Podcasts about saharawi

Die presidente van Mosambiek, Angola, die DRK, Suid-Afrika, Zambië, Botswana, Saharawi-republiek, Kenia, Tanzanië, sowel as die adjunk-presidente van Malawi, Ghana en Uganda saam met verskeie voormalige presidente en ander hooggeplaastes, het die inhuldiging van president Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah bygewoon. Sy die deur die hoofregter, Peter Shivute by Staatshuis ingesweer. Nandi-Ndaitwah is die 11de vroulike president in Afrika en Namibië se vyfde. Die uittredende president Nangolo Mbumba het hulde aan haar baanbreker oomblik gebring.

As climate talks enter their second week in Azerbaijan's capital, Baku, MICHAEL USI, Malawi's Vice President, says it's time to get serious about past pledges.And Kenyan pastoralist CHARLES EKALELE tells us why those pledges matter. Changing weather patterns in Turkana County are making people in his community poorer.Africa's Last Colony. As the US, Spain and most recently France add their support to Morocco's claim over Western Sahara, we ask has the Polisario Front given up on its idea of self determination for the Saharawi people? We speak to the Polisario's man in Washington DC, MOULOUD SAID.DONU has words of advice for KEMI BADENOCH, whose rise to the top of British politics is still absorbing many Nigerians who say she has turned her back on Nigeria.PATRICK admits he does take time off work, sometimes. He raves about London's Jazz Festival. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Javier Moratalla, Presidente de la asociacion de Amigos del pueblo Saharawi

Women and Girls on the Climate Change Frontline: Navigating Climate Change, a podcast series that shines a light on the women and girls leading the fight against climate change in the least developed countries.In this episode, we explore the intersection of Women's Rights and Climate Change. Our guests discuss the importance of climate justice, highlighting its connection to human rights and social equality. Through insightful conversations with guests, the podcast explores how climate justice intersects with issues of gender, indigenous rights, and refugee communities, emphasizing the need for inclusive decision-making processes and action to address systemic inequalities.Our Guests in this episode:Nupur Prakash is a Gender and Law Specialist at the International Development Law Organization. She primarily focuses on supporting IDLO's work on Justice for Women and Girl through strategic development and implementation of policy advocacy, research and programming initiatives. She has over 9 years of strong thematic expertise in issues such as combatting sexual and gender-based violence, gender-responsive legal reform, feminist climate action and land rights, amongst others. Nupur has authored various publications, most recently Human Rights-Based Approaches to Public Health and Health Promotion (2023). She also contributed to the development of several IDLO publications including: Climate Justice for Women and Girls: A Rule of Law Approach to Feminist Climate (2022); Justice for Women Amidst COVID-19 (2020); Justice for Women (2019); Nupur earned her BLS and LLB degree from Government Law College, University of Mumbai and her LLM in International and Comparative Law from the George Washington University Law School.Xiye Bastida is a 21-year-old climate justice activist based in New York City. She is an organizer with Fridays For Future and the co-founder of Re-Earth Initiative, an international youth-led organization that focuses on highlighting the intersectionality of the climate crisis. Bastida was born in Mexico and was raised as part of the Otomi-Toltec Indigenous community. For the first climate strike in March 2019, she mobilized 600 students from her school and has taken a citywide leadership role in organizing climate strikes. Daniela Soberón Garreta is a dedicated advocate for climate change, human rights, and renewable energy transition. Holding a Bachelor of Law from the Universidad del Pacífico, her expertise lies in critical analysis and a strong commitment to fairness. Specializing in climate change and renewable energy, she ensures alignment with international human rights standards and advocates for indigenous peoples' rights within the InterAmerican System.Fatma Moulay is a Saharawi climate activist and human rights defender. She has worked both politically and socially to advocate for human rights, gender equality, and youth employment. She has started business ventures in her community to improve the lives of Saharawi refugees and participated in campaigns to promote peace and a sustainable future. A show of this quality would not be possible without the incredible talent of Sarah Harris-Simpson, as well as the extraordinary and persistent support of Sorina Crisan and Eda Isik. Leave a ReviewThanks for listening! If you found the episode useful, please spread the word about this new show on Twitter mentioning

Abdulah Arabi es un diplomático saharaui, actualmente representante del Frente Polisario para España. Nació en el Sáhara Occidental cuando estaba bajo el colonialismo español. Empezó estudiando en un colegio de español en El Aaiún, pero luego se vio obligado a trasladarse al norte de Marruecos para terminar sus estudios. Después de un tiempo, junto a un grupo de 20 jóvenes saharauis escapó a la ciudad española de Ceuta para luego iniciar su activismo uniéndose al Frente Polisario. ¡Conoce más sobre su historia en esta entrevista! Enlace al vídeo en el canal de Youtube de Saharawi Voice https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rkLU5wuTSD8 Timecodes: : 00:00:00 - Introducción 00:00:23 - Infancia y adolescencia 00:03:03 - Familia y primeros años de militancia 00:06:51 - Escapar a la ciudad española de Ceuta 00:09:17 - Adaptación a España e incorporación al Frente Polisario 00:12:49 - Experiencia educativa en Cuba 00:15:38 - Aprendizajes del pueblo cubano y la revolución 00:18:25 - Situación familiar tras la invasión marroquí 00:20:26 - Referéndum en el Sáhara Occidental 00:21:41 - Métodos utilizados por Marruecos para forzar la ocupación 00:25:44 - Las razones por las que Marruecos accedió al plan de paz y al referéndum 00:29:00 - Las razones por las que la ONU no cumple con sus resoluciones 00:35:55 - La decisión de Pedro Sánchez y el chantaje de Marruecos 00:42:13 - Solidaridad de la sociedad española con la causa y el pueblo saharaui 00:48:43 - ¿Qué diferencia a los saharauis? 00:51:09 - El valor de la conservación de la cultura saharaui 00:53:38 - El papel de la educación para el estado saharaui y su visión 00:56:35 - El papel de la mujer saharaui 00:59:11 - Desafíos en el inicio de la lucha y ahora 01:01:32 - Una palabra final 01:02:10 - Otro

Ján 1:12 Tým však, čo ho prijali a veria v jeho meno, dal moc stať sa Božími deťmi.http://bit.ly/nzes-dneshttps://slovenskamisijnasiet.sk/Viac o etnickej skupine Saharawi nájdete na:https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14639/AG

Dopo il Qatargate, il Maroccogate: tutte le pressioni all'Europa di re Mohammed VI. Ascolta l'analisi di Luciano Ardesi, già sociologo all'Università di Algeri e presidente dell'Associazione Nazionale di solidarietà con il popolo sahrawiSenegal: abusi sui ragazzini nelle scuole coraniche. La denuncia di Amnesty International. Ascolta il servizio di Raffaello ZordanCalcio africano: i nuovi scenari dopo Qatar 2022. Le anticipazioni del nuovo numero di gennaio 2023 della rivista Nigrizia, dal direttore Giuseppe Cavallini

In questo episodio:- Uno schiaffo alle relazioni diplomatiche con il Vaticano da parte del dittatore Afewerki. In precedenza Chiesa espropriata di scuole e ospedali. I religiosi contrari all'intervento armato in Tigray. Il racconto di Bruna Sironi- Il Sudafrica riconosce lo stato del Sahara Occidentale, conteso dal Marocco. Ricevimento del Fronte Polisario. Il racconto di Elio Boscaini- Il Mali tenta una nuova spallata contro la Francia e la accusa di sostegno al terrorismo. Da tempo il paese è nell'orbita della Russia.

Afghanistan: i talebani torturato e ucciso Hazara in un attacco deliberato, nuova indagine di Amnesty international. Le famiglie delle vittime dell'aereo civile abbattuto in Iran nel 2020 chiedono un'indagine per crimini di guerra. Detenuti russi liberi se prestano sei mesi di servizio militare in Ucraina. Sudan: ancora proteste contro il colpo di Stato. Israele e Palestina: incontro ad alto livello Questo e molto altro nel notiziario di Radio Bullets, a cura di Barbara Schiavulli Se vuoi sostenere l'informazione indipendente www.radiobullets.com/sostienici

Afghanistan: i talebani torturato e ucciso Hazara in un attacco deliberato, nuova indagine di Amnesty international. Le famiglie delle vittime dell'aereo civile abbattuto in Iran nel 2020 chiedono un'indagine per crimini di guerra. Detenuti russi liberi se prestano sei mesi di servizio militare in Ucraina. Sudan: ancora proteste contro il colpo di Stato. Israele e Palestina: incontro ad alto livello Questo e molto altro nel notiziario di Radio Bullets, a cura di Barbara Schiavulli Se vuoi sostenere l'informazione indipendente www.radiobullets.com/sostienici

Una app per identificare i dissidenti in Arabia Saudita. Regno Unito: Oggi sarà nominato il nuovo premier, favorita Liz Truss. Talebani: l'Afghanistan non ha bisogno di una Costituzione. Algeria: Inviato ONU incontra il Fronte Polisario. Per entrare in Israele bisogna dichiarare se si ha un legame sentimentale con un palestinese. Le Isole Salomone minacciano l'entrata dei giornalisti considerati “irrispettosi”. Questo e molto altro nel notiziario di Radio Bullets, a cura di Barbara Schiavulli Se vuoi sostenere l'informazione indipendente www.radiobullets.com/sostienici

Una app per identificare i dissidenti in Arabia Saudita. Regno Unito: Oggi sarà nominato il nuovo premier, favorita Liz Truss. Talebani: l'Afghanistan non ha bisogno di una Costituzione. Algeria: Inviato ONU incontra il Fronte Polisario. Per entrare in Israele bisogna dichiarare se si ha un legame sentimentale con un palestinese. Le Isole Salomone minacciano l'entrata dei giornalisti considerati “irrispettosi”. Questo e molto altro nel notiziario di Radio Bullets, a cura di Barbara Schiavulli Se vuoi sostenere l'informazione indipendente www.radiobullets.com/sostienici

Morocco is bullying Tunisia for receiving the Saharawi leader at the Japanese development summit it hosted last week. Morocco didn't dare do this to other countries, including South Africa, that received Brahim Gali. Catholic nun kidnapped in Burkina Faso in April has been released. Citizens there and in Mali are now suffering even worse than they did before the coups the purported to tighten security. Why has the war reignited in Tigray? The route back to peace attempted five months ago is uncertain.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Ján 1:12 Tým však, čo ho prijali a veria v jeho meno, dal moc stať sa Božími deťmi.http://bit.ly/nzes-dnesViac o etnickej skupine Saharawi nájdete na:https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/14639/AG

After a hearty break, your hosts come back reinvigorated and ready to tackle some more topics they themselves know literally nothing about. We travel to the lands of Western Sahara with the help of Joanna Allan, Senior Lecturer at Northumbria University, to learn about energy, poetry, and the remnants of colonialism in Africa. Of course, as critical geography studies, neo-colonialism scholars and others have repeatedly proven, colonialism never really went away. It took on different forms, sometimes less overt, sometimes under different names. But Western Sahara still stands as a living, breathing, example of colonialism. Joanna runs us through a brief history of the Saharawi people and their fight for independence, as well as Spain, Morocco and Mauritania's colonial efforts to keep the Saharawi under their boot as a colony - even today.    We learn from Joanna about oil and wind energy politics in the region, how Saharawi poetry - entrenched in their culture and livelihood - affects and resists the invasions of the land by transnational wind turbine companies, and the gender dynamics behind complex social conflicts in the lands of the Sahara. The Saharawi fight on for a free Western Sahara, where their poetry and ways of life may prosper.   You can find Joanna on Twitter - @Joanna_Allan   Let us know your thoughts at risingwiththetide@gmail.com as well as what you'd like us to talk about next! Links to all streaming platforms and socials: linktr.ee/risingwiththetide Or head to our website! www.risingwiththetide.org Song for the episode: "Lanza un dedo al cielo" by Yslem, Hijo del Desierto

Il 24 febbraio 2004 in rappresentanza del Comune di Ferrara la dottoressa AlessandraChiappini siglava, insieme a Obdelkader Faled Omar del distretto di Smara, un patto diamicizia con il popolo Saharawi, volto allo sviluppo culturale e sociale dei due paesi.Testo: Istituto di Storia Contemporanea di FerraraVoce e Montaggio: Pietro Perelli

"I've used the original recording throughout the piece as a continuous sporadic commentary that struggles to achieve clear transmission, somewhat parallel to the turbulent history of Western Sahara and the Saharawi people. I dived into the their culture and the amazing music of Western Sahara for inspiration and had my partner(features as LadyLópez) kindly translate the radio broadcast into English so that I could better understand the historical context. Using various field recordings, tapes and synths I endeavored to craft the sound of chaos vs beauty and reach out in support of the Saharawi. Thank you also to Katia and Tomas for their vocal contributions recorded proper modern low-fi style though a very popular messenger app." Composition by Jahzah ft Lady López y CJ. Part of the Shortwave Transmissions project, documenting and reimagining the sounds of shortwave radio - find out more and see the whole project at https://citiesandmemory.com/shortwave

Michelle Gavin, CFR's Ralph Bunche senior fellow for Africa policy studies, leads a conversation on African politics and security issues.     FASKIANOS: Welcome to today's session of the CFR fall of 2021 Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record and the video and transcript will be available on our website, cfr.org/academic. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We're delighted to have Michelle Gavin with us today to talk about African politics and security issues. Ambassador Gavin is CFR's Ralph Bunche senior fellow for Africa policy studies. Previously, she was managing director of the Africa Center, a multidisciplinary institution dedicated to increasing understanding of contemporary Africa. From 2011 to 2014, she served as the U.S. ambassador to Botswana and as the U.S. representative to the Southern African Development Community, and prior to that, she was a special assistant to President Obama and the senior director for Africa at the National Security Council. And before going into the Obama administration, she was an international affairs fellow and adjunct fellow for Africa at CFR. So we are so delighted to have her back in our fold. So, Michelle, thank you very much for being with us. We have just seen that U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken went on a trip to Africa. Maybe you could begin by talking about the strategic framework that he laid out on that trip, and then we have in just recent days—with a new variant of Omicron—seen the travel ban imposed on several African countries and what that means for the strategic vision that he laid out. GAVIN: Sure. Thank you. Well, thank you so much for inviting me to join you today. And I looked at the roster. There's so much amazing expertise and knowledge on this Zoom. I really look forward to the exchange and the questions. I know I'll be learning from all of you. But maybe just to start out to talk a little bit about Secretary Blinken's trip because I think that, in many ways, his efforts to sort of reframe U.S. engagement on the continent, trying to move away from this sort of binary major power rivalry lens that the Trump administration had been using is useful, but also exposes, really, a lot of the challenges that policymakers focused on Africa are dealing with right now. So he tried to reset the relationship in the context of a partnership, of purely acknowledging African priorities and African agency in determining what kind of development partners Africa is interested in, what kind of security partners. I think that's a very useful exercise. Then he kind of ticked through, as every official has to do in making these big framing statements as sort of broad areas of engagement and cooperation, and he talked about increasing trade, which, of course, is interesting right now with AGOA sunsetting soon, working together to combat pandemic diseases, particularly COVID, working together on climate change, where, of course, Africa has borne more consequences than many other regions of the world while contributing far less to the problem, working together on the democratic backsliding and authoritarian sort of surge that we've seen around the world and, finally, working together on peace and security. So this huge agenda, and I think what's interesting and what in many ways his trip made clear is that it's very hard to get to the first four points when the last one, the peace and security element, is in chaos. And, look, obviously, Africa's a big continent. All of us who ever engage in these conversations about Africa are always—are forever trying to provide the disclaimer, right, that there's never one African story. There's never one thing happening in this incredibly diverse continent. But it is the case that the peace and security outlook on the continent is really in bad shape, right. And so the secretary traveled to Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal. The headlines from his trip, really, were dominated by the disorder in the Horn of Africa that we're seeing right now. So you have the civil conflict in Ethiopia, which has been incredibly costly to that country in terms of lives, in terms of their economic outlook, has been characterized by atrocities of war crimes. And, I think right now, most observers are very concerned about the integrity of the Ethiopian state, its capacity to persist. Regardless of today, tomorrow, or next week's military developments, it's very hard to see a lasting and sustainable military solution to this conflict and the parties do not appear, really, amenable to a serious political negotiation. But it's not just Ethiopia, of course. It's Sudan, where we saw the tenuous military-civilian transitional government kind of fully hijacked by the military side of that equation in a coup that has been, really, rejected by so many Sudanese citizens who are still on the streets even today trying to push back against the notion of military dominance in their transition and beyond, and they are being met with violence and intimidation. And the outlook there is quite worrying. You've got border clashes between Ethiopia and Sudan. You have electoral crisis in Somalia. So the Horn, you know, is looking like a very, very tough neighborhood. And, of course, everyone is concerned about the impact on Kenya and East Africa itself, given the insurgency in Mozambique, which has more than once affected neighboring Tanzania, these bombings in Uganda and the sense of instability there. The picture is one of multiple crises, none of which come with easy fixes or purely military solutions. And then you have this kind of metastasizing instability throughout the Sahel, right, and the concern that more and more states will fall victim to extremely worrisome instability and the very costly violence. So there's a huge security agenda and we're just—we're all aware of the basic facts that it's very hard to make progress on partnerships to support democratic governance in the midst of conflict. It's very hard to come together on climate change or to fight a pandemic in the midst of these kinds of circumstances. So I think it's a really challenging picture. And just to pull a couple of these threads, on this issue of democratic backsliding the Biden administration's desire to build more solidarity among kind of like-minded countries whose democracies may take different forms but who buy into a basic set of democratic values, it's undeniable that the trend lines in Africa have been worrisome for some time and we do see a lot of these kind of democratic authoritarian states, these states where you get some of the form, some of the theater, of democracy, particularly in the form of elections, but no real capacity for citizens to hold government accountable. It's not really a kind of a demand-driven democratic process, that the fix is often in on these elections, and there is polling, right, that suggests that this is turning people off of democratic governance in general, right. If what you understand democratic governance to be is a sham election, you know, at regular intervals while you continue to be governed by a set of individuals who are not really beholden to the electorate, right, and are protecting a very small set of interests, then it's not surprising to see some waning enthusiasm. It's not that other forms of government are necessarily looking great to African populations, but I think it is notable in some of that Afrobarometer polling in places where you wouldn't expect it, right, like South Africa, where people sacrificed so much for democracy, and you really do see a real decline in enthusiasm for that form of governance. So there's a lot of work to be done there. The last thing, just because you brought it up, on the latest news about this new variant, the Omicron variant—I may be saying that wrong. It may be Omicron. Perhaps someone will correct me. And the kind of quick policy choice to institute a travel ban on a number of southern African countries. So I do think that in the context of this pandemic, right, which has been economically devastating to the continent—where the global economic downturn that occurred for Africans, too, but you had governments with very little fiscal space in which to try to offset the pain for their populations. In addition, you have had the issues of vaccine inequity, right, where it's just taken far too long to get access to vaccines for many African populations—it's still not adequate in many places—and a sort of sense that the deal initially proposed in the form of COVAX wasn't really what happened—you know, a feeling of a bait and switch—that looks like—what it looks like is disregard for African lives. And while I am really sympathetic—I used to work in government and it's crystal clear when you do that your first responsibility is the safety of the American people—these travel bans sort of fit into a narrative, right, about scapegoating, about disregard for African life that, I think, is going to make it awfully hard for this new reframing of respect and partnership, right, to really resonate. And I would just note, as a former U.S. ambassador in Botswana, that the scientists in the lab in Gaborone and the scientists in South Africa who did the sequencing and helped to alert the world to this new variant, right, were doing us all a tremendous favor. It's not at all clear that this variant started in southern Africa, right. We know that it exists on every continent right now except Antarctica. We know that samples taken in Europe before these discoveries were made in southern Africa—just tested later—showed that the variant was already there. And so it is a bit hard to explain why specifically southern Africans are banned from travel. You know, I think it's unfortunate. There are other policies that could be pursued around testing, around quarantine requirements. So I'll leave that there. I'm not a public health expert. But I think it's—I'm glad you brought it up because I think these things do really resonate and they inform how the United States is understood on the continent. They inform how Africans understand global institutions and kind of global governance to reflect or not reflect their concerns and interests. And if what the Biden administration wants is partners in this notion of democratic solidarity and partners in trying to reconstruct kind of international institutions a sense of global order, a norms-based rules-based approach to multilateral challenges, it's going to be hard to get the African buy-in that is absolutely necessary to achieve those goals when these kinds of issues continue to give the impression that Africa is an afterthought. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much, Michelle. That was really a great overview for us. So now we want to go to all of you. You can raise your hand—click on the raised hand icon to ask a question—and when I recognize you please unmute yourself and state your affiliation. Otherwise, you can submit a written question in the Q&A box, and if you do write a question please say what institution you're with so that I can read it and identify you properly and—great. Our first hand raised is from Dr. Sherice Janaye Nelson. And let me just say, the “Zoom user,” can you please rename yourself so we know who you are? So, Dr. Nelson, over to you. Q: Good afternoon, everyone. Dr. Sherice Janaye Nelson from Southern University. I'm a political science professor in the department. And the question, I guess, I have is that we know that the African people have a history of nondemocratic governance, right? And when we look at a place like Tunisia, we know that one of the reasons in the Arab Spring that they were so successful—although often considered an Arab country, they are successful because there had been tenets of democracy that were already broiled in the society. The question I have is that to these places that do not have that institutional understanding or have even—maybe don't even have the values to align with democracy, are we foolhardy to continue to try to support democratic governance as the full-throated support versus trying to look at more of a hybrid of a sovereign situation that allows for, in many ways, a kingdom, a dictator, and et cetera, with then a democratic arm? Thank you so much. GAVIN: Thanks, Dr. Nelson. It's an interesting question, and I agree with you insofar as I think that it's really interesting to think about the kind of governance antecedents in a bunch of African countries, particularly in the pre-colonial era, right, and try to figure out how they find expression afterwards. There's no question that, you know, colonialism doesn't set the table well for democracy. There's no doubt about that. But I would say that, you know, despite the loss of faith in democratic governance that we've seen in some of the polling, you know, very consistently for a long time what you've seen is that African populations do seem to want democratic governance. They want to be able to hold their leaders accountable. They want everyone to have to abide by the law. They want basic protections for their rights. So, you know, I'm not sure that there's any society that's particularly ill-suited to that. But I do think that democracy comes in many forms and it's always particularly powerful when there is, you know, some historical resonance there. I also—you know, if we take a case like one of the world's last absolute monarchies in eSwatini right now what you see is a pretty persistent civic movement demanding more accountability and less power for the monarch, more protection for individual rights. And so, you know, I'm not—I think that people are feeling disillusioned and frustrated in many cases and you see this, too, in the enthusiasm with which several of the recent coups in West Africa have been met—you know, people pouring out into the streets to celebrate because they're frustrated with the status quo. They're interested in change. But very rarely do you see then persistent support for, say, military dictatorships or military-dominated government. So I'm not sure that the frustration means enthusiasm for some of these other governing models. People want democracy to work a lot better. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Lucy Dunderdale Cate. Q: Hi. Yes. I'm Lucy Dunderdale Cate. I'm with the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I wanted to just ask you about kind of the African Union's role in this, you know, particularly and with the Biden administration, and thinking about, you know, the Horn of Africa security issues that you mentioned. Kind of where do you see that we're going and what do you see kind of for the future there? Thank you. GAVIN: Sure. Thanks for that question. I think the AU, for all of its flaws—and, you know, find me a multilateral organization that isn't flawed—is actually incredibly important. You know, for the Biden administration, which has kind of staked out this position that international institutions matter and multilateral institutions matter, they've got to work better, we can't address the threats we all face without these functioning and they may need to be modernized or updated but we need them, then the AU is a really important piece of that puzzle. And I think, you know, right now, for example, in Ethiopia that the—it's the AU's negotiator, former Nigerian President Obasanjo, who really is in the lead in trying to find some glimmer of space for a political solution, and this was a little bit late in the day in terms of AU activism on this issue and I think it's been a particularly difficult crisis for the AU to address in part because of being headquartered in Addis and sort of operating within a media and information environment in Ethiopia that is one that does not create a lot of space for divergence from the federal government's position. So I think that, in the end, right, the prospect of the collapse of a 110-million-strong country, a place that used to be an exporter of security, a major diplomatic player in the region, right, spurred AU action. But it's been a little bit—more than a little bit slow. But you have seen some pretty forward-leaning stance at the AU as well. Their response to the military coup in Sudan this fall was pretty robust and clear. Now this sort of new transitional arrangement that appears to be more palatable to much of the international community than to many Sudanese citizens is a—we're wading into murkier waters there. But I think the AU, you know, it's the only game in town. It's essential, and particularly in the Horn where the subregional organization EGAD is so incredibly weak that the AU, as a vehicle for an African expression of rules-based norms-based order, is—you know, actually its success is incredibly important to the success of this major U.S. foreign policy plank. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next written question from Rami Jackson. How much of the democratic backsliding is supported by outside powers? For example, there was a chance for a democratic movement in Chad but the French threw their weight behind Déby's son after he was shot. GAVIN: That's a great question. I think that it's, certainly, not the case that external partners or actors are always positive forces, right, for democratic governance on the continent. There's no doubt about that, and it can be France and Chad. It can be, you know, Russian machinations in Central African Republic. There's a lot. It can be some of the Gulf states in Sudan, right, who—or Egypt, who seem very comfortable with the idea of military dominance and maybe some civilian window dressing for this transition. So you're right that external actors are kind of an important piece of the puzzle. You know, I don't think that there are many situations where there is a single external actor who is capable of entirely influencing the direction of government. But there are, certainly, situations where one external actor is tremendously powerful. Chad is a great example, again. And it is something that, I think, you know, again, an administration that has staked so much of its credibility on the notion that this is something very important to them, you know, is going to have to deal with. And it's thorny, right. Foreign policy always is where you have competing priorities. You need to get important work done sometimes with actors who do not share your norms and values, and it's the messiness of trying to articulate and integrate values in a foreign policy portfolio that runs the gamut, right, from counterterrorism concerns to economic interests. But I think that those are tensions that the administration will continue to have to deal with probably a little more publicly than an administration who didn't spend much time talking about the importance of democratic governance. FASKIANOS: Great. And I just want to mention that Rami is a graduate student at Syracuse University. So I'm going to go next to a raised hand from Mojúbàolú Olufúnké Okome. I know you wrote your question, too. Q: Good afternoon. Thank you very much. Yes. FASKIANOS: Yes. Q: I wrote my question because I couldn't figure out how to name myself on the phone. You know, thank you for your presentation. When I look at democracy in Africa—I mean, this is not the first go-round—and the response by people, by citizens, to the backsliding by governments is not—it looks familiar to me because, you know, in the 1960s—from the 1960s, there were similar responses. People were dissatisfied. They welcomed authoritarian governments again and again because the government they voted for rigged elections, were also authoritarian, and they were kleptocratic. So what's different now and where's the continuity and what has changed, really, with democracy? The other thing is about this COVID—the management of the COVID situation. I also kind of see the—I think I agree with you. The way Africa is being treated looks very familiar—you know, with disdain, with disrespect, as if the lives of the people there don't matter as much. And what is it going to take, really, to change the—because, you know, if a pandemic that cannot be stopped by walls and borders is not instigating change what is it going to take to change the way in which world politics is—world politics and its governance is done? GAVIN: Fantastic questions and ones that, I think we could talk about for, you know, a week-long conference. But so I'll start from the beginning and just take a stab. I think you're absolutely right. There have been these interesting cycles when it comes to governance on the continent and I think—when I think about sort of what's different from what we were seeing in, say, toward the end of the '60s, I think it's a couple things. One is geopolitical context, right. So my hope is that what we're not doing is kind of doing a reprise of this bipolar world where we're subbing in China's authoritarian development model for a Soviet Communist model and sitting here on the other side and, you know, trying to manipulate other countries into one camp or another. I don't think we're quite there yet and I think the Biden administration is trying very hard not to wade into those waters. So I do think the geopolitical context is a bit different. I also think, you know, that where so many African states are is at—in terms of kind of the scope of their existence as independent entities is an important difference, right. So I think that in the immediate kind of post-colonial era, for an awful lot of governments the fundamental basis for their legitimacy was having—is not being a colonial administrator, not being a puppet of some external power and so the, you know, legitimacy came from liberation, from independence. In places that had terrible conflict sometimes legitimacy came from, you know, delivering some degree of security from a long-standing insecure situation. So, you know, you look at—I think that's where sort of President Museveni derived a lot of legitimacy in the late '80s and through the '90s. And I think that, you know, now, as you have these very significant young populations whose lived experience is not one of ever knowing a time pre-independence, you know, they're looking for service delivery, right. They're looking for opportunity. They're looking for job creation, and I think legitimacy is increasingly going to be derived from the ability to deliver on these priorities. And so I do think that that makes kind of the governance landscape a little bit different, too, sort of different ideas about where governing legitimacy comes from. And, you know, I think that can be manifest in really different ways. But if I had to try and, you know, grab onto that interesting idea about what's different, that's what comes to mind. In this, you know, incredibly important question about what's it going to take to recognize African states as equal players and African lives as—every bit as urgently valuable as any other, you know, I do think that as the world continues to grapple with this pandemic and with other issues that can only be resolved globally, like climate change, it will, over time, kind of force a reckoning and a rethink about what are the important states and what are not. You know, it's interesting to me, it's absolutely true that by not moving out robustly to ensure that the whole world has access to vaccines the richest countries have created opportunities for new mutations to emerge. I hesitate to say that, in some ways, in this context because it sounds like I'm positive that these emerged from Africa, and I'm not. But we do know, you know, as a basic matter of science, right, that we're not safe until everyone's safe. And so I do think that as these kinds of issues that military might and economic power cannot address alone, where it really does take global solidarity and an awful lot of multilateral cooperation, which is messy and cumbersome, right, and necessary, my hope is that that will start to change perceptions in framing. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So I'm going to go next to a written question from Abbey Reynolds, who's an undergraduate student at the University of Central Florida. What steps do you think that international and regional organizations can take to preempt future attempts to derail democratic governance in the region—coups, circumvention of constitutional term letter—limits, rigged elections, et cetera? GAVIN: OK. I'm sorry. What steps should who take? I'm sorry. FASKIANOS: Multilateral—international and regional organizations. GAVIN: OK. You know, I think that in a number of cases subregional organizations have been taking steps, right—ECOWAS, certainly, in rejecting coups and suspending memberships, et cetera. I think, you know, if you look at the sort of articulated and documented principles of a lot of these organizations they're pretty good. It's really about the gulf sometimes between stated principles and practice. So, you know, I think the Southern African Development Community is sometimes guilty of this where there are—you know, there's a clear commitment in static kind of principle documents and protocols around democratic governance but you also have an absolute monarchy that's a member state of SADC. You've had, you know, significant repression in a number of states—Zimbabwe leaps to mind—that SADC doesn't have, really, anything to say about. So you can have organizations that have kind of principles and procedures. At the end of the day, organizations are made up of member states, right, who have a set of interests, and I think that, you know, how governments understand their interest in standing up for certain norms, it's—I think it's specific in many ways to those governments in those states how they derive their own legitimacy, the degree to which they feel they may be living in a glass house, and, you know, frankly, relative power dynamics. So I'm not sure. Certainly, it's always—you know, I'm a believer in multilateralism. I think from an African point of—you know, if you imagine African states trying to assert themselves on the international stage, multilateralism is really important, right, to get if it's possible, where interests align, to have as many African states speaking with one voice. It's a much more powerful message than just a couple individual states. But there are always going to be intrinsic limits. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Gary Prevost with the College of St. Benedict. And if you can unmute yourself. Q: Speaking today, actually, as honorary professor and research associate from Mandela University in South Africa. I've had several students in recent years—doctoral and master's students—study U.S. and allied counterterrorism strategies both in the Middle East and in Africa, and they've come away with a general perspective that those strategies going back several administrations have been almost solely focused on military action and that it has led them in their recommendations sections of their theses to argue that other steps must be taken if these efforts in places like Nigeria or Somalia or Mozambique or even in the Middle East, Syria, and Iraq, are to be successful they must have a changed mindset about counter terror. What's your perspective on that? GAVIN: Well, thanks for that. I wholeheartedly agree, right, and I think, you know, you'll even get plenty of military officers, right, who will say there's no way we can address some—these problems, these, you know, kind of radical violent organizations aligned to global terrorist groups with a purely military approach. It's frustrating. I'm sure it's frustrating for your students, too, because it feels like everyone keeps coming to this conclusion, and, certainly, there have been efforts to, you know, counter violent extremism, provide opportunity for young people. But we're not very good at it, right. We haven't been very good at it yet. There's still a mismatch in terms of the resources we pour into these kind of relative—these different streams of effort, right. But I think also while it's very clear in a situation like Mozambique that if you want to weaken the insurgency you need to be providing more opportunity and building more trust in a community that's been disenfranchised and alienated from the center for a very, very long time. But the how to do that, how to do that effectively and how to do it in a climate of insecurity I actually think is an incredibly difficult challenge, and there are, you know, brilliant people working on this all the time. You know, some of the best work that I've seen suggests that some of this can be done but it's an incredibly long-term undertaking and that, you know, is sometimes, I think, a difficult thing to sustain support for, particularly in a system like the United States where, you know, our appropriations cycles tend to be very short term. So people are looking for, you know, quick impact, things you can put on a bar graph quickly and say that you've done. And I think that, you know, a lot of the kind of peace building research suggests that that's—that, you know, building community trust, which is a huge part of what needs to happen, operates on a very different kind of timeline. So it's a really thorny, thorny problem and how to get—you know, how to sustain political and budgetary support for those kinds of efforts. I don't know the answer yet. I'm sure somebody really smart on—maybe on the Zoom does. FASKIANOS: I'm going to go next to Pearl Robinson at Tufts University. Q: Hello, Ambassador Gavin. First of all, I'd like to congratulate you in your new position as Ralph Bunche Senior Fellow for Africa, and that's actually—as I've been sitting here listening to this, my thought was I'd like to know if you have thought about ways in which you can use your position at the Council to help actualize forms of partnerships about policy dialogues related to Africa. You began by articulating the U.S.'s new strategic vision for Africa. That was an American statement. I haven't really heard an African statement that would be engaging with that policy dialogue. These one-on-one trips of the secretary of state and other people going to individual African countries, based on our agenda, and having one-on-one dialogue discussions, in a way, does not get towards that real notion of African agency in policy and partnership. So I'm actually wondering whether you might envision the Council playing a role and creating some kinds of policy dialogue fora that would have American(s) and Africans participating in ways that would be visible to American publics as well as African publics. So I'm suggesting that you might, you know, be uniquely well suited to have the Council play a role in actually making visible and operationalizing this concept. I just thought about this sitting here listening because what I realized was everybody talking is talking from the American side and I'm wondering if—well, my dear colleague, Olufúnké, actually was an African voice. But I think what needs to happen is there needs to be a way for this taking place maybe with African institutions, academics, civil society actors. So I just throw that out for you to think about and I'd like to hear your first response to that idea. GAVIN: So I think it's exciting and I'd love, actually, to follow up with you. I'm delighted that you're here. I heard some wonderful things about your work. I think there's always the hard part of, right, who speaks for Africa, right, because there are so many diverse African perspectives. But I don't think you're suggesting there's necessarily a unitary voice. You're talking about sort of different actors, and I would agree with you that it's always incredibly rich to have conversations. You know, I recently did a panel with Professor Ed Vitz, who is working on some—working on a paper, I think, that will eventually be a book about sort of U.S.-Africa policy and particularly interested in the kind of frame of major power rivalry. But it was such a refreshing conversation to examine that and compare notes on what we thought the flaws of that frame might be to hear his perspective on where he thought there might be advantages to be seized from it. It was wonderful, and I agree with you that the more dialogue and the more opportunity not just to sort of talk amongst ourselves in a U.S. community that cares about Africa and about U.S. policy the better. You know, I will be honest with you, I often, in a situation like the one right now, I try hard to stick to—to at least keep circling back to U.S. policy because that's where my background is and I, you know, have no desire to posit myself as speaking on behalf of Africans. That's nuts and, you know, not my role. But I do—I have spent a lot of time thinking about how the U.S. engages with the continent. And so I think it's a really interesting notion. I'd love to follow up with you. FASKIANOS: Great. I'm going to take the next written question from Krista Johnston, who's a professor at Howard University. The African Continental Free Trade Area will create the largest consumer market. What are the barriers U.S. businesses investing in Africa and positioning themselves to take advantage of this new trade area and what can the Biden administration do to incentivize this kind of engagement with China? And perhaps I can tack on another question to that because we have a lot of questions—(laughs)—both raised hands—is just to talk a little bit about China's footprint in Africa as well. GAVIN: Sure. Well, so I absolutely agree that the African Continental Free Trade Area is a really incredibly promising step forward for African economic integration and that is, you know, compelling in any number of ways. I think, for example, about the very hot topic of pharmaceutical production, right. And between the Free Trade Area, the standing up of the African Medicines Agency, right, which should help to harmonize regulatory standards for pharmaceuticals and medical equipment throughout the continent, investments seem a lot more attractive, right, when you're looking at much bigger markets than any one country, even than a giant like Nigeria, can provide. So I think that there's tremendous potential here. I will go back to what I said earlier, which is that even with these positive steps, right, it's going to be really important that the peace and security parts start trending in the right direction because it's very—you know, I would say this. U.S. investors are already quite bad at assessing risk in Africa and a backdrop of instability is not going to help that situation, right, and it is, in many cases, going to make a given investment opportunity or partnership opportunity too risky for many. So, you know, there's just no way to jettison those concerns. But wholeheartedly agree it's an exciting development. If the world hadn't gotten sort of hijacked by COVID, I think we'd be talking about it a lot more. On China, you know, the Chinese engagement on the continent is a fact of life that's existed for a very long time and is not going anywhere. It is economic, it is political, it is, increasingly, cultural, and I think, you know, for a state like China that aspires to be a major global power it's entirely predictable and understandable. Do I think that there are some ways in which Chinese investment and engagement are not always beneficial to African states? I do. I have concerns, certainly, about the way China sometimes uses its influence to secure African support for Chinese positions that appear antithetical to stated values in AU documents and other(s) and I have concerns about the transparency of some of the arrangements. I have concerns as well about some of the tech standards and just sort of play for technical dominance that maybe does not have the cybersecurity interests of Africans as its top priority. All that said, I think it's really important for the United States to, you know, understand that there's no—there's nothing to be gained by constantly vilifying China's engagement, some of which has been incredibly helpful for African states hungry, particularly, for financing on major infrastructure projects, and, you know, it's a fact of life we all have to learn to deal with. I do think, you know, there's some natural tension between the Biden administration's democracy focus, right, and the very explicit and intentional efforts of China to present a different model, and I don't think that the U.S. needs to shy away from that or pretend that those differences don't exist. But I do think it's incredibly unhelpful to frame up all of U.S. policy as if it's intended to counter China as opposed to intended to find those areas in the Venn diagram of, you know, those overlaps of African interests and U.S. interests and work together on them. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Anna Ndumbi, who is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Southern Mississippi. Please unmute yourself. Q: Thank you very much. I really appreciate the presentation. I have a quick question in regards to the Democratic Republic of Congo, which is center of Africa. About three years ago, there was a new president that stepped in by the name of Félix Tshisekedi, and he decided to pass a law saying that all the secondary education should be free because, obviously, in Africa schools aren't free. And I, personally, think that maybe it wasn't really—it was something they should have probably considered before passing the law. The result of that is that you have classrooms where there were maybe twenty students and now there's, like, there could be over a hundred students in one classroom, right. So we spoke about the pandemic. When COVID hit a lot of schools were shut down. They were shut down for a long period of time, and when you look at a lot of schools in Africa they don't have the ability of giving out maybe laptops or anything like that to assist students to continue school at home. So in result of that, you see a lot of children who are really below what they should be, below the average when it comes to education, and my question with that is where do we see the future going as far as maybe having international organization(s) or United States intervene because the future is not bright when we look at education with the children or the youth. How can United Nation(s) or maybe other international organization(s) assist, especially with what happened during COVID, going forward? What does the future look like for Africa? And I'm speaking more for the Democratic Republic of Congo. How can nonprofit organization(s) or United States intervene and assist in this matter? GAVIN: Well, thank you for that, and I have followed this a little bit because it was an interesting and kind of splashy promise and initiative on the part of President Tshisekedi and it's been disappointing, I think, to see that some of the, you know, government's budget that was intended to be allocated for that appears to have found its way into a handful of individuals' accounts. But I think that, you know, the fundamental point you're making, which is that in DRC but also throughout the African continent, right, there are these vast populations of young people. It is the youngest region of the world. And if you look at it historically at how other parts of the world have dealt with youth bulges, right, investing in that human capital so that they can be drivers of innovation and economic growth has been a really powerful kind of transformational tool—for example, in Asia. And so I definitely think that you're onto something really important right now about prioritizing investing in young people and their capacity, and you're absolutely right that the disruptions of the pandemic have, in many cases, fallen most heavily on children. You know, how to tackle that, I think, is sort of—you know, I can't design a program in this moment, I'll be honest with you. But I think that you're absolutely right, it's an incredibly important and too often easily overlooked priority. You know, there have been some interesting education innovations on the continent but they're too often kind of small, not scalable, and the need is so incredibly vast. But here, again, I will be a broken record. We do have to go back to this issue that peace and security matters, right. It's very, very hard for kids to get a sustained education that's going to provide them with opportunity in a context of insecurity, which, for a lot of children in eastern Congo, is still the case. FASKIANOS: OK. We have three minutes left. I am going to—and so many questions, and I apologize that we're not going to be able to get to all of you. So I'm going to give the final question to Caleb Sannar. Q: Hi. Yes. Thank you for joining us today, Ambassador Gavin. As they said, my name is Caleb Sanner. I'm a student from the University of Wisconsin in Whitewater. My question is with the Abraham Accords the Trump administration signed the agreement with Morocco to recognize Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. Following that, there was some discrepancies in the southern territory controlled by the U.N., MINURSO, and the Polisario Front, the external Saharawi government, ended up declaring war again on Morocco, resuming the war from nineteen years previously. My question is what is the Biden administration's policy on that? GAVIN: Great question. Reporters have been asking that question, too, and with great message discipline the administration continues to say is that they're supporting U.N. efforts. And so whenever they ask, are you are you going to reconsider this decision regarding recognition of Moroccan sovereignty in Western Sahara, they respond not by answering that question but by saying they're supporting U.N. efforts. So that's the most I can report to you in—regarding that. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Well, we are at the end of our time. So, Ambassador Gavin, thank you very much for being with us and, again, to all of you for your fantastic questions, and I apologize for not being able to get to all of you. But we will have to continue doing webinars on this important topic and on digging in a little bit deeper. So we will be announcing the winter-spring academic lineup next month through our academic bulletin. This is the final webinar of this semester. Good luck with your finals—(laughs)—and grading and taking the exams and all of that. I know it's a very busy and stressful time with the pandemic layered on top of all of it. If you haven't already subscribed for the bulletin, please, you can do so by emailing us at cfracademic@cfr.org. You can follow us on Twitter at @CFR_Academic. And of course, please go to CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for new research and analysis on global issues. You can see on CFR.org Michelle's latest post on Africa—blog posts, so you should follow her there as well. So, again, thank you. Thanks to all of you, and happy holidays, and we look forward to reconvening in 2022.

Con las invitadas Raíces, cantantes SAHARAUIS refugiadas de Sahara Occidental que nos visitaron en Xalapa, Veracruz. #Saharawi

In questo numero:- Ogni scusa è buona per il re del Marocco per ribadire la sovranità sul Sahara Occidentale, anche l'ospitalità per cure data dalla Spagna al leader del Fronte Polisario. Intanto a Ceuta rientra l'emergenza migratoria, mentre la Francia, sull'autonomia del popolo saharawi spacca il fronte europeo. L'analisi di Luciano Ardesi- Il Summit di Parigi per le economie africane va nella giusta direzione ma è un "recovery plan" con numeri ancora poco incisivi, e sul fronte brevetti per i vaccini, attendiamo i fatti. Così Roberto Ridolfi, presidente di Link2007- L'Algeria al voto il 12 giugno, tra proteste e repressioni. Di Gianni Ballarini

Rd Congo: il presidente Tshisedeki dichiara lo stato d'assedio nelle province del Nord Kivu e dell'Ituri, dopo giorni di manifestazioni pacifiche Uganda: identificato un caso di variante indiana, è allarme per il continente Mauritania: a quarant'anni dall'abolizione ufficiale della schiavitù, manifestazione per ottenere l'attuazione delle riforme Ciad: continuano gli scontri fra esercito e ribelli Burkina Faso: dopo l'uccisione dei giornalisti, Germania, Spagna, Francia e Italia assicurano collaborazione ma chiedono indagini accurate

Rd Congo: il presidente Tshisedeki dichiara lo stato d’assedio nelle province del Nord Kivu e dell’Ituri, dopo giorni di manifestazioni pacifiche Uganda: identificato un caso di variante indiana, è allarme per il continente Mauritania: a quarant’anni dall’abolizione ufficiale della schiavitù, manifestazione per ottenere l’attuazione delle riforme Ciad: continuano gli scontri fra esercito e ribelli Burkina Faso: dopo l’uccisione dei giornalisti, Germania, Spagna, Francia e Italia assicurano collaborazione ma chiedono indagini accurate

Morocco has become the latest country to join President Trump's so-called 'Abraham Accords' a series of foreign policy initiatives which seek to 'normalise relations' between Arab nations and Israel. In return, the United States agreed to recognise the disputed territory of Western Sahara as belonging to Morocco. This is a pretty outrageous move for many of the indigenous people who live there, the Saharawi, who have been fighting for independence for 47 years. We take a detailed look at the deal with analysts from the US, Israel and Morocco and we also hear from the Polisario Front, a group the UN considers to be the legitimate representative of the Saharawi people.

The Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic ambassador to South Africa Mohamed Yeslem Beissat says US President Donald Trump administration’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara is a disgrace. Beissat was speaking to Radio Islam on Sunday on a range of issues including Morocco’s decision to normalize ties with Israel in a US brokered deal becoming the fourth Arab country since August to normalize ties with Israel.

An FDA committee approves an Emergency Use Authorization for the Pfizer COVID-19 vaccine.. Morocco and Israel.. is it another colonial deal.. Bomb.. bomb how many nuclear bombs are there and why the secret.. more on a police killing in the Bronx..

Myran har kapat Martin men har istället tre olika personer att prata Västsahara med. I den andra delen blir det ett samtal med Ivar och Mahfud som berättar om flyktinglägren i Algeriet, vägblockaden vid Guerguerat som ledde till att vapenvilan bröts, och aktivism mot Marockos plundring av Västsaharas resurser. Mahfuds organisation kan ni följa på […]

 Acknowledgement of country News Last week, Tecber Ahmed Salah, Head of African Union Department, Ministry of Public Health in the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic and Oxfam Algeria Country Director, Haissam Minkara spoke with the Australian Western Sahara Association about the precarity and effects of COVID-19 pandemic on the Saharawi residents of Tindouf camps in Algeria.  Bobuq Sayed is a fiction writer, essayist, editor, and multidisciplinary artist. Their research interests include the War on Terror, fugitivity, queer and trans* studies, theories of place, and faggotry. On November 23rd they published A New Generation of Australian War Criminals in Meanjin online in response to the mainstream media coverage of the Brereton Report and war crimes perpetrated by the Australian Defence Force in Afghanistan.  Candy Bowers joins us to speak about her podcast Multi-Hypho. Candy Bowers is a radical mischief-maker and award-winning cross-disciplinary artist born of South African political refugees. She has a long list of original works to her name, including Inna Thigh: The Sista She Story, The Naked MC, Hyper Fragility #why-are-white-men-so-defensive-lol, MC Platypus & Queen Koala's Hip Hop Jamboree, Who's That Chik?, Australian Booty, One The Bear and Hot Brown Honey Burlesque.  June Riemer, Deputy CEO of First Peoples' Disability Network, joins us to discuss the Disability Royal Commission from a First Nations perspective, focusing on the intersection between disability and child removal. SongsAziza Brahim Baraka 

Acknowledgement of country News Karen Wyld joins us to talk about her newly published book, Where the Fruit Falls. Karen Wyld is a freelance writer and author currently based in South Australia but her grandmother's county, Martu is located in the Pilbara region of Western Australia.   Human rights defender and activist Adolf Mora joins us today to speak more about the situation in West Papua and the Make West Papua Safe campaign. Adolf came by boat in 2006 and has been detained in Christmas Island for a bit then granted temporary protection via and came to Narrm since then to continue the campaign for his people’s struggle under Indonisian colonialism.  Professor Libby Porter joins us to discuss the Andrews Government’s recent announcement of investment in social housing and what it really means. Libby Porter is a research fellow at the Centre for Urban Research, RMIT University and convenor for Darebin Community Friends of Public Housing which is a member of Save Public Housing Collective.  Dr. Fiona Foley joins us on the show to speak about her new book Biting the Clouds: A Badtjala Perspective on the Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act, 1897. Fiona Foley is from the Wondunna clan of the Badtjala nation. Foley completed her fourth film titled Out of the Sea Like Cloud in 2019.  Her recent exhibitions include a 25-year photographic retrospective titled Who Are These Strangers and Where Are They Going? Dr Fiona Foley is currently a Lecturer at the Queensland College of Art, Griffith University.  Kamal Fadel, the representative for the Polisario Front in Australia and New Zealand joins us to discuss the Western Sahara independence movement and the end of a 29-year-old ceasefire between Morocco and the Polisario Front, the Western Sahara independence movement, after the Moroccan military opened fire on a blockade halting civic and commercial flux on the only road connecting West Africa to Western Sahara, Morocco and Europe. You can find out more and how to support the Saharawi community in so-called Australia here. SongsEmma Donovan and The Putbacks - Leftovers

Perù in strada si dimette dopo una settimana dalla nomina il presidente ad interim Merino. Moldavia: Maia Sandu, candidata filo europea eletta presidente. Afghanistan: in arrivo un rapporto sui crimini di guerra commessi dalle truppe australiane. Palestinesi evacuati dalle loro case per far posto ad un'esercitazione militare israeliana. Bielorussia: migliaia in piazza, 1000 arresti. Questo e molto altro nel notiziario di Radio Bullets, a cura di Barbara Schiavulli

Perù in strada si dimette dopo una settimana dalla nomina il presidente ad interim Merino. Moldavia: Maia Sandu, candidata filo europea eletta presidente. Afghanistan: in arrivo un rapporto sui crimini di guerra commessi dalle truppe australiane. Palestinesi evacuati dalle loro case per far posto ad un’esercitazione militare israeliana. Bielorussia: migliaia in piazza, 1000 arresti. Questo e molto altro nel notiziario di Radio Bullets, a cura di Barbara Schiavulli

We listen to Aziza Brahim new album Sahari  with songs about her refugee expierence. "Voiced with deep passion and grace, Aziza Brahim’s music adeptly travels the expanse between her Western Saharan roots and Barcelona, the European cosmopolis where she now lives. Aziza is both a contemporary sonic poet and a prominent and eloquent spokesperson for the Saharawi people and their ongoing struggle for recognition and justice.Born and raised in the Saharawi refugee camps lining the frontier between Algeria and Western Sahara, Aziza’s life has been marked by both daunting hardship and inspired will. Fleeing from these camps and the regime of political oppression that followed Morocco’s 1975 invasion of Western Sahara, as a young teenager Aziza travelled to Cuba for her secondary school studies. There she experienced first hand the deep Cuban economic crisis of the 1990s and the subsequent denial of her request to pursue a university degree in music."Read more on:  azizabrahim.com

Un percorso di ritmi e culture diverse che parte dai campi profughi del popolo Saharawi con la stupenda voce di Aziza Brahim

K15 Capodanno con il popolo Saharawi Aneddoto personale legge l'attrice Marta Cuscunà in collaborazione con Emilia-Romagna Teatro Fondazione e Uniradio Cesena

Un percorso di ritmi e culture diverse che parte dai campi profughi del popolo Saharawi con la stupenda voce di Aziza Brahim.

In this podcast, Erik Hagen and Asria Mohamed of Western Sahara Resource Watch talk to IHRB's Salil Tripathi about foreign companies operating in Western Sahara and how they should seek consent of the Sahawari people themselves.

Acknowledgement of countryNews headlinesTecber Ahmed Saleh, an advocate for human rights, speaks about the continuing struggle for self determination in Western Sahara. Tecber lives in the Saharawi refugee camps in south-west Algeria.Georgia MacGuire and Bek Saltmarsh on their exhibition Ngardang Giri Kalat Mimini. Ngardang Girri Kalat Mimini is the first large scale exhibition of the Victorian Indigenous women’s and trans diverse art collective of the same name at The Central Goldfields Gallery in Maryborough which runs from until the 13th of October.Cheryl Axeby, co-chair of NATSILS, speaking about the use of spithoods on kids in SA prisons.Conversation with Dinu Kumarasinghe and Zoe Kingsley editors of the Suburban Review.Scotty McDinny speaks about about Warburdar Bununu: Water Shield, a film that follows the story of heavy metal pollution from mining making the Borroloola community's water unfit to drink. Warburdar Bununu: Water Shield will be showing on NITV soon.SongsJess B - MoodKing Jag - Black ExcellenceSampa the Great - Diamond in the RuffJesswar, Tasha the Amazon - Heata

Con la compianta Mariem Hassan e con Aziza Brahim, negli ultimi due decenni la musica sahrawi è salita alla ribalta internazionale della world music: ma questo non deve farci dimenticare che nei campi profughi sahrawi la musica vive grandissime difficoltà. Desert Session è un album che raccoglie brani registrati assieme da musicisti sahrawi e italiani, tra un campo sahrawi in Algeria e il nostro Sud. Il Cd è nato da un progetto di una associazione italiana che tra il Salento e i campi nel deserto si occupa di bambini sahrawi con problemi di disabilità: negli ultimi anni circa venticinque bambini sahrawi sono stati ospiti di famiglie pugliesi e sono stati sottoposti ad interventi chirurgici e hanno ricevuto trattamenti sanitari in Italia. La musica potrebbe sembrare un fatto del tutto secondario rispetto a questo impegno indirizzato ai drammi individuali all'interno del dramma generale dei sahrawi: ma non lo è, innanzitutto per i bambini e per i più giovani, per mantenere un rapporto con la loro cultura, per il loro senso di sé, per il loro senso del futuro.

Con la compianta Mariem Hassan e con Aziza Brahim, negli ultimi due decenni la musica sahrawi è salita alla ribalta internazionale della world music: ma questo non deve farci dimenticare che nei campi profughi sahrawi la musica vive grandissime difficoltà. Desert Session è un album che raccoglie brani registrati assieme da musicisti sahrawi e italiani, tra un campo sahrawi in Algeria e il nostro Sud. Il Cd è nato da un progetto di una associazione italiana che tra il Salento e i campi nel deserto si occupa di bambini sahrawi con problemi di disabilità: negli ultimi anni circa venticinque bambini sahrawi sono stati ospiti di famiglie pugliesi e sono stati sottoposti ad interventi chirurgici e hanno ricevuto trattamenti sanitari in Italia. La musica potrebbe sembrare un fatto del tutto secondario rispetto a questo impegno indirizzato ai drammi individuali all'interno del dramma generale dei sahrawi: ma non lo è, innanzitutto per i bambini e per i più giovani, per mantenere un rapporto con la loro cultura, per il loro senso di sé, per il loro senso del futuro.

Con la compianta Mariem Hassan e con Aziza Brahim, negli ultimi due decenni la musica sahrawi è salita alla ribalta internazionale della world music: ma questo non deve farci dimenticare che nei campi profughi sahrawi la musica vive grandissime difficoltà. Desert Session è un album che raccoglie brani registrati assieme da musicisti sahrawi e italiani, tra un campo sahrawi in Algeria e il nostro Sud. Il Cd è nato da un progetto di una associazione italiana che tra il Salento e i campi nel deserto si occupa di bambini sahrawi con problemi di disabilità: negli ultimi anni circa venticinque bambini sahrawi sono stati ospiti di famiglie pugliesi e sono stati sottoposti ad interventi chirurgici e hanno ricevuto trattamenti sanitari in Italia. La musica potrebbe sembrare un fatto del tutto secondario rispetto a questo impegno indirizzato ai drammi individuali all'interno del dramma generale dei sahrawi: ma non lo è, innanzitutto per i bambini e per i più giovani, per mantenere un rapporto con la loro cultura, per il loro senso di sé, per il loro senso del futuro.

Summer Series - Revisiting critical conversations from 2018Acknowledgement of CountryGabby Alamin, Saharawi member of Australian Western Sahara Association, talks about Morocco's colonisation of the Saharawi people and the film Rifles or GraffitiRacerage, an emerging politi-cute queer post-internet rapper based on Wurundjeri country.Jules Kim, CEO of Scarlett Alliance talking about the problems with the My Health Record system (centralised online summary of your key health information), including how the current opt-out system will affect sex workers. NOTE since the interview the OPT OUTperiod has been extended to Jan 31st  2019Andre Dao, writer, lawyer, editor and co- founder of Behind the Wire, about the Manus Recording Project Collective and the work 'How are you today?' which was on  the Ian Potter Museum of Art In 2018Raquel Willis. African American writer, editor, and transgender rights activist, Raquel Willis was in Melbourne town for FLCC’s Transforming Democracy 2018  and joined 3CR Breakfast  over a number of weeks for a broad discussion of rights including colonisation, race, gender and abolition.  At the time of interview she was a national organizer for the Transgender Law Center. Raquel is now the executive editor of Out Magazine(The original broadcast on 855am and 3CR digital contained the following music tracks - removed owing to no music license for podcasting)SONG: Cheikh Lo Degg Gui feat. Flavia Coelho & Fixi, Cheiko LoSONG: Racerage: BurnSONG: Racerage: Violence and SapphiresSONG : The Merindas  - We Sing Until SunriseSONG: Sophiegrophy Purple Swag

Marco Scaglione non ha bisogno di presenzazioni, ma che ospite sarei se non le facessi lo stesso?Come si legge sul suo sito è nato in Sicilia, ma si trasferisce presto in Toscana dove frequenta la Scuola Alberghiera di Montecatini Terme. Scuola che gli cambierà la vita.Prima, però, fa una capatina in Francia per studiare la cucina che più lo affascina dei maestri Marie Antoine Carême e Georges Auguste Escoffier.Quasi senza accorgersene si appassiona al mondo del senza glutine, quando neanche i medici sapevano bene di cosa si trattasse e la “svolta” arriva quando ancora giovanissimo partecipa, insieme all’AIC (Associazione Italiana Celiachia), un progetto di cucina senza glutine dedicato ai bambini del Saharawi.CONTINUA QUI https://www.cucina24ore.it/tutti-i-segreti-della-cucina-senza-glutine-con-chef-marco-scaglioneCosa c’è nella mia cucina? ➡️ https://amzn.to/2zHEyHSCon cosa facciamo video e vlog? ➡️ https://amzn.to/2OzeAeZPrima iscriviti a PRIME di Amazon per le spedizioni gratuite, musica, libri, film e serie TV inclusi ➡️ https://amzn.to/2JRXBUGPer non perderti le nostre ricette e i consigli di menù ➡️ http://bit.ly/2SWmhiVSe vuoi 10€ gratis con la carta Hype ➡️ http://bit.ly/2EvVNBSRicorda che per ogni domanda puoi contattarci su Instagram e Facebook (molto meglio il primo) ➡️ ALE http://bit.ly/2yZ7Jqw ➡️ LUCA http://bit.ly/2Dd6aIbMa ricorda che il centro di tutto è sempre e solo il nostro fantastico sito ➡️ http://bit.ly/2zDRsa4

Tuesday Breakfast October 16th7.00 am  Acknowledgement of Country7.05 am  News headlines  7.10 am  Ayaan interviews Gabby from the Australian Western Sahara Association about the Saharawi people's struggle against oppression in occupied Western Sahara (following our 3CR Breakfast film fundraiser where we screened the documentary, Life is Waiting)7.30 am Alternative news: the crew discuss India's #MeToo movement which has taken off in recent weeks.  We consider how it compares to #MeToo as a global movement, and the issues around the centring of those with the most power and privilege in the conversation.   7.50 am George interviews Tracey Gaudry, CEO of Respect Victoria, a body tasked with addressing family violence prevention in order to tackle the recommendations from the Royal Commission into Family Violence.8.10 am Anya speaks to Adrienne Walters, Senior Lawyer from the Human Rights Law Centre, about the High Court case that was heard last week regarding the constitutional validity of Victoria's safe access zone laws. Songsartist: Mariem Hassansong: Haiyu artist: Ivy Solesong: Dream Girl artist: Cold Speckssong: Blank Mapsartist: Mahalia song: Mahaliaartist: Sister Nancysong: BAM BAMartist: Aretha Franklin song: Respect artist: Charles Bradley song: I Feel a Change  artist: Ray Charles song: Hit the Road Jack

L'associazione Karama e i ragazzi Saharawi in vacanza in Italia; Irene Bellamio, educatrice di Casa Ndangwini e allenatrice del Magoanine Rugby per Rugbio (prima parte)

L'associazione Karama e i ragazzi Saharawi in vacanza in Italia; Irene Bellamio, educatrice di Casa Ndangwini e allenatrice del Magoanine Rugby per Rugbio (prima parte)

Thursday Breakfast 21 June 2018with Apeec, Katia and Scheherazade 7.00am Acknowledgement of country7.05am Song - Beaches, Horizon7.10am Alternative news - The expansion of police powers to include DNA samples without a court order; and state border walls and the militarisation of policing.7:15am Sankar Battacharya, Professor of Chemical Engineering at Monash University, talks about his team's prototype processing plant that can turn used plastic and waste tyres into fuel and energy. 7:30am Jeswyn Yogaratnum, Lecturer of Law at Charles Darwin University, joins us for the second instalment of the discussion on the Global Compact on Refugees.7.55am Song - Degg Gui feat. Flavia Coelho & Fixi, Cheiko Lo8:00am Gabby Alamin, Saharawi member of Australian Western Sahara Association, talks about Morocco's colonisation of the Saharawi people and a film screening of Rifles or Graffiti on Friday 22 June 2018.8:15am Kim Chibnall, member and leader of Hospo Voice, talks about the new union for hospitality workers.8:25am Song - Aicha, Bayta Ag Bay 

In the wind-swept desert of south-west Algeria, thousands of athletes prepare to run a marathon through the forgotten land of Western Sahara. The runners will pass through six refugee camps; home to over 200,000 indigenous Saharawi people living under Moroccan occupation. Nicola Kelly travels to the remote outpost of Tindouf to meet champion runner Salah Ameidan.Identified at a young age as a talented cross-country athlete, Salah was forced to run under the Moroccan flag. At the end of a crucial race, victorious, he waved the Saharawi flag – illegal in Morocco – and was immediately exiled from the country.Nicola follows Salah as he returns home to be reunited with his family and friends, many of whom he hasn't seen since he left several years ago. Through him, she explores the complexities of living under occupation and in exile. She meets landmine victims, youth leaders and members of the Saharawi independence movement, the POLISARIO and asks how running can help its people gain a sense of freedom.Reporter: Nicola Kelly**Podcast has been updated**

Chechnya's bucolic beauty, touching hospitality and jihadi brides now lost in Iraq. Caroline Wyatt introduces correspondents' tales from around the world: Chechnya's bucolic beauty, touching hospitality and jihadi brides now lost in Iraq. Caroline Wyatt introduces correspondents' tales from around the world. In the foothills of the Caucasus mountains, Tim Whewell meets a woman whose life has been on agonising, soul-destroying hold ever since her daughter left to join Islamic State. Nick Beake wonders whether freedom of the press is on trial in Myanmar as he crams into a Yangon courtroom where two journalists are in the dock accused of receiving classified documents as part of their investigations into the massacre of Rohingya people. Nicola Kelly is in Tindouf, in Algeria, with Saharawi families who still dream of returning to their homes in Western Sahara which they were driven from by Moroccan troops in 1975. Laurence Blair finds that ghosts of its long dictatorship are haunting Paraguay as it prepares to elect a new president this weekend. And Elizabeth Gowing hears how Serbian vineyards once came to the rescue of thirsty Europeans elsewhere on the continent

The music of refugee camps of the Saharawi people in Algeria and their efforts to bring their forgotten plight to international attention with a new studio in the desert.