Podcasts about jonas savimbi

A Kalashnikov que Pezarat Correia levou para o encontro com Jonas Savimbi, “sempre disposto a trair tudo”. Histórias de bastidores do MFA. A chegada de Rosa Coutinho a Luanda. E o 11 de março.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A Kalashnikov que Pezarat Correia levou para o encontro com Jonas Savimbi, “sempre disposto a trair tudo”. Histórias de bastidores do MFA. A chegada de Rosa Coutinho a Luanda. E o 11 de março.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Em Moçambique, o ex-candidato presidencial, Venâncio Mondlane, submeteu ao Ministério da Justiça o requerimento para criar o seu próprio partido intitulado “Anamalala”. No mesmo dia, no Comité Central da Frelimo, o líder do partido no poder e Presidente do país, Daniel Chapo, pediu ao partido para preparar a vitória nas autárquicas de 2028 e nas gerais de 2029. Este e outros temas estão hoje em destaque no programa Semana em África. Anamalala vai ser o novo partido de Venâncio Mondlane. O ex-candidato presidencial e líder da oposição avançou com a constituição do partido Aliança Nacional para um Moçambique Livre e Autónomo (Anamalala), tendo o requerimento sido entregue na quinta-feira no Ministério da Justiça, em Maputo. Agora é esperar para ver se o partido é autorizado, como explicou o assessor político de Venâncio Mondlane, Dinis Tivane."Tem um prazo legal que é o mínimo de 30 dias, máximo de 60, e esperamos que possamos voltar a convidar a imprensa para anunciar que o partido já está autorizado pelas entidades públicas para fazer o seu trabalho", declarou Dinis Tivane, à saída do Ministério de Justiça, Assuntos Constitucionais e Religiosos, onde submeteu o pedido.“Anamalala” foi ouvida nos “lives” diários de Venâncio Mondlane no Facebook durante os meses de contestação e de protestos contra os resultados das eleições gerais de Outubro e também tinha sido usada na sua campanha eleitoral. Anamalala é uma expressão da língua local macua, da província de Nampula, no norte de Moçambique, com o significado de "vai acabar" ou "acabou".Recordo que a candidatura de Venâncio Mondlane às presidenciais foi suportada pelo partido Podemos, que passou a ser o maior da oposição, mas do qual Mondlane se desvinculou acusando a liderança do Podemos de traição.No mesmo dia do anúncio de um novo partido de Venâncio Mondlane, o presidente da Frelimo e chefe de Estado, Daniel Chapo, pediu ao partido para preparar a vitória nas autárquicas de 2028 e nas gerais de 2029. Declarações feitas na abertura da IV sessão ordinária do Comité Central da Frelimo.Por outro lado, na quarta-feira, a Assembleia da República aprovou uma proposta de lei para um diálogo nacional e inclusivo. Oiça o relato com Orfeu Lisboa, neste programa.Ainda em Moçambique, em 2024 foi registada uma temperatura média “sem precedentes” nos últimos 75 anos, 1,2 graus centígrados acima da análise anterior, com estações pelo país a registarem mais de 44 graus centígrados. Os dados são do Instituto Nacional de Meteorologia de Moçambique e foram apresentados pelo investigador Bernardino Nhantumbo. Entretanto, na sexta-feira, o ministro das Telecomunicações e Transformação Digital de Moçambique, Américo Muchanga, anunciou a criação de um projecto com apoio do Banco Africano de Desenvolvimento para utilizar drones para prevenir e monitorizar eventos climáticos extremos em Moçambique. O projecto terá quatro drones, produzidos pela Coreia do Sul, e o objectivo é que esta tecnologia possa ajudar à previsão e gestão dos desastres naturais que têm assolado o país.Em Cabo Verde, a primeira reunião do Conselho Interministerial para Acção Climática em Cabo Verde apreciou, esta segunda-feira, a lei de bases sobre o clima que estabelece os princípios orientadores da política climática nacional. O ministro da Agricultura e do Ambiente, Gilberto Silva, falou-nos dos objectivos.Também esta semana, cobrimos as visitas do Presidente e do ministro do Mar ao navio da NASA OceanXplorer no âmbito da expedição científica "Missão OceanX e OceanQuest ao redor da África".De notar ainda que o primeiro-ministro cabo-verdiano, Ulisses Correia e Silva, afirmou que o país está a acompanhar com preocupação os aumentos tarifários impostos pelo Presidente norte-americano Donald Trump.Sobre a Guiné-Bissau, o chefe do Escritório da ONU para África Ocidental e Sahel, Leonardo Santos Simão, alertou, esta sexta-feira, que as "profundas divergências" sobre o fim do actual mandato presidencial no país e o momento eleitoral "representam sérios riscos para um processo pacífico".  O responsável disse "elogiar os esforços da Comissão de Consolidação da Paz na Guiné-Bissau e sublinhou que vai continuar “a trabalhar com a CEDEAO para promover o diálogo sobre essas questões de contenção". Recordo que o Presidente da República Umaro Sissoco Embaló, expulsou a missão de alto nível da CEDEAO que se encontrava no país, no final de Fevereiro, para ajudar na mediação da crise. Embaló completou cinco anos de mandato em 27 de Fevereiro e marcou para 23 de novembro as eleições presidenciais e legislativas antecipadas. Entretanto, esta semana, no arquipélago dos Bijagós, 76 pessoas foram encontradas numa embarcação ao largo da ilha da Caravela. O nosso correspondente Mussa Baldé falou-nos sobre este episódio que ilustra, mais uma vez, como o país é um dos pontos de partida de milhares de africanos que, há anos, tomam a perigosa rota atlântica para tentar chegar à Europa. Por outro lado, o deputado e antigo ministro Francisco Conduto de Pina denunciou, na quinta-feira, uma alegada utilização das ilhas Bijagós, de onde é natural, para tráfico internacional de droga.Esta sexta-feira, dia em que se celebrou o 23.º aniversário da Dia da Paz e Reconciliação Nacional, a UNITA anunciou que não vai participar nas comemorações do 50.º aniversário da independência de Angola, enquanto Jonas Savimbi e Holden Roberto não forem reconhecidos como pais da independência e heróis nacionais. A UNITA também lamentou a ausência destes nomes na lista das 247 personalidades a serem homenageadas esta sexta-feira.

Exclusão de Jonas Savimbi e Holden Roberto das homenagens nos 50 anos de independência de Angola é espelho da "narrativa dominante" do MPLA, diz analista. Em Moçambique, Daniel Chapo é candidato único à presidência da FRELIM, mas há entraves legais. Corrente anti-Ocidente deixa Europa mais longe das matérias-primas do Sahel.

Moçambique: Quando se aproxima a época da caça ao voto, aumentam os receios de violência policial. Angola: Inauguração da Fundação Jonas Savimbi deixa a decoberto desentedimentos na UNITA. Guiné-Bissau: Cidadãos anteveem o “agudizar” da tensão política face à remodelação governamental.

Moçambique: Dirigentes das Coligação Aliança Democrática (CAD) mostram-se inconformados com a exclusão da coligação da corrida eleitoral. Guiné-Bissau: Falta de transparência nos negócios do petróleo. Angola: Existem já fundações com o nome de Eduardo dos Santos e de Jonas Savimbi. Para quando uma Fundação Holden Roberto?

Guiné-Bissau: Liga Guineense dos Direitos Humanos pede que se abra um processo judicial contra o ministro do Interior por violações dos direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos. Moçambique: Filho de Afonso Dhlakama, Bilal Sulay, abandona RENAMO para se juntar à Coligação Aliança Democrática (CAD). Angola: Ex-líder da UNITA colabora com a Fundação Jonas Savimbi.

Moçambique: RENAMO acusa a FRELIMO de usar meios do Estado para apresentar o seu candidato presidencial. Angola: Fundação Jonas Savimbi já é uma realidade. Sudão: Situação humanitária agrava-se no Darfur.

ar West Ltd., World Anti-Communist League (WACL). private military companies (PMCs), private intelligence companies (PICs), Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists -Bandera faction (OUN-B), Banderites, Stephan Banderas, Banderite links to Far West, Banderite infiltration of Ukraine's government, Mykola Lebed, Prolog Research Corporation, Roman Kupchinsky, Oleksandr Skipalskyi, Vladimir Filin, GUR (Ukraine's military intelligence), SBU (Ukraine's CIA), Orange Revolution, Viktor Yushchenko, Kateryna Yushchenko, Lev Dobriasnky, Roman Zvarych, 2008 Russo-Georgian War, John McCain, Barack Obama, 2008 US presidential election, Far West's links to both candidates in 2008 US election, Joe Biden, Robert Gates, Wagner Group, Euromaiden, Paul Manafort, Angola, UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, Executive Outcomes, southern Africa in Reagan-Bush years, Manafort's role in Africa, Oleg Deripaska, Manafort's role in Ukraine, Polina Yumasheva, Tayana Yumasheva, Boris Yeltsin, the Yeltsin "Family," Dmitry Firtash, Viktor Yanukovych, Rosukrenergo, Yulia Tymoshenko, Semyon Mogilevich, Robert Maxwell, Svoboda party, Chechnyan Wars, Abkhazia region of Georgia, Robert Kagan, Victoria Nuland, Mikheil Saavashvili, David J. Kramer, Project for a New American Century, Paula Dobriansky, Randy Scheunemann, Christopher Steele, Steele dossier, Kramer's role in leaking Steele dossier, Russiagate, Fusion GPS, Glenn Simpson, Fiona Hill, Fritz Ermarth, Al Gore, Al Gore's Russiangate (1999) and Far West's role, Burisma, PrivatGroup, Ihor Kolomoyskyi, Oleksandr Turchynov, Petro Poroshenko, Kaalbye Group, Zelensky, Cofer Black, Erik Prince, Blackwater, Hunter Biden, Arkady Babchenko, Vyacheslav Pivovarnik, Vladislav Surkov, false flag, Yevgeny Prigozhin, Wagner "coup," Obama's détente with Russia sabotaged, Trump's set-upMusic by: Keith Allen Dennishttps://keithallendennis.bandcamp.com/Additional Music by: Chay & the Hostageshttps://chaythehostages.bandcamp.com/track/bluephoria Get bonus content on Patreon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This is episode 108, it's the 23rd June 1988 and the south Africans, Cubans, Angolans, Americans and Russians had gathered in Cairo for negotiations over the future of Namibia and the Cubans were seething. American Secretary of State for African Affairs Chester Crocker opened up the meeting by presenting the Cubans and Angolans with Pretoria's comprehensive proposals. The South Africans made themselves scarce during the presentation, Defence minister Magnus Malan and Foreign Minister Pik Botha were joined by chief of the Defence Force Jannie Geldenhuys as they headed off to the British Commonwealth War Cemetery at Heliopolis to lay a wreath to the fallen South Africans. They had flowers from home, so took a bowl of Proteas from the first class lounge of the Boeing 747 that had brought the delegation to Cairo. Then they headed back to the Hyatt el Salaam hotel, site of the conference. The Cuban delegation led by Jorge Kaspaars Risquet was infuriated by Pretoria's suggestion that Havana move its soldiers out of southern Angola in seven months. They were even further incensed by the suggestion that UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi be brought into a transition government within six weeks. Risquet said if this was the case, then the system of apartheid had to be added to the agenda and negotiated at the same time. Pik Botha, never one to stand back, suggested that Risquet's own Cuban government be also placed on the agenda for its human right abuses, and Chester Crocker like all good referees, called an early break so that all sides could calm down. No-one mingled that night. The South Africans were now convinced that their rooms were bugged so they marched off to the bottom of the garden and huddled behind a giant colourful umbrella. Meanwhile, Crocker met with the Russian representative Vladilen Vlasev summoned the Cubans and the Angolans to a late night chat behind their own colourful umbrella in a separate corner of the Cairo Hyatt garden. Miraculously, the Russian intervention led to the Cubans and Angolans managing to find a few common ideas with the South Africans, although they still differed on virtually every point. Still, the talks hadn't completely broken down and all sides agreed to take the documents home with them to try and find a way to get a consensus before the next meeting. Less than a month later, on 4th May, a Cuban company attacked a members of 101 Battalion inside southern Angola. The battalion was reconnoitring territory 50 kilometers inside Angola near the Cunene River and was ambushed by a Cuban platoon. Lance Corporal Hendrik Jacobus Venter was killed and Private Johan Papenfus was lsited missing. This had hardly happened to the South Africans in 23 years of fighting, things were changing. Papenfus was duly wheeled out in Havana, a prisoner of war, now being treated for serious wounds to his leg.

Guiné-Bissau: Presidente recusa nomear Domingos Simões Pereira para primeiro-ministro. Moçambique: Órgão eleitoral moçambicano admite aumento de crimes eleitorais no recenseamento. Angola: O Grupo Carrinho é uma “empresa do regime”? Criação da Fundação Jonas Savimbi suscita debate.

Helena Vaz da Silva integrou um grupo de personalidades que visitou e entrevistou Jonas Savimbi e a sua família na Jamba, em fevereiro de 1988. Antecipando a primeira conferência do ciclo "De Abril a Abril" (no CNC no dia 27 de abril de 2023) e depois da “Mensagem às mulheres portuguesas” de Isabel Paulino Savimbi, publicamos agora a entrevista a Jonas Savimbi.

Helena Vaz da Silva integrou um grupo de personalidades que visitou e entrevistou Jonas Savimbi e a sua família na Jamba, em fevereiro de 1988. Antecipando a primeira conferência do ciclo "De Abril a Abril" (no CNC no dia 27 de abril de 2023), publicamos agora esta "Mensagem às mulheres portuguesas", por Ana Isabel Paulino Savimbi.

Après la signature d'un accord de paix à Lusaka le 20 novembre 1994, l'espoir renaît en Angola. On se prend à rêver de la paix après 19 années de guerre civile qui ont profondément meurtri le pays. Jonas Savimbi est optimiste et envisage même très sérieusement de rencontrer son adversaire, son frère ennemi, le président Jose Eduardo Dos Santos du MPLA - le Mouvement populaire de libération de l'Angola - qu'il combat depuis l'accession de l'Angola à l'indépendance. Les pressions internationales semblent avoir eu raison de sa résistance. Pour combien de temps ?

Alors que toutes les nations africaines ou presque boycottent très officiellement le régime d'apartheid d'Afrique du Sud, Jonas Savimbi appuie lui sa stratégie de conquête du pouvoir en Angola sur le régime de Pieter Botha. Face à l'indignation de la communauté internationale, il brandit la realpolitik. Hors de question de se passer de cette aide précieuse qui lui permet de tenir tête au régime de Luanda.

Paradeiro desconhecido de sósia de Jonas Savimbi gera polémica em Angola. Cidadãos angolanos lamentam falta de resultados na luta contra a corrupção. Protestos contra a inflação no Quénia já provocaram um morto.

Lorsque l'Angola accède à l'indépendance, le 11 novembre 1975, elle est déjà confrontée à un autre problème. Les principaux mouvements qui se sont battus pour l'obtention de la souveraineté internationale ne partagent pas les mêmes idées. Le MPLA (Mouvement populaire de libération de l'Angola) marxiste-léniniste et l'anti-communiste UNITA (Union nationale pour l'indépendance totale de l'Angola) vont se livrer une guerre sans merci, chacun soutenu par des puissances étrangères.

Surnommé Galo negro qui signifie le «coq noir», Jonas Savimbi est le principal fondateur en 1966 du mouvement politique et militaire UNITA, l'Union nationale pour l'indépendance totale de l'Angola. Indépendance, révolution des œillets, élections, guerre civile... La vie de ce leader socialiste, pleine de rebondissements, s'arrête brutalement le 22 février 2002, lorsqu'il est tué par l'armée angolaise.

O resumo das principais notícias de 2000, pela voz de Pedro Barata, jornalista do Expresso. O texto é de Rui Tentúgal, a edição do áudio pertence a João Martins e a sonoplastia a João Luís Amorim. A coordenação é de Mónica Balsemão e Joana Beleza. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The SADF was now facing a crisis as the MPLA government in Angola was growing increasingly determined to crush UNITA in the south east. The Apartheid government was also facing an internal uprising and new organisations had been developed to deal with these. In this episode we hear about Colonel Piet Muller who commanded Sector 20 in SWA. He had considered the threat posed by FAPLA which was now attacking UNITA head-on at Mavinga and the Angolan rebel movement led by Jonas Savimbi was wilting. Muller had a plan involving a Brigade-sized force and a three pronged attack. First he thought that FAPLA should be hit behind the lines so to speak, by ignoring their advance east of the Cuito River and focus on the West, hitting the Cubans and Russian support at Menongue. That would halt the supply of heavy weapons streaming eastwards. This implied something else. Quito Cuanavale needed to be attacked and subdued, even further north west because it was the fulcrum, a point through which everything heading towards UNITA was now moving. It was a strategic target that was also juicy. And third, was to create some kind of direct head-on clash further east of the Quito River at some point after the supply lines had bee cut, which would give the Angolans a bloody nose. Colonel Jock Harris who commanded 32 Battalion thought this an excellent idea. It conformed to SADF tactical doctrine, using the mechanised brigades, punching first, using the troops directly to take on the Cubans and FAPLA driving their armoured vehicles and tanks towards UNITA forces. We are moving inexorably towards the battle for Quito Cuanavale, and this period has been debated particularly hotly by military historians so I'm going to tread very carefully indeed. I also have some excellent source material from the Russians - so unlike some of the other battles, I'll be able to tell you what was going on day to day from both sides. One of the Russians is Vyacheslave Aleksandrovich Mityaev, who was in Angola between 1986 and 1989, advising FAPLA reconnaissance units. He was stationed in the 6th Military district in Manongue and Quito Cuanavale and had a great deal of experience facing 32 Battalion, the Recces and 61 Mech.

The SADF was now facing a crisis as the MPLA government in Angola was growing increasingly determined to crush UNITA in the south east. The Apartheid government was also facing an internal uprising and new organisations had been developed to deal with these. In this episode we hear about Colonel Piet Muller who commanded Sector 20 in SWA. He had considered the threat posed by FAPLA which was now attacking UNITA head-on at Mavinga and the Angolan rebel movement led by Jonas Savimbi was wilting. Muller had a plan involving a Brigade-sized force and a three pronged attack. First he thought that FAPLA should be hit behind the lines so to speak, by ignoring their advance east of the Cuito River and focus on the West, hitting the Cubans and Russian support at Menongue. That would halt the supply of heavy weapons streaming eastwards. This implied something else. Quito Cuanavale needed to be attacked and subdued, even further north west because it was the fulcrum, a point through which everything heading towards UNITA was now moving. It was a strategic target that was also juicy. And third, was to create some kind of direct head-on clash further east of the Quito River at some point after the supply lines had bee cut, which would give the Angolans a bloody nose. Colonel Jock Harris who commanded 32 Battalion thought this an excellent idea. It conformed to SADF tactical doctrine, using the mechanised brigades, punching first, using the troops directly to take on the Cubans and FAPLA driving their armoured vehicles and tanks towards UNITA forces. We are moving inexorably towards the battle for Quito Cuanavale, and this period has been debated particularly hotly by military historians so I'm going to tread very carefully indeed. I also have some excellent source material from the Russians - so unlike some of the other battles, I'll be able to tell you what was going on day to day from both sides. One of the Russians is Vyacheslave Aleksandrovich Mityaev, who was in Angola between 1986 and 1989, advising FAPLA reconnaissance units. He was stationed in the 6th Military district in Manongue and Quito Cuanavale and had a great deal of experience facing 32 Battalion, the Recces and 61 Mech.

Le rebelle Jonas Savimbi mort et la paix revenue en Angola après 27 années de guerre civile, José Eduardo dos Santos se présente comme l'homme qui a ramené le calme et promet de reconstruire le pays pour un faire une puissance continentale. Il bénéficie de la hausse des cours du pétrole et multiplie les partenariats.   

Arrivé aux affaires au lendemain de la mort du président Agostinho Neto en cette fin d'année 1979, José Eduardo dos Santos est aussitôt confronté à la guerre qui secoue l'Angola. Six jours seulement après sa prise de pouvoir, le régime de Pretoria déclenche une attaque aérienne de grande envergure, avec pour principal objectif la destruction des infrastructures de la ville de Lubango. À la recherche de solutions diplomatiques, Dos Santos va aussi devoir faire face à Washington qui arme son adversaire, le chef rebelle Jonas Savimbi.

Fred Bridgland is in conversation with Afrikaans TV reporter and anchor Lourensa Eckard. About the book: As a young Reuters correspondent, Fred Bridgland revealed the secret invasion in 1975 of post-independence Angola by apartheid South Africa's armed forces in support of UNITA rebel leader, Jonas Savimbi. At the time, Bidgland befriended Tito Chingunji, a guerrilla officer, before he became UNITA foreign secretary, who persuaded Bridgland to walk hundreds of kilometres across Angola to watch UNITA's fighters go into combat. Later Chingunji and Bridgland worked together on a sympathetic biography of the charismatic Savimbi – then the great hope of the ‘free West'. However, after the book's publication, Chingunji told Bridgland how he and his family were under constant threat of death from Savimbi. Bridgland started to uncover atrocities that revealed Savimbi not as the champion of his people, but as a murderous tyrant. Chingunji had risked his life to help Bridgland tell the true story of what was going on behind the scenes. When his friend went missing, Bridgland journeyed into the Angolan jungle to plead his friend's case and he, himself, was put before a kangaroo court by an enraged Savimbi. This is a personal account of the bond that developed between a guerrilla fighter and a journalist, and the terrifying challenges they faced as they revealed Savimbi's true colours.

Fred Bridgland is in conversation with Afrikaans TV reporter and anchor Lourensa Eckard. About the book: As a young Reuters correspondent, Fred Bridgland revealed the secret invasion in 1975 of post-independence Angola by apartheid South Africa's armed forces in support of UNITA rebel leader, Jonas Savimbi. At the time, Bidgland befriended Tito Chingunji, a guerrilla officer, before he became UNITA foreign secretary, who persuaded Bridgland to walk hundreds of kilometres across Angola to watch UNITA's fighters go into combat. Later Chingunji and Bridgland worked together on a sympathetic biography of the charismatic Savimbi – then the great hope of the ‘free West'. However, after the book's publication, Chingunji told Bridgland how he and his family were under constant threat of death from Savimbi. Bridgland started to uncover atrocities that revealed Savimbi not as the champion of his people, but as a murderous tyrant. Chingunji had risked his life to help Bridgland tell the true story of what was going on behind the scenes. When his friend went missing, Bridgland journeyed into the Angolan jungle to plead his friend's case and he, himself, was put before a kangaroo court by an enraged Savimbi. This is a personal account of the bond that developed between a guerrilla fighter and a journalist, and the terrifying challenges they faced as they revealed Savimbi's true colours.

Angola: No dia em que foi empossado o novo governo, Ginga Savimbi, filha do fundador histórico da UNITA, afirma que não há condições para o diálogo. Grupo Parlamentar da UNITA realizou conferência de imprensa para tratar da Crise de legalidade e legitimidade da Mesa da Assembleia Nacional. Moçambique: Organizações humanitárias enfrentam dificuldades para assistirem os deslocados em Nampula.

By April 1983, SADF intelligence picked up that SWAPO had begun improving its military position in Angola and that their armed wing PLAN had managed a major incursion into Ovamboland. Then things went very quiet and intelligence reports suggested there seemed to be a link between SWAPOs special Unit being withdrawn, the signs of a large incursion into SWA which was to follow in 1984. At the same time, the SADF Chief of Staff Operations in Pretoria noted that the build-up going on across the border was biggest ever and had ordered a series of counter measures including Operation Meebos which we heard about last episode. While the politicians fretted about the global impact, on the ground top SADF officers were calling for another urgent invasion of Angola. As the discussions raged, it was clear that something needed to be done and that something would lead to one of the most significant actions of the Border War called Operation Askari. This was going to be different from previous conventional ops, because this time FAPLA, the Cubans and SWAPO were going to be respond more aggressively than during previous ops. And the SADF would face two far more serious challenges, the Soviet T54/55 tank and new radar controlled missile systems. The SADF and Jonas Savimbi's UNITA had planned an operation together to destroy FAPLA headquarters in Cangamba – a small town in central Angola. UNITA's initial assaults had been repulsed and they asked for assistance in overcoming a strong FAPLA contingent in the town. Unfortunately, there was a big problem following this success. The Angolans called on the Soviets to step up their weapon deliveries including the all-important T54/55s, and the Cubans increased the number of troops in Angola by 5 000 bringing the total number to 25000.

By April 1983, SADF intelligence picked up that SWAPO had begun improving its military position in Angola and that their armed wing PLAN had managed a major incursion into Ovamboland. Then things went very quiet and intelligence reports suggested there seemed to be a link between SWAPOs special Unit being withdrawn, the signs of a large incursion into SWA which was to follow in 1984. At the same time, the SADF Chief of Staff Operations in Pretoria noted that the build-up going on across the border was biggest ever and had ordered a series of counter measures including Operation Meebos which we heard about last episode. While the politicians fretted about the global impact, on the ground top SADF officers were calling for another urgent invasion of Angola. As the discussions raged, it was clear that something needed to be done and that something would lead to one of the most significant actions of the Border War called Operation Askari. This was going to be different from previous conventional ops, because this time FAPLA, the Cubans and SWAPO were going to be respond more aggressively than during previous ops. And the SADF would face two far more serious challenges, the Soviet T54/55 tank and new radar controlled missile systems. The SADF and Jonas Savimbi's UNITA had planned an operation together to destroy FAPLA headquarters in Cangamba – a small town in central Angola. UNITA's initial assaults had been repulsed and they asked for assistance in overcoming a strong FAPLA contingent in the town. Unfortunately, there was a big problem following this success. The Angolans called on the Soviets to step up their weapon deliveries including the all-important T54/55s, and the Cubans increased the number of troops in Angola by 5 000 bringing the total number to 25000.

A translator and spy turned international arms dealer, Viktor Bout is to be part of a proposed prisoner swap between the US and Russia for the return of Americans Brittney Griner and Paul Whelan.Griner was found guilty on drug smuggling charges by a Russian court, and convicted to 9 years in a penal colony after 1 milligram of cannabis oil, prescribed by her American doctor, was found in her vaping pen in her luggage in Moscow. The charges are obviously a political play by Putin in response to Ukraine sanctions. If you like our content, please become a patron to get our extra premium episodes every month, as well as our public episodes ad-free. 1 Trevor Reed, a former marine who was also imprisoned in Russia after allegedly attacking a policeman, another Kremlin fabricated story, was recently released in a successful prisoner swap and he said that Brittney Griner will experience "serious threats" to her health if she is sent to a labor camp. Moscow asked for a second Russian to be added to the mix for this proposed swap, an FSB agent, Vadim Krasikov, a Russian spy / murderer, who was convicted in Germany for carrying out a killing on behalf of Russia, an act the judges called “state terrorism.” It is hard to separate fact from fiction in Bout's resume. He's believed to have been born in 1967 in then-Soviet Tajikistan. He studied as a linguist at  Moscow-based Soviet Military Institute for Foreign Languages, a training school for officers, diplomats, and in many cases, spies. He learned Portuguese and he then started his career with the Red Army as a translator in Angola. 2 When the Soviet Union broke up, arms were scattered across the 15 new nations created by the dissolution, especially Bulgaria. These countries had neither the money to pay an army nor the infrastructure to keep the weapons they'd inherited. Viktor saw an opportunity. He assembled a fleet of ex-Soviet cargo planes, massive Antonov and Ilyushin aircraft, and began shipping arms and other goods all over the world. He set up a freight charter in Sharjah, United Arab Emirates and soon became the inspiration for Lord of War, an exceptional movie featuring Eamonn Walker, Nicholas Cage, Jared Leto and Ethan Hawke. Bout kept company with African warlords and dictators such as Jean-Pierre Bemba, Masavenya and Jonas Savimbi. After 9/11, the US needed scapegoats and Bout fit the bill. By entrapment, he was captured in Bangkok, Thailand and extradited to the US where he was convicted of aiding terrorists. The judge's opinion coincides with ours: “Until DEA went after Bout, he had not committed a crime chargeable in an American court in all his years as an arms dealer. And but for the DEA approach made through this determined sting operation, there is no reason to believe that Bout would have ever committed the charges brought against him.” 3, 4 Merchant of Death DubiMiter – 9.5 1. Mike Eckel. Merchant Of Death. Lord Of War. The McDonald's Of Arms Trafficking: Who Is Viktor Bout?. Radio Free Europe. August 2022. ⇤2. The Notorious Mr. Bout. Market Road Films. January 2014. ⇤3. Benjamin Weiser and Colin Moynihan. Conduit to Arms Sting, a Star Witness Apologizes for His Crimes. New York Times. May 2012. ⇤4. United States of America v. Viktor Bout. International Crimes Database. February 2012. ⇤

É um memorial que não atrai multidões, mas que simboliza uma das maiores viragens da história de Angola. Duas mãos juntas, abertas, viradas para o céu, onde pousa uma pomba de asas abertas.  Um trabalho original de Clément Bonnerot para a France 24, com a participação de Dombaxi Sebastião, Evan Claver e Juliette Dubois. Estamos em Luena, capital da província de Moxico. Foi aqui que, a 4 de Abril de 2002, a UNITA (oposição) e o MPLA (poder) puseram fim a 27 anos de guerra civil com a assinatura de um acordo de paz. Dorca Kavui era tenente das Forças Armadas de Libertação de Angola (FALA), a ala armada da Unita e lembra-se bem do dia em que soube da morte de Jonas Savimbi.  "Naquela altura, não tínhamos televisão. Só ouvimos as pessoas daqui, do Moxico, a começar a regozijar-se, estavam a fazer barulho, estavam a gritar, e perguntei o que se estava a passar. Disseram-me: ‘o Savimbi morreu'. (...) Eu sabia que a guerra ia acabar assim, porque ele próprio disse: vamos entrar num ponto de viragem, muitas pessoas vão morrer debaixo das balas, outras vão morrer à fome e outras serão capturadas... Por isso, quando vi que este momento tinha chegado, lembrei-me do que ele tinha dito." Após a guerra, tal como dezenas de milhares de combatentes por todo o país, Dorca foi integrada no exército nacional, depois desmobilizada e aposentada. Agora, a ex-tenente da FALA, ala armada da UNITA, vive nesta modesta casa com uma das suas filhas e quatro netos, onde conta com dias pacíficos. “Naquela altura, era muito difícil: havia crianças que sofriam, crianças que morriam... Fui uma mulher activa durante a guerra, pesquei para alimentar os meus filhos, para que não morressem. Essa vida que levamos foi muito difícil, mas agora acabou-se. Hoje, vou para o campo, trabalho um pouco, trago algo para viver para os meus filhos. A vida de hoje tornou-se um pouco normal, porque estamos em paz." Uma lei, aprovada em 2002, garante direitos sociais e económicos a todos os antigos soldados, com uma pensão básica de 23.000 kwanzas, ou seja 50 euros. Mas 20 anos depois, o Estado ainda não terminou de contar os seus veteranos. Em Luena, antigos membros do MPLA e da UNITA raramente se encontram, todavia unem as suas vozes para exigirem, em conjunto, os mesmos direitos. Muitas mulheres, em particular, que se mobilizaram durante a guerra nunca viram o seu passado de combatente reconhecido. Inês Sónia Jackson, antiga Chefe da Juventude da UNITA, denuncia a falta de apoio: "O meu marido abandonou-me porque não trabalhava, sou desempregada. Mas estou aqui com os meus filhos, tenho cinco filhos e não tenho apoio de ninguém. (...) Hoje vivo a trabalhar nos campos. Se não o fizesse, talvez estivesse à procura de comida no lixo." Henrique Branco, conhecido por  "Helicóptero", lutava pelo MPLA, partido no poder desde 1975. Primeiro contra os portugueses, depois contra a UNITA. Depois de 34 anos ao serviço do seu país, hoje este ex-comandante da FAPLA, ala armada do MPLA diz-se abandonado. "Quando estivemos com Agostinho Neto, na guerrilha, ele dizia: quando Angola for independente, vocês não vão pagar a renda das casas, não vão pagar a água (...) Mas até hoje, ninguém cumpriu estas promessas. Os antigos combatentes são tratados como lixo, ‘é tapete para pisar'. Já não se lembram que hoje, se têm o que têm, se podem ser ministros ou não sei o quê, é graças aos antigos combatentes. Mas já não se lembram disso." 20 anos depois, a guerra permanece profundamente enraizada na memória dos angolanos. A 500 quilómetros de Luena, o Huambo foi o reduto da UNITA e de Jonas Savimbi. É uma das cidades que mais sofreu durante os combates. Testemunho desse tempo é a Casa Branca, a casa do antigo líder, destruída por bombas do MPLA após as contestadas eleições de 1992. Memória Ekulica é sociólogo e escritor: "O Huambo foi quase completamente destruído. Muitas casas foram destruídas, como esta (...). Foi o primeiro andar, mas tudo desmoronou." Até agora, não foi feito nenhum esforço para reconstruir a casa de Jonas Savimbi. A figura daquele que foi apelidado de "galo negro" continua a ser controversa em Angola. O corpo de Jonas Savimbi só foi enterrado em 2019, depois de 17 anos de negociações entre o Governo e a sua família. Hoje, a UNITA vê nesta casa um símbolo de guerra. Mas para este sociólogo, estas ruínas são uma ferida aberta para o país. "Estamos em paz há 20 anos. Não há motivos para isto acontecer. Ao não reconstruírem esta casa, estão a fomentar o nosso ódio em relação ao outro. Penso que é isso que deve ser superado. (...) Acho que há outras formas de manter esta casa como símbolo de guerra... tirar fotografias, fazer filmes e colocar tudo num museu”. A poucas centenas de metros da Casa Branca, o Huambo oferece uma paisagem contrastante. Por um lado, o centro da cidade que foi quase completamente reconstruído, com as casas renovadas, calçada pavimentada e jardins elegantes. Por outro, nos bairros periféricos, vários edifícios ainda testemunham a brutalidade dos combates. Um pouco mais longe, o parque industrial. Antes da guerra, albergava uma dúzia de fábricas. Todas foram destruídas e nunca mais retomaram a actividade, tal como esta antiga fábrica de telhados. Memória Ekulica, sociólogo e escritor, sublinha que Angola deveria ter aproveitado o pós-guerra para políticas de reconstrução: "Deveria ter sido o momento para lançar políticas públicas ou privatizações. A reconstrução é um todo, tudo deve ser em conjunto: agricultura, pecuária, industrialização (...) Quando a reconstrução significa ter casas para as pessoas viverem, para mim não é reconstrução. Portanto, numa palavra, o Huambo não está reconstruído." Se o Huambo pena para se reconstruir, os seus habitantes tentam viver com as cicatrizes da guerra. Celestino Elias é um dos 80.000 angolanos que perderam um membro devido uma mina antipessoal. Tinha dois anos. Hoje, é campeão do mundo de futebol amputado, medalhas e troféus que orgulhosamente guarda na sua casa. "Este é o troféu 2019 do campeonato africano em Benguela... E esta é a medalha de 2018, quando fui coroado o melhor jogador do mundo." Nascido numa família pobre, Celestino Elias António não beneficiou de qualquer acompanhamento médico durante a infância. Descobriu o futebol aos oito anos, quando o pai o inscreveu no clube da aldeia, apesar da sua incapacidade. "Quando via os outros jogadores, também queria jogar, mas eles não aceitavam (...) Depois juntei-me a um clube no Huambo, comecei a treinar lá com outras pessoas com deficiência, e adaptei-me." Hoje, Celestino Elias António é um defesa da Selecção Nacional Paralímpica. Treina cinco vezes por semana no Huambo. Por todo o país, há dezenas de equipas desportivas para amputados. Hélder Gomes, treinador, fala do desporto como vector de integração social: "É importante promover o desporto entre pessoas com deficiência, porque o desporto é, sem dúvida, a forma mais fácil de inserção e integração social (...) Se conseguirmos integrar estas pessoas na sociedade, se realmente elas se sentirem confortáveis, então sim, teremos beneficiado dos 20 anos de paz que vivemos no nosso país." Uma integração que permanece, no entanto, muito limitada. Em Angola, a esmagadora maioria das pessoas com deficiência vive sem recursos e sem assistência do Estado, denuncia Josué Sabino Ekuikui, jogador. "Gostaria que o Governo fizesse mais para ajudar as pessoas com deficiência (...) Acredito que, como pessoas com deficiência, temos muito a dar ao país. Eu, por exemplo, sou técnico médio de educação, estou a fazer o segundo ano do ensino primário... Mas até agora, não há oportunidades de emprego." 20 anos após o fim da guerra civil, Angola continua a ter muitas dificuldades em virar a página, mesmo se na década de 2000, o país registou um boom económico, graças ao aumento dos preços do petróleo, que representam 70% das receitas do Estado. A capital, Luanda, é testemunha disto. Com arranha-céus e a frente ribeirinha renovada. Luanda projecta a imagem de uma Angola próspera e moderna. Mas por detrás desta bela imagem, metade da população ainda vive com menos de dois dólares por dia. Mesmo assim, para o MPLA, vencedor da guerra civil, e no poder por quase meio século... os resultados dos últimos 20 anos são positivos, nas palavras de Rui Falcão, porta-voz do MPLA. "Um país vai-se fazendo (...) Um país como o nosso que ainda não tem a estabilidade necessária e onde os efeitos da guerra ainda se sentem, o engraçado é que quem mais reclama é quem destruiu. Mas nós, que temos a obrigação de reconstruir e melhorar, estamos plenamente conscientes de que já fizemos bastante, mesmo que ainda haja muitos problemas por resolver." Eleito há 5 anos, o Presidente João Lourenço fez do combate à corrupção uma prioridade. Prometeu virar a página sobre a era do seu antecessor, José Eduardo Dos Santos, que governou de 1979 a 2017. Porém, apesar da multiplicação de processos, o país continua entre os mais corruptos e desiguais do planeta. Hitler Samussuku é um dos mais conhecidos activistas políticos em Angola. Escolheu o hip hop para exigir mudanças no país. "Sempre que vier a noite, desejarás o dia E quando vier o dia, desejarás a noite… Um aviso para a polícia: não entrem no processo Ou entrem e que seja da nossa parte." Nos seus textos, não hesita em atacar directamente o Presidente da República e encoraja os angolanos a saírem à rua: "Vivemos numa sociedade onde a participação política é baixa e as pessoas têm muito medo de falar porque têm medo de represálias e repressão governamental. Encontramos no movimento do hip-hop uma porta, uma janela de oportunidade para fazer passar a nossa mensagem." Hitler é filho de Dorca, a veterana que conhecemos em Luena. Se ela abandonou a política traumatizada por 27 anos de guerra, ele considera que a paz não pode ser limitada a um mero silêncio de armas. Do seu bairro, Hitler Samussuku, activista da sociedade civil exige uma vida melhor para os angolanos. "Estamos no município de Cacuaco, zona norte de Luanda... É um bairro com índices muito elevados de pobreza, criminalidade, prostituição e analfabetismo (...). Este é o portão de uma casa e o esgoto passa por aqui fora e todos pensam que é normal." O activismo já o levou à sua prisão várias vezes.  Em 2015, ao lado de outros 16 activistas, por liderarem um grupo de reflexão em torno do conceito de resistência não-violenta e, novamente, em 2019, acusado de insultar o presidente. "Para mim, viver em paz seria viver numa sociedade com justiça, não digo numa sociedade justa, mas pelo menos com justiça, com a separação dos poderes legislativos, executivos e judiciais (...). Tenho um compromisso. Tal como a minha mãe estava comprometida em lutar pela paz, eu tenho o compromisso de lutar pela saída do poder do MPLA, para termos alternância em Angola e contribuir para o desenvolvimento do país." Para Hitler e os seus camaradas, 20 anos depois do fim da guerra... a paz ainda precisa de ser construída. "Água, luz, saúde, educação! Água, luz, saúde, educação!"

Tensão Ucrânia/Rússia intensifica-se depois de Vladimir Putin ter reconhecido a independência dos territórios separatistas da Ucrânia. Em Angola, assinalam-se, esta terça-feira (22.02), os 20 anos da morte de Jonas Savimbi. Álvaro Sobrinho é um dos mais de cem portugueses investigados nos chamados Suisse Secrets.

This is episode 44 – it's the run up to Operation Sceptic in 1980 – or what many folks call Ops Smokeshell. That's because the main target – Chifufua was code-named Smokeshell or QFL depending on what report you read, but there were other targets too. Before that operation there were a few other incidents across the fighting front. One involved a formation of Impala's armed with rockets that ended up strafing what they thought was a SWAPO position in Ovamboland – however when they were debriefed, it was clear that they'd entered into Angolan territory and shot up an unknown location inside the territory. Then in 1980 UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi decided his men would capture the towns and hold them. So on 14th April UNITA took Cuangar on the Cubango River – literally on the border. This marked the beginning of a new phase in UNITAs strategy where they planned to hold the entire southern Angolan region if possible. Savimbi approached the SADF and asked for assistance in attacking Savate to drive FAPLA further north west. It was one of their main bases 75 kilometers inside Angola. As you're going to hear, the South Africans were led to believe it was lightly defended - but that was totally incorrect.

This is episode 44 – it's the run up to Operation Sceptic in 1980 – or what many folks call Ops Smokeshell. That's because the main target – Chifufua was code-named Smokeshell or QFL depending on what report you read, but there were other targets too. Before that operation there were a few other incidents across the fighting front. One involved a formation of Impala's armed with rockets that ended up strafing what they thought was a SWAPO position in Ovamboland – however when they were debriefed, it was clear that they'd entered into Angolan territory and shot up an unknown location inside the territory. Then in 1980 UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi decided his men would capture the towns and hold them. So on 14th April UNITA took Cuangar on the Cubango River – literally on the border. This marked the beginning of a new phase in UNITAs strategy where they planned to hold the entire southern Angolan region if possible. Savimbi approached the SADF and asked for assistance in attacking Savate to drive FAPLA further north west. It was one of their main bases 75 kilometers inside Angola. As you're going to hear, the South Africans were led to believe it was lightly defended - but that was totally incorrect.

Moçambique: Governo deve impor-se mais diante das forças externas em Cabo Delgado, defende analista. Guiné-Bissau: Trabalhadores voltaram a sair à rua contra os impostos e os “altos” subsídios dos governantes. Angola: O que mudou com a morte de Jonas Savimbi?

This is episode 22 and we’re looking at the end of Operation Savannah which was winding down by early January 1976. We have dealt with various Battle Groups setup by the South Africans as they sought to secure southern Angola – including Foxbat and last week, Orange which had experienced a major battle south of Quibala. A fourth battle group called X-Ray led by Commandant SWJ Kotze had been formed in early December 1975 and was tasked with securing the important Benguela railway line. Unita leader Jonas Savimbi had asked SADF commanders to help him control this line which was crucial in order to deliver Congo commodities to the coastal ports. IF he controlled the railway then the MPLA in Luanda would find their income severely curtailed and would also be a propaganda coup. X-Ray was comprised of a Unita company along with an armoured car group and an artillery section and faced Fapla at a battle at Luso on the 9th December. The MPLA armed wing lost over 250 men to the South Africans at Luso, along with a substantial amount of equipment including heavy weapons which were duly handed over to Unita after three days of fighting. The OAU postponed its emergency meeting once more – to the 18th January. But between Christmas and mid-January there would be a few more engagements and something that the SADF HQ called the Day of Disaster was imminent. That was the 4th January 1976 SADF anti-aircraft gunners stationed in central Angola near Mussende spotted what they thought was an enemy helicopter. So far their attempts at shooting down enemy aircraft had failed but this time they would succeed. The only problem was it was a SA Air Force Aérospatiale SA 330C Puma Helicoptern from 19 Squadron that was flying Staff Officers between Mussende & Carriango.

This is episode 22 and we’re looking at the end of Operation Savannah which was winding down by early January 1976. We have dealt with various Battle Groups setup by the South Africans as they sought to secure southern Angola – including Foxbat and last week, Orange which had experienced a major battle south of Quibala. A fourth battle group called X-Ray led by Commandant SWJ Kotze had been formed in early December 1975 and was tasked with securing the important Benguela railway line. Unita leader Jonas Savimbi had asked SADF commanders to help him control this line which was crucial in order to deliver Congo commodities to the coastal ports. IF he controlled the railway then the MPLA in Luanda would find their income severely curtailed and would also be a propaganda coup. X-Ray was comprised of a Unita company along with an armoured car group and an artillery section and faced Fapla at a battle at Luso on the 9th December. The MPLA armed wing lost over 250 men to the South Africans at Luso, along with a substantial amount of equipment including heavy weapons which were duly handed over to Unita after three days of fighting. The OAU postponed its emergency meeting once more – to the 18th January. But between Christmas and mid-January there would be a few more engagements and something that the SADF HQ called the Day of Disaster was imminent. That was the 4th January 1976 SADF anti-aircraft gunners stationed in central Angola near Mussende spotted what they thought was an enemy helicopter. So far their attempts at shooting down enemy aircraft had failed but this time they would succeed. The only problem was it was a SA Air Force Aérospatiale SA 330C Puma Helicoptern from 19 Squadron that was flying Staff Officers between Mussende & Carriango.

This is episode 17 and we’re approaching the end of Operation Savannah which had started out so well but was rapidly turning into a strategic nightmare for the South Africans. One of the fastest mechanised invasions since World War Two had resulted in the SADF now deep into Angola – and in the case of Brigadier Roos who was a liaison officer based in Ambriz with the FNLA – he was cut off on the coast to the north of the capital Luanda. IT was mid-November 1975 and the MPLA and Cubans were starting to move determined to rid the country of the FNLA. Meanwhile to the south, Unita was holding onto its main gains which now extended from the South West African border to the main railway linking the coastal ports of Benguela and Lobito – and the resource rich Katanga region of neighbouring Zaire. The political strategy was about to come under intense pressure – although the US, France Unita and the FNLA had all requested the South Africans to remain inside Angola and support Jonas Savimbi. Remember the Holden Roberto had decided to attack the capital with SADF support – an attack that ended in dismal failure along Luanda’s Death Road. Brigadier Roos who was the SADF Liaison officer based in Ambriz now faced possible capture – along with South Africa’s three 5.5inch guns they’d flown into northern Angola to assist the FNLA in their hapless assault on Luanda on 10th November. IT was decided that the an anti-submarine frigate SAS Steyn would steam to Northern Angola to extract the SADF. This was not going to be easy with Russian and Cuban ships and planes on the lookout...

This is episode 17 and we’re approaching the end of Operation Savannah which had started out so well but was rapidly turning into a strategic nightmare for the South Africans. One of the fastest mechanised invasions since World War Two had resulted in the SADF now deep into Angola – and in the case of Brigadier Roos who was a liaison officer based in Ambriz with the FNLA – he was cut off on the coast to the north of the capital Luanda. IT was mid-November 1975 and the MPLA and Cubans were starting to move determined to rid the country of the FNLA. Meanwhile to the south, Unita was holding onto its main gains which now extended from the South West African border to the main railway linking the coastal ports of Benguela and Lobito – and the resource rich Katanga region of neighbouring Zaire. The political strategy was about to come under intense pressure – although the US, France Unita and the FNLA had all requested the South Africans to remain inside Angola and support Jonas Savimbi. Remember the Holden Roberto had decided to attack the capital with SADF support – an attack that ended in dismal failure along Luanda’s Death Road. Brigadier Roos who was the SADF Liaison officer based in Ambriz now faced possible capture – along with South Africa’s three 5.5inch guns they’d flown into northern Angola to assist the FNLA in their hapless assault on Luanda on 10th November. IT was decided that the an anti-submarine frigate SAS Steyn would steam to Northern Angola to extract the SADF. This was not going to be easy with Russian and Cuban ships and planes on the lookout...

For this week's show, Rania Khalek and Kevin Gosztola present a conversation that was recorded several months ago on Angola history: Portuguese colonialism, Black anti-colonial resistance, United States imperialism, and the way in which this history reverberates during President Donald Trump's administration. "Unauthorized Disclosure" welcomed two guests: Prexy Nesbitt, who is a presidential fellow at the Peace Studies Department at Chapman University in Orange County, California where he teaches Southern African History, and Marissa Moorman, who is the author of the book, Powerful Frequencies: Radio, State Power, and the Cold War in Angola, 1931-2002. Prexy was one of Kevin's professors in college, and he wanted to introduce some more people to the history of southern African countries. (Plus, Kevin attributes a significant part of his political awakening in college to Prexy.) Our conversation begins with Marissa, who provides a brief background on Portuguese colonialism in Angola and the rise of black Angolan resistance that ignited a struggle for independence. We pay particular attention to Jonas Savimbi, who was the militant leader of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). Savimbi sought support from the U.S. government, and the government was willing to provide support during the Cold War because they believed Angola was a crucial battleground in the fight against the Soviet Union. The Clark Amendment was repealed in 1985, which removed a prohibition to providing covert or overt U.S. assistance to militant groups in Angola. It was the result of a lobbying effort by conservative organizations like the Conservative Caucus, the Heritage Foundation, and the American Security Council, as well as Senator Jesse Helms, Representative Jack Kemp, and Representative Claude Pepper. Savimbi was as the leader of "true anti-communist freedom fighters." The militant leader even traveled to the United States in 1985 and hired a publicity firm called Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly for $600,000/year. It was tied to President Ronald Reagan, and one of the partners at the firm was Paul Manafort. The firm was largely successful. Reagan said during the tour, "We want to be very helpful to what Dr. Savimbi and his people are tying to do." Later, Marissa and Prexy talk about the civil rights movement and solidarity work with struggles against colonialism in southern Africa. They address how developments in Angola led to fractures in organizing, including among Black activists. We really have not done a show on this part of the world before so we're pleased to share this conversation.

This week I am joined by the University of Arkansas Ph.D. candidate Alex Marino to discuss his forthcoming dissertation, “Space, Race, and the Cold War in Africa: The United States and Portuguese Angola.” We discuss American intervention in Angola in 1975-1976, during which the Central Intelligence Agency, Zaire, and South Africa were defeated by Angolan communists led by Cuba and the Soviet Union—giving specific attention to Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi. Alex also reveals how the Space Race influenced US Foreign Policy towards Angola individually and Southern Africa as a region. You can find Alex on Twitter at @Alex_J_Marino

Presidente de Moçambique diz que o país não vai aceitar "chantagem da guerra". Governo de São Tomé e Príncipe é criticado pela gestão da crise sanitária gerada pela Covid-19. Como deve ser recordado o angolano Jonas Savimbi, um ano depois do seu enterro?

Abrimos esta Imprensa Semanal com LA LETTRE DU CONTINENT, que na sua rúbrica homens do poder, destaca Angola, entre os generais "Kianda e "Disciplina", Lourenço, hesita. O último conselho de defesa de 25 de março sob a presidência João Lourenço, foi de novo altura para violentas trocas de galhardetes entre o ministro da Defesa, general  Salviano Sequeira, conhecido por "Kianda" e o chefe do estado maior, general Antonio Egídio de Sousa dos Santos, conhecido por "Disciplina" Há seis meses que não se entendem com acusações mútuas nomeadamente de desvios financeiros. O Presidente João Lourenço que privilegia decisões colegiais na pura tradição do Partido Estado ainda não fez a sua escolha entre os dois homens que dispõem cada um dos seus apoios no partido. Esta mesma linha de moderação é defendida pelo general Pedro Sebastião, chefe da Casa de Segurança. Lourenço e Sebastião, são antigos ministros da Defesa e os seus dois filhos dispõem de negócios em conjunto. Estão a par dos equilíbrios subtis regionais e raciais na alta esfera militar e não querem deitar abaixo este  jogo de poder e contra poder correndo o risco de suportar ainda durante algum tempo a guerra de chefes militares, mesmo se bloqueia alguns contratos e promoções. O general Kianda é um mestiço e conta com o apoio doutro mestiço,  Frederico Cardoso, chefe da Casa civil da presidência. Os seus adversários como o general "Disciplina" não perdem uma oportunidade para criticar com desprezo os mestiços vistos como agentes de Portugal que tiraram benefícios da guerra. O chefe do estado maior adjunto, general Geraldo Abreu Ukwachitembo, "Kamorteiro",  é visto como sucessor de "Disciplina" se este perder para "Kianda", mas uma surda rivalidade opoe "Disciplina" a "Kamorteiro", que ele acusa de ser da Unita, um estatuto que no entanto é bem visto na hierarquia militar e cá fora como um sucesso da integração dos antigos quadros de Jonas Savimbi, sublinha, LA LETTRE DU CONTINENT.  Coronavírus em África ou o bom exemplo da Coreia do sul Por seu lado, da JEUNE AFRIQUE online, destacamos, o seu editorial, África face ao coronavírus. Um choque político, societal e cultural de ponta, este combate contra o Covid-19 é vital. Se não for bem controlada a pandemia poderá induzir uma regressão demográfica no continente. LE POINT, faz a sua capa com coronavírus, como fazem os coreanos. Na capital sul-coreana, não há quarentena, mas uma intensa circulação das pessoas nas suas actividades quotidianas, todas mascaradas. Bares, cafés, restaurantes estão todos abertos ao público. Qual é o segredo da Coreia do Sul? Fazer um teste de Covid-19  é simples como dizer bom dia. Basta deslocar-se a um dos 600 centros de rastreio do país. Desde o começo da crise mais de 400 000 testes foram feitos nos centros da Coreia do sul, onde há em média 15 mil testes diariamente. "Testamos sistematicamente aqueles que têm um cadastro de contactos ou de sintomas", afirma o professor Lee Jong-koo, especialista brilhante de epidemias e Saúde pública, sublinha, LE POINT.  Por seu lado, L'OBS, dedica a sua capa à geolocalização, drones, pode Big Brother salvar-nos? Aceitaremos uma vigilância generalizada da população com infiltrações nos telemóveis para se poder travar a epidemia do Covid-19? A China, a Coreia do sul, Singapura, mas também a Alemanha, já implementaram uma forma de controlo digital. A França deve entrar na dança? E deve adoptar o modelo de Taiwan tido como mais fiável? Para já para se saber se os franceses respeitam a quarentena, operadoras de telefone recolhem dados nos nossos telemóveis. Para o jurista Denis Salas as nossas liberdade públicas estão em perigo nesta nova sociedade profiláctica, sublinha, L'OBS. 

Paul John Manafort Jr. is an American lobbyist, political consultant, former lawyer, and convicted felon. A long time Republican Party campaign consultant, he joined Donald Trump's presidential campaign team in March 2016, and was campaign chairman from June to August 2016. He was convicted of tax and bank fraud in 2018 and forfeited his license to practice law in January 2019. Manafort has served as an adviser to the U.S. presidential campaigns of Republicans Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Bob Dole. In 1980, he co-founded the Washington, D.C.-based lobbying firm Black, Manafort & Stone, along with principals Charles R. Black Jr., and Roger J. Stone, joined by Peter G. Kelly in 1984. Manafort often lobbied on behalf of foreign leaders such as former President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, former dictator of the Philippines Ferdinand Marcos, former dictator of Zaire Mobutu Sese Seko, and Angolan guerrilla leader Jonas Savimbi. Lobbying to serve the interests of foreign governments requires registration with the Justice Department under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA); on June 27, 2017, he retroactively registered as a foreign agent. This an an audio narration of the Mueller Report Summary of Volume 1. Download the android app for the full report audiol from play.google.com/store/apps/de... or visit MuellerReportAudioBook.com for a web player.

Over the last forty years, there is a distressing history of foreign insurgent groups being able to manipulate U.S. policymakers and opinion leaders into supporting their cause. Frequently, that support goes far beyond rhetorical endorsements to include financial and even military assistance to highly questionable individuals, organizations, and movements. Sometimes those efforts have even entangled the U.S. military in bloody, unnecessary, and morally dubious wars, as in Kosovo, Iraq, Libya, and Syria.What is a freedom fighter? Why did we consider so many different groups to be freedom fighters? Is foreign policy messy? Should we be allies with reprehensible people to fight the evils of communism? Who was Jonas Savimbi and what was his role with the U.S. in Angola?Further Reading:Gullible Superpower: U.S. Support for Bogus Foreign Democratic Movements, written by Ted Galen CarpenterIs America a Gullible Superpower?, written by Hunter DeRensisSmart Power: Toward a Prudent Foreign Policy for America, written by Ted Galen CarpenterRelated Content:Three Arguments Against War?, written by Jason KuznickiWhat Are the Risks of Terrorism?, Free Thoughts PodcastUnderstanding U.S. Foreign Policy, Free Thoughts PodcastAmerica’s Authoritarian Alliances, Free Thoughts Podcast See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

TOP STORIES ON AFRICA RISE AND SHINE THIS HOUR... *** Calm returns to a Nigerian airport after protest by soldiers.. *** Angola to exhume the body of rebel leader Jonas Savimbi.. *** Tributes continue to pour in for soul music legend Aretha Franklin... *** In Economics: Transnet CEO Siyabonga Gama served with suspension notice.... *** And In Sports: World 800metre bronze medallist Kipyegon Bett suspended..

Angola is set to hold elections on August 23 to choose a successor to President Eduardo dos Santos after 38 years of rule. Dos Santos, 74, has been in power since 1979 and has announced that he will not contest the election. His ruling party's presidential candidate will be the current defence minister. Tsepiso Makwetla spoke to Presidential hopeful and Secretary General of opposition party UNITA - Rafael Savimbi, who's also the son of Jonas Savimbi...

Bob talks with Christopher Dietrich and Joseph Parrot about Call of Duty Black Ops 1 and 2. Topics include the history of the CIA, the global Cold War, the Angolan Civil War, Jonas Savimbi, Manuel Noriega, historical representation, Black Ops lawsuits, and the fictionalization of secret operations. Music is Symphony 40 in G minor by texasradiofish (c) 2015 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial (3.0)license.dig.ccmixter.org/files/texasr…iofish/49560 Ft: W. A. Mozart, Big Bonobo Combo

In February 2002 the controversial Angolan rebel leader was killed by government forces. He had led his UNITA guerrillas for almost four decades, as Angola found itself on the front-line of the Cold War between East and West. But by the time he died, Savimbi had been abandonned by his former backers in Washington. Hear from one of his closest aides, Alcides Sakala. (Photo: Jonas Savimbi addresses his troops in Jamba, December 1985. Credit: Trevor Samson/AFP/Getty Images)

Activision is facing a lawsuit, probably not uncommon considering their size, this time from the family of Angolan resistance leader Jonas Savimbi. There are a lot of reasons his children might be angry, some of which make for an excellent conversation starter about historical figures in war games and the changing landscape of warfare in games. Oh, and generic moms.      Show Notes:   - Runtime: 34 mins 26 secs - Music by Brad Sucks