1:07:25

After decades in broadcasting, Gerald McBride wasn't looking for a new career, but he was interested in following a new passion. We explore his journey as a first-time filmmaker and what his path says about creative evolution at any age. Learn More: https://viewpointsradio.org/seventeen-years-one-dream-turning-passion-into-action-at-any-age Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode of the, the hosts discuss the latest comebacks and highlight medleys from Seventeen, Riize, Red Velvet, Baekhyun and Monsta X. They explore the musical styles, emotional themes, and innovative approaches to highlight medleys, as well as the controversies surrounding certain concepts. Join the Kpopcast Slack: https://join.slack.com/t/kpopcast/shared_invite/zt-93kzxcv6-YNej2QkyY6vaPnhEQJxk0AChip in for editing: https://ko-fi.com/thekpopcast HIT REPLAYS:Baekhyun ‘No Problem' https://youtu.be/aT-jUyik8yI?si=7X1ZLgxNapRO_zEt RIIZE 라이즈 'Fly Up' MV https://youtu.be/vLUtHODdLzk?si=T9trz9vqJDyHrvDH Chapters00:00 Introduction to K-Pop Highlights04:01 Baekhyun's Comeback and Musical Style07:52 RYSE's New Album and Emotional Themes10:53 Seventeen's Highlight Medley and Album Insights15:44 Innovations in K-Pop Highlight Medleys20:47 Red Velvet's Controversial Concepts27:29 Monsta X's Re-recorded Tracks and Future Prospects Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Seventeen. That's the number of states suing the US government to end federal protections for disabled individuals. 880 billion. That's the amount of money that Congress is primed to cut from Medicaid funding. One in four. That's the number of adults in the US who report having a disability. The math, well—it isn't adding up. This week, W. Kamau Bell is joined by advocates Zoe Brennan-Krohn and Nicole Jorwic to discuss the current state of disability rights in the US, how we got here, and what a just, equitable system could look like—both for individuals needing care and their caregivers. Zoe Brennan-Krohn is Director of the ACLU's Disability Rights Program and Nicole Jorwic is a disability rights activist and the Chief of Advocacy and Campaigns at Caring Across. At Liberty is a production of the ACLU, and hosted by W. Kamau Bell. This episode was executive produced by Jessica Herman Weitz and Gwen Schroeder for the ACLU, and W. Kamau Bell, Kelly Rafferty, PhD, and Melissa Hudson Bell, PhD for Who Knows Best Productions. It was recorded at Skyline Studios in Oakland, CA. At Liberty is edited and produced by Erica Getto and Myrriah Gossett for Good Get. *** Listen to At Liberty: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/at-liberty/id1396174920 Donate to the ACLU: http://www.aclu.org/action Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

An Auckland teenager is one of a small group of international students to be accepted to study at Cambridge University this year. He's also the only international student to be offered a place at Peterhouse College, which is the oldest of the Cambridge colleges, founded 1284. Seventeen-year-old Kevin Guo from Mairangi Bay heads to the UK in September and chats to Jesse about his exciting future.

Seventeen years.One missing child.A thousand headlines.And still—no answers. But what if the real story isn't the one we were told? In this bold, fictionalized follow-up to The Guilty Files: Uncovered, host Dani peels back the layers of the Madeleine McCann case—not to rewrite the facts, but to rewire how we think about them. Using her background in law enforcement, psychology, and sociology, Dani walks listeners through nine dramatized acts that reimagine what might have happened that night in Praia da Luz. From a tourist who saw something but said nothing, to a grief-stricken forensic scientist who twisted the truth, to a final confession decades too late—this isn't just crime storytelling. This is speculative justice. Along the way, Dani confronts the institutional flaws that shaped the investigation, the class privilege that distorted public perception, and the uncomfortable questions we've all been too afraid to ask. Plus, he shares a personal story from his time as a beat officer in Atlanta—a haunting parallel that brings this fictional journey crashing into reality. 

Seventeen year old Milena Shevelyova, from Russia, was found dead in her family's barn, her body brutally attacked and the first suspects were the pigs. The reality was much worse.SUPPORT THIS PODCAST:  https://linktr.ee/twistedtraveltruecrimepodcast⁠MONTHLY:Patreon: ⁠https://patreon.com/user?u=42048051&utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=creatorshare_creator&utm_content=join_link⁠Spotify:⁠https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/twisted-travel-and-true-c?ref=radiopublic⁠ONE TIME:Venmo:⁠⁠https://venmo.com/code?user_id=3248826752172032881⁠⁠Paypal:⁠⁠https://www.paypal.me/twistedtravelandTC⁠⁠Social Media Links:⁠https://linktr.ee/twistedtraveltruecrimepodcast⁠⁠https://www.facebook.com/twistedtravelandtruecrime⁠⁠https://www.instagram.com/twistedtravelandtrue_crime⁠⁠https://www.tiktok.com/@twistedtravelandtruecrim?lang=en⁠Gmail:  ⁠twistedtravelandtruecrime@gmail.com

Send us a textIn this episode, we break down the unprecedented law enforcement operation that took over Crystal Beach during the infamous “Go Topless Jeep Weekend.” After years of escalating violence, lawlessness, and emergency calls stretching resources thin, Galveston County Sheriff Jimmy Fullen said enough was enough.This wasn't just a weekend patrol—it was a full-scale operation. Seventeen law enforcement agencies came together, deploying over 600 additional officers to the Bolivar Peninsula. Their mission: restore order, ensure public safety, and send a clear message that chaos won't be tolerated.But the real story goes beyond the badges. The community stepped up in a big way. More than 100 Crystal Beach residents volunteered their homes to help house the surge of manpower—showing that public safety isn't just a law enforcement issue, it's a community-wide effort.We're also joined by TMPA Field Representative Leighton Guarnere, who was on the ground during the operation. He shares firsthand insight into the coordination, the challenges, and the impact of this historic law enforcement response.We'll dive into the planning, the boots-on-the-ground realities, and what this might mean for the future of “Go Topless Weekend.” This is what happens when a county draws the line—and backs it up with action.Support the showemail us at- bluegrit@tmpa.org

This week on The Follow Up, Pastors Arlen and Jack sit down with Carrie to unpack Romans 12:1–8. Together they explore what it really means to offer ourselves as living sacrifices — no halfway commitment, no middle ground. From confronting cultural pressure to embracing humility and discovering spiritual gifts, this conversation is packed with practical insight for anyone wanting to grow in their walk with Jesus.

What is “the church”? How are we supposed to know what is right and what is wrong? Do we just feel it out? Do we just do what works for us? Come listen to this incredible study of the book of First Corinthians, as Pastor's Joel & Chase look to see what church really looks like!

SEVENTEEN Unveils ‘Happy Burstday' Tracklist Featuring Solo Songs & a Timbaland Collaboration.

Ron Ramin was born and raised in New York City. He earned his undergraduate degree at Princeton University, where he majored in music and studied privately with composer Milton Babbitt. Upon graduation, he moved to Los Angeles where he composed music for 20 Primetime television series and 30 movies/telefilms. Ron is the recipient of a CableACE Award, a Primetime EMMY nomination, and TV/Film Awards from BMI and ASCAP. In recent years he has shifted his focus to composing for the concert hall. This includes "Golden State of Mind," a symphonic suite depicting the beauty & drama of the California landscape and its cultural diversity. “Greetings!" was given its world premiere performance in 2016 by the Marin Symphony, conducted by Music Director Alasdair Neale. His latest work, SEVENTEEN, is a narrative work for orchestra and six on-stage Gen Z narrators. Days after the 2018 mass school shooting in Parkland, Florida, librettist Portia Kamons and Ron began to work on an artistic response to the relentless plague of gun violence in American schools and communities. Their attention soon focused on the rising generation of young people channeling their grief and anger into deliberate and effective action. They were bringing extraordinary commitment, determination, and energy to multiple challenges of their time. Ron & Portia were also determined to bring classical music audiences together with young people for an orchestral performance and thoughtful discussion. From the beginning they committed to employ verbatim text from the young Americans themselves. SEVENTEEN is their story, told in their own words. The Orlando Philharmonic commissioned it and gave the premiere performance Nov 8, 2024. Eric Jacobsen, their innovative music director, conducted the performance and Jamie Bernstein directed the six young on-stage narrators. The orchestra, to its credit, made this a free community event that included a thoughtful discussion and Q&A following the performance. A former Board member of the Society of Composers and Lyricists, Ron currently resides in Northern California and New York City.   Portia Kamons is a producer and librettist working with newly commissioned pieces in theatre, live events, music and feature film. With composer Ron Ramin, she is the co-creator and librettist for SEVENTEEN, a narrative work for Orchestra that received its world premiere by the Orlando Philharmonic on 8 November 2024. She was the Executive Producer for Virtua Creative on the US WW1 Centennial Commemoration narrated by Kevin Costner, as well as Exec Producer for "Visions of Peace" a special project for the WW1 Centennial with President Jimmy Carter. Portia was the lead producer of Tennyson Bardwell's feature film DORIAN BLUES which won 14 awards at festivals worldwide. She was a founding member and the first General Manager of Primary Stages Theatre in New York City, and a Producer for the NextWave Festival at the Brooklyn Academy of Music. For many years she worked for as a producer with En Garde Arts in New York City, and the London International Festival of Theatre in the UK where she lives. She is a regular consultant to Danish web-based documentary platform, OTHER STORY.     website: www.seventeeninamerica.com Instagram: @seventeen_in_america  Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61561439852395 email: hello@seventeeninamerica.com Make sure you SUBSCRIBE to Crushing Classical, and maybe even leave a nice review!  Thanks for joining me on Crushing Classical!  Theme music by DreamVance. You can join my email list HERE, so you never miss an episode! I help people to lean into their creative careers and start or grow their income streams. You can read more or hop onto a short discovery call from my website.   I'm your host, Jennet Ingle. I love you all. Stay safe out there!  

Seventeen centuries ago, a courageous pastor named Athanasius, and the historic Council of Nicaea defended an important truth of our faith—that Jesus is both fully God and fully man. In this unique episode, John McGee sits down with Rob Barry, Garrett Wikle, and Grant Wilkie to unpack why the Council of Nicaea (325 AD) still matters for your faith, your leadership, and the life of the Church. Recommended Books on Church History: • Church History in Plain Language – Bruce Shelley • In the Year of Our Lord: Reflections on Twenty Centuries of Church History – Sinclair Ferguson • The Story of Christianity, Volume 1 – Justo González • The Story of Christianity, Volume 2 – Justo González • Christianity: The Biography – Ian J. Shaw • A Pocket History of the Church – D. Jeffrey Bingham • 50 People Every Christian Should Know – Warren W. WiersbeHelpful Videos and Messages: • Irish Heresies Video (YouTube) – A fun and memorable explanation of early church heresies. • Contending for Our All by John Piper (Desiring God)  

On the evening of June 24, 2008, a young father opened the door of his sister's Leeds home to a woman asking for someone named "Michelle". Moments later, Adam Chadwick was fatally shot by three masked men in what appeared to be a targeted and deliberate attack.Seventeen years on, his murder remains unsolved.Despite several arrests, media appeals and a £12,000 reward, the key to this case may lie with the unknown woman who knocked on the door that night - a woman whose identity remains a mystery.If you have any information about this case, no matter how insignificant you think it might be, please contact West Yorkshire Police's Homicide and Major Enquiry Team via 101 or via the link below quoting 'Operation Pimento':Report it | West Yorkshire PoliceAlternatively, Crimewatch can be contacted anonymously on 0800 468 999.Join my Patreon community at patreon.com/britishmurders for exclusive perks, including early access to ad-free episodes, bonus episodes and content, exciting giveaways, and welcome goodies!Follow me on social media:Facebook | British Murders with Stuart BluesInstagram | @britishmurdersTikTok | @britishmurdersJoin the private Facebook group:British Murders Podcast - Discussion GroupVisit my website:britishmurders.comIntro music:⁣David John Brady - 'Throw Down the Gauntlet'⁣davidjohnbrady.comDisclaimer:The case discussed in this podcast episode is real and represents the worst day in many people's lives. I aim to cover such stories with a victim-focused approach, using information from publicly available sources. While I strive for accuracy, some details may vary depending on the sources used. You can find the sources for each episode on my website. Due to the nature of the content, listener discretion is advised. Thank you for your understanding and support. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

pWotD Episode 2933: Cassie Ventura Welcome to Popular Wiki of the Day, spotlighting Wikipedia's most visited pages, giving you a peek into what the world is curious about today.With 247,378 views on Tuesday, 13 May 2025 our article of the day is Cassie Ventura.Casandra Elizabeth Ventura (born August 26, 1986), known mononymously as Cassie, is an American singer, dancer, actress, and model. Born in New London, Connecticut, she began her musical career after meeting producer Ryan Leslie in late 2004, who signed her to his record label, NextSelection Lifestyle Group. She was then discovered by rapper Sean "Diddy" Combs, who signed her to a joint venture with his label, Bad Boy Records, to commercially release her 2006 debut single, "Me & U". The song marked the first of her two entries on the Billboard Hot 100, peaking at number three.With "Me & U" issued as its lead single, Ventura's self-titled debut studio album (2006) peaked at number four on the Billboard 200 and spawned the follow-up single, "Long Way 2 Go". From 2008 to 2009, she released the singles "Official Girl" (featuring Lil Wayne), "Must Be Love" (featuring Diddy), and "Let's Get Crazy" (featuring Akon). She signed with Interscope Records to release her debut mixtape, RockaByeBaby (2013), which was promoted by the music videos for its singles "Numb" (featuring Rick Ross) and "Paradise" (featuring Wiz Khalifa).Ventura signed with Lewis modeling agency Wilhelmina Models early in her career, and later One Management. She has modeled for Calvin Klein and has been featured in magazines including GQ, Seventeen, and Bust. She was the face of ASOS's 2013 spring collection. She has also starred in advertising for Delia's, Adidas, Abercrombie & Fitch, and Clean & Clear. She has appeared in films such as Step Up 2: The Streets (2008) and The Perfect Match (2016).This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 01:36 UTC on Wednesday, 14 May 2025.For the full current version of the article, see Cassie Ventura on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm standard Geraint.

Rebecca Lynn Howard is a powerhouse vocalist, acclaimed songwriter, and dynamic multi-instrumentalist known for her unmistakable Appalachian twang and captivating stage presence. She burst onto the country music scene with her 2002 hit single, "Forgive." Now, after eight years, she returns with her highly anticipated new album produced by Elisha Hoffman and executive produced by country artist Lee Bryce on Pump House Records. Her latest single, "Seventeen," surpassed 1 million views on YouTube in just 10 days. And our guest has earned admiration from legendary artists such as Dolly Parton and Steven Tyler of Aerosmith, with whom she has toured as a bassist and backing vocalist. Follow Rebecca Lynn Howard Here: Facebook: @rebeccalynnhowardofficial   Instagram:   @rebeccalynnhoward   TikTok:   @rebeccalynnhoward   YouTube:    @rebeccalynnhowardofficial  The C.L.I.M.B. Show is dedicated to helping singers, songwriters, indie artists and industry pros "Create Leverage In The Music Business." We want you to win! About the hosts: Brent Baxter is an award-winning hit songwriter with cuts by Alan Jackson (“Monday Morning Church”), Randy Travis, Lady A, Joe Nichols, Ray Stevens, Gord Bamford and more.  He helps songwriters turn pro by helping them WRITE like a pro, DO BUSINESS like a pro and CONNECT to the pros.  You can find Brent at SongwritingPro.com/Baxter and  SongwritingPro.com. Johnny Dwinell owns Daredevil Production and helps artists increase their streams, blow up their video views, sell more live show tickets, and get discovered by new fans, TV and music industry pros. Daredevil has worked with artists including Collin Raye, Tracy Lawrence, Ty Herndon, Ronnie McDowell and others.  You can find Johnny at TheCLIMBshow.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

SojuTalk is back at it again as we discuss releases from I-DLE, RIIZE, tripleS, P1Harmony, MEOVV, BOYNEXTDOOR! As always, the Crew keeps you up to date with all the recent Kpop News/Events. And you know we gonna get hype as we declare this week's Spice King and give our State of the Nation!!! Links ◆Email - sojutalkpodcast@gmail.com ◆Discord - discord.gg/3rb74x4 ◆Patreon - patreon.com/sojutalk Timestamps ◆Intro - 0:00 ◆Big New Releases Part1 - 1:20 ◆Big New Releases Part2 - 47:58 ◆SojuScore - 1:23:08 ◆Show Winners - 1:31:40 ◆News - 1:33:30 ◆Afterhours -

Last time we spoke about Operation Chahar. In the turbulent year of 1935, tensions surged in North China as the Kwantung Army defied Tokyo's orders, encroaching deeper into Chahar province. This period was marked by widespread anti-Japanese sentiments, fueled by local revolts and the assassination of pro-Japanese figures, which infuriated Japanese authorities. On May 20, the Kwantung Army launched an offensive against a bandit group led by Sun Yungqin, seeking to exert control over the demilitarized regions established by earlier agreements. Their swift victory forced the resignation of local officials opposing Japanese interests. As chaos escalated, the Chinese government, under pressure to appease Japan, dismantled anti-Japanese factions and dismissed key leaders. The climax in this saga came with the signing of the He-Umezu Agreement, stripping China of authority in Hubei and Chahar, signaling Japan's increasing dominance and setting the stage for further exploitation of the region.   #150 The February 26 Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While this podcast is supposed to be given through the Chinese perspective, I apologize but yet again I need to jump over to the Japanese side. You see, a very pivotal moment during the Showa era would occur in the year of 1936. I think it's crucial to understand it, and the underlying issues of it, to better understand what we will be stuck in for the unforeseeable future, the Second Sino-Japanese War. I've briefly mentioned the two factions within the Japanese military at this time, but now I'd really like to jump into them, and a major incident that made them collide. In the aftermath of WW1, 2 prominent factions emerged during this tumultuous period: the Kodoha, or Imperial Way Faction, and the Toseiha, or Control Faction. Each faction represented distinct visions for Japan's future, deeply influencing the nation's course leading up to World War II. The Kodoha rose to prominence in the 1920s, driven by a fervent belief in Japan's divine destiny and its right to expand its imperial reach across Asia. This faction was characterized by its adherence to traditional Japanese values, rooted in the samurai ethos. They viewed the Emperor as the embodiment of Japan's spirit and sought to return to the moral foundations they believed had been eroded by “Western influence”. The Kodoha was often critical of the West, perceiving the encroachment of Western thought and culture as a threat to Japan's unique identity. Their ideology emphasized a robust military force, advocating for aggressive campaigns in regions like Manchuria and China to assert Japan's dominance. Contrasting sharply with the Kodoha, the Toseiha began to emerge as a more dominant political force in the late 1930s. The Toseiha embraced a pragmatic approach, advocating for a disciplined military that could engage effectively with the complexities of modern warfare. They recognized the importance of retaining some traditional values while also integrating Western military techniques. Rather than rejecting Western influence entirely, the Toseiha believed in adapting to global shifts to ensure Japan's strength and security. The Toseiha's moderation extended to their governance strategies, as they prioritized political stability and control over radical ideology. They saw this approach as crucial for creating a robust state capable of managing Japan's expansionist ambitions without provoking the backlash that Kodoha tactics elicited. Their more calculated approach to military expansion included securing partnerships and pursuing diplomatic solutions alongside military action, thereby presenting a less confrontational image to the world. Now after Manchuria was seized and Manchukuo was ushered in, many in the Japanese military saw a crisis emerge, that required a “showa restoration' to solve. Both factions aimed to create military dictatorships under the emperor. The Kodoha saw the USSR as the number one threat to Japan and advocated an invasion of them, aka the Hokushin-ron doctrine, but the Toseiha faction prioritized a national defense state built on the idea they must build Japans industrial capabilities to face multiple enemies in the future. What really separated the two, was the Kodoha sought to use a violent coup d'etat to make ends meet, whereas the Toseiha were unwilling to go so far. The Kodoha faction was made up mostly of junior and youthful officers, typically country boys as we would call them. These were young men whose families were not the blue bloods, farmer types. They viewed the dramatic changes of Japan in light of their own family experiences, many were impoverished by the dramatic changes. A very specific thing these Kodoha boys hated were the Zaibatsu. The Zaibatsu were large Japanese business conglomerates, primarily active from the Meiji period until WW2. They combined various industries, including banking, manufacturing, and trading. Prominent examples included Mitsubishi and Sumitomo. The reason they hated the Zaibatsu was because they believed they were influenced by western thought and that they super succeeded the authority of the emperor. More or less you can think of it as “we hate the fat cats who are really running things”.   Now the Toseiha faction were willing to work with the Zaibatsu to make Japan stronger. Basically they believed them to just be a necessary evil, you had to play ball to get things rolling. Random note, Hirohito's brother Prince Chichibu sympathized with the Kodoha faction and repeatedly counseled his brother that he should implement direct imperial rule even if it meant suspending the constitution, aka a show restoration. Hirohito believed his brother who was active in the IJA at the time was being radicalized. Now I cant go through the entire history of it, but this time period is known as the “government by assassination” period for Japan. Military leaders in the IJA, IJN and from within the Kodoha and Toseiha factions kept assassinating politicians and senior officers to push envelopes forward. Stating all of that, I now want to talk about the February 26th incident and I will add I am using a specific source, simply because it's my favorite. That is Herbert P Bix's Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. In late 1934, several officers from the Imperial Way faction at the Army Cadet School were arrested for plotting a coup. Although there were no immediate repercussions, the following year, two of the same Kodoha officers, named Isobe Asaichi and Muranaka Takaji were arrested again for distributing a document accusing Toseiha faction officers, like Major General Nagata Tetsuzan, of previously drafting coup plans against the government. This time, the army's upper echelons responded firmly, condemning Isobe and Muranaka's accusations as acts of disloyalty, resulting in both officers losing their commissions. Meanwhile, other Imperial Way officers sought retaliation against Nagata, who was rumored to be planning a major purge to eliminate factionalism within the army. Tatsukichi Minobe was a Japanese statesman and scholar of constitutional law and in the 1930s he began a movement bringing up the very real issue with the Meiji constitution in relation to the role of the emperor. In August 1935, amid a populist movement denouncing Minobe's interpretation of the constitution, Lt colonel Aizawa Saburo from Kodoha faction entered Nagata's office and fatally attacked him with his katana. This marked a significant escalation in the military struggle over state reform and the push for increased military funding, which was intertwined with the movement against Minobe. Meanwhile anti- Prime Minister Okada factions within the army, continuing to use slogans like “kokutai clarification” and “denounce the organ theory,” intensified their attacks on the emperor's advisers and hereditary peers. Senior generals from the Kodoha faction arranged a public court-martial for Aizawa, held by the 1st Division, a group heavily populated by Kodoha officers based in Tokyo. When Aizawa's trial commenced on January 12, 1936, his defense team transformed it into an emotional condemnation of the Okada cabinet, the court entourage, and Minobe's constitutional theories. This strategy garnered support across the nation, even reaching unexpected places like the imperial palace, where Dowager Empress Teimei Kogo, a staunch rightist, expressed sympathy for Aizawa. However, before the trial could progress, a military mutiny disrupted proceedings in the capital. Shockwaves rippled through the army after Army Minister Hayashi dismissed Kodoha member General Mazaki from his position overseeing military education and ordered the transfer of the 1st Division to Manchuria, which ignited the largest army uprising in modern Japanese history. The uprising was orchestrated through a series of meetings held from February 18 to 22 by key individuals including Nishida, Yasuhide Kurihara, Teruzō Andō, Hisashi Kōno, Takaji Muranaka, and Asaichi Isobe. Their plan was relatively straightforward: the officers would assassinate the most prominent adversaries of the kokutai, seize control of the administrative center of the capital and the Imperial Palace, and present their demands, which included the dismissal of certain officials and the establishment of a new cabinet led by Mazaki. They did not establish long-term goals, believing that those should be determined by the Emperor. However, it is suspected that they were prepared to replace Hirohito with Prince Chichibu if necessary. The young Kodoha officers felt they had at least implicit support from several influential Imperial Japanese Army officers after making informal inquiries. This group included figures such as Araki, Minister of War Yoshiyuki Kawashima, Jinzaburō Mazaki, Tomoyuki Yamashita, Kanji Ishiwara, Shigeru Honjō, as well as their immediate superiors, Kōhei Kashii and Takeo Hori. Later, Kawashima's successor as Minister of War remarked that if all the officers who had endorsed the rebellion were forced to resign, there would not have been enough high-ranking officers left to replace them. To articulate their intentions and grievances, the young officers prepared a document titled "Manifesto of the Uprising" “Kekki Shuisho”, which they intended to present to the Emperor. Although the document was authored by Muranaka, it was written under the name of Shirō Nonaka, the highest-ranking officer involved in the plot. The document aligned with Kokutai Genri-ha ideals, criticizing the genrō, political leaders, military factions, zaibatsu, bureaucrats, and political parties for jeopardizing the kokutai with their selfishness and disregard for the Emperor, and emphasized the need for direct action: “Now, as we face immense foreign and domestic challenges, if we do not eliminate the disloyal and unjust who threaten the kokutai, if we do not remove the villains obstructing the Emperor's authority and hindering the Restoration, the Imperial vision for our nation will come to naught [...] Our duty is to purge the malevolent ministers and military factions surrounding the Emperor and eradicate their influence; we shall fulfill this mission.” Seven targets were selected for assassination for "threatening the kokutai". Keisuke Okada served as Prime Minister, where he notably advocated for the London Naval Treaty and supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai. His actions reflect a commitment to international agreements and specific ideological principles at the time. Saionji Kinmochi, a Genrō and former Prime Minister, also supported the London Naval Treaty. However, his influence extended further, as he played a role in prompting the Emperor to establish inappropriate cabinets, impacting political stability. Makino Nobuaki, the former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and Foreign Minister, was another key figure who supported the London Naval Treaty. He notably prevented Prince Fushimi from voicing protests to the Emperor during this period, and he established a court faction in collaboration with Saitō, further entrenching political alliances. In his capacity as Grand Chamberlain, Kantarō Suzuki supported the London Naval Treaty but faced criticism for "obstructing the Imperial virtue," suggesting tensions between political decisions and traditional values. Saitō Makoto, who served as Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and former Prime Minister, was involved in advocating for the London Naval Treaty and played a significant role in Mazaki's dismissal. He, too, formed a court faction with Makino, indicating the intricacies of court politics. Takahashi Korekiyo, as Finance Minister and former Prime Minister, engaged in party politics with the aim of diminishing military influence. His approach was focused on maintaining the existing economic structure amid the shifting political landscape. Finally, Jōtarō Watanabe, who replaced Mazaki as Inspector General of Military Education, supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai yet faced criticism for refusing to resign, despite being considered unsuitable for his position. On the night of February 25, Tokyo experienced a heavy snowfall, which uplifted the rebel officers as it evoked memories of the 1860 Sakuradamon Incident. During this event, political activists known as shishi assassinated Ii Naosuke, the chief advisor to the Shōgun, in the name of the Emperor. The rebel forces, organized into six groups, began mobilizing their troops and departing from their barracks between 3:30 and 4:00 AM. At 5:00 AM, they launched simultaneous attacks on key targets, including Okada, Takahashi, Suzuki, Saito, the Ministry of War, and the headquarters of the Tokyo Metropolitan Police. At around five o'clock on the morning of February 26, 1936, a rebellion erupted, fueled by the long-standing tensions surrounding the kokutai issues that had plagued 1935. Twenty-two junior officers led over 1,400 armed soldiers and non-commissioned officers from three regiments of the 1st Division and an infantry unit of the Imperial Guards in a mutiny in snow-covered Tokyo. The attack on Okada involved a contingent of 280 men from the 1st Infantry Regiment, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Yasuhide Kurihara. The troops encircled the Prime Minister's Residence and compelled its guards to open the gates. Upon entering the compound, they attempted to locate Prime Minister Okada but were met with gunfire from four policemen stationed there. All four policemen were killed, wounding six rebel soldiers in the process. However, the shots served as a warning for Okada, prompting his brother-in-law, Colonel Denzō Matsuo, to help him find refuge. Matsuo, who closely resembled Okada, was eventually discovered by the soldiers and killed. After comparing Matsuo's wounded face to a photograph of the prime minister, the attackers mistakenly believed they had accomplished their mission. Okada managed to escape the following day, but this information was kept confidential, and he did not play any further role in the events. After Matsuo's death, Kurihara's men took up guard positions around the compound, reinforced by sixty soldiers from the 3rd Imperial Guard. In another key operation, Captain Kiyosada Kōda led a group of 160 men to seize control of the Minister of War's residence, the Ministry of War, and the General Staff Office. Upon entering the Minister's residence at 6:30 AM, they demanded to see Minister Kawashima. Once admitted, they read their manifesto aloud and presented a document detailing several demands, including: A prompt resolution to the situation that would further "advance the cause of the Restoration." A call to prevent the use of force against the Righteous Army. The arrest of Kazushige Ugaki (Governor-General of Korea), Jirō Minami (commander of the Kwantung Army), Kuniaki Koiso (commander of the Korean Army), and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa for their roles in undermining military command. The immediate dismissal of Lieutenant Colonel Akira Mutō, Colonel Hiroshi Nemoto, and Major Tadashi Katakura from the Imperial Japanese Army for promoting "factionalism." The appointment of Araki as the new commander of the Kwantung Army. Ugaki, who served as Minister of War during two separate terms, had overseen significant reductions and modernization efforts within the army. He had also failed to support the March Incident plotters, who had hoped to install him as Prime Minister. Minami, Mutō, Nemoto, and Katakura were all influential members of the Tōsei-ha faction; Katakura had been partly responsible for reporting on the Military Academy Incident. Later that morning, Isobe encountered Katakura outside the Ministry of War and shot him non-fatally in the head. During this tumultuous period, several officers sympathetic to the rebels, including General Mazaki, General Tomoyuki Yamashita, and General Ryū Saitō, joined the uprising. Saitō praised the young officers' spirit and encouraged Kawashima to accept their demands. Shortly before 9:00 am, Kawashima indicated he needed to speak with the Emperor and left for the Imperial Palace. Meanwhile, Captain Hisashi Kōno led a team of seven, comprised mostly of civilians, to attack Makino Nobuaki, who was staying at Kōfūsō, part of the ryokan Itōya in Yugawara, Kanagawa Prefecture, with his family. Arriving at 5:45 am, they stationed two men outside while entering the inn with weapons drawn. Inside, policemen opened fire, leading to a lengthy exchange of gunfire. A policeman managed to alert Makino and his party of the danger, guiding them to a rear exit. Although the assassins fired at the escaping group, Makino successfully evaded capture. Kōno sustained a gunshot wound to the chest, and one policeman, Yoshitaka Minagawa, was killed. As Kōno was evacuated from the scene, the assailants set fire to the building. Hearing a gunshot, Kōno assumed that Makino had shot himself inside. After his recovery at a nearby military hospital, Kōno and his team were arrested by military police. Around 10:00 am, Kurihara and Nakahashi loaded a fleet of three trucks with sixty men and drove from the Prime Minister's Residence to the offices of the Asahi Shimbun, a significant liberal newspaper. They stormed the building, ordering the evacuation of employees and declaring their actions as "divine retribution for being an un-Japanese newspaper." The rebels then overturned and scattered the newspaper's type trays, containing 4,000 different characters, temporarily halting its publication. Following this attack, the men distributed copies of the uprising's manifesto to nearby newspapers before returning to the Prime Minister's Residence. On another front, 1st Lieutenant Motoaki Nakahashi of the 3rd Imperial Guard gathered 135 men and, under the pretext of paying respects at Yasukuni Shrine, marched to Takahashi Korekiyo's residence. There, he divided his forces, sending one group to attack while the other remained to guard the entrance. After breaking into the compound, Nakahashi and Lieutenant Kanji Nakajima found Takahashi in bed, where Nakahashi shot him while Nakajima delivered a fatal sword strike. Takahashi died without waking. Once his target was eliminated, Nakahashi regrouped with the soldiers and proceeded to the Imperial Palace, aiming to secure it. Entering through the western Hanzō Gate at 6:00 am, Nakahashi informed Major Kentarō Honma, the palace guard commander, that he had been dispatched to reinforce the gates due to earlier attacks. Honma, already aware of the uprisings, accepted Nakahashi's arrival. He was assigned to help secure the Sakashita Gate, the primary entrance to the Emperor's residence. Nakahashi planned to signal nearby rebel troops at police headquarters once he controlled access to the Emperor. However, he struggled to contact his allies, and by 8:00 am, Honma learned of his involvement in the uprising and ordered him, at gunpoint, to vacate the palace grounds. Nakahashi complied and returned to join Kurihara at the Prime Minister's Residence, while his soldiers remained at the gate until relieved later that day, preventing their inclusion in the government's official count of rebel forces. Elsewhere, 1st Lieutenant Naoshi Sakai led a detachment of 120 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to Saitō Makoto's home in Yotsuya. After surrounding the policemen on guard, five soldiers entered the residence and found Saitō and his wife, Haruko, in their bedroom. They shot Saitō dead, prompting Haruko to plead for her life, saying, "Please kill me instead!" While they pulled her away, she was unwittingly wounded by stray gunfire. Following Saitō's assassination, two officers directed another group to target General Watanabe, while the remaining men moved to strategically position themselves northeast of the Ministry of War. In Kōjimachi, Captain Teruzō Andō commanded 200 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to assault Suzuki's residence across from the Imperial Palace. After disarming the police on duty, they located Suzuki in his bedroom and shot him twice. When Andō moved to deliver the coup de grâce with his sword, Suzuki's wife implored to be allowed to do it herself, believing her husband to be fatally wounded. Andō obliged and, apologizing for the act, explained it was for the nation's sake. After saluting Suzuki, the soldiers left to guard the Miyakezaka junction north of the Ministry of War. Following the assault on Saitō, a party of twenty men, led by 2nd Lieutenants Tarō Takahashi and Yutaka Yasuda, headed to Watanabe's residence in Ogikubo after 7:00 AM. Despite the two-hour delay since previous attacks, no measures had been taken to alert Watanabe. As they attempted to storm the front entrance, military police inside opened fire, wounding Yasuda and another soldier. The troops then gained entry through the rear, confronting Watanabe's wife outside their bedroom. After shoving her aside, they found Watanabe using a futon as cover. He opened fire, prompting one soldier to retaliate with a light machine gun. Takahashi then rushed in and fatally stabbed Watanabe, witnessed by his nine-year-old daughter, Kazuko, who hid nearby. The soldiers departed, taking their wounded to a hospital before positioning themselves in northern Nagatachō. In a significant move, Captain Shirō Nonaka led nearly a third of the rebel forces, comprising 500 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment, to assault the Tokyo Metropolitan Police headquarters. Their objective was to secure communication equipment and prevent dispatch of the police's Emergency Service Unit. Meeting no resistance, they quickly occupied the building, possibly due to a strategic decision to leave the situation in the military's hands. After securing the police headquarters, 2nd Lieutenant Kinjirō Suzuki led a small group to attack Fumio Gotō's residence, the Home Minister's, but found that Gotō was not home, thus allowing him to escape. This attack appeared to result from Suzuki's independent decision, rather than a coordinated effort among the officers. Despite all of these actions, the Kodoha boys had failed to secure the Sakashita Gate to the palace, which allowed the palace to maintain communication with the outside world, and they neglected to address potential naval interventions. At the Yokosuka naval base, Rear Adm. Yonai Mitsumasa and his chief of staff, Inoue Shigeyoshi, positioned marines to defend the Navy Ministry and prepared warships in Tokyo Bay to suppress the rebellion. By the morning of February 28, after unsuccessful negotiations through sympathetic officers at army headquarters, the commander under martial law transmitted an imperial order to disperse. Most troops returned to their barracks, one officer committed suicide, and the remaining leaders surrendered, resulting in the uprising ending with minimal further violence. Nevertheless, martial law in Tokyo continued for nearly five months. The rebel officers had initially planned for General Kawashima, a staunch ally of the Kodoha, to relay their intentions to the emperor, who they assumed would issue a decree for a “Showa restoration.” Despite their radical objectives of overthrowing the political order, the mutineers, like other military and civilian extremists of the 1930s, sought to operate within the imperial framework and maintain the kokutai. They believed the emperor was under the control of his advisers and lacked a genuine will of his own. Once the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and the Grand Chamberlain were removed, they expected the emperor to appoint General Mazaki as prime minister, a leader they believed would reinforce the military and effectively address the China issue. At the onset of the insurrection, they had a real chance of success. The Tokyo military police commander, General Kashii Kohei, sympathized with their cause, and the emperor's chief aide, General Honjo, was related to rebel officer Capain Yamaguchi Ichitaro. Support for the mutineers was present at military bases nationwide. Historian Hata Ikuhiko notes that the rebels contacted General Honjo by both phone and written message before attacking the Okada cabinet. As the first in the imperial entourage to learn of the mutiny, Honjo could have warned the intended targets but chose not to do so. By the time he arrived at court at 6:00 am. on the 26th, key advisors like Chief Secretary Kido, Imperial Household Minister Yuasa Kurahei, and Vice Grand Chamberlain Hirohata Tadakata were already aware of the potential danger. Suzuki was murdered, and the emperor was deeply affected, awakening to the news at 5:40 am from the chamberlain on night duty, Kanroji Osanaga. He learned that his old ministers had been attacked and a coup was underway. Upon receiving this information, Hirohito resolved to suppress the uprising. He was outraged by the killing of his ministers and feared that the rebels might use his brother, Prince Chichibu, to force him to abdicate. He donned his army uniform and summoned Honjo, ordering him to “end it immediately and turn this misfortune into a blessing.” Hirohito adopted a strategy proposed by Kido, who had acted swiftly earlier that morning, instructing Honjo to assess the Imperial Guard Division's potential actions if the mutineers advanced on the Palace. Kido aimed to prevent the establishment of a new provisional cabinet until the mutiny was fully quelled. At 9:30 am Army Minister Kawashima, who had previously met with one of the rebel officers, arrived at court. He urged the emperor to form a cabinet that would “clarify the kokutai, stabilize national life, and fulfill national defense.” Surprised by Kawashima's tone, Hirohito reprimanded him for not prioritizing the suppression of the mutiny. He also expressed his frustration to Chief of the Navy General Staff Prince Fushimi, dismissing him when he inquired about forming a new cabinet. Later that day, Kawashima met with the Supreme Military Council, consisting mainly of army officers sympathetic to the rebels. The council decided to attempt persuasion before relaying the emperor's orders a move contrary to Hirohito's directive. According to historian Otabe Yuji, an “instruction” was issued to the rebel officers at 10:50 am, acknowledging their motives and suggesting the emperor might show them leniency. This message was communicated to the ringleaders by martial law commander General Kashii. That evening, when members of the Okada cabinet came to submit their resignations, Hirohito insisted they remain in power until the mutiny was resolved. On February 27, the second day of the uprising, Hirohito announced “administrative martial law” based on Article 8 of the Imperial Constitution. This invoked his sovereign powers to address the crisis while freeing him from needing cabinet approval for his actions. Hirohito displayed remarkable energy throughout the subsequent days, sending chamberlains to summon Honjo for updates and threatening to lead the Imperial Guard Division himself when dissatisfied with the reports. Honjo, however, resisted the emperor's demands and exhibited sympathy for the rebels. During the uprising, Hirohito met with Prince Chichibu, who had recently returned from Hirosaki. Their discussions reportedly led Chichibu to distance himself from the rebels. However, rumors of his sympathy for them persisted, leading to concerns about potential conflicts within the imperial family. On the second day, Rear Admiral Yonai and his chief of staff demonstrated their loyalty to Hirohito. By February 29, the fourth day of the uprising, Hirohito had reasserted his authority, troops were returning to their barracks, and most rebel leaders were captured. Seventeen of these leaders were court-martialed and executed in July without legal representation. Shortly after, during the obon festival, Hirohito allegedly instructed a military aide to secure seventeen obon lanterns for the palace. This action, though secret, may have provided him some personal comfort amidst the turmoil. An investigation following the mutiny revealed that the rebels' sense of crisis was amplified by the recent general elections, which had shown an anti-military sentiment among voters. Despite their populist rhetoric, most ringleaders were not motivated by the agricultural depression; their goal was to support the kokutai by advocating for increased military rearmament. During this period, military spending steadily rose from 3.47% of GNP in 1931 to 5.63% in 1936. Intriguingly, the ringleaders and their senior commanders shared a desire for state control over production to mobilize resources fully for total war. While united in this goal, their ideas about how to achieve a “Showa restoration” varied greatly, with some leaders, like Isobe, calling for complete economic consolidation and a return to strong state power. The February mutiny reinforced Hirohito's belief in the constitutional framework that underpinned his military authority. He became increasingly cautious about decisions that could compromise his command and developed closer ties to the army's Control faction, justifying military spending increases. Yet, the memory of the mutiny left him feeling uncertain about the throne's stability. Now you know me, whenever I can bring up Hirohito's involvement in the war related times I gotta do. After WW2, in an apparent effort to downplay his role as supreme commander, Hirohito provided a deliberately distorted account of the February events. “I issued an order at that time for the rebel force to be suppressed. This brings to mind Machida Chuji, the finance minister. He was very worried about the rebellion's adverse effect on the money market and warned me that a panic could occur unless I took firm measures. Therefore I issued a strong command to have [the uprising] put down. As a rule, because a suppression order also involves martial law, military circles, who cannot issue such an order on their own, need the mutual consent of the government. However, at the time, Okada's whereabouts were unknown. As the attitude of the Army Ministry seemed too lenient, I issued a strict order. Following my bitter experiences with the Tanaka cabinet, I had decided always to wait for the opinions of my advisers before making any decision, and not to go against their counsel. Only twice, on this occasion and at the time of the ending of the war, did I positively implement my own ideas. Ishiwara Kanji of the Army General Staff Office also asked me, through military aide Chojiri [Kazumoto], to issue a suppression order. I don't know what sort of a person Ishiwara is, but on this occasion he was correct, even though he had been the instigator of the Manchurian Incident. Further, my chief military aide, Honjo, brought me the plan drafted by Yamashita Hobun, in which Yamashita asked me to please send an examiner because the three leaders of the rebel army were likely to commit suicide. However, I thought that sending an examiner would imply that they had acted according to their moral convictions and were deserving of respect. . . . So I rejected Honjo's proposal, and [instead] issued the order to suppress them. I received no report that generals in charge of military affairs had gone and urged the rebels to surrender.”  On February 26, when Hirohito ordered the immediate suppression of the rebels, his anger was directed not only at the insurgents who had assassinated his closest advisors but also at senior army officers who were indecisive in executing the crackdown. The following day, in addition to his role as Minister of Commerce and Industry, Machida took on the responsibilities of finance minister. Concerns over economic panic and confusion contributed to the emperor's sense of urgency, despite not being the primary motivation for his actions. Hirohito believed that every hour of delay tarnished Japan's international reputation. Since the Manchurian Incident, the emperor had frequently clashed with the military regarding encroachments on his authority, though never about fundamental policy issues. At times, he had managed to assert his political views during policy discussions, similar to his earlier influence under the Hamaguchi cabinet. The February 26 mutiny highlighted to Hirohito and Yuasa his privy seal from March 1936 to June 1940, and the first lord keeper of the privy seal to attend court regularly the necessity of fully exercising the emperor's supreme command whenever the situation demanded it. Even when faced with opposition from Honjo, Hirohito managed to gain support and assert his authority through a decisive approach. His resolution marked the end of a period during which alienated “young officers” attempted to leverage his influence as a reformist figure to challenge a power structure they could not manipulate effectively. However, Hirohito learned how to adeptly manage that establishment in most situations. The decision-making process within the government was characterized by secrecy, indirect communication, vague policy drafting, and information manipulation, creating a landscape of confusion, misunderstanding, and constant intrigue aimed at achieving consensus among elites. This was the modus operandi in Tokyo and a reflection of how the emperor operated. Once again, Hirohito reminded the tightly-knit elite that he was essential to the functioning of the system. On May 4, 1936, during his address at the opening ceremony of the Sixty-ninth Imperial Diet, while Tokyo remained under martial law, Hirohito closed the chapter on the February mutiny. Initially, he contemplated sending a strong message of censure to the military, but after considerable deliberation over three months, he ultimately chose to issue a brief, innocuous statement: “We regret the recent incident that occurred in Tokyo.” The response from his audience of Diet members and military officials was one of startled awe, with some privately expressing disappointment. Once again, at a critical juncture, Hirohito avoided an opportunity to publicly rein in the military through his constitutional role. Nonetheless, due to his behind-the-scenes actions, the drift in domestic policy that had characterized Japan since the Manchurian Incident came to an end. In the following fourteen months, the emperor and his advisors largely aligned with the army and navy's demands for increased military expansion and state-driven industrial development. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. So some very unruly young Japanese officers got the bright idea of forcing a showa restoration by killing all the culprits they believed held their emperor hostage. Little did they know, this event spelt the end of the Kodoha faction and rise of the Toseiha faction. Henceforth the military was even more in charge and would get even more insane.   

This is the one-hundred and seventeenth episode of The Empty Bowl, in which a savory cereal packs surprising depth, Walmart delivers an even bigger shock, and we're forced to rank a cereal we can't even believe is on the list.Follow along with our cereal rankings here!Check out our Patreon here!

Sign up for our newsletter! Last year, workforce development organizations in Pittsburgh and Philadelphia were awarded a $15 million EPA grant to train people in landscaping and tree pruning, and to expand their services. But the federal government just terminated the grant. A new map shows there have been important federal investments in clean energy across Pennsylvania, but as federal dollars to support climate initiatives become uncertain, more action is needed. A reporter was stopped by police for asking follow-up questions at an oil and gas committee meeting. Also, an Ohio Commission approved putting another parcel of an eastern Ohio Wildlife Area up for bid by fracking companies. Seventeen states and the District of Columbia are suing the Trump administration over pausing all wind permits. Solar power set records in April in the regional grid, which includes Pennsylvania. We're independent and non-profit, and we don't get money from WESA, WPSU or any other radio station. So we must turn to you, our listeners, for support. Take action today so we can continue to keep you informed.  Donate today.  Or send us a check to: The Allegheny Front, 67 Bedford Square, Pittsburgh, 15203.  And thanks! 

With the arrival of a surprise escort, the crew prepares to meet a planetary council, and not a moment too soon. 

Meryl chats with Marilyn Simon Rothstein about her new novel, Who Loves You Best. It's the story of three very different grandmothers competing for the attention of their mutual granddaughter. In addition, Marilyn discusses her approach to combining humor with serious issues in her books, and shares insights into her character-naming process. Marilyn is the author of four novels: Crazy to Leave You, Husbands and Other Sharp Objects and Lift and Separate. Her latest book is Who Loves You Best. She grew up in New York City, earned a degree in journalism from New York University, and began her writing career at Seventeen magazine. She married a man she met in an elevator, and owned an advertising agency for twenty-five years. She has two daughters and three grandchildren. Website: https://www.marilynsimonrothstein.com Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=552642036 Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/marilynsimonrothstein/ Amazon: https://a.co/d/ejDlSXg Website: merylain.com/ Copyright by Authors on the Air Global Radio Network #AuthorsOnTheAir #AuthorsOnTheAirGlobalRadioNetwork #AOTA #MarilynSimonRothstein #WhoLovesYou Best #Grandmother'sPerspective #CompetingGrandmothers #ThreeDifferentGrandmothers #Babysitting #LongDistanceGrandparenting #DilemmaforBusyModernGrandparents #Podiatrist #NamingCharacters #Jealousy #BocaRaton #TheBerkshires #Humor #CombiningTheHumorousAndSerious #Amazon #WomensFiction #CrazyToLeaveYou #HusbandsAndOtherSharpObjects #LiftAndSeparate #MerylAin #PeopleoftheBook #JewsLoveToRead #TheTakeawayMen #ShadowsWeCarry #RememberToEat

A modern classic. Join me there.

SojuTalk is back at it again as we discuss releases from KATSEYE, TXT, RIIZE! As always, the Crew keeps you up to date with all the recent Kpop News/Events. And you know we gonna get hype as we declare this week's Spice King and give our State of the Nation!!! Links ◆Email - sojutalkpodcast@gmail.com ◆Discord - discord.gg/3rb74x4 ◆Patreon - patreon.com/sojutalk Timestamps ◆Intro - 0:00 ◆Big New Releases - 1:55 ◆SojuScore - 49:40 ◆Show Winners - 57:58 ◆News - 59:37 ◆Afterhours - 1:15:15

Chapter 6 from Chad's story Seventeen Days of Chaos.

Here is your Pro Wrestling News Report for May 3, 2025. Running Time: 42 Minutes.  Topics covered in this report include:  WWE releases SEVENTEEN (17): Braun Strowman, Dakota Kai, Shayna Baszler, Cora Jade, Shotzi, Katana Chance/Kayden Carter, Jakara Jackson, GiGi Dolin, Gallus, Javier Bernal, Oro Mensah, Eddie Thorpe, Dani Palmer and Riley Osbourne with more names to be revealed shortly WWE announces Crown Jewel coming to Australia in October WWE Backlash 2025: New matches added plus news and rumors AEW Dynamite 4/30/25 and NXT 4/29/25 TV Ratings "Bad Lieutenant: Tokyo": Details revealed about the movie being filmed co-starring Liv Morgan Charlotte Flair attends Lakers/Timberwolves NBA Game with Alex Rodriguez, Shane McMahon and others TNA bans intentional bleeding (blading) effective immediately AEW Double Or Nothing 2025: Current lineup with new matches added Hulk Hogan caught lying again on TMZ and this time it involves Brock Lesnar RIGHT CLICK AND SAVE to download the AUDIO episode of WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (5/3/25) CLICK HERE to listen to WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (5/3/25) online CLICK HERE for the COMMERCIAL FREE (PATREON) AUDIO episode of WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (5/3/25) CLICK HERE for the YOUTUBE VERSION of WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (5/3/25) CLICK HERE to access previous episodes for all Don Tony and Kevin Castle Show public content ==== DON TONY SHOW (RAW Recap / Pro Wrestling News Report and More) 4/28/25 CLICK HERE to download the AUDIO episode of RAW POST SHOW / WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (4/28/25) CLICK HERE for the COMMERCIAL FREE AUDIO episode of RAW POST SHOW / WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (4/28/25) CLICK HERE for the ENHANCED YOUTUBE MEMBERS VERSION (w/PICS & VIDEOS ADDED) of RAW POST SHOW / WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (4/28/25) CLICK HERE to listen to RAW POST SHOW / WRESTLING NEWS REPORT (4/28/25) online ==== REMEMBERING KEVIN CASTLE

Week Seventeen April 30 2025 Dr. Rich Schnieders Friendship Grace Bretthren Church

After the ApocalypseA pandemic survival storySeason five, Episode Seventeen – “Moving Day” … “Good to see you.” Mags said to the old man, shaking his hand and simultaneously rubbing the big dog head that had been enthusiastically pushed into her lap. The entire team was now gathered to decide on what to do next. What action to take. Bill knew what actions he would take and he took them. He executed a happy round of greetings to his old friends and associates, gathering head scratches and pets. Then he ambled off to curl up in a grassy patch of shade at Janet's feet where she stood leaning against a wall watching the proceedings in silence. Mags watched him go about his work and wished she were as sanguine and confident. They were refugees, gathered here, at the Zoo. The King had chased them from their fortified farms and agricultural community at the Distribution Center. Now they had to decide what to do. Her vision of the future was dead. ...Buy a book -> https://booklocker.com/books/13731.htmlWebsite -> http://www.oldmanapocalypse.com Buy me Coffee -> https://www.buymeacoffee.com/cyktrussellSubscribe page on Acast -> https://plus.acast.com/s/after-the-apocalypsePodcast on Acast -> https://shows.acast.com/after-the-apocalypseFacebook group -> https://www.facebook.com/groups/oldmanapocalypseYouTube -> https://www.youtube.com/@cyktrussellPatreon to support the show -> https://www.patreon.com/AftertheApocalypseMerch Store -> https://www.teepublic.com/stores/after-the-apocalypse Twitter -> cyktrussell@twitter.comRunRunLiveWebsite -> https://www.runrunlive.comPodcast on Acast -> https://shows.acast.com/runrunlive Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Seventeen times, Dottie Pepper won on the LPGA Tour. That includes two majors. In the years since, she has been a voice of golf: in particular, an on-course reporter for CBS Sports. With Jay, she talks about her life and this game that enchants, frustrates, and engrosses so many.

Seventeen times, Dottie Pepper won on the LPGA Tour. That includes two majors. In the years since, she has been a voice of golf: in particular, an on-course reporter for CBS Sports. With Jay, she talks about her life and this game that enchants, frustrates, and engrosses so many.

Seventeen times, Dottie Pepper won on the LPGA Tour. That includes two majors. In the years since, she has been a voice of golf: in particular, an on-course reporter for CBS Sports. With Jay, she talks about her life and this game that enchants, frustrates, and engrosses so many.

Seventeen times, Dottie Pepper won on the LPGA Tour. That includes two majors. In the years since, she has been a voice of golf: in particular, an on-course reporter for CBS Sports. With Jay, she talks about her life and this game that enchants, frustrates, and engrosses so many.

@PermissionToStanPodcast on Instagram (DM us & Join Our Broadcast Channel!) & TikTok!NEW Podcast Episodes every THURSDAY! Please support us by Favoriting, Following, Subscribing, & Sharing for more KPOP talk!Signed LISA Album Giveaway! DM us your BLACKPINK bias, favorite BLACKPINK solo member album & songJIN (BTS) World Tour Ticket RecapComebacks: TXT, TABLO & RM (BTS), LISA x MAROON 5, CHENLE (NCT), DAY 6, P1HARMONY, MEOVV, TRIPLES, BOYNEXTDOOR, BIBI, YUTA (NCT), TWICE, JIN (BTS)Music Videos: KATSEYE Gnarly, JENNIE Seoul City, FIFTYFIFTY Pookie, KIIKII Groundwork, HIGHLIGHT (BEAST) Chains, MEOVV Hands UpKCON LA drops first lineup early (Thank you KCON!!): CRAVITY, SEVENTEEN's HxW (HOSHI & WOOZI), IS:SURE, IVE, IZNA, JO1, LEE YOUNG JI, NMIXX, P1HARMONY, ROY KIM, ZEROBASEONECOLDPLAY finale concert recap with guests and idols spottedNEWJEANS DANIELLE birthday and opens up to BunniesVCHA KG drops manifesto with some very dark & sad new detailsTAEYANG & G-DRAGON x MEOVV Hands Up Dance Challenge!NEXZ treated by their Hyung FELIXEPIK HIGH TABLO speaks about his song 'Stop the Rain' with BTS RM and why he did not release it till nowTABLO records cute boomer unboxing of their albumSTRAY KIDS collab with JR Railways in JapanBABYMONSTER also announces Japan collab cafe with Tower Records CafeLEEKNOW's Leebit is voted 1st place for male idol plushies goodsSupport this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/permission-to-stan-podcast-kpop-multistans-andamp-weebs/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

This week marks the 25th anniversary of the historic passage of the civil unions law in Vermont. On April 25, 2000, after a remarkable four-month marathon of public hearings, legislative maneuvering, protests, counter-demonstrations and statewide soul-searching, the Vermont House of Representatives voted 79-68 to pass the civil unions bill, the most sweeping grant of rights to gay couples in the nation. The law allowed same sex couples to form civil unions, the legal equivalent of heterosexual marriage. Gov. Howard Dean signed it into law the next day.Rep. Bill Lippert was the lone openly gay Vermont legislator in 2000 and led the fight for passage of civil unions and later same-sex marriage. I was a reporter covering these historic events for Mother Jones. Lippert invited me onto the House floor moments after civil unions passed in 2000 to interview him and other supporters of the bill. I described how Lippert made a beeline across the House floor to thank Rep. Bill Fyfe, an 84-year-old former jail warden and Republican state representative from Newport City. His wife was in the hospital, and Fyfe was due to have surgery the following day. But he made sure to be in the Statehouse to cast his vote for civil unions.I asked Fyfe why he had voted for the bill. He looked at me through his thick glasses and his eyes began to water. “Because he's one of my better friends here,” he said, motioning to Lippert. “And there were two ladies who were my next-door neighbors for many years …” He broke into a soft sob. “They were treated terrible. I'm just glad I could do something to help.”Lippert squeezed Fyfe's shoulder to comfort him, “People can be cruel, Bill,” Lippert said.Vermont's civil unions law passed four months after the Vermont Supreme Court ruled in Baker v. Vermont that gay and lesbian couples were entitled to the same legal rights and benefits of marriage as heterosexual couples. The court ordered the Vermont legislature to craft a law that would satisfy the ruling, either by legalizing same-sex marriage or by creating an equivalent partnership structure. The decision, wrote Chief Justice Jeffrey Amestoy, “is simply a recognition of our common humanity.”Vermont's civil unions law was a tipping point for the national movement for LGBTQ+ rights. In 2009, Vermont became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage through an act of the legislature, overriding a gubernatorial veto to do so.In 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4, in the landmark case Obergefell v. Hodges, that same-sex couples could wed throughout the country. Today, LGBTQ+ rights are under attack. President Donald Trump has targeted transgender people with a slew of executive orders. Hundreds of bills aimed at restricting LGBTQ+ rights have been introduced in state legislatures and in Congress. Many people fear that a conservative U.S. Supreme Court could roll back LGBTQ+ rights, including the right to marry.Bill Lippert was living in Philadelphia when he first visited Vermont in 1972 to hike the Long Trail. He had just come out and recalled that he had trouble finding even one other gay man in the state. Lippert became active in Vermont's small gay rights movement and went on to serve 28 years in the Vermont House of Representatives from 1994 to 2022 as the representative from Hinesburg. He served as chair of the House Judiciary Committee for a decade and then chaired the House Health Care Committee.Lippert, 75, is now retired and working on preserving Vermont LGBTQ+ history, including recounting his own experiences as a gay activist and gay legislator in Vermont.Lippert acknowledged that winning civil unions was viewed by some gay rights advocates — including lead attorney (now federal judge) Beth Robinson — as a defeat.Lippert said that he knew that “this fight for marriage equality in Vermont was going to be the biggest gay rights fight perhaps of our lifetime.” But he said that as a legislator for six years, “I could tell what was achievable and what wasn't. It was clear (that) full marriage equality in the year 2000 was not feasible. It was not going to happen.”Lippert insisted that civil unions “was an important step that brought us ultimately to full marriage equality.” And he was determined to build that bridge.“When civil unions passed, I made a personal commitment to myself that if I could continue to be re-elected, I would stay in the Legislature until we achieved full marriage equality, and that happened in 2009,” he said.Lippert says that today's political attacks on trans people has a familiar ring. “Trans people are being used as a target because it's the ‘unknown,'” he said. “Gay and lesbian people used to be the scary unknown, but that doesn't work anymore in the same way.”I asked Lippert what concerns him most today. “The taking away of our basic democratic rights,” he said. “The shocking willingness to detain and deport people who have every right to be here because they've been granted that right.”“I am an optimist by nature, but this is a frightening time, and I've participated in more protests and demonstrations in the last month than I had in the last 10 years,” he said. “And I think it's important that we do that. We deserve to have the country that some of us have fought for … by fighting for civil rights, for LGBTQ+ rights, rights for women, rights for religious freedom.”The passage of civil unions came at a price. Seventeen legislators who supported civil unions in 2000 were defeated in elections the following November as part of the “Take Back Vermont” movement. Lippert takes inspiration from those elected officials.“One of the lessons that I take from civil unions is that there are still people of tremendous personal moral courage and political courage,” Lippert said. He mentioned defeated Republican legislators John Edwards, Marion Milne, Diane Carmolli and Bill Fyfe.“When you're not part of the same ‘despised minority' but you say it's wrong to have discrimination against them, it's wrong to be prejudiced against them — you get attacked as well. And they did so,” he said.“They did the right thing. They chose to stand up,” Lippert said. “That girds my hopefulness.”

SEVENTEEN's HxW, P1Harmony, IVE, JO1 and More Joining KCON LA 2025.

Legacy media is entering a new era as Gen Z has grown up and is coming to power. Create Tomorrow host Cassandra Napoli invites editor-in-chief of Cosmopolitan and Seventeen, Willa Bennett to discuss her vision for evolving iconic magazines to resonate with younger audiences amid the changing media landscape.Community engagement remains all-important—how can brands strengthen it? Willa highlights the need for authenticity and connection in storytelling to overcome challenges in curating content for a niche culture. Listen in on how magazines can serve as a guiding force for readers navigating love and identity as social media shapes magazine content.

SojuTalk is back at it again as we discuss releases from MEOVV, KiiiKiii, Mark, UNIS! As always, the Crew keeps you up to date with all the recent Kpop News/Events. And you know we gonna get hype as we declare this week's Spice King and give our State of the Nation!!! Links ◆Email - sojutalkpodcast@gmail.com ◆Discord - discord.gg/3rb74x4 ◆Patreon - patreon.com/sojutalk Timestamps ◆Intro - 0:00 ◆Big New Releases - 2:26 ◆SojuScore - 1:06:26 ◆Show Winners - 1:14:37 ◆News - 1:16:08 ◆Afterhours - 

Chapter 5 from Chad's story Seventeen Days of Chaos. 

Wrestlemania Weekend is over and Meelz & Justin are back to talk about the ups and downs of last weekends card, including NXT Stand & Deliver, the Hall of Fame, and this week's episode of RAW. They talk about what went wrong with Cena v Cody, Seth Rollins/CM Punk/Roman Reigns stealing the show, and more.

JOHN CENA IS THE CHAMP! The guys talk about it and all things Wrestlemania. They also recap the NBA playoffs so far and prep for the NFL draft. Were the Jets disrespectful? Will anyone make a move with the Giants or Cleveland? Will Sanders really drop? The guys prep for their rookie dynasty draft, debate candy, and more!  00:00 - Intro/Candy Debate/Strip Clubs 6:50 - NFL Draft 22:57 - Rookie Dynasty Draft 26:09 - Hoops 49:18 - Wrestlemania/Quick Hitters 1:21:15 - Sign off Don't forget to submit your questions to the guys at speakonitpod14@gmail.com so they can answer them during the next show!  Follow the squad!! @losdeemix @dannyocean41 @goingfor2live  @speakonit_pod (Twitter, Tik Tok, and Instagram)

Seventeenth installment of my GLP journey Tandem Mobi ** twiist AID System Free Juicebox Community (non Facebook) JUICE CRUISE 2025 Blue Circle Health Eversense CGM Medtronic Diabetes Drink AG1.com/Juicebox Use code JUICEBOX to save 40% at Cozy Earth  CONTOUR NextGen smart meter and CONTOUR DIABETES app Dexcom G7 Go tubeless with Omnipod 5 or Omnipod DASH * Get your supplies from US MED  or call 888-721-1514 Touched By Type 1 Take the T1DExchange survey Apple Podcasts> Subscribe to the podcast today! The podcast is available on Spotify, Google Play, iHeartRadio, Radio Public, Amazon Music and all Android devices The Juicebox Podcast is a free show, but if you'd like to support the podcast directly, you can make a gift here or buy me a coffee. Thank you! *The Pod has an IP28 rating for up to 25 feet for 60 minutes. The Omnipod 5 Controller is not waterproof.  ** t:slim X2 or Tandem Mobi w/ Control-IQ+ technology (7.9 or newer). RX ONLY. Indicated for patients with type 1 diabetes, 2 years and older. BOXED WARNING:Control-IQ+ technology should not be used by people under age 2, or who use less than 5 units of insulin/day, or who weigh less than 20 lbs. Safety info: tandemdiabetes.com/safetyinfo Disclaimer - Nothing you hear on the Juicebox Podcast or read on Arden's Day is intended as medical advice. You should always consult a physician before making changes to your health plan.  If the podcast has helped you to live better with type 1 please tell someone else how to find it!  

In part one of this two-part case, our very own Paul Holes explains how a cold case from 1974 landed on his desk. Seventeen-year-old Carla Walker was brutally murdered on her way to a dance, and suspicion quickly fell on her boyfriend as his story kept changing. But when Paul conducts a revealing interview, the investigation takes a shocking turn. Could the real killer have been overlooked for decades? Who killed Carla Walker? Paul Holes is a bestselling author, podcaster, television host and retired cold-case investigator with the sheriff's and district attorney's offices in California's Contra Costa County. During his 27 years as an investigator, Holes used his behavioral and forensic expertise in such notable cases as the Zodiac murders, Golden State Killer, and Jaycee Dugard kidnapping. In May 2022, Holes published Unmasked: My Life Solving America's Cold Cases – which became an instant New York Times bestseller. Paul teamed with the FBI and Sacramento DA to help identify Joseph DeAngelo as the Golden State Killer, the most prolific serial predator in U.S. history. In 2019, he teamed up with Oxygen to host ”The DNA of Murder with Paul Holes” and in November he's launching a new original series with HLN called, ”Real Life Nightmare with Paul Holes.” For bonus episodes, behind-the-scenes shenanigans, join the SuperFam community at smalltowndicks.com/superfam

When Theresa Straight signed up for mentorship, she was working 70-80 hours per week—coaching for 30-plus of those—and barely scraping by. Seventeen months later, she's doubled her client headcount, doubled her average revenue per member and quadrupled her revenue. Theresa raced through the stages of Two-Brain mentorship and has reached the elite Tinker level, where gym owners are earning over $100,000 per year. Her focus now is on using her gym to support her family's lifestyle and create a bright future. In this episode of “Run a Profitable Gym,” host Mike Warkentin talks with Theresa about the exact steps she took to grow a thriving business and get her time back.Theresa breaks down the mindset shift that helped her transition from “coach” to “CEO” and shares key actions that fueled the gym's growth: developing onboarding and retention systems, implementing goal reviews, and hiring staff.Ready to grow without grinding yourself into the ground? This episode is for you.  LinksThe Stages of Mentorship"The Golden Hour"Gym Owners UnitedBook a Call  0:01 - Theresa's 17-month transformation3:57 - Pre-mentorship struggles9:34 - Quick wins in Stage 113:12 - Moving from coach to CEO21:29 - Becoming an elite gym owner

Seventeen-year-old Benny is studying hard and working as a busboy, hoping to attend college. Meanwhile, his childhood best friend, Lawson, is on a different path, dealing drugs – and is always in need of a ride. Rex Ogle's When We Ride is a novel-in-verse about their relationship, which becomes strained as differences between the two young men come into focus. In today's episode, Ogle joins NPR's Ayesha Rascoe for a conversation about the book. They discuss friendship breakups, what we owe our oldest relationships and an unlikely high school romance between the author's own best friends.To listen to Book of the Day sponsor-free and support NPR's book coverage, sign up for Book of the Day+ at plus.npr.org/bookofthedayLearn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

FINALLY Vernon and Eric Nam reconnect on the Daebak Show, their early run-ins in their careers, and how Seventeen's 10-year journey shaped Vernon's identity. Vernon opens up what it's like balancing group and solo life, creative inspirations from movies and fashion, and what's next for him!