American human rights activist and Muslim minister
Ms. Hildabee starts off this pod with affixing our teeth with our chosen gems. We then sit down to talk about all things tooth gems; including but not limited too, her inception into the industry, a little history of tooth gems dating back to ancient Egypt, and some of her tooth gem experiences. Being the podcast that we are, we had to sprinkle in just a tad but of nonsense that isn't actually nonsense. From our specific scent that others smell, to Will and Jada sharing too much, and even growing up in societies where Malcom X is an unknown figure. We packed this pod with a lot of great talking points as well and overall atmosphere. Song: Wild For The Night by A$AP Rocky ft Skrillex and Birdy Nam Nam
Tamara Payne visits Friends Like Us, in a one-on-one with host Marina Franklin, discussing her Pulitzer Prize biography on Malcom X Co-Authored with her father Les Payne. Tamara Payne is the co-author of The Dead Are Arising: The Life of Malcolm X written with her father, Pulitzer Prize winning journalist Les Payne. Prior to working on the book, Tamara graduated from William Smith College, Geneva, NY. After graduating, she worked at McNeil/Lehrer News Hour on channel Thirteen for about a year. She then moved to China where she taught English for two years in Shandong Province. After returning from China, Les Payne, her father, brought her on to work on the project about the life of Malcolm X. Tamara was the principal researcher while working in commercial real estate. After Les Payne's sudden passing in 2018, Tamara made it her purpose to finish his life's work. The Dead Are Arising has won the 2021 Pulitzer Prize for biography, the 71st National Book Award for nonfiction and the 52nd NAACP Image Award for Outstanding Literary Work - biography. The Dead Are Arising is available wherever books are sold. Tamara's Father -Les Payne - Pulitzer Prize winning reporter, columnist and former Newsday editor responsible for national/state/foreign and health & science news at the paper for a quarter century. Payne also served as the Editor of New York Newsday. His news staffs won every major award in journalism, including six Pulitzer Prizes. The Inaugural Professor for the David Laventhol Chair, at Columbia U. Graduate School of Journalism, Payne received 4 honorary doctorate degrees, including the 2012 honor from Old Dominion University; and from his alma mater, the University of Connecticut, where he delivered the Commencement Address. Some of Payne's major investigations as a Newsday reporter included: migrant farm laborers on Long Island; involuntary sterilization of minority women; U.S. Atomic testing in Nevada; illegal immigrants; The Black Panther Party, the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Payne is also the author of the ``The Life and Death of the Symbionese Liberation Army,” the radical group that kidnapped newspaper heiress Patricia Hearst and terrorized the West Coast. As a correspondent for Newsday, Payne reported extensively from Africa, Europe, Asia, the Caribbean, and the United Nations. In the wake of the 1976 Soweto uprising, he traveled throughout South Africa and wrote an 11-part Newsday series that the Pulitzer Prize jury selected for the 1978 award in international reporting; it would have been his second Pulitzer in four years, an accomplishment unprecedented for a reporter at that time. The Review Board overturned the committee's selection and, without explanation, gave it to the jury's 4th choice, the New York Times. As a founder, and the 4th president, of the National Association of Black Journalists, Payne worked diligently to improve media fairness and employment practices and to expand the coverage of black and Third World communities. He also co-founded the “TrotterGroup,” a national organization of newspaper writers of commentary. Payne served six years as a Ranger in the U.S. Army, attaining the rank of captain. He commanded a Nike-Hercules anti-aircraft missile battery, and during an assignment in Vietnam, ran the command newspaper as an army journalist, and wrote messages and speeches for Commanding Gen. William C. Westmoreland. Born in Tuscaloosa, Ala., Payne grew up in Hartford, CT, graduating from high school, with honors, and from the University of Connecticut, with a BA degree in English. Always hosted by Marina Franklin - One Hour Comedy Special: Single Black Female ( Amazon Prime, CW Network), TBS's The Last O.G, Last Week Tonight with John Oliver, Hysterical on FX, The Movie Trainwreck, Louie Season V, The Jim Gaffigan Show, Conan O'Brien, Stephen Colbert, HBO's Crashing, and The Breaks with Michelle Wolf.
durée : 02:24:59 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Philippe Garbit - Par Andrew Orr, Jean-Jacques Lebel et Jean-François Vallée - Avec Allen Ginsberg - Avec en archives, les voix d'Antonin Artaud, Bob Dylan, Jack Kerouac, Martin Luther King, Timothy Leary, Malcom X, John Lennon, Alain Jaubert et Gérard-Georges Lemaire... - Réalisation Marie-France Thivot
Manhattan District Attorney elect Alvin Bragg, the first Black man elected to the office, chats with David Miranda about the challenges facing his office, the reforms he wants to make and major investigations involving President Donald Trump's businesses and Malcom X.
Todd opens the last hour with a couple live calls before diving into the rant line. Today, topics range from Lamont and his controversy, Biden, Omnicron, among other things. Todd then breaks down some other issues with callers including electric cars as well as Malcom X. Tune on weekdays 2-6 PM EST on WTIC Newstalk 1080 ;or on the new Audacy app! See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Marc Theobald and Nonye Brown-West visit Friends Like Us and discuss The Last OG, vaccine hesitancy, pharmaceutical companies, Holiday Spending and more with host Marina Franklin Marc Theobald is a stand-up, writer, and producer known for The Last O.G. (2018), Delocated (2018), and the 2019 ESPY Awards. He has performed in a number of New York's hot spots, including the "New York Comedy Club", "Catch a Rising Star", "Stand-Up New York", and "Uptown Comedy Club", He also has been featured on "Comic View" and "The Chappelle Show". True to form, Theobald keeps the crowd in stitches with his sketch artist talents and physical style. Nonye Brown-West is a New York-based Nigerian-American comedian and writer. She has been featured in the Boston Globe's Rise column as a Comic to Watch, as well as in NPR, PBS, ABC, Sway In The Morning, and the New York Comedy Festival. In 2019, Nonye made her acting debut in The Sympathy Card. Look out for her two new web series, Fairytales with Nonye and Gayby Jesus. Always hosted by Marina Franklin - One Hour Comedy Special: Single Black Female ( Amazon Prime, CW Network), Last Week Tonight with John Oliver, Hysterical on FX, The Movie Trainwreck, Louie Season V, The Jim Gaffigan Show, Conan O'Brien, Stephen Colbert, HBO's Crashing, and The Breaks with Michelle Wolf.
This week we discuss the past and present offenses of both Andrew and Chris Cuomo (dun dun duuuunn) alongside a small conspiracy theory moment from Garrett himself. Stayed tuned for Jillian's masterplan if her sister were to embezzle money, and Tik Tok's resurgence of Malcom X ideology.
There's a new covid! Run! Winter is coming!!!!!! The Christmas music is jingling down the road to fill our ears with holiday joy. What do you think Malcom X's mutant power was? Is he related to Professor X? Where there 9 other Malcoms that went before him? Is it racial appropriation if a white guy is good at beatboxing? Who is winning the war on christmas? Who is this wonderful special guest? Let's find out together on this fresh new episode of Worstcase......
Often time the names of Black historical figures are relegated to the same usual suspects: Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcom X, W.E.B Dubois, or Marcus Garvey. This myopic narrative of Black history leaves out figures who often had radical political agendas that challenged institutions traditional figures did not pick up on until later in their lives. One of those neglected figures is Hubert Harrison, who was deemed, "The Father of Harlem Radicalism." On this episode we will ask Jeffry Perry, author of a two volume series on Harrison's life, what distinguished Hubert Harrison from his contemporaries and made him one of the most important Black figures in American history no one knows about. About Jeffrey B. Perry Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry (Jeff Perry) is an independent, working-class scholar formally educated at Princeton, Harvard, Rutgers, and Columbia. The recently published, second volume of his Hubert Harrison biography entitled "Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927" (Columbia University Press, December 2020) was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize. Dr. Perry's work focuses on the role of white supremacy as a retardant to progressive social change and on the centrality of struggle against white supremacy to progressive social change efforts. Get Perry's books and more here: https://www.jeffreybperry.net/ About TIR Thank you, guys, again for taking the time to check this out. We appreciate each and every one of you. If you have the means, and you feel so inclined, BECOME A PATRON! We're creating patron-only programming, you'll get bonus content from many of the episodes, and you get MERCH! Become a patron now: https://www.patreon.com/join/BitterLakePresents Please also like, subscribe, and follow us on these platforms as well, especially YouTube! THANKS Y'ALL YouTube: www.youtube.com/thisisrevolutionpodcast Twitch: www.twitch.tv/thisisrevolutionpodcast & www.twitch.tv/leftflankvets Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Thisisrevolutionpodcast/ Twitter: @TIRShowOakland Instagram: @thisisrevolutionoakland Pascal Robert in Black Agenda Report: https://www.blackagendareport.com/author/PascalRobert Read Pascal's Piece in Newsweek Here: https://www.newsweek.com/black-political-elite-serving-corporate-interests-misrepresenting-our-community-opinion-1652384 Get THIS IS REVOLUTION Merch here: www.thisisrevolutionpodcast.com Get the music from the show here: https://bitterlakeoakland.bandcamp.com/ Follow Djene Bajalan @djenebajalan Follow Kuba Wrzesniewski @DrKuba2
Dave chats to Brian Lloyd, Movies Editor of Entertainment.ie, about actors playing real people. From Will Smith's portrayal of Muhammad Ali to Denzel Washington taking on Malcom X, they discuss several standout performances.
In this episode of By Any Means Necessary, hosts Sean Blackmon and Jacquie Luqman are joined by Simon Tesfamariam, executive director of the New Africa Institute to discuss massive protests denouncing the actions of the US in the conflict in Ethiopia, why the US is interested in the horn of Africa, and the missing nuance and context in discussions of Ethiopia.In the second segment, Sean and Jacquie are joined by Kerbie Joseph, longtime police brutality, mass incarceration and community organizer in Brooklyn, New York with the ANSWER Coalition and SOS coordinator with the Audre Lorde Project to discuss the struggle for justice for Akai Gurley, the policing of public housing by the NYPD that led to Akai's death, and how the struggle for justice has shaped the community.In the third segment, Sean and Jacquie are joined by technologist Chris Garaffa, the editor of TechforthePeople.org to discuss the use of AI technologies for surveillance in prisons and the potential consequences of its use, Google workers fighting back against the company's contracts with the defense industry, and Facebook's refusal to take substantial action against harmful hate speech.Later in the show, Sean and Jacquie are joined by Kamau Franklin, Founder and Board President of Community Movement Builders in Atlanta and Co-host of the Renegade Culture podcast to discuss the racist tropes on display in the trial of the killers of Ahmaud Arbery, the disparity in the treatment of Kyle Ritenhouse and Tamir Rice and how white fears of Black revenge factor into that treatment, the death of Malikah Shabazz, the exoneration of two people convicted of killing Malcom X, and the sanitization and repackaging of Malcolm X's legacy.
The guys spend some time on the news that Biden's running for a second term, get to know billionaire Mukesh Ambani and his billion dollar mansion, take a look at a new conspiracy theory involving philanthropist/supervillain Bill Gates, and take a frustrating dive into the discourse around the tragedy in Waukesha.
My very first guest ever, April 4th 2020. Oscar award winning COSTUME DESIGNER RUTH CARTER said yes! And well the rest is history… Literal history. Ruth Carter is COSTUME DESIGN ROYALTY, and made history as the first Black Female Costume Designer to win an Oscar! To win it for “BLACK PANTHER” was the icing on the cake! Her body of work changed the way generations dressed, and told the stories of voices that were never heard. Credits such a as “Do the Right Thing”, “Malcom X”, “Dolemite is My Name”, and “Selma” + so so many more! Her creative pool seems to never go dry and I was honored to be here to just soak up a drop of her knowledge…come join us!
DOCUMENTATION AND ADDITIONAL READING PART 1 (0:0 - 8:49): ────────────────── The Irrationality and Terror of Evil in a Fallen World—Pray for Grieving Waukesha ASSOCIATED PRESS (SCOTT BAUER, MICHAEL BALSAMO, AND MIKE HOUSEHOLDER) Police: Parade-Crash Suspect was in a Domestic Disturbance PART 2 (8:50 - 19:3): ────────────────── Marriage According to the New York Times: Moral Rebellion, Rejection of God's Design, and a Longing for Religious Legitimacy NEW YORK TIMES (EMMA GRILLO) Taking Life One Adventure at a Time NEW YORK TIMES (ALIX STRAUSS) Theirs Is a ‘Traditional Untraditional' Union NEW YORK TIMES (JENNY BLOCK) ‘The Odds Were Stacked Against Us' PART 3 (19:4 - 25:43): ────────────────── The Assassination of Malcom X and the Disappearance of Jimmy Hoffa in Headlines Again— What Questions Surrounding Both Cases Reveal About the Quest for Justice NEW YORK TIMES (JAMES BARRON) Decades Later, 2 Men Convicted of Assassinating Malcolm X Will Be Cleared NEW YORK TIMES (MICHAEL WILSON) Search for Jimmy Hoffa Leads the F.B.I. to Jersey City Landfill
In Ep. 196, Dave and Jessica discuss the world's sexiest man, Kyle Rittenhouse (pre verdict), MSNBC tailing a juror home, Mark Jones in the klink, a Christian florist waving a white flag, states looking into social media effects on kids, $1.7T Build Back Better, Malcolm X murder conviction overturned, and the Jeopardy champion who is a dude in a dress.
In this segment of By Any Means Necessary, hosts Sean Blackmon and Jacquie Luqman are joined by Baba Zak Kondo, author of Conspiracies: Unravelling the Assassination of Malcolm X to discuss the exonerations of two men previously convicted in the assassination of Malcolm X, the serious mistakes made in the initial investigation of the killing, law enforcement's role in the life and death of Malcolm X, and issues of historical memory in remembering who Malcolm X actually was.
Hello, Indie Film Creatives! In this episode, we have a conversation with the Documentarian, Author, Poet, and Nephew of ‘Roots' author, Alex Haley, Chris Haley. We talk about John Brown's place in history, how his life changed after Roots premiered on television, the trials of growing up related to Alex Haley, his documentary ‘Unmarked,' his poem books ‘Obsessions' and ‘Until the Right One Comes Along,' and his annual film Festival, ‘Utopia.' Enjoy! Listen+Subscribe+Rate = Love Questions or Comments? Reach out to us at email@example.com or on social and the web at https://linktr.ee/BonsaiCreative Love Indie Film? Love the MAKE IT Podcast? Become a True Fan! www.bonsai.film/truefans www.makeit.libsyn.com/podcast #MAKEIT More About Chris Haley Actor, Archivist, Filmmaker, Writer, Chris Haley wears many hats. Director, The Study of the Legacy of Slavery at the Maryland State Archives, Director of the Utopia Film Festival, and Annapolis Pride, Annapolis Film Festival, Kunta Kinte-Alex Haley Foundation Board member, he is a recent recipient of the Anne Arundel County Arts Council 2021 Literary Arts Award recipient and co-director of the Capital Region Emmy nominated documentary, 'Unmarked', and author of two books of poetry currently available on Amazon, 'Until The Right One Comes Along', and, 'Obsessions'. Having also appeared on screen and stage on among other productions: The Wire and Ain't Misbehavin' at the Claridge Casino in Atlantic City, Chris is also a nephew of author Alex Haley and direct descendant of Kunta Kinte. If I Could (As read during the conversation) If I could die For just a little while, And briefly take a break, If I could close my mind, My consciousness, Meditate on a lake. If I could dial down the volume Of voices Screaming daily woes, If I could gently close my eyes, No tears, no cries, No nightmares to hide, I think I would feel better. My passion would return. I'd breathe a life renewed, My candle not all burned. And dreams would reawaken me To the future I'd once yearned, of Grand occasions, Oscar nominations, Standing ovations, Devoted fans – A beloved man – Beautifully free of strife. If I could wake to that I'd beat this desperate rap, Dash my suicidal sway; I'd drink life's sap I'd safely nap I would not end today -Chris Haley Links: Website Instagram Twitter FaceBook LinkedIn Unmarked (documentary) Utopia Film Festival Until The Right One Comes Along (book) Obsessions (book) The Study of the Legacy of Slavery in Maryland Alex Haley (website) Roots: The Saga of an American Family by Alex Haley (book) Roots (tv mini series) Autobiography of Malcom X by Alex Haley (book) Kunta Kinte-Alex Haley Foundation Howard University Chadwick Boseman (actor) The Wire (tv series) Tyler Perry (writer) Slave Trade Database Enslaved.org (database) Measuring Worth (database) Ibram X. Kendi (author)
Bill Handel talks about the man who fatally shot Ahamaud Arbery, as he described the situation as a 'life or death' encounter'. Also, the two men convicted of killing Malcom X will be exonerated after two decades. And companies are offering their employees perks like never before as they're bending over backwards to keep their workers from quitting.
Today in the ufc we ask who really killed Malcom X? It wasn't the people that went to jail for it. Dirty cops and prosecutors. You don't say? (Fake coughs while screaming Kamala Harris did the same dirty shit) then there was the Abari trial where the defendant said “I shot him cuz he had my gun!” WTF? That makes no goddamn sense!!! The final story was about how the leaders of Mexico and Canada met with illegitimate Joe. SMH
This episode we talk about the murder of Young Dolph, the anticipated mistrial of Kyle Rittenhouse, exoneration of two convicted of Malcom X's assassination, the DaBaby-Dani Leigh IG debacle, Ye and Drake finally reconciling, the deluxe edition of Donda, the new Silk Sonic album, reviews of the Halo Infinite multiplayer and Grand Theft Auto Trilogy Definitive Edition, Fortnite replacing Travis Scott with Naruto characters, and the new Spider-Man trailer.
Daniel Thibault parle de l'annonce attendue de Santé Canada au sujet de l'administration du vaccin de Pfizer-BioNTech contre la COVID-19 aux enfants de 5 à 11 ans; Martine Biron analyse la décision de Paul St-Pierre Plamondon de ne pas se présenter comme candidat dans la circonscription de Marie-Victorin; Mathieu Gohier fait le point sur les inondations extrêmes en Colombie-Britannique; Anyck Béraud se penche sur la possible libération de deux hommes condamnés pour le meurtre de MalcomX; le professeur de géographie Lionel Pandolfo explique les causes des inondations en C.-B.; Paul Frazer, lobbyiste canadien à Washington, commente le prochain sommet Canada–États-Unis–Mexique; Mathieu Simard s'intéresse à la gratuité des tests de dépistage de la COVID-19 dans les pharmacies de l'Ontario; Pierre-Alexandre Bolduc analyse les audiences sur les décès en CHSLD; et Jean-Benoît Nadeau se prononce sur l'introduction du pronom «iel» dans Le Robert.
Two men convicted of killing Malcom X are expected to be exonerated, Governor Lamont is urging Connecticut residents to get their booster shots, and Starbucks is partnering with Amazon to unveil a cashier-less store. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
1-Dal lockdown ai novax all'introduzione della terza dose nel Green pass. Di fronte alla nuova ondata l'Europa si divide sulle strategie per limitare i danni. I casi di Francia, Germania e Gran Bretagna. ..2-Cile. Si chiude oggi la campagna elettorale per le Presidenziali di domenica. Si tratta di un appuntamento di portata storica, dopo una stagione di proteste popolari...3-Egitto. La revoca dello stato d'emergenza l'ultima trovata del generale al sisi per ingannare la comunità internazionale. Ieri un tribunale speciale ha condannato 3 oppositori fino a 5 anni di carcere ..( Riccardo Noury – Amnesty Italia) ..4--Diario americani. Dopo 55 anni finalmente liberi ..due uomini condannati per l'omicidio di Malcom X...Una nuova indagine dice che pubblici ministeri, FBI e polizia nascosero delle prove fondamentali per la loro assoluzione...5-Cuba. Il malessere di Pablo Milanese, artista simbolo ..della Revoluzione. In un concerto in Spagna ha dedicato la sua canzone Flores del futuro al movimento Archipielago.
Defendant Travis McMichael takes the stand in Ahmaud Arbery // Rioter, Jacob Chansley, will serve 3 years for January 6th capitol riots // 2 men who were convicted for assassinating Malcom X will be acquitted // California couple has been sentenced for fraud on Covid relief funds, but authorities have yet to catch them // Cannibal crabs in block roads along the coat in Australia // Amazon will stop accepting Visa cards in the U.K.
WTOP Entertainment Reporter Jason Fraley chats with five-time Grammy winner Terence Blanchard, who headlines the Frederick Jazz Festival at the Weinberg Center in Frederick, Maryland on Saturday night. They spoke about his prolific film collaboration with Spike Lee, from “Do the Right Thing” to “Malcom X” to his Oscar nominations for “BlackKklansman” and “Da 5 Bloods.”
Serien om afroamerikaners kamp för medborgerliga rättigheter fortsätter. Det kommer att handla om Black Muslims, Elijah Muhammad, Malcom X, John Lewis, radikaliseringen av SNCC, march against fear, Bloody Lowndes County, Stokely Carmichael och uttrycket Black Power. Glöm inte att prenumerera på podcasten! Ge den gärna betyg på iTunes! Följ podden på Facebook (facebook.com/stjarnbaneret), twitter (@stjarnbaneret) eller Instagram (@stjarnbaneret) Kontakt: firstname.lastname@example.org
My dad returns to talk about Da Baby being cancelled and shares a few stories about meeting civil rights leaders. Sponsored by Express VPN. Use code CSanders10 to save. Express VPN: https://www.xvinlink.com/?a_fid=CSanders10
“The first and perhaps major reason that Avery Lucas is one of our guests is that I love clothes and I've loved them for the longest time, at least since I was a teenager. Writing this now at the age of fifty-three I had a rather short window of time during which I was able to order a few bespoke clothes. Although our guest was unfortunately not a man who made any of those bespoke clothes, his name was first on the list for an experimental series on tailoring and the art of clothes making. (And as Lucas himself emphasizes it is most certainly an art, and, from my vantage point one of the highest of the arts). Although I have not experienced the "bespoke" route with Lucas I did have closest contact with him in the 1990s: I regularly shopped at Saint Laurie then, right at the time he was a chief designer and tailor there! Although I was not able to order bespoke at that time I was always conscious of his greatest style sense and would admire what he was doing as I purchase quite good garments from other sections of that wonderful store. His spirit certainly presided there. He is one of the very few clothiers who has been both a designer as well as cutter and tailor. Many clothes sellers in menswear, although they may be quite knowledgeable and authorities of a sort on menswear, themselves do not know clothes from the inside out; there are some who cannot sew or cut paper patterns for example. Avery Lucas can and does. Also his taste level is unparalleled, as he is one of a generation from the 70s and 80s with the wealth of experience that one can only get from several decades in the business. Also he speaks like a poet; that is, he is a great orator and raconteur, which, after all, is most important for a podcast. I loved hearing his passion about his life's work on our show and he expresses that passion well for the wides variety of listeners. Whether anybody plans to to ever wear his kind of clothes or not, it is abundantly clear from this episode that Lucas talks about his craft in ways remarkably similar to what fiction writer, journalist sculptor, painter or filmmaker would have to say about what they do. I hope you enjoy this one as much as we did.” Links to Avery's Beautiful Work Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/mobydic.56/ https://www.instagram.com/quarter_to_nine/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/avery.lucas.332 Avery Lucas, a master tailor, and master of the art of dressing. Some highlights include The TV show Empire Boardwalk was an outstanding awards winner for five years, he crafted the clothes for Steve Buscemi and his character Nicky Thompson in the show as well as, Malcom X, Mo Better Blues and more. For Avery's Extended Bio, list us here: https://www.facebook.com/journeyofanaesthetepodcast --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/mitch-hampton/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/mitch-hampton/support
LBJ was a staunch racist democrat. Not to mention while he was in office JFK, MLK, and Malcom X were all assassinated. He didn't believe in equality at all. Matter of fact, one of his most famous quotes was “If we can keep them from owning a piece of the rock, I'll have those n#&&ers voting democrat for the next 200 years.” Get off that democrat plantation folks. ▶ www.Road.FM
Maya Angelou was a celebrated American poet, memoirist, and civil rights activist mainly known for her seven autobiographies—but she also had an extremely colourful life, rising from the hardscrabble Depression-era South to become a pimp, a sex worker, a supper club chanteuse, and friends of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcom X, as well as a journalist in Egypt and Ghana. She is one of the most prolific writers of the 20th century. #WikiSleep #MayaAngelou #Sleep
Andy and Alyssa read Goosebumps #57: My Best Friend is Invisible. Along the way, they discuss the threat of therapy, plot twists, research vs me-search, odd English class projects, molecules, Patrick Swayze, invisible clothes, topiary horror, gaslighting, menacing invisible friends, Daniel Isn't Real (2019), Z (2019), stalkers and manipulative relationships, Peter Pan, Twilight (2005), the gendered tropes of jealous friends, The Gift (2015), Creep (2014), The Cable Guy (1996), Clive Barker's "The Book of Blood" (1983), scifi horror, The Invisible Man (2020), Fantastic Planet (1973), Raccoona Sheldon's "The Screwfly Solution" (Alice Sheldon, also known as James Tiptree, Jr., 1977), A Quiet Place (2018), John Rawls, hidden children, Scott Westerfeld's Uglies (2005), Among the Hidden (1998), withholding crucial information, The Twilight Zone episode "Eye of the Beholder" (1959), Lois Lowry's The Giver (1993), light as enemy, The X-Files episode "Soft Light" (1995), "Lights Out" (2016), The Autobiography of Malcom X (1965), catfishing, talhotblond (2009), 90s Internet anxiety, found footage, The Veil (2016), ghost hunter TV, hallucinations, invisibility in the Gooseverse, the BeFreegle Foundation, endangered humans, timeline questions, settler colonialism, the Yankees, and The Connecticut Connections. // Music by Haunted Corpse // Follow @saypodanddie on Twitter and Instagram, and get in touch at email@example.com
Travis L. Adkins, deputy assistant administrator for Africa at USAID and lecturer of African and security studies at the Walsh School of Foreign Service and in the Prisons and Justice Initiative at Georgetown University, and Brenda Gayle Plummer, professor of history at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, led a conversation on race in America and international relations. FASKIANOS: Welcome to the first session of the CFR Fall 2021 Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Today's meeting is on the record, and the video and transcript will be available on our website CFR.org/academic if you would like to share it with your colleagues or classmates. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We're delighted to have Travis Adkins and Brenda Gayle Plummer with us to discuss race in America and international relations. Travis Adkins is deputy assistant administrator in the Bureau of Africa at USAID, and lecturer of African and security studies at the Walsh School of Foreign Service, and in the Prisons and Justice Initiative at Georgetown University. As an international development leader, he has two decades of experience working in governance, civil society, and refugee and migration affairs in over fifty nations throughout Africa and the Middle East. Mr. Adkins was a CFR international affairs fellow and is a CFR member. Dr. Brenda Gayle Plummer is a professor of history at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. Her research includes race and gender, international relations, and civil rights. Dr. Plummer has taught Afro-American history throughout her twenty years of experience in higher education. Previously she taught at Fisk University, the University of California, Santa Barbara, and the University of Minnesota. And from 2001 to 2005, Dr. Plummer served on the Historical Advisory Committee of the U.S. Department of State. So, thank you both for being with us today. We appreciate you taking the time to share your thoughts with us. Travis, I thought we could begin with you to talk about the ways in which you've seen race relations in America influence U.S. foreign policy. ADKINS: Sure. Thank you so much, Irina. And welcome to everyone. Thank you for joining. The first thing I would say is that America's long history of violence, exclusion, and barbarism towards Black people and indigenous people and Asian communities and immigrant communities in the United States have worked to give the lie to the notion of who we say we are in terms of freedom, in terms of democracy, in terms of the respect for human rights. And these are the core messages that we seek to project in our foreign policy. And we've not been able to resolve those contradictions because we have refused to face this history, right? And we can't countenance a historical narrative in which we are not the heroes, not the good guys, not on the right side of history. And the challenge that we've had is that we've seen that play out in so many ugly ways domestically. But it also has resonance and relevance in our foreign policy, because what it ends up doing is essentially producing a foreign policy of platitudes and contradictory posturing on the issues of human rights, on the issues of racial justice, on the issues of democratic governance when the world can see not only this history but this present reality of racial discrimination, of police brutality, of efforts to suppress the political participation of specific groups of people inside of America. They can see children in cages at the Southern border. They can see anti-Asian hate taking place in our nation, and they can hear those messages resounding, sometimes from our White House, sometimes from our Senate, sometimes from our Congress and other halls of power throughout the United States. And that works against the message of who we say we are, which is really who we want to be. But the thing that we, I think, lose out on is pretending that where we want to be is actually where we are. And I think back a couple weeks ago Secretary Blinken came out saying to diplomats in the State Department that it was okay for them to admit America's flaws and failings in their diplomatic engagements with other countries. But I would—I do applaud that. But I also think that saying that we would admit it to the rest of the world—the rest of the world already knows. And who we would have to need to focus on admitting it to is ourselves, because we have not faced this national shame of ours as it relates to the historical and the present reality of White supremacy, of racialized violence and hatred and exclusion in our immigration policy, in our education policy, in our law and customs and cultural mores that have helped to produce ongoing violence and hatred of this nature in which our history is steeped. I think the other part of that is that we lose the opportunity to then share that message with the rest of the world. And so, what I like to say is that our real history is better than the story that we tell. So instead of us framing ourselves and our foreign policy as a nation who fell from the heavens to the top of a mountain, it's a more powerful story to say that we climbed up out of a valley and are still climbing up out of a valley of trying to create and produce and cultivate a multiracial, multiethnic democracy with respect for all, and that that is and has been a struggle. And I think that that message is much more powerful. And what it does is it creates healing for us at home, but it also begins to take away this kind of Achilles' heel that many of our adversaries have used historically—the Soviet Union, now Russia, China, Iran—this notion that democracy and freedom and the moral posturing of America is all for naught if you just look at what they do at home. Who are they to preach to you about these things when they themselves have the same challenges? And so I think that we would strengthen ourselves if we could look at this in that way. And I would just close by saying that we often speak of the civil rights movement and the movement for decolonization in the world, and specifically in Africa where I mostly work, speak of them in the past tense. But I would argue that both of them are movements and histories that are continuously unfolding, that are not resolved, and that haven't brought themselves to peaceful kinds of conclusions. And this is why when George Floyd is killed on camera, choked for nine minutes and loses his life, that you see reverberations all over the world, people pushing back because they are suffering from the same in their countries, and they are following after anti-Asian hate protestors and advocates, Black Lives Matter advocates and protestors, people who are saying to the world this is unacceptable. And so even in that way, you see the linked fates that people share. And so I think that the more we begin to face who we are at home, the more we begin to heal these wounds and relate better in the foreign policy arena, because I think that it is a long held fallacy that these things are separate, right? A nation's foreign policy is only an extension of its beliefs, its policies and its aspirations and its desires from home going out into the world. So I will stop there. And thank you for the question. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. Dr. Plummer, over to you. PLUMMER: Well, your question is a very good one. It is also a very book-length question. I'll try to address that. First of all, I would like to say that I find Mr. Adkins' statement quite eloquent and can't think of anything I disagree with in what he has said. There are a couple of things that we might consider as well. I think there are several issues embedded in this question of the relationship between race relations in the United States and it's policies toward other countries. One of them is, I think there's a difference between what policymakers intend and how American policy is perceived. There is also the question of precisely who is making and carrying out U.S. foreign policy. Now there was a time when that question I think could be very readily answered. But we're now in an age where we have enhanced roles for the military and the intelligence community. We have private contractors executing American objectives overseas. And this really places a different spin on things, somewhat different from what we observe when we look at this only through a strictly historical lens. I think we also need to spend some time thinking about the precise relationship between race and racism and what we might call colonial, more of imperialist practices. You might look, for example, at what is the relationship between the essentially colonial status of places like Puerto Rico and the Marianas and the—how those particular people from those places are perceived and treated within both the insular context and the domestic context. Clearly, everybody on the planet is shaped to a large degree by the culture and the society that they live in, that they grew up in, right? And so it is probably no mystery from the standpoint of attitudes that certain kinds of people domestically may translate into similar views of people overseas. But I think one of the things we might want to think about is how our institutions, as well as prejudices, influence what takes place. People like to talk, for example, about the similarities between the evacuation of Saigon and the evacuation of Kabul and wonder what is it called when you do the same thing over and over again and expect different results? We might want to think about what is it, institutionally, which creates these kinds of repetitions, creates situations in which diplomats are forced to apologize and explain continually about race and other conflictual issues in American society. We might also think about what you perhaps could call a racialization process. Do we create categories of pariahs in response to national emergencies? Do we create immigrants from countries south of the United States as enemies because we don't have a comprehensive and logical way of dealing with immigration? Do we create enemies out of Muslims because of our roles in the Middle East and, you know, the activities and actions of other states? There's some historical presence for this—the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, for example. So it seems to me that in addressing I think, you know, some of this very rich question, there are a number of ways and facets that we might want to look at and discuss more fully. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you very much. And now we're going to go to all of you for questions and comments. So you can either ask your question by raising your hand, click on the raised hand icon and I will call on you, or else you can write your question in the Q&A box. And if you choose to write your question—although we'd prefer to hear your voice—please include your affiliation. And when I call on you, please let us know who you are and your institution. So the first question, the first raised hand I see is from Stanley Gacek. Q: Yes, thank you very much. Thank you very much, Professor Plummer and Mr. Adkins, for a very, very compelling presentation. My name is Stanley Gacek. I'm the senior advisor for global strategies at the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, representing 1.3 million working women and men in the United States and Canada in the retail, wholesale, food production, healthcare, and services industries. Practically all of our members are on the frontlines of the pandemic. I also served as deputy director and interim director of the ILO mission in Brazil in 2011 to 2016. And my question is this. I wonder if the speakers would also acknowledge that an issue for the United States in terms of its credibility with regard to racial justice, human rights, and of course labor rights, is a rather paltry record of the United States in terms of ratifying international instruments and adhering to international fora with regard to all of these issues. One example which comes to mind in my area is ILO Convention 111 against discrimination in employment and profession, which could—actually has gone through a certain due diligence process in former administrations and was agreed to by business and labor in the United States but still the United States has failed to ratify. I just wondered if you might comment more generally about how that affects our credibility in terms of advocating for racial justice, human rights, and labor rights throughout the world. Thank you very much. FASKIANOS: Who can address that, would like to address that? PLUMMER: Well, I have very little immediate knowledge of this, and I have to say that labor issues and labor rights have been kind of a missing element in terms of being heavily publicized and addressed. I think it has something to do with the fact that over the course of the decades the United States has been less responsive to the United Nations, to international organizations in general. But in terms of the specifics, you know, precisely what has fallen by the wayside, I, you know, personally don't have, you know, knowledge about that. ADKINS: And I would just say more generally, not to speak specifically in terms of labor, where I'm also not an expert, but there is, of course, a long history of the U.S. seeking to avoid these kinds of issues in the international arena writ large as Dr. Plummer was just referring to. I just finished a book by Carol Anderson called Eyes Off the Prize, which is a whole study of this and the ways in which the U.S. government worked through the United Nations to prevent the internationalization of the civil rights movement which many—Malcom X and Martin Luther King, Fannie Lou Hamer, and others—sought to frame it in the context of human rights and raise it into an international specter, and that was something that the U.S. government did not want to happen. And of course, we know that part of the genius of the civil rights movement writ large was this tactic of civil disobedience, not just to push against a law that we didn't like to see in effect but actually to create a scene that would create international media attention which would show to the world what these various communities were suffering inside of America, to try to create pressure outside of our borders for the cause of freedom and justice and democracy. And so there is that long history there which you've touched on with your question. Thank you for that. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Mojubaolu Olufunke Okome. Q: Good afternoon and thank you for your presentation. I just wonder about U.S. foreign policy, how it lines up with the domestic politics, you know, in terms of race relations, because if one was to believe U.S. propaganda, you know, this country is doing good in the world, it's the country to emulate. But you know, the events of—well, I guess the George Floyd case brought into graphic relief what most astute observers of the U.S. know, that race relations of the U.S. do not line up very well with the constitutional aspirations of the U.S. So what's going to change now, you know? And then there's also this pandemic and the way which race and class is showing us about the real serious inequalities in the U.S. So what's going to change in terms of lessons learned? And then moving forward, is also multilateralism going to come back into U.S. foreign policy in some way? That's it. PLUMMER: I think—I'm getting kind of an echo here. I don't know if other people are. I don't think anyone is—you know, who is thinking about this seriously doubts that the United States is in a crisis at the moment—a crisis of legitimacy not only abroad but also domestically. We have a situation in which an ostensibly developed country has large pockets, geographic pockets where there are, you know, 30, 40, 50 percent poverty rates. We have people who are essentially mired in superstition, you know, with regard to, you know, matters of health and science. And you know, I don't think anyone is, you know—is, you know—who is, you know, thinking about this with any degree of gravity is not concerned about the situation. Once again, I think we're talking here about institutions, about how we can avoid this sort of repetitive and cyclical behavior. But one thing I want to say about George Floyd is that this is a phenomenon that is not only unique to the United States. One of the reasons why George Floyd became an international cause célèbre is because people in other countries also were experiencing racism. There—other countries had issues with regard to immigration. And so really looking at a situation in which I think is—you know, transcends the domestic, but it also transcends, you know, simply looking at the United States as, you know, the sort of target of criticism. FASKIANOS: Do you want to add anything, Travis, or do you want to—should we go to the next question? ADKINS: Go on to the next question. Thank you. FASKIANOS: OK, thank you. Let's go to Shaarik Zafar with Georgetown, and our prior questioner was with Brooklyn—teachers at Brooklyn College. Q: Hey, there. This is Shaarik Zafar. I was formerly the special counsel for post-9/11 national origin discrimination in the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division—sorry, that's a mouthful—and then most recently during the Obama years I was a special representative to Muslim communities. So this—I first applaud the presentation. These issues are very near and dear to me. I think it's clear, you know, we have to own up and acknowledge our shortcomings. And I think, you know, I was really sad to hear that we actually worked against highlighting what I think is really an example of American exceptionalism, which is our civil rights movement and our civil rights community. When I was at State during the Obama years, we had a very modest program where we brought together U.S. civil rights leaders and connected them with European civil rights leaders. And the idea wasn't that we had it all figured out but rather that, you know, in some respects the United States has made some advances when it comes to civil rights organizing and civil society development in that respect—and perhaps more so than other countries. I was just thinking, I would love to get the panelists' thoughts on ways that we can continue to collaborate and—you know, on a civil society level between civil rights organizations in the United States and abroad and the way the U.S. government should actually support that—even if it means highlighting our shortcomings—but as a way to, you know, invest in these types of linkages and partnerships to not only highlight our shortcomings but look for ways that we could, you know, actually come to solutions that need to be, I think, fostered globally. Thanks so much. ADKINS: You know, the first thing I would say, Shaarik—thanks for your question—I thought it was interesting, this idea of framing the civil rights movement as a kind of example of American exceptionalism. And I think there's a way in which I would relate to that in the sense that folks did, at least nominally or notionally, have certain kinds of freedom of speech, certain kinds of rights to assembly. But even those were challenged, of course, when we see the violence and the assassinations and all of the machinations of the government against those who were leaders or participants in that movement. And so in that sense, perhaps I would agree. I might push back, though, in terms of American exceptionalism as it relates to civil rights, because these people were actually advocating against the U.S. government, who actually did not want them to have the rights that they were promised under the Constitution. Of course, many of us would not be free or able to speak up without the 13th and 14th and 15th Amendments. And so there's a sense in which we celebrate them, but there's also a sense in which they are actually indictments of the original Constitution which did not consider any of those things to be necessary elements of our society. In terms of civil society and where the U.S. government is engaged, I think that, you know, sometimes when we deal with these problems that are foreign policy related, you know, sometimes the answer is at home. Sometimes the answer is not, you know, a white paper from some high-level think tank. It's not something that starts ten thousand miles away from where we are, because I don't think that we would have the kind of standing and credibility that we would need to say that we believe in and support and give voice and our backing to civil society movements abroad if we don't do the same thing at home. And so everything that we want to do somewhere else, we ought to ask ourselves the question of whether or not we've thought about doing it at home. And I don't mean to suggest—because certainly no nation is perfect, and every nation has its flaws. But certainly, we would be called to the mat for the ways in which we are either acknowledging or refusing to acknowledge that we have, you know, these same—these same challenges. And so I think there still remains a lot of work to be done there in terms of how we engage on this. And you have seen the State Department come out and be more outspoken. You've seen the Biden administration putting these issues more out front. You have now seen the Black Lives Matter flag flying over U.S. embassies in different parts of the world. And some people might view that as co-optation of a movement that is actually advocating against the government for those rights and those respects and that safety and security that people believe that they are not receiving. And others might see it as a way to say, look, our nation is embracing civil society and civic protests in our nation as an example that the countries in which those embassies are in should be more open to doing the same kinds of things. And so it's a great question. I think it remains to be seen how we move forward on that—on that score. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Molly Cole. Q: Hi. My name is Molly Cole. I am a grad student of global affairs at New York University. I was just curious sort of what y'all thought about what the consequences of foreign policy on punishment systems and institutions as it pertains to race relations in the United States would be, also in tandem with sort of this strive for global inclusivity and equity and just sort of, I guess, hitting those two ideas against each other. ADKINS: Can you clarify the ideals for us, Molly? So one sounded like it was about maybe mass incarceration or the death penalty or things of that nature? You're talking about punitive systems of justice? And then the other seemed to be more about diversity, equity, and inclusion in the foreign policy space? But I don't want to put words in your mouth. I just want to make sure I understand the question. Q: You hit the nail on the head. ADKINS: OK. Do you want to go ahead, Dr. Plummer? PLUMMER: Oh. Well, again, a great question but, you know, one of, you know, it's—could write a book to answer. (Laughs.) Well, if you're talking about the sort of international regime of incarceration—is that what you were referring to? Q: Yes, essentially. So when we're—when we're considering, you know, these punitive systems, I'm thinking in terms of, you know, the death penalty, mass incarceration, private prisons, sort of this culmination of us trying to come up with these ideals, but doing it sort of on our own, while also combatting, you know, what the nation is calling for, what the globe is calling for. PLUMMER: Yeah. I think this sort of pertains to what I had mentioned earlier about just, you know, who is making and carrying out U.S. foreign policy, or domestic policy for that matter. There's a whole question of the state and, you know, what parts of the state are involved in this whole question of incarceration and are involved in the whole question of the death penalty. One of the things that we are aware of is that prisons have—some of the prisons are actually not being operated by civil authorities. They're operated by private entities. We saw this again in—you know, particularly in Afghanistan, where a lot of functions which normally, you know, are carried out by civil authorities are carried out by private authorities. And so this really puts a whole different perspective on the question or the relationship of citizens to the state and, you know, to any other particular group of citizens to the state. So I think that, you know, one of the problem areas then is to tease out what in fact are the obligations and privileges of government, and how do they differ from and how are they distinguished from the private sector. Q: Thank you. ADKINS: And I would just add quickly on this notion of hypocrisy and saying one thing and doing another, there was an interesting anecdote around this when President Obama visited Senegal. And he was delivering a fairly tough message about the treatment of members of the LGBT+ community in Senegal. And President Macky Sall got up essentially after President Obama and was essentially saying that, you know, we kind of appreciate this tough love lecture, but I would remind you, you know, that Senegal doesn't have the death penalty, right? And so on one hand we're actually saying something that has a grounding. Of course, people of all human stripes can have dignity, and have respect and be protected. But he is then hitting back and saying, hey, wait a minute, you kill people who break laws in your own country. And we don't have the death penalty. So who should actually be the arbiter of how is the correct way – or, what is the correct way to be? On the second part of your question, quickly, Molly, especially as it relates to the kind of diversity, equity, and inclusion piece, this is why also there has been a big push to look in our State Department, to look at USAID, to look at the face that America presents to the world. And all too often that face has been male, that face has been White. And that gives a certain perception of America, but it also means that we lose the tremendous treasure and talent of people who have language skills, who come from communities in which their own perspective on the world actually is a talent that they have. Specifically, because many of those communities—whether they've immigrated or come to America by different means—are also from groups who've been marginalized, who've been oppressed, who have a certain frame and a lens with which to engage with other nations in the world, either in terms of partnership, either in terms of deterrence. And so we lose out in many ways because we haven't done a great job in that—in that matter. FASKIANOS: I'm going to take a written question from Morton Holbrook, who's at Kentucky Wesleyan College. His question is: How should the United States respond to international criticism to the U.S.'s racial discrimination? And how will that affect the relationship between the U.S. and the international community? PLUMMER: Well, the United States, I think, has—(laughs)—no choice but to acknowledge this. Historically this has been a problem that when pressed on this issue in the past the response was always, well, you know, we know this is a problem and we're working on it. And the most egregious examples of racism are the responsibility of people who are either at the margins of society or who represent some sort of relic past that is rapidly disappearing, right? That was the message about the South, right? OK, the South is, you know, rapidly developing and so soon these vestiges of violent racism will be over. Well, again, the reason why that doesn't work anymore—(laughs)—is because we're always projecting this future, right, that—you know, it's always being projected further and further into the future. And we're never there yet. And it seems to me, again, that this is a problem of institutions. This is a problem of the embeddedness of racism in American life, and a refusal on the part of so many Americans to acknowledge that racism is real, and that it exists. And you know, I think we see many examples of this. I'm thinking of one instance where a George Floyd commemorative mural was painted on a sidewalk and some folks came along with some paint and painted over it, because they said it wasn't a racism corner, you know, while engaged in a racist act. So, you know, there really needs to be, I think, on a very fundamental level, some education—(laughs)—you know, in this country on the issue of race and racism. The question is, you know, who is—who will be leaders, right? Who will undertake this kind of mission? ADKINS: One thing I would say, quickly, on that, Irina, just an anecdote as well that also relates to really in some ways the last question about who our representatives are and what perspective they bring. Several years ago, I was on a trip—a congressional delegation to Egypt. And I was with several members of the CBC. And we met with President Sisi. And they were giving him a fairly rough go of it over his treatment of protesters who were protesting at that time in Tahrir Square, many of whom had been killed, maimed, abused, jailed. And he listened to them kind of haranguing him. And at the end of that speech that they were giving to him he said basically: I understand your points. And I hear your perspective. But he said, can I ask you a question? They said, sure, Mr. President. We welcome you to ask questions. And he said, what about Ferguson? And the day that he said that Ferguson was on fire with surplus military equipment in the streets of America, with, you know, tear gas and armed military-appearing soldiers in the streets of America who were seen, at least optically, to be doing the same thing, right? Not as many people were killed, certainly, but the point is you have this same problem. However, if that had been a different delegation, he might have scored a point in their verbal jousting. But President Sisi had the misfortune of saying this to two-dozen 70-plus-year-old Black people. And no one in America would know better than they what that is like. And so what they ended up replying to him by saying, exactly. No one knows this better than we do. And this is exactly why we're telling you that you shouldn't do it. Not because our country doesn't have that history, but because we do have that history and it has damaged us, and it will damage you. Which takes on a completely different tone in our foreign relations than if it was simply a lecture, and that we were placing ourselves above the nations of the world rather than among them. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go to Ashantee Smith. Q: Hello. Can you guys hear me? ADKINS: We can. FASKIANOS: Yes. Q: OK, perfect. Hi. My name is Ashantee Smith. I am a grad student at Winston-Salem State University. In regards to some of the responses that you guys gave earlier, it gave me a question. And I wanted to know how you guys were putting the correlation between racism and immigration. PLUMMER: Well, yeah. The United States has a history of racialized responses to immigrants, including historically to White immigrants. Back in the day the Irish, for example, were considered to be, you know, something less than White. We know, however, that society—American society has since, you know, incorporated Europeans into the category of Whiteness, and not done so for immigrants from Latin America, Asia, and Africa, who remain racialized, who are perceived as being, in some respects by some people, unassimilable. We also have a phenomenon of the racialization of Muslims, the creation of outcast groups that are subjected to, you know, extremes of surveillance or exclusion or discrimination. So immigration is very much embedded in this, is a question of an original vision of the United States, you know, and you can see this in the writings of many of the founding fathers, as essentially a White country in which others, you know, are in varying degrees of second-class citizens or not citizens at all. So this is, I think, an example of something that we have inherited historically that continues to, you know, be an issue for us in the present. Yeah. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Pearl Robinson. Q: Hello. I am just so thrilled to see the two panelists here. I want—I actually raised my hand when you were talking about the labor rights issue. And I'm at Tufts University. And I'm currently working on an intellectual biography about Ralph Bunche. And I actually ran over here from the U.N. archives where I was actually reading about these issues. (Laughs.) And I wanted to just say that the discussion we're having now, it's sort of disjointed because we're dealing with lots of erasures, things that are overlooked, and they are not enough Carol Andersons and Brenda Gayle Plummer professors out there putting these things in press. But even more importantly, they are not sufficiently in our curriculum. So people who study international relations and people who do international relations don't know most of these things. So my quick point I just wanted to say was during World War II when Ralph Bunche was working for the OSS military intelligence, his archives are full of it, he went and he was interviewing our allies at their missions and embassies in the U.S.—the French, the British—asking them: What are your labor relations policies in your colonial territories? And this was considered important military information for the United States, as we were going to be—as Africa was an important field of operation. When you get to actually setting up the U.N., I was struck in a way I hadn't, because I hadn't read archives this way. (Laughs.) But I'm looking at conversations between Bunche and Hammarskjöld, and they're restructuring the organization of the United States—of the United Nations. And there are two big issues that are determining their response to the restructuring—the Cold War as well as decolonization. And I actually think that those two issues remain—they're structuring that conversation we're having right now. And they—we say the Cold War is over, but I love this phrase, of the racialization of the current enemies or people we think of as enemies. So I actually do think that this is a really good program we're having where we're trying to have the conversation. But the dis-junctures, and the silences, and the difficulties of responding I think speak volumes. The last thing I will say, very quickly, that incident about the discussion with President Sisi that Mr. Adkins—that needs to be canned. That needs to be somehow made available as an example that can be replicated and expanded and broadened for people to use in teaching. ADKINS: Well, I always listen when my teacher is talking to me, Dr. Robinson. Thank you for sharing that. And I'm working on it, I promise you. (Laughter.) FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to—we have lots of questions and raised hands, and we're not going to get to all of you. So I apologize right now. (Laughs.) We'll do the best we can. Jill Humphries. Q: Hello. My name is Jill Humphries. And I'm an adjunct assistant professor in the Africa Studies Program at the University of Toledo, and have been doing Africa-based work, I'm proud to say, for about thirty-three years, starting at the age twenty-two, and have used Dr. Plummer's work in my dissertation. And hello, fellow ICAPer (sp). So my question is this: There's an assumption that I believe we're operating in. And that is race and racism is somehow aberrant to the founding of this country, right? So we know that Saidiya Hartman and Frank Wilderson, the Afropessimist, make the argument that it is clearly key that it is fundamental to the development of our institutions. And so my question is this: You know, the—in the domestic scene the sort of abolitions clearly state that unless we fundamentally transform our norms and values, which impact, of course, our institutions, then we will continue to have the exact outcomes that are expected. The killing of George Floyd and the continuing, I think, need to kill Black bodies is essential to this country. And so my question is, in the context of foreign relations, international relations, are we also looking at the way in which, number one, it is not aberrant that racism is a constituent element in the development of our foreign policy and our institutions? And that unless we fundamentally first state it, acknowledge it, and then perhaps explore the way in which we dismantle, right—dismantle those norms and values that then impact these institutions, that we're going to continue to have the same outcomes, right? So for example, when Samantha Powers visited Ethiopia, if you've been following that whole narrative, there was a major backlash by the Ethiopian diaspora—major. My colleagues and friends, like, I've had intense conversations, right, around that. Same thing about the belief about Susan, former—Susan Rice's role, right, in continuing to influence our foreign policy, particularly towards the Horn of Africa. So my question is: What does that look like, both theoretically, conceptually? But more importantly for me, because I'm a practitioner on the ground, what does that look like in practice? And that's where I think Professor Adkins, working for USAID, could really kind of talk about. Thank you. ADKINS: Thank you. Yeah, you know, I think it goes back to Dr. Robinson's question a moment ago. And that is the first the acknowledgement and the calling out and the putting into relief and contrast the context in which we're operating, especially when we think about not even USAID specifically, but the industry of development—aid and development assistance kind of writ large. Because essentially what we have is a historical continuum that starts with the colonial masters and the colonial subjects. And then that because what is called, or framed, as the first world and the third world, right? And then that becomes the developing world and the developed world. Then that becomes the global north and the global south. All of which suggests that one is above, and one is below. That one is a kind of earthly heaven, the other kind of earthly hell. That one possessed the knowledge and enlightenment to lead people into civilization, and the other needs redemption, needs to be saved, needs to be taught the way to govern themselves, right? That this kind of Western notion of remaking yourself in the world, that your language, that your system of government, that your way of thinking and religious and belief and economics should be the predominant one in the world. And so I think, to me, what you're saying suggests the ways in which we should question that. And this is where you start to hear conversations about decolonizing aid, about questioning how we presume to be leaders in the world in various aspects, of which we may not actually be producing sound results ourselves. And thinking again about this notion of placing ourselves among nations rather than above nations in the ways in which we relate and engage. And I think that it's one of the reasons that we continue to have challenges in the realm of development assistance, in the realm of our diplomacy and foreign policy. Because, again, there is a pushback against that kind of thinking, which is rooted in a deep history that contains much violence and many types of economic and diplomatic pressures to create and sustain the set of power relations which keeps one group of people in one condition and one in another. And so it's a huge question. And how to bring that kind of lofty thinking down to the granular level I think is something that we will have to continue to work on every day. I certainly don't have the answer, but I'm certainly answering—asking, I should say—the questions. PLUMMER: I think I might also think about how is in charge. And this is—you know, it goes back to something we talked about before, when U.S. foreign policy is no longer exclusively rooted in the State Department? So in terms of, you know, who represents the United States abroad and in what ways, and how is that representation perceived, we're really looking at, you know, a lot of different actors. And we're also looking at, you know, changes in the way that the U.S. government itself is perceiving its role, both at home and abroad. And one of the questions was previously asked about the system of incarceration speaks to that, because we have to ask ourselves what are—what are—what are the proper roles and responsibilities and burdens of the state, the government and, you know, what is leased out—(laughs)—in some ways, for profit to private concerns? So I think that, you know, some of this is about, you know, a sense of mission that I don't see out there, that I think will in some respects have to be restored and reinvented. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Erez Manela. Q: Thank you very much for this really terrific and important panel. My name is Erez Manela. I teach the history of U.S. foreign relations at Harvard. And my question actually—I don't know if Irina planned this—but it follows on directly from the previous question. Because I kept on wondering during this panel what—I mean, the focus that we've had here, the topic that's been defined, is the way in which domestic race relations, domestic racism, have shaped U.S. foreign policy. But of course, U.S. foreign policy has been shaped—as the previous questioner noted—has been shaped directly by racism and perceptions of racial hierarchy for—well, since the very beginning. And Professor Adkins spoke very eloquently about it. And of course, Professor Plummer has written eloquently about that, including in her books on Haiti and international relations. But I guess I'm wondering if you could speak more about the specifics about the history that needs to be recognized in that realm, and then—and this is maybe self-interested—whether you have any recommendations, in the way that you recommended Carol Anderson's really terrific book—for reading that we can read ourselves or give our students to read, that would really drive that point home, the influence of racism, race perceptions, race hierarchies themselves on—directly on the conduct of U.S. foreign relations historically. PLUMMER: Well, Professor Manela, I appreciate your own work on Wilson. And you know, that in some respects—that would be a book that I'd recommend. (Laughs.) Might also think about Mary Dudziak's work on Cold War civil rights, and her law review article, Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative, which, you know, directly addresses these questions. Again, what I would like to see is some work that will—perhaps not necessarily a historical perspective—but will address this whole question of the sort of growing, I don't know what you'd call it, multiplicity or multivariant character of American policymaking, you know, as we—as we go forward, you know, past the Cold War era. There's an interesting item by a man named Andrew Friedman, who wrote a book called Covert Capital. I think the subtitle is something like Landscapes of Power, in which we discussed the rise of Northern Virginia as what he sees as the true capital of, you know, parts of the U.S. government, in being a center for the military and for intelligence community. And their shaping of that environment at home, as well as their influence in shaping U.S. policy abroad. So, you know, there's a lot of room for work on these—on these issues. ADKINS: And I would also just follow up—and thank you for the question—and add another book that I just finished. Daniel Immerwahr, from Northwestern University, How to Hide an Empire, which deals in many ways with U.S. foreign policy and the way in which it is explicitly racialized and ways in which that goes understudied in our—in our policy circles, and certainly in the world of education. FASKIANOS: I'm going to try to squeeze in one last question. And I apologize again for not getting to everybody's question. We'll go to Garvey Goulbourne as our final question. Q: Yes. Hi. Can you hear me? FASKIANOS: We can. Q: Yeah. My name's Garvey Goulbourne. I'm a student at the University of Virginia, actually studying abroad this semester in Rabat, Morocco. And my question to you both is: What mechanisms do we have to orient the narratives that our foreign policy leaders are brought up with? Thinking particularly of American exceptionalism and how we kind of place ourselves on a pedestal, whether they be foreign affairs schools or various institutions at different levels of American education, what tools do we have to address the foundations of American perspectives of themselves and our nation in relation to the rest of the world, particularly the global south? FASKIANOS: Who wants to go first? An easy question, of course, to close with. PLUMMER: Go ahead, Mr. Adkins. ADKINS: Sure, sure. Thank you for your question, Garvey. And congratulations on the move out to Morocco. Great to see you there. I think the first thing I would say, of course, is our tools, as far as I am concerned, relate certainly to education. And it's one of the reasons that I am in the classroom. But I know what that fight is like, because even education is taken over by these notions of White supremacy, by these notions of singular historical narratives. And this is why there's been such a push against the 1619 Project of the New York Times, why there is this kind of silly season around the misunderstood origins and contexts of critical race theory. There is this battle over who gets to tell the story of what America is, because it is more than—but it is more than one thing, obviously, to a multiplicity of people. And so I am kind of remiss—or, not remiss. There's no way for me to elucidate for you now a series of tools that will resolve these problems, because these are challenges that people have been wrestling with before our mothers' mothers were born. And so we only are continuing that fight from where we sit. And certainly, in the classrooms that I am in, whether they are in prisons or on campuses, we are always digging into the origin of these themes. And the main frame through which I teach is not just for students to understand this history for their health, but for them to understand this history as a lens through which to view the current world and all of the events and challenges that we find ourselves facing, to see if we can come up with new ways to address them. PLUMMER: Well, one of the things that Mr. Goulbourne could do, since he is in Morocco, is to make use of his own insights in his conversations with Moroccans. So, you know, there is still a role, you know, for individual actors to play some part in attempting to make some changes. FASKIANOS: Well, with that we unfortunately have to close this conversation. It was very rich. Thank you, Travis Adkins and Brenda Gayle Plummer or sharing your insights and analysis with us. We really appreciate it. To all of you, for your questions and comments. Again, I'm sorry we couldn't get to all of you. You can follow Travis Adkins @travisladkins, and that's on Twitter. And our next Academic Webinar will be on Wednesday September 29, at 1:00 p.m. (ET) with Thomas Graham, who is a fellow at CFR. And we'll talk about Putin's Russia. So in the meantime, I encourage you to follow us at @CFR_Academic, visit CFR.org, Thinkglobalhealth.org, and ForeignAffairs.com for new research and analysis on global issues. So thank you all again and we look forward to continuing the conversation. ADKINS: Take care, everyone. Thank you. (END)
What separates the actors that consistently create vivid, organic, interesting human behavior at the highest level, and those that don't? What is the difference between just being OK at something, and operating with artistry? This week Charlie talks to his friend, and fellow teacher Victor Villar-Hauser, one of LA's most sought after coaches. Victor talks about coaching Kingsley Ben-Adir through his stunning breakout performance as Malcom X in One Night in Miami, and what the actor's life can be when approached with passion. Two dedicated teachers talking about their love of acting, craft, and work-ethic. You can follow CBP on Instagram @creatingbehavior, and Charlie's NYC acting conservatory, the Maggie Flanigan Studio @maggieflaniganstudio. For written transcripts, Charlie's blog, or to contact him for private coaching, check out https://www.creatingbehaviorpodcast.com
Grab my #1 Best Selling book at - https://www.amazon.com/dp/B08FP9P4J5Kings of Sparta Mastermind is a group of like-minded men who grow daily professionally and personally. For more information go to www.kingsofsparta.com
Hello podcast listeners, I'm Barbara Morgan and you're listening to Austin Film Festival's On Story. This week on On Story we'll hear from award-winning screenwriter, playwright, producer and director, Kemp Powers. Kemp Powers is a Golden Globe-award winning, playwright, producer and director. In 2020 he co-directed and wrote the Academy Award Winning Pixar animated feature, Soul. He later wrote the critically acclaimed Amazon feature, One Night In Miami, which he adapted from his 2013 award-winning stage play. He was nominated for Best Adapted Screenplay at the 2021 Academy Awards. The film is a fictional account of one incredible night where icons Muhammad Ali, Malcom X, Sam Cooke, and Jim Brown gathered to discuss their roles in the Civil Rights Movment of the 60s. I spoke with Kemp Powers about his journey as a writer at a year round Austin Film Festival event that was co-presented with the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences' Educational Initiatives. Clips of One Night in Miami courtesy of Amazon Studios. Clips of Soul courtesy of Walt Disney Pictures and Pixar Animation Studios.
Join Tag and Scotty as they speak with Max Parthas, a former co-host of New Abolitionist Radio and the current executive producer and co-host of the Abolition Today radio show and podcast. We will be talking with Max about the latest developments in the New Abolitionists Movement to abolish slavery first by removing language from individual state constitutions and the US Constitution's exception for slavery and involuntary servitude, which allow both practices in the United States in federal, state and private prisons. Max Parthas is also the co-director of State Operations for ASNN and the Acting Director for the Paul Cuffee Abolitionist Center. Max Parthas is a multi-published, multi-recorded, Spoken Word Artist, Slavery Abolitionist, and Social justice Activist. Mentored by poetic activist legends Abiodun Oyewole of The Last Poets, and the leader of the Black Arts movement Amiri Baraka, Max comes from a proud lineage of artistic social changemakers. In addition to being named national Poet of The Year twice, he is the recipient of the Missouri CURE Marc Taylor Activism Award, the Will Bell Humanitarian Award, and the “In The Spirit of Malcom X” award from MX Media for his abolitionist activism. Max Parthas currently resides in Sumter, SC with Wife of 35 years Tribal Raine. An iconic Spoken Word Artist in her own right. Together they are known as Maximum Impact Poetry.@maxparthas firstname.lastname@example.org.
Freedom Day Everyday presented by Qool DJ Marv Qool DJ Marv LIVE at 651 ARTS’ Juneteenth Celebration: (RE)VISION - Sets One+Two - June 18+19 2021 Interlude (Loving the People) - Michael KiwanukaUnshaken - D'AngeloBlack Lion (feat. Dezron Douglas) - Makaya McCravenFlowers feat. REMI - Sampa the GreatCrown - Rapsody Priority (A Cappella) - Mos DefThe Healer - Erykah BaduAfrican Samurai - Flying Lotus with Denzel CurrySounds Of Now - Damon Locks Black Monument Ensemble + Professor Herbert Marbury Great Blacks - Georgia Anne Muldrow with Chris Keysr(E)volution - Sa-RocBlack Progress (feat. Stephen Marley, Black Thought & Spragga Benz) - Salaam RemiNo Knock - Gil Scott-HeronBlack Man in a White World - Michael KiwanukaCrossroads – Tracy ChapmanSay It Loud 'Everybody Black Re-Flip' (feat. Cee-Lo Green) - Salaam RemiThe Knowledge - Janet JacksonGo Left - Radiant ChildrenVideotape - Christian Scott aTunde AdjuahBlack On Purpose Outro (feat. Sandra Bland) - Salaam Remi Lift Every Voice and Sing – Madison Calley + Professor Herbert MarburyGotta Get Up – 4Hero featuring Jill Scott9 by 9 – 4Hero featuring Imani UzuriConstellations – Dwight Trible and the Life ForceMiracle – The Vintage BabiesOnly If – Steve LacyBlack Truck – MerebaBlack on Purpose – Salaam Remi featuring Malcom XBlack Panther –Kendrick LamarTurntables – Janelle MonaeRejoice Renew Repair – Kindred and the Family SoulFinal Form – Sampa the GreatSeparate/Together – A Tribe Called QuestEnchanted – Flying LotusWake Up Everybody – Tobe NwigweOptimistic – August Greene featuring BrandyUmi Says – Mos DefUndefeated – Infinity SongFabulous – JaheimEyes Open – Ty featuring OG Rootz and Deborah JordanGet up - Blaze Thank you 651 Arts! Special thanks to Ubiquita Worldwide.https://www.651arts.org/ + https://linktr.ee/qooldjmarv Photo: Floyd Cooper
Martin Luther King, Malcom X e T'Chala tem muito mais em comum do que você pensa. Separe trinta minutos do seu dia e aprenda com o professor Vítor Soares sobre o partido dos Panteras Negras. Se você quiser ter acesso a episódios exclusivos e quiser ajudar o História em Meia Hora e continuar de pé, clique no link: www.apoia.se/historiaemmeiahora --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/historiaemmeiahora/support
Alex Anides lives in Los Angeles and has attended Coachella 10 times. She shares some of her experiences at Coachella, talks about why she does not go by her birth name, and the impact people's cultural surroundings have on their life outlook and ambitions.Support the show (https://cash.app/$hlvs)
In her groundbreaking debut The Three Mothers, scholar Anna Malaika Tubbs celebrates Black motherhood by telling the story of the women who shaped three civil rights icons. Anna's book shines a light on the mothers of Martin Luther King, Malcom X and James Baldwin as activists- fighting racism and inequality and as humans- raising black boys with joy and resilience. Throughout this journey of researching and writing the book, Anna herself became a mom. And she is a force. Anna connects to these three women through their shared experience as Black women, as mothers and as humans.
Shannon’s guest this week on the Bruce Lee Podcast has too many accolades, titles and projects to name them all, but we’ll start by describing him as author, historian, music critic, activist, journalist, academic, record label director, and social justice warrior, Jeff Chang! Jeff is the author of a number of award winning books on the subjects of hip hop and race in America, which include Can’t Stop Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip Hop Generation, We Gon’ Be Alright: Notes on Race and Resegregation, Who We Be: The Colorization of America, and Total Chaos: The Art and Aesthetics of Hip Hop. Jeff has won the American Book Award and the Asian American Literary Award as well as being named to the Frederick Douglass 200 list of 200 living individuals who best embody the work and spirit of Douglass and he has been a finalist for the NAACP Image Award. He was the Executive Director of the Institute for Diversity in the Arts + Committee on Black Performing Arts at Stanford University and now is the vice president of Narrative, Arts, and Culture at Race Forward. We told you the list was long. Born and raised in Honolulu Hawaii, Jeff proudly claims the titles of writer and social justice warrior as you’ll hear. He is also working on a book about Bruce Lee right now and he is launching a series of 14 videos on Black and Asian Solidarity starting May 19th (Malcom X and Yuri Kochiyama’s birthday) with The Asian American Foundation so please check those out and help spread the message of solidarity and love! Jeff is a gentleman and a scholar and a genuine soul that Shannon can’t believe she gets to call her friend. Listen in as they talk about his dad, Shannon’s dad, what it means to be a warrior and Jeff’s Hawaiian name on this episode of the Bruce Lee podcast with Jeff Chang! Find this episode's show notes and other episodes on Brucelee.com/Podcast
From April 4, 2002: Poet, writer and icon Dr. Maya Angelou joins Oprah to celebrate her 74th birthday on the Oprah Winfrey Show and discuss her New York Times best-selling book, A Song Flung Up to Heaven. Dr. Angelou opens up about motherhood, growing older and the lessons she learned from her friends Malcom X and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (Dr. Angelou passed away in 2014 at the age of 86.)