Podcasts about Ali Abdullah Saleh

Fino a pochi anni fa non li conosceva nessuno. Adesso sono sulla bocca di tutti. Ma per capire quanto gli Houthi dello Yemen siano stati sottostimati, tra le milizie sciite del Medio Oriente, basta frequentare il viale al-Sabaeen della capitale Sana'a alle tre del pomeriggio di ogni venerdì, quando migliaia di miliziani invadono la strada a sei corsie e la piazza accanto alla moschea fatta costruire venti anni prima dal presidente Ali Abdullah Saleh. Tra i sostenitori prevale un misto di orgoglio identitario, rabbia repressa e indignazione per le ingerenze degli Stati Uniti in Medio Oriente: una storia molto lunga, che parte da prima della Rivoluzione islamica iraniana del 1979. La rammentano persone comuni, miliziani, ministri, a ogni contatto e intervista: adesso, il rafforzamento dell'immagine del nemico esterno nella guerra tra Israele e Gaza ha dato agli Houthi l'opportunità di mostrarsi al mondo, con le incursioni navali sul golfo di Aden e sul Mar Rosso, e ha consentito di coagulare attorno a loro il consenso della popolazione yemenita ridotta alla fame. In un'esclusiva opportunità di accesso allo Yemen del Nord, nelle città di Sana'a e al porto di Hodeida, RSI vi racconta chi sono gli Houthi che si definiscono “i partigiani di Allah”. Senza dimenticare tutti gli yemeniti che vivono sotto questo regime: pescatori costretti alla fame che vanno a pescare in acque internazionali per guadagnare di più ma vengono arrestati e torturati dai sauditi per il timore che si tratti di miliziani Houthi; mendicanti che vivono in condizioni ai limiti della dignità; ospedali affollatissimi dove i medici vengono fisicamente assaltati dai pazienti solo per firmare una ricetta mentre duecento persone al giorno si presentano all'accettazione con il colera. In questo quadro, il blocco dei beni, le sanzioni al regime yemenita del Nord e il ritiro degli Stati Uniti dal sistema degli aiuti umanitari internazionali fanno ancora dello Yemen la peggiore crisi umanitaria al mondo, a dieci anni esatti dall'inizio della guerra.

The Arab Spring of 2011 may have brought with it hope for a new dawn in Yemen, one of democracy and liberal reforms outside the rule of strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh. But the years that followed saw this quickly undone. The GCC Initiative brokered by Gulf States quickly broke down due to an intense culture of mistrust between all the parties within it. And with the insurgent Houthis growing ever more confident in the north, their malign influence ensured that this move for democracy was doomed to failure. In this penultimate episode of our Yemen series, and indeed season 4 of Conflicted, we look at Yemen's road from revolution to civil war. It's something that our returning guest, Yemeni political activist Baraa Shaiban, witnessed first hand as a member of the GCC initiative. He tells us about the role he played in trying to keep the peace as his country fell into conflict, and how the delicate art of Yemeni politics - dancing on the heads of snakes - was one which soon became too difficult for all involved. Join our FB Discussion group to get exclusive updates:  https://www.facebook.com/groups/450486135832418 Find us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/MHconflicted And Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MHconflicted Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Bienvenidos a este rinconcito desde donde tratamos de analizar lo que pasa y no dejarnos llevar por la programación de medios de comunicación y lobbies que tratan de aprovechar nuestra agua en sus molinos. Tenemos un mes de noviembre caluroso gracias a la geoingenieria, un noviembre que parece abril mes de flores y revoluciones de color. Las protestas de Ferraz por la futura ley de la Amnistía por los disturbios en Cataluña por la autodeterminación son una vez mas una nueva revolución de color aunque a nuestros esforzados compatriotas no les entre ni a golpe de cachiporra. Ha tenido bastante repercusión mi hilo en Twitter donde desvelaba algunos de los secretos ocultos en la ultima portada de la revista The Economist, revista cuyo principal dueño es el grupo Pearson que es a su vez propietaria del 47% de Penguin Random House, el mayor editor de libros del mundo. Luego están los accionistas individuales, como los Cadbury, Rothschild, Schroder y Agnelli. Cuatro apellidos de muy larga tradición de poder y que como podían ver en dicha portada han fijado su interés principal en las entre comillas “democracias occidentales”. Una gran urna debajo de un reloj de arena era el centro de atención rodeada de los cuatro focos y subfocos donde todos debemos, valga la redundancia, enfocarnos. Nos mostraban a la candidata a la presidencia de México por el partido de la Morena, la sra Claudia Sheinbaum mientras en el lado opuesto teníamos al candidato Trump con una interrogación. La señora de la coleta que defiende todas y cada una de las ideas progres ya que de casta le viene al galgo pues sus padres fueron participantes activos del movimiento estudiantil de 1968. Es egresada del Programa de Estudios Avanzados en Desarrollo Sustentable de El Colegio de México y la Fundación Rockefeller. Esa coleta me recordó a Pablo Iglesias y al 15M que desde luego fue una operación al máximo nivel llevada en España para acabar de raíz con la creación de múltiples organizaciones nacidas de la ciudadania para protestar por la crisis en España el 15 de mayo de 2011. Los famosos indignados, cuya intención era promover una democracia más participativa alejada del bipartidismo PSOE-PP y del dominio de bancos y corporaciones, así como una «auténtica división de poderes» y otras medidas con la intención de mejorar el sistema democrático. Les recomiendo que lean CONEXIÓN AECID: LA TRAMA QUE DESMONTA LOS MITOS DEL 15M Y DE PODEMOS del gran Andrei Kononov y los artículos de Ruben de Todo esta Relacionado que les dejare en la descripción del podcast. La Open Society Foundations (OSF) es una red de empresas no gubernamentales que se nutren del patrimonio de Soros y su entramado económico para otorgar subvenciones creada en 1993. Fueron organizaciones como la Open Foundation de George Soros y otras mas desconocidas como la Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (AECID) las que estuvieron detrás de esa enorme campaña de salve y coagula que realizaron con el 15M. Tal y como vemos en los brazos del Baphomet primero atrajeron y canalizaron todo el descontento popular mediante una supuesta iniciativa popular para posteriormente aglutinarlo y redirigirlo en un partido que fue Podemos. Un partido que supuestamente iba a dejar el poder en manos de los círculos del pueblo pero que luego se vio que tan solo sirvió para cortar de raíz las ansias reivindicativas que surgían espontáneamente de la calle. Encontraron la fuente de agua, le pusieron un grifo, luego la embotellaron en botellas violeta con un ouroboros y la vendieron al mejor postor. La AECID es similar a la USAID (programa de ayuda de Estados Unidos) y desarrolla programas como el llamado Programa Masar («Programa de acompañamiento a los procesos de gobernanza democrática en el Mundo árabe”), si, en eso estamos gastando nuestro dinero. Estas familias, estos grupos de poder y multinacionales y sus fundaciones son los que están detrás de las llamadas revoluciones de colores que no tienen otro objetivo que saquear los recursos de los países entre comillas “democratizados”, saqueo que pasa previamente por la desestabilización y la guerra en los países más pobres y por el control democrático suave en los mas ricos como España. Las primeras operaciones fueron llevadas a cabo por una organización llamada Otpor! (en castellano: ¡Resistencia!) fue un movimiento juvenil pro-democrático (Actualmente Movimiento Juvenil de Derecha) en Serbia que desarrolló una intensa campaña para expulsar del poder a Slobodan Milósevic en el año 2000. En un articulo del New York Times donde habla Paul B. McCarthy, el cual era en aquel entonces el Oficial Principal del Programa para los Balcanes de la NED (Fundación Nacional para la Democracia, otro de los chiringuitos) podemos leer: «A partir de agosto de 1999 los dólares comenzaron a fluir a Otpor de forma bastante significativa. De los casi 3 millones de dólares gastados por la NED en Serbia desde Septiembre de 1998, Otpor fue sin duda el mayor receptor». Y así es como empezamos a ver el mismo puño, el logo de Otpor, en todas las revoluciones de color y a las misma organizaciones “altruistas” detrás financiando, Fondo Nacional para la Democracia (NED), Instituto Nacional Democrático (NDI), Instituto Republicano (IRI), Freedom House dirigida por un ex director de la CIA, la Open Society de Soros y el Comité sobre el Peligro Presente (CPD) donde tenemos a el ex primer ministro español José María Aznar como copresidente. Revoluciones de colores es el nombre colectivo que han recibido una serie de movilizaciones políticas en el espacio ex­-soviético llevadas a cabo contra líderes supuestamente autoritarios acusados de prácticas dictatoriales, amañar las elecciones o de otras formas de corrupción. En ellas los manifestantes suelen adoptar como símbolo un color específico que da nombre a su movilización. Este fenómeno surgido en Europa Oriental también tuvo posterior repercusión en Oriente Medio. En la wikipedia encontraremos un exiguo articulo donde nos muestran algunas de las que han tenido éxito como: Derrocamiento de Milošević en Yugoslavia (2000) «Revolución de las rosas» en Georgia (2003) «Revolución Naranja» en Ucrania (2004). Diez años después, el Euromaidán alcanzaría los objetivos perseguidos en esta. «Revolución de los tulipanes» en Kirguistán (2005) «Revolución del cedro» en Líbano (2005). «Revolución de los Jazmines»: en Túnez en 2010. «Revolución del Nilo»: derrocamiento de Hosni Mubarak en Egipto en 2011. «Revolución de las rosas»: salida del Gobierno de Ali Abdullah Saleh en Yemen en 2012. «Revolución de Terciopelo»: en Armenia en 2018 «Revolución de los Pititas»: Renuncia del Gobierno de Evo Morales en Bolivia en 2019. Curiosamente no hablan en ningún momento del 15M aqui en España ni de las protestas en Cataluña por su autodeterminación. En octubre del 2019 les remarcaba yo una transmisión de Telecinco donde un periodista se subía a retransmitir las entre comillas “violentas protestas” en plaza de Cataluña desde un andamio tan tranquilamente como el que graba desde fuera la jaula de los monos. En una revolución de verdad no existirán "practicables". Sitios seguros para grabar a las muchedumbres...ni los cascos de escalada servirán para nada más que parecerse a Calimero. Recomiendo leer los artículos ¿CATALUÑA SE INDEPENDIZA? de Rubén de Montalvo y CATALUÑA, LA REVOLUCIÓN NO SERÁ TELEVISADA PERO SI PLANIFICADA del puntal de Dios en mi blog para extraer algunas conclusiones sobre quién esta detrás de todo esto y para que. Allí veremos cómo se siguen utilizando la astrología y la simbología para crear escenificaciones en las fechas y espacios oportunos. Exactamente como ocurrirá mañana 18 de noviembre en el espacio que rodea la fuente de la Cibeles en Madrid y que como yo les he mostrado tiene unas fuertes implicaciones dentro de las energías sutiles que estas elites psicopatocraticas conocen y dominan. Han creado en varias etapas un triangulo de 1,33 millas de perímetro donde tenemos el Banco de España, el Círculo de Bellas Artes y el Congreso de los Diputados para proteger el centro filosófico, económico y de control social para que el poder-religión pueda ejercer poder de manera real en la sociedad. Aunque yo no creo en la astrología les voy a leer lo que un astrologo aficionado publicaba un 13 de enero de 2011: "Porque en 2021 empieza una tensión Saturno Urano y cada vez más pienso que como mucho, el mundo aguantará hasta ese enero de 2021. Como mucho, en hambre, en superpoblación, en consumo, en capitalismo salvaje, injusticia social, en el cambio climático, en posibles pandemias en una posible guerra con alta tecnología. En todas esas cosas estamos jugando ya con fuego aunque no lo queramos ver. 2025 será otra cosa ya porque llegar llegaremos a ese año y mantengo la esperanza de que la astrología si se da a conocer puede servir y mucho a la humanidad en muchos ámbitos. En el médico, en el meteorológico, en economía, en entender al otro como diferente, y en todo. Una ciencia más. La astrología podrá ser perfectamente una ciencia aplicada a la conducta humana y comprendernos mejor todos. Creo que vamos a vivir unos años históricos y cada año puede que vea más sucesos y mirad que este 2011 entre lo de wikileaks, la primavera árabe, el gran terremoto con tsunami con efectos en la CN de Fukushima, la guerra de Libia, el desplome bursátil de julio y agosto, la crisis de deuda en la Eurozona, la posible vuelta a la recesión, los recortes, esto de que Israel quiere atacar a Irán y Rusia no le deja y todavía quedan 2 meses... Está siendo ya subidito" Mantengo toda mi esperanza en aquella luz que predecía este texto para 2025, que ya está ahi y que explicaría en buena medida el porque de las prisas de esta caterva de psicopatas que nos mal gobiernan por tenerlo todo atado y bien atado para entonces. Voy a cerrar esta entradilla citando uno de los artículos desaparecidos de Pedro Bustamente titulado Guía para desenmascarar a las falsas izquierdas escrito en 2016, dice así: “Ante la avalancha de ideas, iniciativas, activismos, plataformas, movimientos, ONGs, partidos, etc., que se presentan como progresistas o de izquierdas, pero que en la práctica contribuyen, por activa o por pasiva, consciente o inconscientemente, a la dominación hollycapitalista, proponemos la siguiente guía, que esperamos contribuya a desenmascararlos. En primer lugar, bajo el epígrafe MÁSCARAS, trataremos de mostrar que muchos de los temas que nos presentan como positivos esconden un aspecto negativo que es el más importante. Esto es, que detrás de la máscara del pretendido progresismo, izquierdismo, humanitarismo, ecologismo, etc., se esconde a menudo la agenda de dominación del gran capital. En segundo lugar, bajo el epígrafe ELUSIONES señalaremos una serie de temas que tienden a ser directamente ignorados, eludidos o censurados por estos movimientos, en la medida en que no pueden ser tan fácilmente manipulados o tergiversados como los primeros.” Y dentro de las Elusiones, en el puesto 17 comenta: “Las crisis ingenierizadas. Junto al terrorismo de estado encubierto toda una serie de fenómenos que hoy padecemos son en su mayor parte crisis híbridas, en parte espontáneas y en parte ingenierizadas. Tras la segunda guerra mundial, las guerras convencionales (hasta la de tercera generación) tienden a desaparecen y a ser sustituidas por guerras no convencionales, híbridas o asimétricas (de cuarta y quinta generación) enmascaradas detrás de estas crisis ingenierizadas de todo tipo: revoluciones de color, crisis migratorias ingenierizadas, golpes de estado encubiertos, "accidentes" tecnológicos y de transportes provocados, pandemias de laboratorio, manipulaciones climáticas, catástrofes "naturales" geoingenierizadas, etc. Lo que se echa en falta sistemáticamente en las pretendidas izquierdas es comprender y denunciar el papel que estas crisis ingenierizadas están desempeñando y seguirán haciéndolo en las próximas décadas en los mecanismos de dominación global y en la implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial.” Ni rojos ni azules, tan solo con la verdad, asi es como vamos a tratar en esta charla de comprender de que va todo esto. ………………………………………………………………………………………. Guía para desenmascarar a las falsas izquierdas 2016-05-28 Ante la avalancha de ideas, iniciativas, activismos, plataformas, movimientos, ONGs, partidos, etc., que se presentan como progresistas o de izquierdas, pero que en la práctica contribuyen, por activa o por pasiva, consciente o inconscientemente, a la dominación hollycapitalista, proponemos la siguiente guía, que esperamos contribuya a desenmascararlos. En primer lugar, bajo el epígrafe MÁSCARAS, trataremos de mostrar que muchos de los temas que nos presentan como positivos esconden un aspecto negativo que es el más importante. Esto es, que detrás de la máscara del pretendido progresismo, izquierdismo, humanitarismo, ecologismo, etc., se esconde a menudo la agenda de dominación del gran capital. En segundo lugar, bajo el epígrafe ELUSIONES señalaremos una serie de temas que tienden a ser directamente ignorados, eludidos o censurados por estos movimientos, en la medida en que no pueden ser tan fácilmente manipulados o tergiversados como los primeros. En la práctica ambos grupos de temas, MÁSCARAS y ELUSIONES, operan de manera combinada. Las ELUSIONES son los más importantes para comprender en todo su alcance cómo se ejerce la dominación global hollycapitalista hoy. De ahí que tiendan a ser eludidos en los movimientos pretendidamente izquierdistas. Pero si esto es posible es en buena medida porque las MÁSCARAS, como indica el término, no solo enmascaran su la verdadera intención, sino que también crean cortinas de humo para que no se trate de los temas importantes. En todo caso es importante comprender que muchos de los temas de los que nos vamos a ocupar tienden a cambiar radicalmente de sentido en función de la escala a la que se implementen. Esto es, a menudo las iniciativas, ideas, movimientos, activismos, etc., no son positivos o negativos de manera absoluta por su contenido, sino por el tamaño de sus estructuras y la manera en que las grandes estructuras son recuperadas, infiltradas y manipuladas por el poder. MÁSCARAS 01. El anti-capitalismo. Una de las claves para desenmascar estos movimientos es que critican el capitalismo, el neoliberalismo, a las élites, a la "casta", a los bancos, al sistema de deuda, etc., pero lo hacen superficialmente. Es verdad que han actualizado en parte su discurso y en lugar de confrontar capitalista-trabajador ahora presentan oposiciones tales como acreedor-deudor, élites-ciudadanía, etc. Pero en general siguen en el marco del pensamiento marxista que pretende explicar y reformar el sistema en términos de estructura. Con ello eluden el fondo de la cuestión, que es que la dominación capitalista fundamental, y especialmente la hollycapitalista de hoy, se ejerce en última instancia al margen de la estructura económica, en el ámbito de la guerra, la inteligencia, la criminalidad, la impunidad, el secretismo y la conspiración. 02. El globalismo. Todo lo que lleve el adjetivo "global" debe despertar nuestras sospechas. Toda una serie de iniciativas "globales" que se presentan como humanitarias, ecológicas, justas, redistributivas, fiscalizadoras, etc., son máscaras que esconden una lógica muy simple, que es que cuanto mayor sea el alcance de las estructuras de poder mayor será su capacidad para imponerse de manera violenta sobre todos aquellos que se opongan a ellas. El globalismo es un eufemismo de imperialismo, y no hay nada que haga pensar que el imperio global de hoy sea distinto del resto de imperios históricos. Solo ha desarrollado mecanismos más sutiles para enmascararse. 03. El soberanismo. Hoy el pulso fundamental se está manteniendo entre los estados-nación, en particular los BRICS, y las estructuras globalistas. Esto significa que todo lo que debilite a los estados-nación tenderá a reforzar las estructuras globales. El poder es una hidra con numerosas cabezas. Opera empujando alternativamente los dos platos de la balanza para desestabilizarla y aprovecharse de ello transformando las estructuras de dominación. Las transferencias de soberanía de los estados-nación al Nuevo Orden Mundial se están produciendo por arriba y por abajo, por la derecha y por la izquierda, desde los estados-nación hacia las estructuras transnacionales y hacia las regionales. 04. La transparencia y la corrupción. Muchos de estos movimientos pretenden luchar por una sociedad más transparente, aparentan combatir la corrupción en las estructuras de poder. El problema es que, de nuevo, tienden a poner el acento en la transparencia y en la corrupción de los políticos y de los estados-nación, y no en el complejo entramado que está por encima de ellos. De esta manera estas iniciativas contribuyen en última instancia a debilitar las estructuras estatales y con ello a reforzar la opacidad y la corrupción de las estructuras transnacionales. 05. La horizontalidad. Es necesario comprender que las estructuras horizontales no se oponen a la verticales, como nos pretenden hacer creer. Las estructuras horizontales encubren también mecanismos de dominación verticales y centralizados, solo que más sofisticados y más sutiles que los tradicionales. En el fondo la lógica es similar a la del intercambio mercantil, que aparenta ser horizontal, libre, regulado espontáneamente por la oferta y la demanda, cuando en la práctica está tensada permanentemente por la asimetría del poder, basada en la apropiación de recursos naturales, energéticos, en la creación de dinero fiduciario, de información, etc. La horizontalidad también es una apariencia en la medida en que el poder infiltra agentes o colaboradores en la estructura aparentemente. Tanto más fácilmente cuanto más horizontal es la estructura. Wikipedia es el mejor ejemplo de esta falsa horizontalidad, como una iniciativa solo en parte horizontal, colaborativa, etc., pero en la que la información más sensible es manipulada, tergiversada y censurada desde los centros de poder globales. 06. La participación. Este tema está estrechamente vinculado al anterior. Los movimientos participativos, colaborativos, asamblearios, voluntarios, no mercantiles, etc., pueden ser enriquecedores a un cierto nivel, pero pueden servir también como dispositivos de amortiguación y recuperación que mantienen ocupados a los participantes y evitan que se impliquen en los temas fundamentales. Pretenden ser movimientos autónomos pero en la práctica siguen dependiendo de las estructuras de dominación globales. La clave para valorar estas iniciativas es hasta qué punto contribuyen, aunque sea indirectamente, a la dominación hollycapitalista, hasta qué punto, tras las máscaras de la cooperación, lo común, lo libre, etc., lo que está en juego es la apropiación del trabajo, las ideas y las energías de la ciudadanía por parte del gran capital. 07. La sostenibilidad. La sostenibilidad, el ecologismo, lo verde, lo biológico, etc., pueden ser iniciativas loables siempre que actúen a la escala local o regional, que desafíen verdaderamente a las estructuras de dominación global. Como decíamos, hay que valorarlas en función de la escala y el verdadero impacto que tienen en otras escalas del sistema. La sostenibilidad y el ecologismo considerados a gran escala encubren la desindustrialización de los centros, la dependencia de estructuras de producción y distribución globales, la implementación de mecanismos de control de las periferias desde los centros. En última instancia, la sostenibilidad a la escala global encubre la agenda eugenésica de las élites hollycapitalistas. 08. El humanitarismo y el antirazismo. De nuevo estos temas suelen ser utilizados por el sistema como caballos de Troya. El humanitarismo está siendo utilizado sistemáticamente para legitimar guerras, en el colmo de la hipocresía hollycapitalista, según la cual los cazas de combate y las bombas protegen a los seres humanos. El antirazismo es otra coartada para que las masas acepten y contribuyan a las dinámicas de destrucción de las tradiciones, de las identidades, de las idiosincrasias, de las particularidades, de las diferentes culturas, razas, naciones y religiones. La mezcla racial, cultural y religiosa está siendo uno de los mecanismos fundamentales utilizados por las élites globalistas para desestructurar profundamente y destruir el alma colectiva de los pueblos, y con ello su capacidad de resistencia. La mezcla social, ingenierizada al más alto nivel, crea el caldo de cultivo para, en el momento necesario, canalizar el descontento de las mayorías a través de las minorías, para catalizar procesos de desestabilización, para instigar guerras civiles. 09. El transgenerismo. Se trata de una estrategia similar a la anterior, que encubre la desestructuración de las sociedades tradicionales y la destrucción de formas de vida moderadas, virtuosas, equilibradas, naturales, fértiles. Tras la máscara de la relaciones homosexuales, bisexuales y transexuales se esconde algo tan crucial como es el socavamiento de la moral y del sentido común, la desintegración del complejo erotismo-amor-sexualidad-fertilidad-crianza. Como en el caso del humanitarismo y del antirazismo mal entendidos, la ideología transgénero es el caballo de Troya para la destrucción de las estructuras sociales más fundamentales, que son las que mejor pueden hacer frente a la agenda distópica globalista. En última instancia se trata de una forma de eugenesia encubierta de la que los propios ciudadanos son víctimas, en el momento en que optan "voluntariamente" a renunciar a conformar seres sociales a un tiempo naturales y culturales. El movimiento LGBT, a pesar de ser relativamente minoritario, desempeña un papel fundamental en el conjunto de las sociedades hollycapitalistas, como vanguardia "transgresora" que sirve de referencia para el resto de las "opciones" sexuales. 10. El feminismo y la violencia de género. Como el movimiento transgénero, el feminismo y las campañas hollycapitalistas de violencia de género operan como vanguardias sociales, generando un gran efecto en el conjunto de la ciudadanía. Su impacto es especialmente marcado en los niños y los jóvenes, minando las bases morales de las sociedades a largo plazo. Suelen ser considerados formas de ingeniería social, pero lo cierto es que se basan en mecánicas propiamente religiosas y rituales, lo que refuerza aún más su capacidad para transformar profundamente a la sociedad. Como el movimiento LGBT, con el que se producen importantes intercambios, el feminismo y la violencia de género contribuyen de manera encubierta a la desestructuración de las sociedades tradicionales, la familia, la pareja, e, insistimos, la desintegración del complejo erotismo-amor-sexualidad-fertilidad-crianza. En última instancia contribuyen a la agenda hollycapitalista de mercantilización y apropiación de la fertilidad humana, a la transformación del ser humano en ganado-mercancía. 11. La cultura. La llamada "cultura", esto es, la industria del espectáculo, es uno de los elementos de dominación centrales en el hollycapitalismo. De hay que hayamos acuñado este término de hollycapitalismo, que creemos más apropiado que los de capitalismo tardío o cognitivo. Con él nos referimos no solo a Hollywood en particular, sino a la dimensión hollywoodense que atraviesa todo el sistema. Esta dimensión hollywoodense es también crucial para comprender los movimientos pretendidamente izquierdistas, pues remite a la misma mecánica de fondo de generar mucho ruido y mucho espectáculo pero eludir los temas importantes. 12. El estilo. Vinculado con el tema anterior, las falsas izquierdas suelen recurrir a todo tipo de estrategias de estilo para aparentar lo que no son, que abarcan el aspecto, la forma de vestir, el peinado, la forma de hablar, el tipo de lenguaje o términos utilizados, que tenderán a distanciarse lo más posible de los códigos conservadores o de derechas. Los medios de desinformación explotan estas aparentes contradicciones, presentando las rastas o las camisas de cuadros de unos en contraposición a los trajes y las corbatas de otros, mientras los temas fundamentales que transformarían el statu quo se eluden. La combatividad aparente forma parte de esta estrategia de estilo. ELUSIONES 13. El dinero fiduciario. Esta es una de las claves de bóveda de la dominación imperial hollycapitalista. De nuevo hay que hablar de hollycapitalismo porque el dinero es la mayor de las ficciones del sistema. Comprender los mecanismos de creación de dinero fiduciario por parte de los bancos centrales, la deuda soberana y el sistema de reserva fraccionaria, en sus vinculaciones con la geopolítica global, el control de los recursos energéticos y las guerras de divisas, es fundamental para comprender el funcionamiento del sistema. Así como el hecho de que toda esta mecánica escapa por completo al poder de la mayoría de los estados y es de hecho uno de los mecanismos a través de los cuales estos son controlados por los grandes capitales. 14. El reseteo monetario. Como correlato de la falta de comprensión, debate y denuncia del sistema monetario fiduciario, las falsas izquierdas eluden tratar de la situación crítica de bancarrota en que hoy nos encontramos, del hecho de que esta situación nos llevará tarde o temprano a un reseteo monetario global o a una tercera guerra mundial. Junto a ello las falsas izquierdas tenderán a eludir todo lo relacionado con los metales preciosos y su utilización milenaria como respaldo de monedas. Sobre todo teniendo en cuenta que este es el modelo que defienden los BRICS y que está siendo motivo de confrontación feroz al más alto nivel. 15. La tercera guerra mundial. Según muchos analistas estamos ya inmersos en los prolegómenos de una tercera mundial, que se está librando ya entre el imperio atlantista-sionista y los BRICS en forma de guerra de divisas, devaluación del petroleo, sanciones, pretendidos accidentes industriales y de aviación, guerra de propaganda y otras formas de guerra no convencional. En la práctica las grandes potencias están enfrentándose indirectamente a través de fuerzas de terceros países o de ejércitos proxy. Este tema tiende a ser eludido por las falsas izquierdas, así como el papel que los diversos estados desempeñan en el entramado global de alianzas, convenios y ejercicios militares, de manera que en el caso más que probable de una escalada del conflicto global los posicionamientos de cada estado serán ya difícilmente modificables. 16. El terrorismo. Como una de las formas fundamentales de guerra no convencional, el verdadero alcance del terrorismo internacional es otra de las piedras de toque de las falsas izquierdas. Estas tienden a adoptar la narrativa oficial según la cual los estados occidentales son los "buenos" y los terroristas son los "malos". Como mucho reconocerán el papel que estados totalitarios aliados de Occidente como Israel, Arabia Saudí y Turquía juegan en esta guerra proxy. Pero pocos movimientos de izquierda llegarán a comprender, reconocer y denunciar que el terrorismo internacional es hoy uno de los mecanismos de dominación hollycapitalistas fundamentales, controlado de diversas maneras por las agencias de inteligencia occidentales (CIA, MI6, Mossad y otras), y utilizado en un amplio rango de operaciones que van desde la presión política y geopolítica, la desestabilización a la guerra civil, así como en atentados de bandera falsa en los propios estados que controlan el terrorismo para legitimar la implementación de estados policiales, dictaduras y en general la agenda globalista. 17. Las crisis ingenierizadas. Junto al terrorismo de estado encubierto toda una serie de fenómenos que hoy padecemos son en su mayor parte crisis híbridas, en parte espontáneas y en parte ingenierizadas. Tras la segunda guerra mundial, las guerras convencionales (hasta la de tercera generación) tienden a desaparecen y a ser sustituidas por guerras no convencionales, híbridas o asimétricas (de cuarta y quinta generación) enmascaradas detrás de estas crisis ingenierizadas de todo tipo: revoluciones de color, crisis migratorias ingenierizadas, golpes de estado encubiertos, "accidentes" tecnológicos y de transportes provocados, pandemias de laboratorio, manipulaciones climáticas, catástrofes "naturales" geoingenierizadas, etc. Lo que se echa en falta sistemáticamente en las pretendidas izquierdas es comprender y denunciar el papel que estas crisis ingenierizadas están desempeñando y seguirán haciéndolo en las próximas décadas en los mecanismos de dominación global y en la implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial. 18. Los transgénicos. Se pueden considerar también una forma de guerra de cuarta y quinta generación, en la medida en que persiguen no solo la conquista del mercado global de alimentos, sino también la destrucción encubierta de la agricultura y la ganadería tradicionales. Pero lo que está en el trasfondo de los transgénicos es mucho más crucial, y pocos movimientos de izquierda están llegando tan lejos como para comprenderlo o reconocerlo. Y es que lo que se enmascara detrás de los organismos genéticamente modificados es la manipulación encubierta de la especie humana y, en última instancia, su transformación en ganado-mercancía. 19. El transhumanismo. Vinculado al anterior, el transhumanismo es otro de los caballos de Troya del sometimiento total del ser humano y su transformación en mercancía, en el marco de redes de inteligencia artificial y cibernéticas. La estrategia fundamental en este caso es presentarnos el transhumanismo como un "progreso" beneficioso para el hombre, en particular en el ámbito de la medicina o la asistencia en diversas actividades, pero utilizando esto como una cortina de humo para encubrir el proyecto de domesticación y control total de los cuerpos y de las mentes que esta agenda implica, mediante el uso de diversos dispositivos tales como microchips implantables y nanoparticulas inteligentes que ya invaden, controlan y manipulan nuestros órganos de manera encubierta. 20. La geoingeniería. Vinculada al resto de los temas, la geoingeniería es uno de los fenómenos más ausentes en los movimientos de falsa izquierda, y más importantes para la agenda de implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial. Consiste en la fumigación generalizada de sustancias químicas, sintéticas y orgánicas, mediante estelas químicas o chemtrails, que generan las condiciones para proyectar ondas electromagnéticas desde estaciones tipo HAARP. Con ello puede manipularse el clima, generar sequías, inundaciones, huracanes, terremotos y maremotos, y modificar globalmente el clima. El cambio climático es un gran montaje hollycapitalista, creado en parte mediante geoingeniería, para el avance en la agenda globalista. Como decíamos, la geoingeniería permite también el control y la manipulación de las poblaciones mediante técnicas psicotrónicas, usando nanoparticulas inteligentes que invaden los cuerpos, afectan a funciones biológicas y neurológicas específicas, y contribuyen a domesticar o a instigar movimientos de masas. 21. La ingeniería social. Aunque ya hemos hablado de este tema al tratar sobre el transgenerismo, el feminismo y la violencia de género, merece la pena insistir en que la ingeniería social es uno de los mecanismos de dominación hollycapitalistas fundamentales. El frente fundamental de estas estrategias de transformación social son los medios de masas, las películas, las series, las redes sociales, pero también las instituciones culturales y educativas en las que esta agenda de manipulación y destrucción de las formas de vida tradicionales se presenta como "teoría". Las formas de vida alternativas deben ser respetadas. Pero eso es una cosa y otra muy distinta hacer de la anomalía el paradigma. 22. El gobierno en la sombra. Las falsas izquierdas tienden a pasar por alto el papel central que las sociedades secretas, los gobiernos en la sombra, los estados profundos, las agencias de inteligencia, etc., desempeñan en la dominación global. El grado de infiltración de estas estructuras de poder en los estados, las instituciones, las iglesias, y en general las distintas organizaciones sociales, es fundamental para comprender como funciona el mundo. Como decíamos, pocos movimientos pretendidamente de izquierdas comprenden o quieren comprender que los mecanismos de dominación y de transformación hollycapitalistas dependen de estas estructuras ocultas, que operan detrás de las estructuras visibles del sistema, desde el secretismo, la amoralidad, la alegalidad, la impunidad y la criminalidad, al servicio del proyecto globalista. 23. El Nuevo Orden Mundial. Esta es otra de las piedras de toque para reconocer los falsos movimientos de izquierda. El Nuevo Orden Mundial es el objetivo en el que confluyen las distintas agendas de los distintos ámbitos y a las distintas escalas. Se trata de un proceso de largo alcance, que se remonta al menos a la Ilustración, y que supone la instauración progresiva y continua, pero también escalonada, de este gobierno mundial, mediante la instigación de revoluciones de un signo y de otro, de guerras, el control de mecanismos mercantiles, financieros y monetarios, la ingenierización de shocks de todo tipo, etc. 24. El comunismo. En relación con la agenda secular del Nuevo Orden Mundial, como es evidente las falsas izquierdas no sabrán o no reconocerán que el comunismo ha sido en parte un fenómeno instigado por las sociedades secretas atlantistas-sionistas para catalizar conflictos mundiales, justificar la carrera armamentística, destruir culturas tradicionales milenarias como la rusa y la china, homogeneizar su nivel de desarrollo con el occidental. De hecho todo el izquierdismo en general puede ser interpretado como un fenómeno de disidencia controlada y de recuperación por parte de estas élites. 25. El nazismo y el antisemitismo. La demonización del nazismo es otra de las estrategias del imperio hollycapitalista para, asociándola a él, descalificar cualquier iniciativa de soberanía nacional que suponga una alternativa real al globalismo, basada en valores verdaderamente anti-hollycapitalistas, esto es, valores tradicionales, identitarios, raciales, espirituales, religiosos, es suma, valores propios de seres colectivos encarnados. Pocos movimientos de izquierda reconocerán que las élites atlantistas-sionistas instigaron tanto la revolución bolchevique como el nazismo alemán para desencadenar la segunda guerra mundial y resolver la crisis de 1929. La victimización de los judíos, las manipulaciones históricas y mediáticas de su genocidio, el abuso del concepto de antisemitismo, las leyes de excepción que los protegen, el poder desmedido de los grupos de presión sionistas, la proporción desmedida de sionistas en la política, la economía, la cultura y el espectáculo, el papel central de Israel en la geopolítica mundial, etc., son todos elementos fundamentales para comprender cómo funciona el imperio atlantista-sionista y elusiones habituales en los falsos movimientos de izquierda, a menudo financiados por entidades sionistas. 26. La religiosidad. Ya hemos avanzado que que el hollycapitalismo no es solo un sistema económico o político sino también una religión en toda regla, pero que se enmascara detrás de un supuesto secularismo. Los mecanismos de dominación hollycapitalistas fundamentales, los atentados terroristas de bandera falsa, las catástrofes "naturales" geoingenierizadas, las pandemias de laboratorio, las campañas mediáticas de ingeniería social, los mecanismos de manipulación hollywoodense en todos los ámbitos, no pueden comprenderse en todo su alcance si no es como rituales religiosos hierogámicos y sacrificiales orquestados por las sociedades secretas atlantistas-sionistas que atesoran este conocimiento desde hace milenios, al margen de los mecanismos de adoctrinamiento de las instituciones oficiales. 27. La exopolítica. Por último, el tema más tabú, más desconocido, más resbaladizo, en el que pocos se atreven a adentrarse, es el de la interacción de la raza humana con otras razas o entidades alienígenas o extraterrestres. El tema es más político de lo que parece a primera vista en la medida en que estas entidades alienígenas o extraterrestres estarían influyendo decididamente en los desarrollos humanos. Este tema podría ser utilizado también como una coartada para crear un evento de bandera falsa de gran alcance que sirviese para manipular a las masas de cara a la implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial. Referencias: Juan Aguilar, Malco Arija, Jane Burgermeister, José Luis Camacho, Luis Carlos Campos, Miguel Celades, Michel Chossudovsky, Jacob Cohen, William Cooper, Paul Craig Roberts, Manlio Dinucci, William Engdahl, Eladio Fernández, Benjamin Fulford, Manuel Freytas, Manuel Galiana, Jesús García Blanca, José Alfonso Hernando, Pierre Hillard, David Icke, Alfredo Jalife-Rahme, Thierry Meyssan, Rafael Palacios, Josep Pàmies, María del Prado Esteban, Jon Rappoport, El Robot Pescador, Félix Rodrigo Mora, Enrique Romero, Adrián Salbuchi, Alain Soral, Fritz Springmeier, Webster Tarpley, Pedro Varela, etc. Pedro Bustamante es investigador independiente, arquitecto y artista. Su obra El imperio de la ficción: Capitalismo y sacrificios hollywoodenses ha sido publicada recientemente en Ediciones Libertarias. http://deliriousheterotopias.blogspot.com/ ………………………………………………………………………………………. Invitados: …. Dra Yane #JusticiaParaUTP Médico y Buscadora de la verdad. Con Dios siempre! No permito q me dividan c/izq -derecha, raza, religión ni nada de la Creación. https://youtu.be/TXEEZUYd4c0 …. mvaleraes @mmvaleraes Sí a la libertad En mi web, http://mvalera.es, tengo bastante más material con el que me gano miles de "amigos". …. UTP Ramón Valero @tecn_preocupado Un técnico Preocupado un FP2 IVOOX UTP http://cutt.ly/dzhhGrf BLOG http://cutt.ly/dzhh2LX CANALES TELEGRAM Promocional donde hacemos los directos https://t.me/UnTecnicoPreocupado Abierto para comentarios https://t.me/MiVidaMiOxigeno Ayúdame desde mi Crowfunding aquí https://cutt.ly/W0DsPVq ………………………………………………………………………………………. Enlaces citados en el podcast: Grupo The Economist https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grupo_The_Economist ROJOS Y AZULES PARA SEGUIR EN LA RUEDA DEL HAMSTER https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2023/11/15/rojos-y-azules-para-seguir-en-la-rueda-del-hamster/ El Sionismo Del Nuevo Imperio Anglo-Veneciano Quiere A Claudia Sheinbaum Como Presidenta De México https://www.mentealternativa.com/el-sionismo-del-nuevo-imperio-anglo-veneciano-quiere-a-claudia-sheinbaum-como-presidenta-de-mexico/ Programa Masar https://www.aecid.es/d%C3%B3nde-cooperamos/norte-de-%C3%A1frica-y-oriente-pr%C3%B3ximo/programa-masar Otpor https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otpor Apoyo a Otpor por la Freedom House https://web.archive.org/web/20070627002025/http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/special_report/10.pdf CONEXIÓN AECID: LA TRAMA QUE DESMONTA LOS MITOS DEL 15M Y DE PODEMOS https://laverdadocultablog.wordpress.com/2016/07/17/4547/ GEORGE SOROS Y LAS TERCERAS ELECCIONES ESPAÑOLAS https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2016/08/16/soros-terceras-elecciones-espanolas-abstencion/ «PODEMOS» Y EL NUEVO ORDEN MUNDIAL (PARTE 1) https://todoestarelacionado.wordpress.com/2016/11/27/podemos-y-el-nuevo-orden-mundial-parte-1/ Revoluciones de colores https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revoluciones_de_colores ¿CATALUÑA SE INDEPENDIZA? https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2017/10/05/cataluna-se-independiza/ CATALUÑA, LA REVOLUCIÓN NO SERÁ TELEVISADA PERO SI PLANIFICADA https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2019/10/19/cataluna-la-revolucion-no-sera-televisada-pero-si-planificada/ Podemos/15M y su conexión con el poder https://twitter.com/tecn_preocupado/status/761868689385881600 Revolución cubana, masones y falsos comunistas https://twitter.com/tecn_preocupado/status/761239894081540100 El papel de la masonería en las revoluciones rusas de 1917 https://twitter.com/Jadouken10/status/927674418926637056 Revolución masónica Francesa https://twitter.com/jfrsanchez/status/1066307092129169408 Mensaje sobre octubre del 2020 de mikel en un foro de astrología publicado el 3 de 11 de 2011 https://t.co/LqIviEpm7W El #periodismo_que_calla la verdad mientras utilizan "practicables". https://x.com/tecn_preocupado/status/1185285955198050304?s=20 Secretas https://x.com/TJ603/status/1725533656934998309?s=20 Disidencia controlada https://twitter.com/tecn_preocupado/status/718860250514911233 Guía para desenmascarar a las falsas izquierdas (articulo rescatado de Pedro Bustamante) https://web.archive.org/web/20161209005713/http://deliriousheterotopias.blogspot.com.es/2016/05/guia-para-desenmascarar-las-falsas.html Soros: "El destino que le espera a España es quedarse permanentemente en crisis" https://www.eleconomista.es/global/noticias/4220939/09/12/Soros-El-destino-que-le-espera-a-Espana-es-quedarse-permanentemente-en-crisis.html ……………………………………………………………….. Música utilizada en este podcast: Tema inicial Heros ……………………………………………………………….. Epílogo Itaca Band - Rebélate https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHgfXRYl_Cw Punto final, solo el texto inicial de la canción Los Dolares - Los nadie https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A-QzYiMdksY

Bienvenidos a este rinconcito desde donde tratamos de analizar lo que pasa y no dejarnos llevar por la programación de medios de comunicación y lobbies que tratan de aprovechar nuestra agua en sus molinos. Tenemos un mes de noviembre caluroso gracias a la geoingenieria, un noviembre que parece abril mes de flores y revoluciones de color. Las protestas de Ferraz por la futura ley de la Amnistía por los disturbios en Cataluña por la autodeterminación son una vez mas una nueva revolución de color aunque a nuestros esforzados compatriotas no les entre ni a golpe de cachiporra. Ha tenido bastante repercusión mi hilo en Twitter donde desvelaba algunos de los secretos ocultos en la ultima portada de la revista The Economist, revista cuyo principal dueño es el grupo Pearson que es a su vez propietaria del 47% de Penguin Random House, el mayor editor de libros del mundo. Luego están los accionistas individuales, como los Cadbury, Rothschild, Schroder y Agnelli. Cuatro apellidos de muy larga tradición de poder y que como podían ver en dicha portada han fijado su interés principal en las entre comillas “democracias occidentales”. Una gran urna debajo de un reloj de arena era el centro de atención rodeada de los cuatro focos y subfocos donde todos debemos, valga la redundancia, enfocarnos. Nos mostraban a la candidata a la presidencia de México por el partido de la Morena, la sra Claudia Sheinbaum mientras en el lado opuesto teníamos al candidato Trump con una interrogación. La señora de la coleta que defiende todas y cada una de las ideas progres ya que de casta le viene al galgo pues sus padres fueron participantes activos del movimiento estudiantil de 1968. Es egresada del Programa de Estudios Avanzados en Desarrollo Sustentable de El Colegio de México y la Fundación Rockefeller. Esa coleta me recordó a Pablo Iglesias y al 15M que desde luego fue una operación al máximo nivel llevada en España para acabar de raíz con la creación de múltiples organizaciones nacidas de la ciudadania para protestar por la crisis en España el 15 de mayo de 2011. Los famosos indignados, cuya intención era promover una democracia más participativa alejada del bipartidismo PSOE-PP y del dominio de bancos y corporaciones, así como una «auténtica división de poderes» y otras medidas con la intención de mejorar el sistema democrático. Les recomiendo que lean CONEXIÓN AECID: LA TRAMA QUE DESMONTA LOS MITOS DEL 15M Y DE PODEMOS del gran Andrei Kononov y los artículos de Ruben de Todo esta Relacionado que les dejare en la descripción del podcast. La Open Society Foundations (OSF) es una red de empresas no gubernamentales que se nutren del patrimonio de Soros y su entramado económico para otorgar subvenciones creada en 1993. Fueron organizaciones como la Open Foundation de George Soros y otras mas desconocidas como la Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (AECID) las que estuvieron detrás de esa enorme campaña de salve y coagula que realizaron con el 15M. Tal y como vemos en los brazos del Baphomet primero atrajeron y canalizaron todo el descontento popular mediante una supuesta iniciativa popular para posteriormente aglutinarlo y redirigirlo en un partido que fue Podemos. Un partido que supuestamente iba a dejar el poder en manos de los círculos del pueblo pero que luego se vio que tan solo sirvió para cortar de raíz las ansias reivindicativas que surgían espontáneamente de la calle. Encontraron la fuente de agua, le pusieron un grifo, luego la embotellaron en botellas violeta con un ouroboros y la vendieron al mejor postor. La AECID es similar a la USAID (programa de ayuda de Estados Unidos) y desarrolla programas como el llamado Programa Masar («Programa de acompañamiento a los procesos de gobernanza democrática en el Mundo árabe”), si, en eso estamos gastando nuestro dinero. Estas familias, estos grupos de poder y multinacionales y sus fundaciones son los que están detrás de las llamadas revoluciones de colores que no tienen otro objetivo que saquear los recursos de los países entre comillas “democratizados”, saqueo que pasa previamente por la desestabilización y la guerra en los países más pobres y por el control democrático suave en los mas ricos como España. Las primeras operaciones fueron llevadas a cabo por una organización llamada Otpor! (en castellano: ¡Resistencia!) fue un movimiento juvenil pro-democrático (Actualmente Movimiento Juvenil de Derecha) en Serbia que desarrolló una intensa campaña para expulsar del poder a Slobodan Milósevic en el año 2000. En un articulo del New York Times donde habla Paul B. McCarthy, el cual era en aquel entonces el Oficial Principal del Programa para los Balcanes de la NED (Fundación Nacional para la Democracia, otro de los chiringuitos) podemos leer: «A partir de agosto de 1999 los dólares comenzaron a fluir a Otpor de forma bastante significativa. De los casi 3 millones de dólares gastados por la NED en Serbia desde Septiembre de 1998, Otpor fue sin duda el mayor receptor». Y así es como empezamos a ver el mismo puño, el logo de Otpor, en todas las revoluciones de color y a las misma organizaciones “altruistas” detrás financiando, Fondo Nacional para la Democracia (NED), Instituto Nacional Democrático (NDI), Instituto Republicano (IRI), Freedom House dirigida por un ex director de la CIA, la Open Society de Soros y el Comité sobre el Peligro Presente (CPD) donde tenemos a el ex primer ministro español José María Aznar como copresidente. Revoluciones de colores es el nombre colectivo que han recibido una serie de movilizaciones políticas en el espacio ex­-soviético llevadas a cabo contra líderes supuestamente autoritarios acusados de prácticas dictatoriales, amañar las elecciones o de otras formas de corrupción. En ellas los manifestantes suelen adoptar como símbolo un color específico que da nombre a su movilización. Este fenómeno surgido en Europa Oriental también tuvo posterior repercusión en Oriente Medio. En la wikipedia encontraremos un exiguo articulo donde nos muestran algunas de las que han tenido éxito como: Derrocamiento de Milošević en Yugoslavia (2000) «Revolución de las rosas» en Georgia (2003) «Revolución Naranja» en Ucrania (2004). Diez años después, el Euromaidán alcanzaría los objetivos perseguidos en esta. «Revolución de los tulipanes» en Kirguistán (2005) «Revolución del cedro» en Líbano (2005). «Revolución de los Jazmines»: en Túnez en 2010. «Revolución del Nilo»: derrocamiento de Hosni Mubarak en Egipto en 2011. «Revolución de las rosas»: salida del Gobierno de Ali Abdullah Saleh en Yemen en 2012. «Revolución de Terciopelo»: en Armenia en 2018 «Revolución de los Pititas»: Renuncia del Gobierno de Evo Morales en Bolivia en 2019. Curiosamente no hablan en ningún momento del 15M aqui en España ni de las protestas en Cataluña por su autodeterminación. En octubre del 2019 les remarcaba yo una transmisión de Telecinco donde un periodista se subía a retransmitir las entre comillas “violentas protestas” en plaza de Cataluña desde un andamio tan tranquilamente como el que graba desde fuera la jaula de los monos. En una revolución de verdad no existirán "practicables". Sitios seguros para grabar a las muchedumbres...ni los cascos de escalada servirán para nada más que parecerse a Calimero. Recomiendo leer los artículos ¿CATALUÑA SE INDEPENDIZA? de Rubén de Montalvo y CATALUÑA, LA REVOLUCIÓN NO SERÁ TELEVISADA PERO SI PLANIFICADA del puntal de Dios en mi blog para extraer algunas conclusiones sobre quién esta detrás de todo esto y para que. Allí veremos cómo se siguen utilizando la astrología y la simbología para crear escenificaciones en las fechas y espacios oportunos. Exactamente como ocurrirá mañana 18 de noviembre en el espacio que rodea la fuente de la Cibeles en Madrid y que como yo les he mostrado tiene unas fuertes implicaciones dentro de las energías sutiles que estas elites psicopatocraticas conocen y dominan. Han creado en varias etapas un triangulo de 1,33 millas de perímetro donde tenemos el Banco de España, el Círculo de Bellas Artes y el Congreso de los Diputados para proteger el centro filosófico, económico y de control social para que el poder-religión pueda ejercer poder de manera real en la sociedad. Aunque yo no creo en la astrología les voy a leer lo que un astrologo aficionado publicaba un 13 de enero de 2011: "Porque en 2021 empieza una tensión Saturno Urano y cada vez más pienso que como mucho, el mundo aguantará hasta ese enero de 2021. Como mucho, en hambre, en superpoblación, en consumo, en capitalismo salvaje, injusticia social, en el cambio climático, en posibles pandemias en una posible guerra con alta tecnología. En todas esas cosas estamos jugando ya con fuego aunque no lo queramos ver. 2025 será otra cosa ya porque llegar llegaremos a ese año y mantengo la esperanza de que la astrología si se da a conocer puede servir y mucho a la humanidad en muchos ámbitos. En el médico, en el meteorológico, en economía, en entender al otro como diferente, y en todo. Una ciencia más. La astrología podrá ser perfectamente una ciencia aplicada a la conducta humana y comprendernos mejor todos. Creo que vamos a vivir unos años históricos y cada año puede que vea más sucesos y mirad que este 2011 entre lo de wikileaks, la primavera árabe, el gran terremoto con tsunami con efectos en la CN de Fukushima, la guerra de Libia, el desplome bursátil de julio y agosto, la crisis de deuda en la Eurozona, la posible vuelta a la recesión, los recortes, esto de que Israel quiere atacar a Irán y Rusia no le deja y todavía quedan 2 meses... Está siendo ya subidito" Mantengo toda mi esperanza en aquella luz que predecía este texto para 2025, que ya está ahi y que explicaría en buena medida el porque de las prisas de esta caterva de psicopatas que nos mal gobiernan por tenerlo todo atado y bien atado para entonces. Voy a cerrar esta entradilla citando uno de los artículos desaparecidos de Pedro Bustamente titulado Guía para desenmascarar a las falsas izquierdas escrito en 2016, dice así: “Ante la avalancha de ideas, iniciativas, activismos, plataformas, movimientos, ONGs, partidos, etc., que se presentan como progresistas o de izquierdas, pero que en la práctica contribuyen, por activa o por pasiva, consciente o inconscientemente, a la dominación hollycapitalista, proponemos la siguiente guía, que esperamos contribuya a desenmascararlos. En primer lugar, bajo el epígrafe MÁSCARAS, trataremos de mostrar que muchos de los temas que nos presentan como positivos esconden un aspecto negativo que es el más importante. Esto es, que detrás de la máscara del pretendido progresismo, izquierdismo, humanitarismo, ecologismo, etc., se esconde a menudo la agenda de dominación del gran capital. En segundo lugar, bajo el epígrafe ELUSIONES señalaremos una serie de temas que tienden a ser directamente ignorados, eludidos o censurados por estos movimientos, en la medida en que no pueden ser tan fácilmente manipulados o tergiversados como los primeros.” Y dentro de las Elusiones, en el puesto 17 comenta: “Las crisis ingenierizadas. Junto al terrorismo de estado encubierto toda una serie de fenómenos que hoy padecemos son en su mayor parte crisis híbridas, en parte espontáneas y en parte ingenierizadas. Tras la segunda guerra mundial, las guerras convencionales (hasta la de tercera generación) tienden a desaparecen y a ser sustituidas por guerras no convencionales, híbridas o asimétricas (de cuarta y quinta generación) enmascaradas detrás de estas crisis ingenierizadas de todo tipo: revoluciones de color, crisis migratorias ingenierizadas, golpes de estado encubiertos, "accidentes" tecnológicos y de transportes provocados, pandemias de laboratorio, manipulaciones climáticas, catástrofes "naturales" geoingenierizadas, etc. Lo que se echa en falta sistemáticamente en las pretendidas izquierdas es comprender y denunciar el papel que estas crisis ingenierizadas están desempeñando y seguirán haciéndolo en las próximas décadas en los mecanismos de dominación global y en la implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial.” Ni rojos ni azules, tan solo con la verdad, asi es como vamos a tratar en esta charla de comprender de que va todo esto. ………………………………………………………………………………………. Guía para desenmascarar a las falsas izquierdas 2016-05-28 Ante la avalancha de ideas, iniciativas, activismos, plataformas, movimientos, ONGs, partidos, etc., que se presentan como progresistas o de izquierdas, pero que en la práctica contribuyen, por activa o por pasiva, consciente o inconscientemente, a la dominación hollycapitalista, proponemos la siguiente guía, que esperamos contribuya a desenmascararlos. En primer lugar, bajo el epígrafe MÁSCARAS, trataremos de mostrar que muchos de los temas que nos presentan como positivos esconden un aspecto negativo que es el más importante. Esto es, que detrás de la máscara del pretendido progresismo, izquierdismo, humanitarismo, ecologismo, etc., se esconde a menudo la agenda de dominación del gran capital. En segundo lugar, bajo el epígrafe ELUSIONES señalaremos una serie de temas que tienden a ser directamente ignorados, eludidos o censurados por estos movimientos, en la medida en que no pueden ser tan fácilmente manipulados o tergiversados como los primeros. En la práctica ambos grupos de temas, MÁSCARAS y ELUSIONES, operan de manera combinada. Las ELUSIONES son los más importantes para comprender en todo su alcance cómo se ejerce la dominación global hollycapitalista hoy. De ahí que tiendan a ser eludidos en los movimientos pretendidamente izquierdistas. Pero si esto es posible es en buena medida porque las MÁSCARAS, como indica el término, no solo enmascaran su la verdadera intención, sino que también crean cortinas de humo para que no se trate de los temas importantes. En todo caso es importante comprender que muchos de los temas de los que nos vamos a ocupar tienden a cambiar radicalmente de sentido en función de la escala a la que se implementen. Esto es, a menudo las iniciativas, ideas, movimientos, activismos, etc., no son positivos o negativos de manera absoluta por su contenido, sino por el tamaño de sus estructuras y la manera en que las grandes estructuras son recuperadas, infiltradas y manipuladas por el poder. MÁSCARAS 01. El anti-capitalismo. Una de las claves para desenmascar estos movimientos es que critican el capitalismo, el neoliberalismo, a las élites, a la "casta", a los bancos, al sistema de deuda, etc., pero lo hacen superficialmente. Es verdad que han actualizado en parte su discurso y en lugar de confrontar capitalista-trabajador ahora presentan oposiciones tales como acreedor-deudor, élites-ciudadanía, etc. Pero en general siguen en el marco del pensamiento marxista que pretende explicar y reformar el sistema en términos de estructura. Con ello eluden el fondo de la cuestión, que es que la dominación capitalista fundamental, y especialmente la hollycapitalista de hoy, se ejerce en última instancia al margen de la estructura económica, en el ámbito de la guerra, la inteligencia, la criminalidad, la impunidad, el secretismo y la conspiración. 02. El globalismo. Todo lo que lleve el adjetivo "global" debe despertar nuestras sospechas. Toda una serie de iniciativas "globales" que se presentan como humanitarias, ecológicas, justas, redistributivas, fiscalizadoras, etc., son máscaras que esconden una lógica muy simple, que es que cuanto mayor sea el alcance de las estructuras de poder mayor será su capacidad para imponerse de manera violenta sobre todos aquellos que se opongan a ellas. El globalismo es un eufemismo de imperialismo, y no hay nada que haga pensar que el imperio global de hoy sea distinto del resto de imperios históricos. Solo ha desarrollado mecanismos más sutiles para enmascararse. 03. El soberanismo. Hoy el pulso fundamental se está manteniendo entre los estados-nación, en particular los BRICS, y las estructuras globalistas. Esto significa que todo lo que debilite a los estados-nación tenderá a reforzar las estructuras globales. El poder es una hidra con numerosas cabezas. Opera empujando alternativamente los dos platos de la balanza para desestabilizarla y aprovecharse de ello transformando las estructuras de dominación. Las transferencias de soberanía de los estados-nación al Nuevo Orden Mundial se están produciendo por arriba y por abajo, por la derecha y por la izquierda, desde los estados-nación hacia las estructuras transnacionales y hacia las regionales. 04. La transparencia y la corrupción. Muchos de estos movimientos pretenden luchar por una sociedad más transparente, aparentan combatir la corrupción en las estructuras de poder. El problema es que, de nuevo, tienden a poner el acento en la transparencia y en la corrupción de los políticos y de los estados-nación, y no en el complejo entramado que está por encima de ellos. De esta manera estas iniciativas contribuyen en última instancia a debilitar las estructuras estatales y con ello a reforzar la opacidad y la corrupción de las estructuras transnacionales. 05. La horizontalidad. Es necesario comprender que las estructuras horizontales no se oponen a la verticales, como nos pretenden hacer creer. Las estructuras horizontales encubren también mecanismos de dominación verticales y centralizados, solo que más sofisticados y más sutiles que los tradicionales. En el fondo la lógica es similar a la del intercambio mercantil, que aparenta ser horizontal, libre, regulado espontáneamente por la oferta y la demanda, cuando en la práctica está tensada permanentemente por la asimetría del poder, basada en la apropiación de recursos naturales, energéticos, en la creación de dinero fiduciario, de información, etc. La horizontalidad también es una apariencia en la medida en que el poder infiltra agentes o colaboradores en la estructura aparentemente. Tanto más fácilmente cuanto más horizontal es la estructura. Wikipedia es el mejor ejemplo de esta falsa horizontalidad, como una iniciativa solo en parte horizontal, colaborativa, etc., pero en la que la información más sensible es manipulada, tergiversada y censurada desde los centros de poder globales. 06. La participación. Este tema está estrechamente vinculado al anterior. Los movimientos participativos, colaborativos, asamblearios, voluntarios, no mercantiles, etc., pueden ser enriquecedores a un cierto nivel, pero pueden servir también como dispositivos de amortiguación y recuperación que mantienen ocupados a los participantes y evitan que se impliquen en los temas fundamentales. Pretenden ser movimientos autónomos pero en la práctica siguen dependiendo de las estructuras de dominación globales. La clave para valorar estas iniciativas es hasta qué punto contribuyen, aunque sea indirectamente, a la dominación hollycapitalista, hasta qué punto, tras las máscaras de la cooperación, lo común, lo libre, etc., lo que está en juego es la apropiación del trabajo, las ideas y las energías de la ciudadanía por parte del gran capital. 07. La sostenibilidad. La sostenibilidad, el ecologismo, lo verde, lo biológico, etc., pueden ser iniciativas loables siempre que actúen a la escala local o regional, que desafíen verdaderamente a las estructuras de dominación global. Como decíamos, hay que valorarlas en función de la escala y el verdadero impacto que tienen en otras escalas del sistema. La sostenibilidad y el ecologismo considerados a gran escala encubren la desindustrialización de los centros, la dependencia de estructuras de producción y distribución globales, la implementación de mecanismos de control de las periferias desde los centros. En última instancia, la sostenibilidad a la escala global encubre la agenda eugenésica de las élites hollycapitalistas. 08. El humanitarismo y el antirazismo. De nuevo estos temas suelen ser utilizados por el sistema como caballos de Troya. El humanitarismo está siendo utilizado sistemáticamente para legitimar guerras, en el colmo de la hipocresía hollycapitalista, según la cual los cazas de combate y las bombas protegen a los seres humanos. El antirazismo es otra coartada para que las masas acepten y contribuyan a las dinámicas de destrucción de las tradiciones, de las identidades, de las idiosincrasias, de las particularidades, de las diferentes culturas, razas, naciones y religiones. La mezcla racial, cultural y religiosa está siendo uno de los mecanismos fundamentales utilizados por las élites globalistas para desestructurar profundamente y destruir el alma colectiva de los pueblos, y con ello su capacidad de resistencia. La mezcla social, ingenierizada al más alto nivel, crea el caldo de cultivo para, en el momento necesario, canalizar el descontento de las mayorías a través de las minorías, para catalizar procesos de desestabilización, para instigar guerras civiles. 09. El transgenerismo. Se trata de una estrategia similar a la anterior, que encubre la desestructuración de las sociedades tradicionales y la destrucción de formas de vida moderadas, virtuosas, equilibradas, naturales, fértiles. Tras la máscara de la relaciones homosexuales, bisexuales y transexuales se esconde algo tan crucial como es el socavamiento de la moral y del sentido común, la desintegración del complejo erotismo-amor-sexualidad-fertilidad-crianza. Como en el caso del humanitarismo y del antirazismo mal entendidos, la ideología transgénero es el caballo de Troya para la destrucción de las estructuras sociales más fundamentales, que son las que mejor pueden hacer frente a la agenda distópica globalista. En última instancia se trata de una forma de eugenesia encubierta de la que los propios ciudadanos son víctimas, en el momento en que optan "voluntariamente" a renunciar a conformar seres sociales a un tiempo naturales y culturales. El movimiento LGBT, a pesar de ser relativamente minoritario, desempeña un papel fundamental en el conjunto de las sociedades hollycapitalistas, como vanguardia "transgresora" que sirve de referencia para el resto de las "opciones" sexuales. 10. El feminismo y la violencia de género. Como el movimiento transgénero, el feminismo y las campañas hollycapitalistas de violencia de género operan como vanguardias sociales, generando un gran efecto en el conjunto de la ciudadanía. Su impacto es especialmente marcado en los niños y los jóvenes, minando las bases morales de las sociedades a largo plazo. Suelen ser considerados formas de ingeniería social, pero lo cierto es que se basan en mecánicas propiamente religiosas y rituales, lo que refuerza aún más su capacidad para transformar profundamente a la sociedad. Como el movimiento LGBT, con el que se producen importantes intercambios, el feminismo y la violencia de género contribuyen de manera encubierta a la desestructuración de las sociedades tradicionales, la familia, la pareja, e, insistimos, la desintegración del complejo erotismo-amor-sexualidad-fertilidad-crianza. En última instancia contribuyen a la agenda hollycapitalista de mercantilización y apropiación de la fertilidad humana, a la transformación del ser humano en ganado-mercancía. 11. La cultura. La llamada "cultura", esto es, la industria del espectáculo, es uno de los elementos de dominación centrales en el hollycapitalismo. De hay que hayamos acuñado este término de hollycapitalismo, que creemos más apropiado que los de capitalismo tardío o cognitivo. Con él nos referimos no solo a Hollywood en particular, sino a la dimensión hollywoodense que atraviesa todo el sistema. Esta dimensión hollywoodense es también crucial para comprender los movimientos pretendidamente izquierdistas, pues remite a la misma mecánica de fondo de generar mucho ruido y mucho espectáculo pero eludir los temas importantes. 12. El estilo. Vinculado con el tema anterior, las falsas izquierdas suelen recurrir a todo tipo de estrategias de estilo para aparentar lo que no son, que abarcan el aspecto, la forma de vestir, el peinado, la forma de hablar, el tipo de lenguaje o términos utilizados, que tenderán a distanciarse lo más posible de los códigos conservadores o de derechas. Los medios de desinformación explotan estas aparentes contradicciones, presentando las rastas o las camisas de cuadros de unos en contraposición a los trajes y las corbatas de otros, mientras los temas fundamentales que transformarían el statu quo se eluden. La combatividad aparente forma parte de esta estrategia de estilo. ELUSIONES 13. El dinero fiduciario. Esta es una de las claves de bóveda de la dominación imperial hollycapitalista. De nuevo hay que hablar de hollycapitalismo porque el dinero es la mayor de las ficciones del sistema. Comprender los mecanismos de creación de dinero fiduciario por parte de los bancos centrales, la deuda soberana y el sistema de reserva fraccionaria, en sus vinculaciones con la geopolítica global, el control de los recursos energéticos y las guerras de divisas, es fundamental para comprender el funcionamiento del sistema. Así como el hecho de que toda esta mecánica escapa por completo al poder de la mayoría de los estados y es de hecho uno de los mecanismos a través de los cuales estos son controlados por los grandes capitales. 14. El reseteo monetario. Como correlato de la falta de comprensión, debate y denuncia del sistema monetario fiduciario, las falsas izquierdas eluden tratar de la situación crítica de bancarrota en que hoy nos encontramos, del hecho de que esta situación nos llevará tarde o temprano a un reseteo monetario global o a una tercera guerra mundial. Junto a ello las falsas izquierdas tenderán a eludir todo lo relacionado con los metales preciosos y su utilización milenaria como respaldo de monedas. Sobre todo teniendo en cuenta que este es el modelo que defienden los BRICS y que está siendo motivo de confrontación feroz al más alto nivel. 15. La tercera guerra mundial. Según muchos analistas estamos ya inmersos en los prolegómenos de una tercera mundial, que se está librando ya entre el imperio atlantista-sionista y los BRICS en forma de guerra de divisas, devaluación del petroleo, sanciones, pretendidos accidentes industriales y de aviación, guerra de propaganda y otras formas de guerra no convencional. En la práctica las grandes potencias están enfrentándose indirectamente a través de fuerzas de terceros países o de ejércitos proxy. Este tema tiende a ser eludido por las falsas izquierdas, así como el papel que los diversos estados desempeñan en el entramado global de alianzas, convenios y ejercicios militares, de manera que en el caso más que probable de una escalada del conflicto global los posicionamientos de cada estado serán ya difícilmente modificables. 16. El terrorismo. Como una de las formas fundamentales de guerra no convencional, el verdadero alcance del terrorismo internacional es otra de las piedras de toque de las falsas izquierdas. Estas tienden a adoptar la narrativa oficial según la cual los estados occidentales son los "buenos" y los terroristas son los "malos". Como mucho reconocerán el papel que estados totalitarios aliados de Occidente como Israel, Arabia Saudí y Turquía juegan en esta guerra proxy. Pero pocos movimientos de izquierda llegarán a comprender, reconocer y denunciar que el terrorismo internacional es hoy uno de los mecanismos de dominación hollycapitalistas fundamentales, controlado de diversas maneras por las agencias de inteligencia occidentales (CIA, MI6, Mossad y otras), y utilizado en un amplio rango de operaciones que van desde la presión política y geopolítica, la desestabilización a la guerra civil, así como en atentados de bandera falsa en los propios estados que controlan el terrorismo para legitimar la implementación de estados policiales, dictaduras y en general la agenda globalista. 17. Las crisis ingenierizadas. Junto al terrorismo de estado encubierto toda una serie de fenómenos que hoy padecemos son en su mayor parte crisis híbridas, en parte espontáneas y en parte ingenierizadas. Tras la segunda guerra mundial, las guerras convencionales (hasta la de tercera generación) tienden a desaparecen y a ser sustituidas por guerras no convencionales, híbridas o asimétricas (de cuarta y quinta generación) enmascaradas detrás de estas crisis ingenierizadas de todo tipo: revoluciones de color, crisis migratorias ingenierizadas, golpes de estado encubiertos, "accidentes" tecnológicos y de transportes provocados, pandemias de laboratorio, manipulaciones climáticas, catástrofes "naturales" geoingenierizadas, etc. Lo que se echa en falta sistemáticamente en las pretendidas izquierdas es comprender y denunciar el papel que estas crisis ingenierizadas están desempeñando y seguirán haciéndolo en las próximas décadas en los mecanismos de dominación global y en la implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial. 18. Los transgénicos. Se pueden considerar también una forma de guerra de cuarta y quinta generación, en la medida en que persiguen no solo la conquista del mercado global de alimentos, sino también la destrucción encubierta de la agricultura y la ganadería tradicionales. Pero lo que está en el trasfondo de los transgénicos es mucho más crucial, y pocos movimientos de izquierda están llegando tan lejos como para comprenderlo o reconocerlo. Y es que lo que se enmascara detrás de los organismos genéticamente modificados es la manipulación encubierta de la especie humana y, en última instancia, su transformación en ganado-mercancía. 19. El transhumanismo. Vinculado al anterior, el transhumanismo es otro de los caballos de Troya del sometimiento total del ser humano y su transformación en mercancía, en el marco de redes de inteligencia artificial y cibernéticas. La estrategia fundamental en este caso es presentarnos el transhumanismo como un "progreso" beneficioso para el hombre, en particular en el ámbito de la medicina o la asistencia en diversas actividades, pero utilizando esto como una cortina de humo para encubrir el proyecto de domesticación y control total de los cuerpos y de las mentes que esta agenda implica, mediante el uso de diversos dispositivos tales como microchips implantables y nanoparticulas inteligentes que ya invaden, controlan y manipulan nuestros órganos de manera encubierta. 20. La geoingeniería. Vinculada al resto de los temas, la geoingeniería es uno de los fenómenos más ausentes en los movimientos de falsa izquierda, y más importantes para la agenda de implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial. Consiste en la fumigación generalizada de sustancias químicas, sintéticas y orgánicas, mediante estelas químicas o chemtrails, que generan las condiciones para proyectar ondas electromagnéticas desde estaciones tipo HAARP. Con ello puede manipularse el clima, generar sequías, inundaciones, huracanes, terremotos y maremotos, y modificar globalmente el clima. El cambio climático es un gran montaje hollycapitalista, creado en parte mediante geoingeniería, para el avance en la agenda globalista. Como decíamos, la geoingeniería permite también el control y la manipulación de las poblaciones mediante técnicas psicotrónicas, usando nanoparticulas inteligentes que invaden los cuerpos, afectan a funciones biológicas y neurológicas específicas, y contribuyen a domesticar o a instigar movimientos de masas. 21. La ingeniería social. Aunque ya hemos hablado de este tema al tratar sobre el transgenerismo, el feminismo y la violencia de género, merece la pena insistir en que la ingeniería social es uno de los mecanismos de dominación hollycapitalistas fundamentales. El frente fundamental de estas estrategias de transformación social son los medios de masas, las películas, las series, las redes sociales, pero también las instituciones culturales y educativas en las que esta agenda de manipulación y destrucción de las formas de vida tradicionales se presenta como "teoría". Las formas de vida alternativas deben ser respetadas. Pero eso es una cosa y otra muy distinta hacer de la anomalía el paradigma. 22. El gobierno en la sombra. Las falsas izquierdas tienden a pasar por alto el papel central que las sociedades secretas, los gobiernos en la sombra, los estados profundos, las agencias de inteligencia, etc., desempeñan en la dominación global. El grado de infiltración de estas estructuras de poder en los estados, las instituciones, las iglesias, y en general las distintas organizaciones sociales, es fundamental para comprender como funciona el mundo. Como decíamos, pocos movimientos pretendidamente de izquierdas comprenden o quieren comprender que los mecanismos de dominación y de transformación hollycapitalistas dependen de estas estructuras ocultas, que operan detrás de las estructuras visibles del sistema, desde el secretismo, la amoralidad, la alegalidad, la impunidad y la criminalidad, al servicio del proyecto globalista. 23. El Nuevo Orden Mundial. Esta es otra de las piedras de toque para reconocer los falsos movimientos de izquierda. El Nuevo Orden Mundial es el objetivo en el que confluyen las distintas agendas de los distintos ámbitos y a las distintas escalas. Se trata de un proceso de largo alcance, que se remonta al menos a la Ilustración, y que supone la instauración progresiva y continua, pero también escalonada, de este gobierno mundial, mediante la instigación de revoluciones de un signo y de otro, de guerras, el control de mecanismos mercantiles, financieros y monetarios, la ingenierización de shocks de todo tipo, etc. 24. El comunismo. En relación con la agenda secular del Nuevo Orden Mundial, como es evidente las falsas izquierdas no sabrán o no reconocerán que el comunismo ha sido en parte un fenómeno instigado por las sociedades secretas atlantistas-sionistas para catalizar conflictos mundiales, justificar la carrera armamentística, destruir culturas tradicionales milenarias como la rusa y la china, homogeneizar su nivel de desarrollo con el occidental. De hecho todo el izquierdismo en general puede ser interpretado como un fenómeno de disidencia controlada y de recuperación por parte de estas élites. 25. El nazismo y el antisemitismo. La demonización del nazismo es otra de las estrategias del imperio hollycapitalista para, asociándola a él, descalificar cualquier iniciativa de soberanía nacional que suponga una alternativa real al globalismo, basada en valores verdaderamente anti-hollycapitalistas, esto es, valores tradicionales, identitarios, raciales, espirituales, religiosos, es suma, valores propios de seres colectivos encarnados. Pocos movimientos de izquierda reconocerán que las élites atlantistas-sionistas instigaron tanto la revolución bolchevique como el nazismo alemán para desencadenar la segunda guerra mundial y resolver la crisis de 1929. La victimización de los judíos, las manipulaciones históricas y mediáticas de su genocidio, el abuso del concepto de antisemitismo, las leyes de excepción que los protegen, el poder desmedido de los grupos de presión sionistas, la proporción desmedida de sionistas en la política, la economía, la cultura y el espectáculo, el papel central de Israel en la geopolítica mundial, etc., son todos elementos fundamentales para comprender cómo funciona el imperio atlantista-sionista y elusiones habituales en los falsos movimientos de izquierda, a menudo financiados por entidades sionistas. 26. La religiosidad. Ya hemos avanzado que que el hollycapitalismo no es solo un sistema económico o político sino también una religión en toda regla, pero que se enmascara detrás de un supuesto secularismo. Los mecanismos de dominación hollycapitalistas fundamentales, los atentados terroristas de bandera falsa, las catástrofes "naturales" geoingenierizadas, las pandemias de laboratorio, las campañas mediáticas de ingeniería social, los mecanismos de manipulación hollywoodense en todos los ámbitos, no pueden comprenderse en todo su alcance si no es como rituales religiosos hierogámicos y sacrificiales orquestados por las sociedades secretas atlantistas-sionistas que atesoran este conocimiento desde hace milenios, al margen de los mecanismos de adoctrinamiento de las instituciones oficiales. 27. La exopolítica. Por último, el tema más tabú, más desconocido, más resbaladizo, en el que pocos se atreven a adentrarse, es el de la interacción de la raza humana con otras razas o entidades alienígenas o extraterrestres. El tema es más político de lo que parece a primera vista en la medida en que estas entidades alienígenas o extraterrestres estarían influyendo decididamente en los desarrollos humanos. Este tema podría ser utilizado también como una coartada para crear un evento de bandera falsa de gran alcance que sirviese para manipular a las masas de cara a la implementación del Nuevo Orden Mundial. Referencias: Juan Aguilar, Malco Arija, Jane Burgermeister, José Luis Camacho, Luis Carlos Campos, Miguel Celades, Michel Chossudovsky, Jacob Cohen, William Cooper, Paul Craig Roberts, Manlio Dinucci, William Engdahl, Eladio Fernández, Benjamin Fulford, Manuel Freytas, Manuel Galiana, Jesús García Blanca, José Alfonso Hernando, Pierre Hillard, David Icke, Alfredo Jalife-Rahme, Thierry Meyssan, Rafael Palacios, Josep Pàmies, María del Prado Esteban, Jon Rappoport, El Robot Pescador, Félix Rodrigo Mora, Enrique Romero, Adrián Salbuchi, Alain Soral, Fritz Springmeier, Webster Tarpley, Pedro Varela, etc. Pedro Bustamante es investigador independiente, arquitecto y artista. Su obra El imperio de la ficción: Capitalismo y sacrificios hollywoodenses ha sido publicada recientemente en Ediciones Libertarias. http://deliriousheterotopias.blogspot.com/ ………………………………………………………………………………………. Invitados: …. Dra Yane #JusticiaParaUTP Médico y Buscadora de la verdad. Con Dios siempre! No permito q me dividan c/izq -derecha, raza, religión ni nada de la Creación. https://youtu.be/TXEEZUYd4c0 …. mvaleraes @mmvaleraes Sí a la libertad En mi web, http://mvalera.es, tengo bastante más material con el que me gano miles de "amigos". …. UTP Ramón Valero @tecn_preocupado Un técnico Preocupado un FP2 IVOOX UTP http://cutt.ly/dzhhGrf BLOG http://cutt.ly/dzhh2LX CANALES TELEGRAM Promocional donde hacemos los directos https://t.me/UnTecnicoPreocupado Abierto para comentarios https://t.me/MiVidaMiOxigeno Ayúdame desde mi Crowfunding aquí https://cutt.ly/W0DsPVq ………………………………………………………………………………………. Enlaces citados en el podcast: Grupo The Economist https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grupo_The_Economist ROJOS Y AZULES PARA SEGUIR EN LA RUEDA DEL HAMSTER https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2023/11/15/rojos-y-azules-para-seguir-en-la-rueda-del-hamster/ El Sionismo Del Nuevo Imperio Anglo-Veneciano Quiere A Claudia Sheinbaum Como Presidenta De México https://www.mentealternativa.com/el-sionismo-del-nuevo-imperio-anglo-veneciano-quiere-a-claudia-sheinbaum-como-presidenta-de-mexico/ Programa Masar https://www.aecid.es/d%C3%B3nde-cooperamos/norte-de-%C3%A1frica-y-oriente-pr%C3%B3ximo/programa-masar Otpor https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otpor Apoyo a Otpor por la Freedom House https://web.archive.org/web/20070627002025/http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/special_report/10.pdf CONEXIÓN AECID: LA TRAMA QUE DESMONTA LOS MITOS DEL 15M Y DE PODEMOS https://laverdadocultablog.wordpress.com/2016/07/17/4547/ GEORGE SOROS Y LAS TERCERAS ELECCIONES ESPAÑOLAS https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2016/08/16/soros-terceras-elecciones-espanolas-abstencion/ «PODEMOS» Y EL NUEVO ORDEN MUNDIAL (PARTE 1) https://todoestarelacionado.wordpress.com/2016/11/27/podemos-y-el-nuevo-orden-mundial-parte-1/ Revoluciones de colores https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revoluciones_de_colores ¿CATALUÑA SE INDEPENDIZA? https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2017/10/05/cataluna-se-independiza/ CATALUÑA, LA REVOLUCIÓN NO SERÁ TELEVISADA PERO SI PLANIFICADA https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2019/10/19/cataluna-la-revolucion-no-sera-televisada-pero-si-planificada/ Podemos/15M y su conexión con el poder https://twitter.com/tecn_preocupado/status/761868689385881600 Revolución cubana, masones y falsos comunistas https://twitter.com/tecn_preocupado/status/761239894081540100 El papel de la masonería en las revoluciones rusas de 1917 https://twitter.com/Jadouken10/status/927674418926637056 Revolución masónica Francesa https://twitter.com/jfrsanchez/status/1066307092129169408 Mensaje sobre octubre del 2020 de mikel en un foro de astrología publicado el 3 de 11 de 2011 https://t.co/LqIviEpm7W El #periodismo_que_calla la verdad mientras utilizan "practicables". https://x.com/tecn_preocupado/status/1185285955198050304?s=20 Secretas https://x.com/TJ603/status/1725533656934998309?s=20 Disidencia controlada https://twitter.com/tecn_preocupado/status/718860250514911233 Guía para desenmascarar a las falsas izquierdas (articulo rescatado de Pedro Bustamante) https://web.archive.org/web/20161209005713/http://deliriousheterotopias.blogspot.com.es/2016/05/guia-para-desenmascarar-las-falsas.html Soros: "El destino que le espera a España es quedarse permanentemente en crisis" https://www.eleconomista.es/global/noticias/4220939/09/12/Soros-El-destino-que-le-espera-a-Espana-es-quedarse-permanentemente-en-crisis.html ……………………………………………………………….. Música utilizada en este podcast: Tema inicial Heros Sin Dios - La justicia está vendida https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qw0QAtrMpvA FOK - La granja: ovelles i llops https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Vjer8kIBIU FOK - Formes de llenguatge: odi i por https://youtu.be/jCUpPxOtzpQ?feature=shared F.R.A.C.: ¿ Donde está el secreta? https://youtu.be/shLI8BE2FTU?feature=shared Cultura Profética - Ley Natural https://youtu.be/5Ssccf2lX8o?feature=shared Los muertos de cristo - Por un mundo nuevo https://youtu.be/8Rv4cXavz_0?feature=shared ……………………………………………………………….. Epílogo Itaca Band - Rebélate https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHgfXRYl_Cw Punto final, solo el texto inicial de la canción Los Dolares - Los nadie https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A-QzYiMdksY

Ali Abdullah Saleh, the president of Yemen from 1990 - 2012, described the process of governing Yemen as akin to “Dancing on the heads of snakes”. Such were the profound splits in Yemeni society, and with other strongmen, tribes and insurgent groups vying for their own power, Saleh knew that to keep his newly unified country together from the 1990s onwards would take a dance of real precision. In this second episode of our five part series on the history of Yemen, we find out if Saleh was nimble enough to hold onto power as the vipers beneath him began to show their force. From the civil war of the 1990s to the rise of the insurgent Houthis in the 2000s, we cover the period from 1990-2010, to see how these divisions in Yemeni society would ultimately lead to the civil war which continues to ravage the country today. And to help us on our way, we welcome back our first ever guest Baraa Shaiban, a Yemeni journalist and political activist, who this week tells us about his extraordinary first hand account of growing up alongside the growing Houthi insurgency in northern Yemen. Join our FB Discussion group to get exclusive updates:  https://www.facebook.com/groups/450486135832418 Find us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/MHconflicted And Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MHconflicted Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Ask anyone from the Middle East about Yemen, that country on the southern tip of the Arabian peninsula, and they'll tell you tales about the Queen of Sheba, Frankincense and Myrrh. It's a place steeped in ancient history and paints a vivid picture in the imagination. But it's also a place currently riven by conflict, engulfed in a civil war which has now been raging since 2014. But how did it get there? And what can the country's history tell us about the bleak current state of affairs? For the next five episodes, Conflicted tells the country's story. We begin in the 20th century, with two Yemeni states - one in the North and one in the South - at odds with each other. With chaos caused by interventions from Nasser in the North, and the British Empire usurped by a Marxist regime in the South, for decades it seemed they could never be united. But with the rise of a certain strongman, Ali Abdullah Saleh, by the late 20th century this seemed possible. To help Thomas and Aimen find out more about this quest for unification, today Conflicted welcomes our first ever guest, Baraa Shaiban. Baraa is a Yemeni journalist and political activist who was previously the advisor to the Yemeni Embassy London and has done some amazing work in bringing the crisis of the past decade to the world. He'll be bringing his extraordinary first hand account of many of the recent events in Yemen's political history to the table as we seek to unwrap this riddle of a country. Join our FB Discussion group to get exclusive updates:  https://www.facebook.com/groups/450486135832418 Find us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/MHconflicted And Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MHconflicted Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

What began as an Arab Spring revolution to oust longtime leader Ali Abdullah Saleh eventually plunged Yemen into war. Now, the UN says the country has become a living hell, with millions in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Are the people of Yemen any better off after the uprising? Guests: Elisabeth Kendall Senior Research Fellow in Oriental Studies at Oxford University Marwan Kabalan Policy Analyst at Arab Centre for Research and Policy Studies Giorgio Cafiero Founder and CEO of Gulf State Analytics

When we last discussed Yemen, longtime president Ali Abdullah Saleh had fled, and his vice president — Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi — had been put in charge of forming a new constitution. But things started to go quickly awry as Hadi appeared to consolidate power for himself, and a group of anti-government rebels popularly known as the Houthis began to fight back. In this episode, we discuss Yemen's Civil War, Saudi Arabia's war crimes, and how the United States and the United Kingdom are no strangers to sowing trouble in the Middle East. Patreon: http://www.patreon.com/DasCriminal Sources: https://bit.ly/3bhoMVw

On January 27th, 2011, Yemen's people followed the example set by Tunisia and Egypt and flooded the streets, demonstrating against the incumbent regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh. Much like the other countries experiencing revolutions, Yemenis were tired of endemic unemployment, mass immiseration, and no prospects of improvements. After months of protests and, in some cases, armed encounters between revolutionaries and the government, the people finally felled Saleh on November 23, 2011. An election was organized for February 2012, and Vice President Abrabbuh Mansur Hadi took power as interim president. What appeared to be a spring was a false dawn, however, as the post-Saleh era deteriorated rapidly into a brutal civil war. But how did we get to the current crisis in Yemen? Patreon: http://www.patreon.com/DasCriminal Sources: https://bit.ly/3bhoMVw

Catherine Shakdam, my guest this week,is a geopolitical analyst and commentator on the Middle East with a special focus on Yemen and the Gulf countries, and was recently named head of the Yemen Unit at the Next Century Foundation in the UK. She writes for Citizen Truth, New Eastern Outlook, Huffington Post, the website of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and the Katehon think tank, among others.  She is the author of a number of books including “A Tale of Grand Resistance: Yemen, the Wahhabi, and the House of Saud”, “Arabia’s Rising: Under The Banner of the First Imam”, and “From Mecca to the plain of Karbala”.  Her website is http://www.catherine-shakdam.com/ In this broadcast, we discuss her recent article “How Yemen’s War Stands to Redefine the Region’s Future” in New Eastern Outlook. Since the topics we discussed are complex, I am providing a full transcript below. Charles: Catherine, you've just taken a new position at the Next Century Foundation. Maybe you can tell us a little bit about the foundation and what your role is there Catherine: Sure. The Next Century Foundation is essentially a peace building organization. So we are a think tank, and we are particularly interested in curating good and healthy relationship between different actors in the Middle East, but not just the Middle East , some of our interests extend to Africa, and I'm serving as the head of the Yemen unit.  We have launched a peace initiative recently, and what we're trying to do, because people tend to get a little bit confused when I say peace initiative, they just assume that we have those ambitions, thinking that we can actually broker peace in Yemen and bring everybody to the table. That is not what we are trying to do. What we're trying to do is act as a soundboard for all the different local and regional actors.  The team and the think tank in general has enough gravitas and enough connections across the Middle East to force certain conversations, and maybe gently nudge people to look at the conflict a bit differently, and to act as advisors as well, to try to find some kind of common ground and some consensus as to what needs to happen in Yemen in order to not launch the region into complete disarray.  If there is a consensus about one thing, it is that things cannot continue as they are, and if they do, we will face hell. And when I say we, I mean not just the immediate region, but the international community because Yemen is a very sensitive country by its geography. And if we don't want to see a repeat of Afghanistan, Libya or potentially something worse, we need to really get things together now. The humanitarian catastrophe is just one of the areas where we could see things devolve quite rapidly into an ugly, ugly vacuum of we don't know what, and I don't like not knowing what could happen when it comes to politics. We try to avoid black swans, and I think that Yemen is fast becoming one. We don't want to get suddenly blindsided and then say, "Oops, we didn't see that coming". So this is what we are trying to do. We're trying to reassess the situation differently in that we're trying to look at Yemen not from the who's right/who's wrong perspective, but rather how can we make sure that all the parties get something and that the people are offered a good future. We want to be there for the Yemenis, not so much for their political parties or the various factions involved in this war. We want Yemen to get a chance at being reconstructed and people getting out of poverty and away from the humanitarian crisis they're facing right now. This is our view because we don't want to be political. We don't want to defend one party or the other. We just want Yemen to be offered the chance to decide what it wants for its future. Charles: Excellent. I want to get back to that a little bit later, but certainly Yemen is in the news. Of course, the latest thing is this bombing of a Saudi Aramco facility that's in the empty quarter of Saudi Arabia. So we have the rebels in Yemen saying that they are responsible. We have the US saying that Iran is responsible and of course, Iran says is not responsible. What's your take on this particular event and what is going on? Catherine: I need to back up a little bit. If you recall, this is not the first time that the Houthis have claimed an attack on Saudi Arabia, or even on the Emirates for that matter. A few weeks ago, they, there was an attack launched against Saudi Arabia and the Houthis claimed it as well. There were rumors that this attack actually came from Iraq, from one of the PMU bases in Iraq. As you know, the PMU has supported the Houthis, if not directly, at least ideologically Charles: PMU stands for Popular Mobilization Units. Catherine: The ones that were created by Ali Sistani. So ideologically, they are in line with the Houthis in that they do not like foreign boots on the ground. They do not like idea of Saudi Arabia promoting any form of terrorism, whether by way of it's war coalition or using ISIS or al-Qaida elements, etc. It's not difficult to imagine that there would be an alliance of sorts between the PMU and the Houthis because essentially they are quite similar outfits. I mean, they are militia-ish even though now they have become somewhat legitimized by just being on the ground.  So given that there were precedents when it comes to such attacks,a lot of people are now saying that this particular attack actually came from Iraq and not from Iran. Now some other people have argued that it came from Iran, but that it came from Iran without the direct knowledge of the regime and that it could be that there are various factions within Iran and Iraq who are not particularly in alignment with what Tehran is doing and saying right now in terms of its foreign policy and how it wants to weigh in on the Yemen conflict against Saudi Arabia.  There have been different rumors, but I will say this and I think it's of importance, is that only a few weeks ago the Israelis conducted a series of attacks against the PMU bases. Now you know very well that Saudi Arabia is acting as a buffer and almost a client state to Israel. So it's interesting to see that now Israel is actually looking not at Iran so much or even Yemen, but actually looking at Iraq and the PMU in particular as its next most immediate existential threats. So I just found it interesting that there's somehow a little bit of a shift. It's a possibility that other players are coming into the Yemeni war theater and maybe the Saudis did not plan on coming in to this equation. So all I'm saying is that I could well be wrong, but Iran said they didn't and they don't have a problem taking ownership of what they do. So I would take their word for it. That being said, it's very possible that a rogue element within the regime decided to act to force their hand. Iran has it's war hawks as well. America is not the only one. There are various scenarios that we need to consider, but I wouldn't jump to conclusions too quickly. Charles: No. I heard Professor Mohammad Morandi speaking from Tehran on RT the other day making the point that the US has very major defense installations all through Iraq and in the Gulf states that one would assume would have intercepted anything coming from the direction of Iran. There were apparently Patriot missile batteries near the site of the bombing, but from whatever direction this came, it got through, which is ... Catherine: It's interesting isn't it? Because bear in mind that the Saudis have literally spent billions and billions and billions of dollars to be made safe within their borders. And Aramco is a very strategic place that they need to protect. It is a matter of national survival for them. This is their bread and butter. So the idea that drone could actually hit and not miss is actually somewhat troubling to me. And again, we need to ask the question. It's not so much as to who fired as to who would benefit from either an escalation or a disintegration of Saudi Arabia's sovereignty because an attack on Aramco is an attack on Saudi Arabia's sovereignty and Mohammed bin Salmon's direct authority because this is an extension of his power. Without the oil, he has nothing. Charles: Right, and there are probably quite a number of elements who would like to see his power diminished. Catherine: Well, yes. America could be playing Riyadh and and saying, "Oh look, this could happen, you do need to spend more money". Orit could be that someone somewhere wants to weaken Saudi Arabia, or it could be America saying she's done with Saudi Arabia and thinking, well we milked you for all you got. Maybe we want to make new friends in the region. I don't know.  Everything is possible when it comes to Donald Trump. I mean, he's not exactly very loyal to his friendships or even to the treaty that he's predicted to sign anyway. So I think anything goes right now, which is very dangerous because it's very difficult to predict what's going to happen or who did what, or on whose authority. Charles: I think one of the things that our government certainly is saying is that the Yemeni group - and maybe we should stop for a moment right here. As to the nature of the group in Yemen that is doing the fighting here, the western press tends to call them either the Houthis or more likely the Iran-backed Houthi rebels or something of that nature. Catherine: That actually infuriates me because if you want to be precise, and I understand that people want to cast a shade against your Iran and say they funded those militias in those groups across the region and they're fomenting instability. Iran is not funding them. And I mean they are not funding the Houthis for one very simple reason, they don't have the money for it. They are under sanctions, they are suffering greatly within their own borders. It doesn't make any sense whatsoever for them to fund a war in Yemen or any kind of war effort in Yemen when Yemen is not even sharing a border with them.  So if you're talking for example about Iraq, I would say yes, if you're talking about Syria, I would say yes, because it makes sense from a strategic perspective. Yemen doesn't make sense for Iran in the immediate term. And bear in mind that Iran's economy has shrunk so much that they really can't afford any kind of frivolity right now and Yemen's war would be classified under frivolity as far as the Iranian government is concerned.  Right now I think Iran is more concerned about feeding its people and ensuring that they don't end up with some kind of an unrest on their hands because people are going hungry, than actually playing with the Houthis. By the way, anyone who knows anything about Yemen, will tell you that the second you start pumping money into that country, it disappears into black holes. Yemen is really not an easy country to handle even if you have a good relationship with people there, because there's so much corruption. There are so many entanglements between the tribes and the religious factions and the political factions and the military and so on. It's very complicated and very, very expensive. And I don't think that the Iranians have time for it. So if you want to call them something, call them rebels if you want to. They're not, but you can call them that. But they're not Iran funded or Iranian backed at all. Charles: And they are at this point, the de facto government of at least part of Yemen. Catherine: Exactly and so they might want to change the adjective that they're using. The thing is the Houthis are not even technically in charge of everything. It's a coalition government. So what you have is a resistance movement within which you have the Houthis and you have -- I mean, look, if you look at the war, the war has lasted for four years now. It would be ridiculous to think that the Houthi who by the way account for about two to five thousand men tops because they're from one city inside the northern province of Yemen. There are not that many. They're not even a tribe technically, they're just a movement,okay? They have about five thousand fighters. So you're telling me that five thousand people for four years have managed to push against several military super powers, including Saudi Arabia? Come on. They were helped by the military in Yemen, which is by the way, loyal to the former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh. They aren't exactly pro-Houthi they just understand that they have to align themselves with the Houthis right now because they need all the help they can get to prevent foreign boots to bridge into their country. So it's really just an act of self defense and you have various factions who maybe don't like each other very much. but who right now have to make do because someone is batting them on the head. So they have to be friends right now. But people need to stop thinking that this war in Yemen is being led by the Houthis, they are just part of it. But it's easier again for the media to demonize an entire country by saying, “Oh, the bad Shi'a rebel Houthis, who are backed by the bad, bad Iran people”. No, it's not the case and it's, trust me, there's not even one Iranian boot on the ground in Yemen, you would like to think that they would send a few just to keep an eye on their interest. I mean, they've done it in Syria and in Iraq. Why not in Yemen? If they are in fact there but they're not! Otherwise trust me, you would have pictures everywhere of Iranian generals leading the show and the Saudis would say see, see we told you they were there. They're not there. People need to get over it. Charles: Exactly. We don't hear that at all in the western press at this point. Catherine: Because they don't know Yemen. I'm not berating the journalists, but they need to do a bit more research when they cover Yemen. Yemen is complicated. I mean, take the time to research the country for God’s sake before you start slapping adjectives on people. Charles: Right. I think they just take the State Department press releases. Catherine: In this case, if they want it to be balanced, then when they talk about President Hadi, for example, they should say “Former undemocratically elected Sunni-borderline-Wahabi president who resigned twice then ran away from his country to ask a foreign power to declare war on his people.” - if you want it to be accurate. And I don't see anyone saying stuff like that. When they talk about the Saudis, do they say “The Wahhabi regime of Saudi Arabia”? No. So why do they have to say “the rebels”,the “Shi'a fighters”. Let's be balanced. Why don't you call them for what they are as well. If you want to do the sectarian game, play to the end. Charles: Great. Only this morning, I read an article of yours in the New Eastern Outlook. In that article you said that Yemen's war is now precipitating a profound geopolitical shift in the region. So maybe you can expound on that a little bit. Catherine: Well, it's complicated. But I'm going back to what I was saying about the Iraqis having entered the war theater. And you need to understand that when we talk about the Middle East, we have to talk about the Islamic World, and when we talk about the Islamic world, we need to understand that there are various schools of thoughts within Islam, and that those schools of thought have been in competition with one another for centuries. And this is not something that's going to go away anytime soon. And for people who say that, oh, it doesn't really matter, people love each other and respect each other, it's simply not true. People are competing for power. And we know it to be true,that people, including clerics will use religion as a means to gain more power and to justify their actions. For the longest time, the Shi'ite Islamic world has been oppressed and its voice repressed by the Sunni world. This is not an accusation. This is just a historical fact, and that has been the case for centuries and centuries, 1,500 years, more or less, during which Shi'a have been systematically oppressed and they were never really given any political platform of their own. Now the war in Iraq changed that dramatically because suddenly this silent majority, the Shi'a majority in Iraq was suddenly given a platform and they formed a political polity and not they run the country but they are part of the government and they are a very heavy part of the government by the demographic of Iraq. And I think that the little movements that started in Lebanon with Hezbollah, for example, resistance movements that were essentially created on the back of Iran's 1979 revolution ,who were following a very revolutionary ideal. Ayatollah Khomeini was basically telling people that they had to resist any form of oppression, whether foreign or national oppression by their leaders, to embrace political self-determination and decide what is it that they wanted for themselves. He molded his political thoughts on Shi'a Islam and that gave in Iran the governance of the jurists. Now we know that this model of governance cannot be exported anywhere else but Iran, for the very simple reason that you need to have a very large majority Shi'a population for this form of government to even work or even be accepted by the people. So you could not do this, for example, in Lebanon, you cannot do this in Syria. You cannot do this in Yemen, you cannot do this in Iraq. And I think that everyone understands that. So when people were saying Iran is trying to export its revolution - No! It was trying to export an ideal , a political ideal that can then take any shape or form depending on the country's history and demographics.  Now, and this is important, in Iraq, right about the same time as Ayatollah Khomeini was formulating his system of governance, it was Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr who came up with something called Wilayat al Umma, which is the governance of the people. So rather than have the governance of the jurists, he wanted the people to have sovereignty. He wanted the source of power to come from the people. And that formula was adopted by the Da'wah party in Iraq. The Da'wah party was very largely funded by Iran at the very beginning in the 1970s. For obvious reasons, Iran was not particularly friendly to Saddam Hussein and Iran was more than happy to try to boost Shi'a revival movements next door because, there was this sense of brotherhood almost. I mean they wanted to help shape Shi'a political thought. They started off as friends, but naturally things evolve, things change. You could be friend on Monday and then on Friday you're going to be not enemies, but you're going to be competing for space.You're gonna be competing for power.  And I think the Da'wah party now is looking to stamp its own political thought, not just in Iraq but across the Middle East because it can export its ideology. Something that Iran cannot do because of the nature of the system of governance that it's promoting. You can promote the governance of the people more easily than that of the jurists because that would imply that the entire state has to be absolutely Shi'a. With Wilayat al Umma, it's a very different political formula. So that could be adapted to a great many different countries in the Middle East, and I think this is why Yemen has become so important because Yemen does not want to have an Iranian model. However, now it's paying attention to the Iraqi model because it's thinking, okay,that we could do. And of course as far as the Da'wah party is concerned, that would be a tremendous, tremendous win. Bear in mind as well, the Da'wah party is quite close to the Ayatollah Sistani camp. And I don't know if you're familiar with the way that Shi'a Islam is organized, but you have Maraji, which are the equivalent of the pope and each Maraji gives his own religious jurisprudence that people may choose to abide by and follow. So it's almost an allegiance that people make to a particular cleric saying, I'm going to follow you and whatever religious edicts that you're going to issue. I'm going to listen to you and only you. Now if you look, we have about 300 million Shi'a Muslims across the world spread out everywhere. About 70% of those follow Ayatollah Sistani. They do not follow Ayatollah Khamenei. Ayatollah Khamenei is the head of state of Iran and within Iran itself, you actually have a majority of Iranians following Ayatollah Sistani for their religious advice as opposed to Ayatollah Khamenei. So Ayatollah Sistani has much more power religiously speaking in numbers than Ayatollah Khamenei, and I think that this is giving a few people a few ideas because they are thinking, there is one top power here. And you have to understand that generally speaking, there is competition between the Sunni world and the Shi'a world. I'm not saying that they're trying to start a war because I don't think that's what they're trying to do. What they're trying to do is to operate, to shift -- for centuries that they were told to shut up and be quiet and not move and be oppressed and like it because nothing's going to change. Now they want to have a say in what happens in the region and create a network that will immobilize the likes of Saudi Arabia because if you look at Pakistan and India for example, there are more Shi'a Muslims in India than there are in Iran, and those Shi'a Muslims follow Ayatollah Sistani and no one else. So it's interesting to see that Najaf could potentially wield something like 100 million people to its name, which is not negligible. Those are big numbers. I think that we need to take this into account when we look at the way that Yemen is going or when we look at how allegiances are being re-formed in Lebanon, in Syria, in Iraq through the PMU .You have suddenly those little bubbles of militias being formed here and there. And those little bubbles are coming together and they're forming bigger bubbles. And I think, and I actually wrote this years ago, that we are seeing before our eyes, the formation of the pan-Arab-Shi'a-Islamic revival movement. Something similar to what we saw in the 1950's with Abdul Nassar, where it was born in Egypt but exported everywhere in the Middle East. And it was a very powerful movement. I think we see these being created from Najaf and not from Tehran, which is interesting again, because everybody is barking at Tehran and Tehran is not doing anything. Tehran is actually trying to stabilize the region and grow its economy. It doesn't need more territory. It doesn't need to have more political influence other than that it needs to protect itself in order to prevent any potential war or attempt to destroy its government. Charles: Well, I know it's complicated, but I think what you're saying here is, let's try to paraphrase this, kind of a loose alliance of Shi'a Muslim groups throughout the region that are beginning to put pressure on the Sunni groups that have been oppressing them, particularly at the Saudis, I would assume. Catherine: Yes. But it's not religious pressure per se. Those Shi'a communities are formulating their own political thoughts. It's coming from a place where they identify as a religious oppressed minority within the Islamic word , and they're slowly organizing themselves as a political force in order to compete against the likes of Saudi Arabia, the Gulf countries and everything. And you also need to bear in mind that, for better or for worse, often for worse, natural resources happen to be sitting under Shi'a communities across the Middle East. Qatif in Saudi Arabia is majority Shi'a and this is where the oil is, this is where Aramco is, this is what was attacked. North Yemen for example, is Shi'a territory and you know, guess what, this is why they wanted to invade it. I mean, Bahrain, all of these different countries.  And it's interesting because I'm thinking that there is a lot that is now coming to the surface because of religious subsets because of the fact that for many centuries they were politically silenced. And so they never really had time to think politically. Now they have this wealth that they are literally sitting on and they're thinking, why should we allow other people to take advantage of it or why should we be exploited? Why can't we take charge for once? So I think that all this is coming together and I do really think that Yemen exploded that because Yemen resisted. And so it gave people an idea thinking, well, if they can do it, why can't we gang up with this resistance movement that is standing up to Saudi Arabia and doing it so well? It's like vultures circling Saudi Arabia. The Saudis have left themselves completely exposed because of Yemen. And I think that the cracks that are starting to appear are being exploited by other actors, and not necessarily, as everyone seems to be thinking, Iran. I don't really think that Iran has anything to do with it because it's not in its immediate interest or not even long-term interest. It's not interested. Iran is not a colonial power. It doesn't need to be. Charles: That's true. Yeah. I think the colonial power that's sticking its nose in here, other than Israel, of course, is the United States. I think perhaps if we would reduce the number of western actors involved in this, we might come to some resolution a little quicker.   Catherine: Well, yeah, that's true. I had an interesting conversation this week with different people and I don't think that the Saudis are stupid. I think they understand that Yemen has become a very real problem for them. But they cannot change course and they will not change course until Washington tells them to, that's the problem. Because Saudi Arabia is owned. I don't think it has any real independent policy. I'm always the first one to blame Saudi Arabia when it comes to the atrocities that they committing. That being said, even though they are pulling the trigger, again decisions are not being made in Riyadh, they are being made in Washington. And so I tend to think that actually the Saudis will be the next victim. I mean, they are in a way victims here as well. This is not to take away from the horror that they're doing. I'm not excusing them in any way, shape or form. I'm just saying that again, I think we are barking at the wrong tree asking the Saudis to stop. They won't stop until the Washington says, yes, you can stop now. So I think they stuck as well. Charles: Well, I wish we had more time to talk but we're already probably a little over the time limit, and again, I always appreciate having you on the show. Catherine: Always a pleasure. Whenever you want. I'm always willing to talk. Charles: That's wonderful. Thank you.  

Phil and Cooper do a deep dive into the ongoing conflict in Yemen, which has become one of the worst humanitarian crises in history. We look into how a unified Yemen was first formed, and how today, nascent movements in southern Yemen are looking into splitting the country once again. Two Al-Monitor contributors and Yemeni journalists, Naseh Shaker and Afrah Nasser, join the podcast to lend valuable insight into a civil war where conflicting reports are rampant. Also, Gulf Pulse columnist Bruce Riedel talks about the role Saudi Arabia and the UAE have played in the conflict, and Washington correspondent Bryant Harris speaks about the increased lobbying from Yemeni separatists in DC. Aden standoff puts Hadi's legitimacy at stake (Naseh Shaker) Yemen’s southern separatists take case to Congress (Bryant Harris) UAE shifts course in Yemen (Amar al-Ashwal) Riyadh faces new setback in south Yemen (Bruce Riedel) Southern Yemeni women enter storm of politics, war (Afrah Nasser) Extra Listening: Episode #34, Quds You Be More Wrong? (12/13/2017): After helping bring to power the same Houthi rebels who ran him out of Yemen, ex-President Ali Abdullah Saleh was killed by the rebels after they found him too disloyal. Episode #77, Backing Out (11/14/2018): The Trump Administration considers pulling its material support to the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen. Music: Faysal Alawi - “Taybet Ya Al Madhnon” (Spotify | Apple Music)

Yemen: Most of us don't know where that is but we Americans have been participating in a war there since 2015. In a surprise move, the 116th Congress recently put a resolution on President Trump's desk that would LIMIT our participation in that war. In this episode, learn about our recent history in Yemen: Why are we involved? When did our involvement start? What do we want from Yemen? And why is Congress suddenly pursuing a change in policy? In the second half of the episode, Jen admits defeat in a project she's been working on and Husband Joe joins Jen for the thank yous. Please Support Congressional Dish – Quick Links Click here to contribute monthly or a lump sum via PayPal Click here to support Congressional Dish for each episode via Patreon Send Zelle payments to: Donation@congressionaldish.com Send Venmo payments to: @Jennifer-Briney Send Cash App payments to: $CongressionalDish or Donation@congressionaldish.com Use your bank's online bill pay function to mail contributions to: 5753 Hwy 85 North, Number 4576, Crestview, FL 32536 Please make checks payable to Congressional Dish Thank you for supporting truly independent media! Recommended Congressional Dish Episodes CD167: Combating Russia (NDAA 2018) LIVE CD131: Bombing Libya CD102: The World Trade Organization: COOL? Additional Reading Article: Hurricane Michael upgraded to a Category 5 at time of U.S. landfall, NOAA, April 19, 2019. Article: US carries out first airstrikes in Yemen in nearly 3 months by Ryan Browne, CNN, April 1, 2019. Article: The assassination of Jamal Khashoggi by Joyce Lee and Dalton Bennett, The Washington Post, April 1, 2019. Article: Trump revokes Obama rule on reporting drone strike deaths, BBC News, March 7, 2019. Article: US carried out 36 airstrikes in Yemen last year by Andrew Kennedy, The Defense Post, January 7, 2019. Article: See no evil: Pentagon issues blanket denial that it knows anything about detainee abuse in Yemen by Alex Emmons, The Intercept, January 7, 2019. Report: Senate bucks Trump's Saudi approach by Jeff Abramson, Arms Control Association, January/February 2019. Article: Saudi strikes, American bombs, Yemeni suffering by Derek Watkins and Declan Walsh, The New York Times, December 27, 2018. Article: The wooing of Jared Kushner: How the Saudis got a friend in the White House by David D. Kirkpatrick, Ben Hubbard, Mark Landler, and Mark Mazzetti, The New York Times, December 8, 2018. Report: Saudi lobbyists bout 500 nights at Trump's DC hotel after 2016 election by John Bowden, The Hill, December 5, 2018. Article: Hidden toll of US drone strikes in Yemen: Nearly a third of deaths are civilians, not al-Quaida by Maggie Michael and Maad al-Zikry, Military Times, November 14, 2018. Article: Jamal Khashoggi's friends in Washington are in shock by Scott Nover, The Atlantic, October 12, 2018. Report: Catastrophic Hurricane Michael strikes Florida Panhandle, National Weather Service, October 10, 2018. Article: Yemen's President Hadi heads to US for medical treatment, Aljazeera, September 3, 2018. Article: Bab el-Mandeb, an emerging chokepoint for Middle East oil flows by Julian Lee, Bloomberg, July 26, 2018. Report: YEM305: Unknown reported killed, The Bureau of Investigative Journalism, March 29, 2018. Article: Yemen: Ex-President Ali Abdullah Saleh killed, Aljazeera, December 10, 2017. Article: In Yemen's secret prisons, UAE tortures and US interrogates by Maggie Michael, AP News, June 22, 2017. Report: Yemen: UAE backs abusive local forces, Human Rights Watch, June 22, 2017. Article: What we know about Saudi Arabia's role in 9/11 by Simon Henderson, Foreign Policy, July 18, 2016. Report: Yemen: Background and U.S. relations by Jeremy M. Sharp, Congressional Research Service, February 11, 2015. Article: How al Qaeda's biggest enemy took over Yemen (and why the US government is unlikely to support them) by Casey L. Coombs and Jeremy Scahill, The Intercept, January 22, 2015. Report: Yemen protests erupt after fuel price doubled, Aljazeera, July 30, 2014. Article: U.S. charges saudi for 2002 oil tanker bombing by MAREX, Feburary 6, 2014. Report: "Between a Drone and Al-Qaeda": The civilian cost of US targeted killings in Yemen, Human Rights Watch, October 22, 2013. Article: Yemen: Opposition leader to be sworn in Saturday by Reuters, The New York Times, December 7, 2011. Article: Yemen's Saleh signs deal to give up power by Marwa Rashad, Reuters, November 23, 2011. Article: Yemen's leader agrees to end 3-decade rule by Kareem Fahim and Laura Kasinof, The New York Times, November 23, 2011. Article: Yemeni president's shock return throws country into confusion by Tom Finn, The Guardian, September 23, 2011. Article: Yemen: President Saleh 'was injured by palace bomb', BBC News, June 23, 2011. Article: Government in Yemen agrees to talk transition by Laura Kasinof, The New York Times, April 26, 2011. Article: Hundreds take to streets in Yemen to protest by Faud Rajeh, The New York Times, February 16, 2011. Article: U.S. plays down tensions with Yemen by Eric Schmitt, The New York Times, December 17, 2010. Article: Cables depict range of Obama diplomacy by David E. Sanger, The New York Times, December 4, 2010. Article: Yemen's drive on Al Qaeda faces international skepticism by Mona El-Naggar and Robert F. Worth, The New York Times, November 3, 2010. Article: Op-Ed: The Yemeni state against its own people by Subir Ghosh, Digital Journal, October 11, 2010. Roundtable Summary: Reform priorities for Yemen and the 10-Point agenda, MENAP, Chatham House, February 18, 2010. Article: As nations meet, Clinton urges Yemen to prove itself worthy of aid by Mark Landler, The New York Times, January 27, 2010. Article: After failed attack, Britain turns focus to Yemen by John F. Burns, The New York Times, January 1, 2010. Resources Congress.gov: S.J.Res.54 - A joint resolution to direct the removal of United States Armed Forces from hostilities in the Republic of Yemen that have not been authorized by Congress Govtrack: S.J.Res. 7: A joint resolution to direct the removal of United States Armed Forces from hostilities in the Republic of Yemen that have not been authorized by ... Congress IMF.org: Gulf Cooperation Council Countries Middle East Institute: Addressing the Crisis in Yemen: Strategies and Solutions Open Knowledge Repository: Leveraging Fuel Subsidy Reform for Transition in Yemen US Dept. of Treasury: International Monetary Fund Sound Clip Sources House Proceedings: Yemen Resolution Debate, 116th Congress, April 4, 2019. Congressional Record Sound Clips: 1:06:30 Rep. Michael McCaul (TX):This resolution stretches the definition of war powers hostilities to cover non-U.S. military operations by other countries. Specifically, it reinterprets U.S. support to these countries as ‘‘engagement in hostilities.’’ This radical reinterpretation has implications far beyond Saudi Arabia. This precedent will empower any single Member to use privileged war powers procedures to force congressional referendums that could disrupt U.S. security cooperation agreements with more than 100 countries around the world. 1:14:30 Rep. Barbara Lee (CA): Yes, Madam Speaker, I voted against that 2001 resolution, because I knew it was open-ended and would set the stage for endless wars. It was a blank check. We see this once again today in Yemen. We must repeal this 2001 blank check for endless wars. Over the past 18 years, we have seen the executive branch use this AUMF time and time again. It is a blank check to wage war without congressional oversight. 1:21:30 Rep. Ro Khanna (CA): My motivation for this bill is very simple. I don’t want to see 14 million Yemenis starve to death. That is what Martin Griffith had said at the U.N., that if the Saudis don’t stop their blockade and let food and medicine in, within 6 months we will see one of the greatest humanitarian crises in the world. Senate Floor Proceedings: Yemen Resolution Debate, 115th Congress, 2nd Session, December 12, 2018. Congressional Record Pt. 1 Congressional Record Pt. 2 Sound Clips: 7:09:00 Sen. Bernie Sanders (VT): Finally, an issue that has long been a concern to many of us—conservatives and progressives—is that this war has not been authorized by Congress and is therefore unconstitutional. Article I of the Constitution clearly states it is Congress, not the President, that has the power to send our men and women into war—Congress, not the President. The Framers of our Constitution, the Founders of this country, gave the power to declare war to Congress—the branch most accountable to the people—not to the President, who is often isolated from the reality of what is taking place in our communities. The truth is—and Democratic and Republican Presidents are responsible, and Democratic and Republican Congresses are responsible—that for many years, Congress has not exercised its constitutional responsibility over whether our young men and women go off to war. I think there is growing sentiment all over this country from Republicans, from Democrats, from Independents, from progressives, and from conservatives that right now, Congress cannot continue to abdicate its constitutional responsibility. 7:14:45 Sen. Bob Corker (TN): I have concerns about what this may mean as we set a precedent about refueling and intelligence activities being considered hostilities. I am concerned about that. I think the Senator knows we have operations throughout Northern Africa, where we are working with other governments on intelligence to counter terrorism. We are doing refueling activists in Northern Africa now, and it concerns me—he knows I have concerns—that if we use this vehicle, then we may have 30 or 40 instances where this vehicle might be used to do something that really should not be dealt with by the War Powers Act. 7:49:06 Sen. Todd Young (IN): We don’t have much leverage over the Houthis. We have significant leverage over the Saudis, and we must utilize it. 7:58:30 Sen. Jim Inhofe (OK): The Sanders-Lee resolution is, I think, fundamentally flawed because it presumes we are engaged in military action in Yemen. We are not. We are not engaged in military action in Yemen. There has been a lot of discussion about refueling. I don’t see any stretch of the definition that would say that falls into that category. 8:01:00 Sen. Jim Inhofe (OK): Saudi Arabia is an important Middle Eastern partner. Its stability is vital to the security of our regional allies and our partners, including Israel, and Saudi Arabia is essential to countering Iran. We all know that. We know how tenuous things are in that part of the world. We don’t have that many friends. We can’t afford to lose any of them. 8:04:30 Sen. Chris Murphy (CT): It is important to note some-thing that we take for granted in the region—this now long-term detente that has existed between the Gulf States and Israel, which did not used to be something you could rely on. In fact, one of the most serious foreign policy debates this Senate ever had was on the sale of AWACS to Saudi Arabia back in the 1980s. The objection then was that by empowering Saudi Arabia, you were hurting Israel and Israeli security. No one would make that argument today because Saudi Arabia has been a good partner in trying to figure out a way to calm the tensions in the region and, of course, provide some balance in the region, with the Iranian regime on the other side continuing to this day to use inflammatory and dangerous rhetoric about the future of Israel. So this is an important partnership, and I have no interest in blowing it up. I have no interest in walking away from it. But you are not obligated to follow your friend into every misadventure they propose. When your buddy jumps into a pool of man-eating sharks, you don’t have to jump with him. There is a point at which you say enough is enough. 8:06:00 Sen. Chris Murphy (CT): Muhammad bin Salman, who is the Crown Prince, who is the effective leader of the country, has steered the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia off the rails. Folks seem to have noticed when he started rounding up his political opponents and killing one of them in a consulate in Turkey, but this has been ongoing. Look back to the kidnapping of the Lebanese Prime Minister, the blockade of Qatar without any heads-up to the United States, the wholesale imprisonment of hundreds of his family members until there was a payoff, the size of which was big enough to let some of them out. This is a foreign policy that is no longer in the best interests of the United States and cannot be papered over by a handful of domestic policy reforms that are, in fact, intended to try to distract us from the aggressive nature of the Saudis’ foreign policy in the region. 8:08:15 Sen. Chris Murphy (CT): I am appreciative that many of my colleagues are willing to stand up for this resolution today to end the war in Yemen. I wish that it weren’t because of the death of one journalist, because there have been tens of thousands who have died inside Yemen, and their lives are just as important and just as worthwhile as Jamal Khashoggi’s life was, as tragic as that was. But there is a connection between the two, which is why I have actually argued that this resolution is in some way, shape, or form a response to the death of Jamal Khashoggi, for those who are primarily concerned with that atrocity. Here is how I link the two: What the Saudis did for 2 weeks was lie to us, right? In the most bald-faced way possible. They told us that Jamal Khashoggi had left the consulate, that he had gotten out of there alive, that they didn’t know what happened, when of course they knew the entire time that they had killed him, that they had murdered him, that they had dismembered his body. We now know that the Crown Prince had multiple contacts all throughout the day with the team of operatives who did it. Yet they thought we were so dumb or so weak— or some combination of the two—that they could just lie to us about it. That was an eye-opener for a lot of people here who were long-term supporters of the Saudi relationship because they knew that we had trouble. They knew that sometimes our interests didn’t align, but they thought that the most important thing allies did with each other was tell the truth, especially when the truth was so easy to discover outside of your bilateral relationship. Then, all of a sudden, the Saudis lied to us for 2 weeks—for 2 weeks—and then finally came around to telling the truth because everybody knew that they weren’t. That made a lot of people here think, well, wait a second—maybe the Saudis haven’t been telling us the truth about what they have been doing inside Yemen. A lot of my friends have been supporting the bombing campaign in Yemen. Why? Because the Saudis said: We are hitting these civilians by accident. Those water treatment plants that have been blowing up—we didn’t mean to hit them. That cholera treatment facility inside the humanitarian compound—that was just a bomb that went into the wrong place, or, we thought there were some bad guys in it. It didn’t turn out that there were. It turns out the Saudis weren’t telling us the truth about what they were doing in Yemen. They were hitting civilian targets on purpose. They did have an intentional campaign of trying to create misery. I am not saying that every single one of those school buses or those hospitals or those churches or weddings was an attempt to kill civilians and civilians only, but we have been in that targeting center long enough to know—to know—that they have known for a long time what they have been doing: hitting a lot of people who have nothing to do with the attacks against Saudi Arabia. Maybe if the Saudis were willing to lie to us about what happened to Jamal Khashoggi, they haven’t been straight with us as to what is happening inside Yemen, because if the United States is being used to intentionally hit civilians, then we are complicit in war crimes. And I hate to tell my colleagues that is essentially what the United Nations found in their most recent report on the Saudi bombing campaign. They were careful about their words, but they came to the conclusion that it was likely that the Saudi conduct inside Yemen would amount to war crimes under international law. If it is likely that our ally is perpetuating war crimes in Yemen, then we cannot be a part of that. The United States cannot be part of a bombing campaign that may be—probably is— intentionally making life miserable for the people inside of that country. 8:14:00 Sen. Chris Murphy (CT): There is no relationship in which we are the junior partner—certainly not with Saudi Arabia. If Saudi Arabia can push us around like they have over the course of the last several years and in particular the last several months, that sends a signal to lots of other countries that they can do the same thing—that they can murder U.S. residents and suffer almost no consequences; that they can bomb civilians with our munitions and suffer no consequences. This is not just a message about the Saudi relationship; this is a message about how the United States is going to interact with lots of other junior partners around the world as well. Saudi Arabia needs us a lot more than we need them, and we need to remind folks of that over and over again. Spare me this nonsense that they are going to go start buying Russian jets or Chinese military hardware. If you think those countries can protect you better than the United States, take a chance. You think the Saudis are really going to stop selling oil to the United States? You think they are going to walk away from their primary bread winner just because we say that we don’t want to be engaged in this particular military campaign? I am willing to take that chance. We are the major partner in this relationship, and it is time that we start acting like it. If this administration isn’t going to act like it, then this Congress has to act like it. 8:44:15 Sen. Mike Lee (UT): Many of my colleagues will argue—in fact some of them have argued just within the last few minutes—that we are somehow not involved in a war in Yemen. My distinguished friend and colleague, the Senator from Oklahoma, came to the floor a little while ago, and he said that we are not engaged in direct military action in Yemen. Let’s peel that back for a minute. Let’s figure out what that means. I am not sure what the distinction between direct and indirect is here. Maybe in a very technical sense—or under a definition of warfare or military action that has long since been rendered out- dated—we are not involved in that, but we are involved in a war. We are co-belligerents. The minute we start identifying targets or, as Secretary James Mattis put it about a year ago, in December 2017, the minute we are involved in the decisions involving making sure that they know the right stuff to hit, that is involvement in a war, and that is pretty direct. The minute we send up U.S. military aircraft to provide midair refueling assistance for Saudi jets en route to bombing missions, to combat missions on the ground in Yemen, that is our direct involvement in war. 8:48:00 Sen. Mike Lee (UT): Increasingly these days, our wars are high-tech. Very often, our wars involve cyber activities. They involve reconnaissance, surveillance, target selection, midair refueling. It is hard—in many cases, impossible—to fight a war without those things. That is what war is. Many of my colleagues, in arguing that we are not involved in hostilities, rely on a memorandum that is internal within the executive branch of the U.S. Government that was issued in 1976 that provides a very narrow, unreasonably slim definition of the word ‘‘hostilities.’’ It defines ‘‘hostilities’’ in a way that might have been relevant, that might have been accurate, perhaps, in the mid-19th century, but we no longer live in a world in which you have a war as understood by two competing countries that are lined up on opposite sides of a battlefield and engaged in direct exchanges of fire, one against another, at relatively short range. War encompasses a lot more than that. War certainly encompasses midair refueling, target selection, surveillance, and reconnaissance of the sort we are undertaking in Yemen. Moreover, separate and apart from this very narrow, unreasonably slim definition of ‘‘hostilities’’ as deter- mined by this internal executive branch document from 1976 that contains the outdated definition, we our- selves, under the War Powers Act, don’t have to technically be involved in hostilities. It is triggered so long as we ourselves are sufficiently involved with the armed forces of another nation when those armed forces of another nation are themselves involved in hostilities. I am speaking, of course, in reference to the War Powers Act’s pro- visions codified at 50 USC 1547(c). For our purposes here, it is important to keep in mind what that provisions reads: ‘‘For purposes of this chapter [under the War Powers Act], the term ‘introduction of United States Armed Forces’ includes the assignment of members of such Armed Forces to command, coordinate, participate in the movement of, or accompany the regular or irregular military forces of any foreign country or government when such military forces are engaged, or there exists an imminent threat that such forces will become engaged, in hostilities.’’ In what sense, on what level, on what planet are we not involved in the commanding, in the coordination, in the participation, in the movement of or in the accompaniment of the armed forces of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia-led coalition in the civil war in Yemen? 9:57:15 Sen. Richard Blumenthal (CT): In March of this year, I led a letter to the Department of Defense with my colleague Senator JACK REED of Rhode Island, along with many of our colleagues on the Senate Armed Services Committee, stating our concern regarding U.S. support for Saudi military operations against the Houthis in Yemen and asking about the DOD’s involvement, apparently without appropriate notification of Congress, and its agreements to provide refueling sup- port to the Saudis and the Saudi coalition partners. We were concerned that the DOD had not appropriately documented reimbursements for aerial re- fueling support provided by the United States. Eight months later—just days ago— the Department of Defense responded to our letter and admitted that it has failed to appropriately notify Congress of its support agreements; it has failed to adequately charge Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates for fuel and refueling assistance. That admission 8 months after our inquiry is a damning indictment. These errors in accounting mean that the United States was directly funding the Saudi war in Yemen. It has been doing it since March of 2015. Video: Trump: Khashoggi case will not stop $110bn US-Saudi arms trade, The Guardian, October 12, 2018. Donald Trump: I would not be in favor of stopping from spending $110 billion, which is an all-time record, and letting Russia have that money, and letting China have that money. Because all their going to do is say, that's okay, we don't have to buy it from Boeing, we don't have to buy it from Lockheed, we don't have to buy it from Ratheon and all these great companies. We'll buy it from Russia and we'll buy it from China. So what good does that do us? Hearing: U.S. Policy Toward Middle East, House Foreign Affairs Committee, C-SPAN, April 18, 2018. Witnesses: David Satterfield: Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Wess Mitchell: Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Sound Clips: 18:00 David Satterfield: We all agree, as does the Congress, that the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is unacceptable. Last month, the governments of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates provided $1 billion to Yemen's humanitarian response appeal, and this complements the US government pledge of $87 million and more than $854 million contributed since beginning of fiscal year 2017. 19:45 Wess Mitchell: Turkey is a 66 year member of the NATO alliance and member of the defeat ISIS coalition. It has suffered more casualties from terrorism than any other ally and hosts 3.5 million Syrian refugees. It supports the coalition through the use of Incirlik air base through its commitment of Turkish military forces against Isis on the ground in (Dibick? al-Bab?) And through close intelligence cooperation with the United States and other allies. Turkey has publicly committed to a political resolution in Syria that accords with UN Security Council. Resolution 2254. Turkey has a vested strategic interest in checking the spread of Iranian influence and in having a safe and stable border with Syria. Despite these shared interests, Turkey lately has increased its engagement with Russia and Iran. Ankara has sought to assure us that it sees this cooperation as a necessary stepping stone towards progress in the Geneva process, but the ease with which Turkey brokered arrangements with the Russian military to facilitate the launch of its Operation Olive Branch in Afrin district, arrangements to which America was not privy, is gravely concerning. Ankara claims to have agreed to purchase, to, to purchase the Russian S 400 missile system, which could potentially lead to sanctions under section 231 of CAATSA and adversely impact Turkey's participation in the F-35 program. It is in the American national interest to see Turkey remains strategically and politically aligned with the west. Hearing: U.S. Policy Toward Yemen, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, C-SPAN, April 17, 2018. Witnesses: Robert Jenkins: Deputy Assistant Administrator at USAID Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, & Humanitarian Assistance David Satterfield: Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Robert Karem: Assistant Defense Secretary for International Security Affairs Nominee and former Middle East Adviser to Vice President Cheney Sound Clips: 9:30 Chairman Bob Corker (TN): Well, Yemen has always faced significant socioeconomic challenges. A civil war, which began with the Houthis armed takeover of much of the country in 2014 and their overthrow of Yemen's legitimate government in January 2015, has plunged the country into humanitarian crisis. 17:25 Chairman Bob Corker (TN): Our first witness is acting assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern Affairs, Ambassador David Satterfield. Ambassador Satterfield is one of the most distinguished, one of our most distinguished diplomats. He most recently served as director general, the multinational force and observers in the Sinai peninsula and previously served as US Abassador to Lebanon. 17:45 Chairman Bob Corker (TN): Our second witness is Robert Jenkins, who serves as the Deputy Assistant Administrator for USA ID Bureau for Democracy, conflict and humanitarian assistance. Mr. Jenkins, recently mark 20 years at USAID and previously served as the Director of Office of Transition Initiatives. 18:15 Chairman Bob Corker (TN): Our third witness is Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, Robert Kerem. Prior to his Senate confirmation last year, Mr. Karem served as National Security of Staff of Vice President Cheney and then as National Security Advisor to the House, majority leader's Eric Cantor and Kevin McCarthy. 20:15 David Satterfield: US military support serves a clear and strategic purpose to reinforce Saudi and Mrid self defense in the face of intensifying Houthi and Iranian enabled threats and to expand the capability of our Gulf partners to push back against Iran's regionally destabilizing actions. This support in turn provides the United States access and influence to help press for a political solution to the conflict. Should we curtail US military support? The Saudis could well pursue defense relationships with countries that have no interest in either ending the humanitarian crisis, minimizing civilian casualties or assisting and facilitating progress towards a political solution. Critical US access to support for our own campaign against violent extremists could be placed in jeopardy. 30:00 Robert Karem: Conflict in Yemen affects regional security across the Middle East, uh, and threatens US national security interests, including the free flow of commerce and the Red Sea. Just this month, the Houthi, his attack to Saudi oil tanker and the Red Sea threatening commercial shipping and freedom of navigation and the world's fourth busiest maritime choke point, the Bab el Mandeb. 32:00 Robert Karem: The Defense Department is currently engaged in two lines of effort in Yemen. Our first line of effort and our priority is the fight against al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and ISIS in Yemen, two terrorist organizations that directly threaten the United States, our allies and our partners. To combat AQIP, AQAP, and ISIS, US forces in coordination with the UN recognized government of Yemen are supporting our regional key counter terrorism partners in ongoing operations to disrupt and degrade their ability to coordinate, plot and recruit for external terrorist operations. Additionally, US military forces are conducting airstrikes against AQAP and ISIS in Yemen pursuant to the 2001 a authorization for the use of military force to disrupt and destroy terrorist network networks. Our second line of effort is the provision of limited noncombat support to the Saudi led coalition in support of the UN recognized government of Yemen. The support began in 2015 under President Obama and in 2017 president Trump reaffirmed America's commitment to our partners in these efforts. Fewer than 50 US military personnel work in Saudi Arabia with the Saudi led coalition advising and assisting with the defense of Saudi territory, sharing intelligence and providing logistical support, including aerial refueling. 35:45 Sen. Ben Cardin (MD): Mr. Karem. I'm gonna Start with you. Um, in regards to the US military assistance that we give to the kingdom, you said that is to embolden their capacity and to reduce noncombatant casualties. Last March, the CENTCOM commander General Votel stated that the United States government does not track the end results of the coalition missions. It refills and supports with targeting assistance. So my question to you is, how do you determine that we are effectively reducing the non combatant casualties if we don't in fact track the results of the kingdoms military actions? Robert Karem: Senator, thank you. Um, it's correct that we do not monitor and track all of the Saudi aircraft, um, uh, a loft over Yemen. Uh, we have limited personnel and assets in order to do that. Uh, and CENTCOM's focus is obviously been on our own operations in Afghanistan, in Iraq and in Syria. Sen. Ben Cardin (MD): I understand that, but my question is, our stated mission is to reduce noncombat and casualties. If we don't track, how do we determine that? Robert Karem: So I think one of our stated missions is precisely that. Um, there are multiple ways that I think we do have insight into, uh, Saudi, uh, targeting behavior. Um, we have helped them with their processes. Um, we have seen them implement a no strike list. Um, and we have seen their, their, their uh, capabilities, uh, improved. So the information is based upon what the Saudis tell you, how they're conducting the mission rather than the after impact of the mission. I think our military officers who are resident in Saudi Arabia are seeing how the Saudis approach, uh, this, this effort that took getting effort. Sen. Ben Cardin (MD): But you know, obviously the proof is in the results and we don't know whether the results are, there are not fair statement. Robert Karem: I think we do see a difference in how the Saudis have operated in Yemen, how they operate. Sen. Ben Cardin (MD): I understand how they operate but we don't know whether in fact that's been effective. The United Nations Security Council panel of experts on Yemen concluded in recent reports that the cumulative effect of these airstrikes on civilian infrastructure demonstrates that even with precaution, cautionary measures were taken, they were largely inadequate and ineffective. Do you have any information that disagrees with that assessment? Robert Karem: Senator, I think the assessment of, uh, our central command is that the Saudi, uh, and Emirati targeting efforts, uh, have improved, um, uh, with the steps that they've taken. We do not have perfect understanding because we're not using all of our assets to monitor their aircraft, but we do get reporting from the ground on what taking place inside Yemen. 40:15 Sen. Rand Paul (KY): Ambassador Satterfield. I guess some people when they think about our strategy might question the idea of our strategy. You know, if your son was shooting off his pistol in the back yard and doing it indiscriminately and endangering the neighbors, would you give hmi more bullets or less? And we see the Saudis acting in an indiscriminate manner. They've bombed a funeral processions, they've killed a lot of civilians. And so our strategy is to give them more bombs, not less. And we say, well, if we don't give him the bomb, somebody else will. And that's sort of this global strategy, uh, that many in the bipartisan foreign policy consensus have. We have to, we have to always be involved. We always have to provide weapons or someone else will and they'll act even worse. But there's a, I guess a lot of examples that doesn't seem to be improving their behavior. Um, you could argue it's marginally better since we've been giving them more weapons, but it seems the opposite of logic. You would think you would give people less where you might withhold aid or withhold a assistance to the Saudis to get them to behave. But we do sort of the opposite. We give them more aid. What would your response be to that? David Satterfield: Senator, when I noted in my remarks that progress had been made on this issue of targeting, minimizing or mitigating civilian casualties, that phrase was carefully chosen into elaborate further on, uh, my colleagues remarks, uh, Robert Karem. We do work with the Saudis and have, particularly over the last six to nine months worked intensively on the types of munitions the Saudis are using, how they're using, how to discriminate target sets, how to assure through increased loiter time by aircraft that the targets sought are indeed clear of collateral or civilian damage. This is new. This is not the type of interaction… Sen. Rand Paul (KY): And yet the overall situation in Yemen is a, is a disaster. David Satterfield: The overall situation is extremely bad. Senator. Sen. Rand Paul (KY): I guess that's really my question. We had to rethink...And I think from a common sense point of view, a lot of people would question giving people who misbehave more weapons instead of giving them less on another question, which I think is a broad question about, you know, what we're doing in the Middle East in general. Um, you admitted that there's not really a military solution in Yemen. Most people say it's going to be a political solution. The Houthis will still remain. We're not going to have Hiroshima. We're not going to have unconditional surrender and the good guys win and the bad guys are vanquished. Same with Syria. Most people have said for years, both the Obama administration and this administration, probably even the Bush administration, the situation will probably be a political solution. They will no longer, it's not going to be complete vanquished meant of the enemy. We're also saying that in Afghanistan, and I guess my point as I think about that is I think about the recruiter at the station in Omaha, Nebraska, trying to get somebody to sign up for the military and saying, please join. We're going to send you to three different wars where there is no military solution. We're hoping to make it maybe a little bit better. I think back to Vietnam. Oh, we're going to take one more village. If we take one more village, they're going to negotiate and we get a little better negotiation. I just can't see sending our young men and women to die for that for one more village. You know the Taliban 40% in Afghanistan. Where are we going to get when they get to 30% don't negotiate and when we it, it'll be, it'll have been worth it for the people who have to go in and die and take those villages. I don't think it's one more life. I don't think it's worth one more life. The war in Yemen is not hard. We talk all about the Iranians have launched hundreds of missiles. Well, yeah, and the Saudis have launched 16,000 attacks. Who started it? It's a little bit murky back and forth. The, the Houthis may have started taking over their government, but that was a civil war. Now we're involved in who are the good guys of the Saudis, the good guys or the others, the bad guys. Thousands of civilians are dying. 17 million people live on the edge of starvation. I think we need to rethink whether or not military intervention supplying the Saudis with weapons, whether all of this makes any sense at all or whether we've made the situation worse. I mean, humanitarian crisis, we're talking about, oh, we're going to give my, the Saudis are giving them money and I'm like, okay, so we dropped, we bomb the crap out of them in this audience. Give them $1 billion. Maybe we could bomb last maybe part of the humanitarian answers, supplying less weapons to a war. There's a huge arms race going on. Why do the Iranians do what they do? They're evil. Or maybe they're responding to the Saudis who responded first, who started it? Where did the arms race start? But we sell $300 billion a weapons to Saudi Arabia. What are the Iranians going to do? They react. It's action and reaction throughout the Middle East. And so we paint the Iranians as the, you know, these evil monsters. And we just have to correct evil monster. But the world's a much more complicated place back and forth. And I, all I would ask is that we try to get outside our mindset that we, uh, what we're doing is working because I think what we're doing hasn't worked, and we've made a lot of things worse. And we're partly responsible for the humanitarian crisis in Yemen.  48:30 David Satterfield: The political picture on the ground in Yemen has changed radically with the death, the killing of a Ali Abdullah Saleh, uh, with the fragmentation of the General People's Congress. All of that, while tragic in many of its dimensions, has provided a certain reshuffling of the deck that may, we hope, allow the United Nations to be more effective in its efforts. 1:05:45 Sen. Todd Young (IN): Approximately how many people, Mr. Jenkins require humanitarian assistance in Yemen? David Jenkins: 22 million people. Sen. Todd Young (IN): What percent of the population is that? David Jenkins: Approximately 75% was the number of people requiring humanitarian assistance increase from last year. It increased by our, we're estimating 3.5 million people. Sen. Todd Young (IN): And how much has it increased? David Jenkins: About 3.5 million people. Sen. Todd Young (IN): Okay. How many are severely food insecure? David Jenkins: 17.8 million. Sen. Todd Young (IN): How many children are severely malnourished? David Jenkins: 460,000 Sen. Todd Young (IN): How many people lack access to clean water and working toilets? David Jenkins: We estimate it to be around 16 million people. Sen. Todd Young (IN): Does Yemen face the largest cholera outbreak in the world? David Jenkins: It does. Sen. Todd Young (IN): How many cholera cases have we seen in Yemen? David Jenkins: A suspected over a 1 million cases. Sen. Todd Young (IN): And how many lives has that cholera outbreak claim? David Jenkins: Almost 2100. 1:46:00 Robert Jenkins: I do know that the vast majority of people within that, the majority of people in need, and that 22 million number live in the northern part of the country that are accessible best and easiest by Hodeidah port, there is no way to take Hodeidah out of the equation and get anywhere near the amount of humanitarian and more importantly, even commercial goods into the country. Hearing: Violence in Yemen, House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Middle East and North America, C-SPAN, April 14, 2015. Witnesses: Gerald Feierstein: Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. Former Ambassador to Yemen (2010-2013) Sound Clips: 1:45 Rep. Illeana Ros-Lehtinen (FL): On September 10th of last year, President Obama announced to the American public his plan to degrade and destroy the terrorist group ISIL. While making his case for America's role in the fight against ISIL, the president highlighted our strategy in Yemen and held it up as a model of success to be emulated in the fight against ISIL. Yet about a week later, the Iran backed Houthis seized control of the capital and the government. Despite this, the administration continued to hail our counter-terror operations in Yemen as a model for success, even though we effectively had no partner on the ground since President Hadi was forced to flee. But perhaps even more astonishingly in what can only be described as an alarmingly tone deaf and short sighted, when Press Secretary Ernest was asked at a press briefing if this model was still successful after the Yemeni central government collapsed and the US withdrew all of our personnel including our special forces, he said yes, despite all indications pointing to the contrary. So where do we stand now? That's the important question. President Hadi was forced to flee. Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of over 10 Arab nations and Operation Decisive Storm, which so far has consisted of airstrikes only, but very well could include ground forces in the near future. 4:45 Rep. Illeana Ros-Lehtinen (FL): Iran has reportedly dispatched a naval destroyer near Yemen in a game of chicken over one of the most important shipping routes in the Gulf of Aden. This area is a gateway between Europe and the Middle East and ran was not be allowed to escalate any tensions nor attempt to disrupt the shipping lanes. 13:30 Rep. David Cicilline (NJ): I think it's safe to say that the quick deterioration of the situation in Yemen took many people here in Washington by surprise. For many years, Yemen was held up as an example of counter-terrorism cooperation and it looked as if a political agreement might be achieved in the aftermath of the Arab spring. The United States poured approximately $900 million in foreign aid to Yemen since the transition in 2011 to support counter-terrorism, political reconciliation, the economy and humanitarian aid. Now we face a vastly different landscape and have to revise our assumptions and expectations. Furthermore, we risk being drawn deeply into another Iranian backed armed conflict in the Middle East. 17:30 Rep. Ted Deutch (FL): Following the deposition of Yemen's longtime autocratic Saleh in 2011, the US supported an inclusive transition process. We had national dialogue aimed at rebuilding the country's political and governmental institutions and bridging gaps between groups that have had a long history of conflict. Yemen's first newly elected leader, President Hadi made clear his intentions to cooperate closely with the United States. 18:00 Rep. Ted Deutch (FL): Yemen, the poorest country on the peninsula, needed support from the international community. The United States has long viewed Yemen as a safe haven for all Qaeda terrorists, and there was alarming potential for recruitment by terrorist groups given the dire economic conditions that they faced. In fact, the US Department of Homeland Security considers al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, the affiliate, most likely the al Qaeda affiliate, most likely to attempt transnational attacks against the United States. 18:30 Rep. Ted Deutch (FL): While the national dialogue was initially viewed as successful, the process concluded in 2014 with several key reforms still not completed, including the drafting of the new constitution. The Hadi government had continued to face deep opposition from Yemen's northern tribes, mainly the Shiite Iranian backed Houthi rebels, over the past year. The Houthis, in coordination with tribes and military units still loyal to Saleh, began increasing their territorial control, eventually moving in to Sanaa. Saleh had long been thought to have used his existing relationship to undermine the Hadi government. Houthis are well trained, well funded, and experienced fighters, having fought the Yemeni government and Saudi Arabia in 2009. 23:15 Gerald Feierstein: I greatly appreciate this opportunity to come before you today to review recent developments in Yemen and the efforts that the United States is undertaking to support the government of Yemen under president Rabu Mansour Hadi and the Saudi led coalition of Operation Decisive Storm, that is aimed at restoring the legitimate government and restarting the negotiations to find peaceful political solutions to Yemen's internal conflict. 26:45 Gerald Feierstein: To the best of our understanding, the Houthis are not controlled directly by Iran. However, we have seen in recent years, significant growth and expansion of Iranian engagement with the Houthis. We believe that Iran sees opportunities with the Houthis to expand its influence in Yemen and threatened Saudi and Gulf Arab interests. Iran provides financial support, weapons training, and intelligence of the Houthis and the weeks and months since the Houthis entered Sanaa and forced the legitimate government first to resign and ultimately to flee from the capitol, we have seen a significant expansion of Iranian involvement in Yemen's domestic affairs. 27:30 Gerald Feierstein: We are also particularly concerned about the ongoing destabilizing role played by former President Saleh, who since his removal from power in 2011 has actively plotted to undermine President Hadi and the political transition process. Despite UN sanctions and international condemnation of his actions, Saleh continues to be one of the primary sources of the chaos in Yemen. We have been working with our Gulf partners and the international community to isolate him and prevent the continuation of his efforts to undermine the peaceful transition. Success in that effort will go a long way to helping Yemen return to a credible political transition process. 42:00 Gerald Feierstein: From our perspective, I would say that that Yemen is a unique situation for the Saudis. This is on their border. It represents a threat in a way that no other situation would represent. 52:30 Gerald Feierstein: I mean, obviously our hope would be that if we can get the situation stabilized and get the political process going again, that we would be able to return and that we would be able to continue implementing the kinds of programs that we were trying to achieve that are aimed at economic growth and development as well as supporting a democratic governance and the opportunity to try to build solid political foundations for the society. At this particular moment, we can't do that, but it's hard to predict where we might be in six months or nine months from now. 1:10:00 Gerald Feierstein: When the political crisis came in Yemen in 2011, AQAP was able to take advantage of that and increase its territorial control, to the extent that they were actually declaring areas of the country to be an Islamic caliphate, not unlike what we see with ISIL in Iraq and Syria these days. Because of our cooperation, primarily our cooperation with the Yemeni security forces, uh, we were able to, uh, to defeat that, uh, at a significant loss of a life for AQAP. Uh, as a result of that, they changed their tactics. They went back to being a more traditional terrorist organization. They were able to attack locations inside of, uh, inside of Sanaa and and elsewhere. But the fact of the matter is that, uh, that we, uh, were achieving a progress in our ability to pressure them, uh, and, uh, to keep them on the defensive as opposed to giving them lots of time. And remember in 2009 in 2010, uh, we saw AQAP mount a fairly serious efforts - the underwear bomber and then also the cassette tape effort to attack the United States. After 2010, uh, they were not able to do that, uh, despite the fact that their intent was still as clear and as strong as it was before. And so a while AQAP was by no means defeated and continue to be a major threat to security here in the United States as well as in Yemen and elsewhere around the world, nevertheless, I think that it was legitimate to say that we had achieved some success in the fight against AQAP. Unfortunately what we're seeing now because of the change in the situation again, inside of Yemen, uh, is that we're losing some of the gains that we were able to make, uh, during that period of 2012 to 2014. That's why it's so important that we, uh, have, uh, the ability to get the political negotiation started again, so that we can re-establish legitimate government inside of Sanaa that will cooperate with us once again in this fight against violent extremist organizations. 1:16:45 Rep. Ted Yoho (FL): How can we be that far off? And I know you explained the counter-terrorism portion, but yet to have a country taken over while we're sitting there working with them and this happens. I feel, you know, it just kinda happened overnight the way our embassy got run out of town and just says, you have to leave. Your marines cannot take their weapons with them. I, I just, I don't understand how that happens or how we can be that disconnected. Um, what are your thoughts on that? Gerald Feierstein: You know, it was very, it was very frustrating. Again, I think that, if you go back to where we were a year ago, the successful conclusion of the National Dialogue Conference, which was really the last major hurdle and completion of the GCC initiative, Houthis participated in that. They participated in the constitutional drafting exercise, which was completed successfully. Uh, and so we were in the process of moving through all of the requirements of the GCC initiative that would allow us to complete successfully the political transition. I think there were a combination of things. One, that there was a view on the part of the Houthis that they were not getting everything that they wanted. They were provoked, in our view, by Ali Abdullah Saleh, who never stopped plotting from the very first day after he signed the agreement on the GCC initiative. He never stopped plotting to try to block the political transition, and there was, to be frank, there was a weakness in the government and an inability on the part of the government to really build the kind of alliances and coalition that would allow them to sustain popular support and to bring this to a successful conclusion. And so I think that all through this period there was a sense that we were moving forward and that we believed that we could succeed in implementing this peaceful transition. And yet we always knew that on the margins there were threats and there were risks, and unfortunately we got to a point where the Houthis and Ali Abdullah Saleh, my personal view is that they recognized that they had reached the last possible moment, where they could obstruct the peaceful political transition that was bad for them because it would mean that they wouldn't get everything that they wanted, and so they saw that time was running out for them, and they decided to act. And unfortunately, the government was unable to stop them. Hearing: Targeted Killing of Terrorist Suspects Overseas, Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Constitution, Civil Rights, and Human Rights, C-SPAN, April 23, 2013. Sound Clips: 44:30 Farea al-Muslimi: My name as you mentioned, is Farea al-Muslimi, and I am from Wessab, a remote village mountain in Yemen. I spent a year living with an American family and attended an American high school. That was one of the best years of my life. I learned about American culture, managed the school basketball team and participated in trick or treat and Halloween. But the most exceptional was coming to know someone who ended up being like a father to me. He was a member of the U S Air Force and most of my year was spent with him and his family. He came to the mosque with me and I went to church with him and he became my best friend in America. I went to the U.S. as an ambassador for Yemen and I came back to Yemen as an ambassador of the U.S. I could never have imagined that the same hand that changed my life and took it from miserable to a promising one would also drone my village. My understanding is that a man named Hamid al-Radmi was the target of the drone strike. Many people in Wessab know al-Radmi, and the Yemeni government could easily have found and arrested him. al-Radmi was well known to government officials and even local government could have captured him if the U.S. had told them to do so. In the past, what Wessab's villagers knew of the U.S. was based on my stories about my wonderful experiences had. The friendships and values I experienced and described to the villagers helped them understand the America that I know and that I love. Now, however, when they think of America, they think of the terror they feel from the drones that hover over their heads ready to fire missiles at any time. What violent militants had previously failed to achieve one drone strike accomplished in an instant. 1:17:30 Farea al-Muslimi: I think the main difference between this is it adds into Al Qaeda propaganda of that Yemen is a war with the United States. The problem of Al Qaeda, if you look to the war in Yemen, it's a war of mistakes. The less mistake you make, the more you win, and the drones have simply made more mistakes than AQAP has ever done in the matter of civilians. News Report: Untold Stories of the underwear bomber: what really happened, ABC News 7 Detroit, September 27, 2012. Part 1 Part 2 Hearing: U.S. Policy Toward Yemen, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, C-SPAN, July 19, 2011. Witnesses: Janet Sanderson: Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Daniel Benjamin: State Department Counterterrorism Coordinator Sound Clips: 21:00 Janet Sanderson: The United States continues its regular engagement with the government, including with President Ali, Abdullah Saleh, who's currently, as you know, recovering in Saudi Arabia from his injuries following the June 3rd attack on his compound, the acting president, Vice President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, the opposition, civil society activists, and others interested in Yemen's future. We strongly support the Gulf Cooperation Council's initiative, which we believe would lead to a peaceful and orderly political transition. The GCC initiative signed by both the ruling General People's Congress party and the opposition coalition, joint meeting parties. Only president Saleh is blocking the agreement moving forward and we continue to call on him to sign the initiative. 22:30 Janet Sanderson: While most protests in Yemen have been peaceful over the last couple of months, there have been violent clashes between pro- and anti-government demonstrators and between protesters and government security forces and irregular elements using forced to break up demonstrations. The United States is strongly urged the Yemeni government to investigate and prosecute all acts of violence against protesters. 27:00 Janet Sanderson: We strongly believe that a transition is necessary, that an orderly, peaceful transition is the only way to begin to lead Yemen out of the crisis that it has been in for the last few months. 34:30 Daniel Benjamin: Really, I just want to echo what ambassador Sanderson said. It is vitally important that the transition take place. 1:02:15 Daniel Benjamin: The the view from the administration, particularly from a DOD, which is doing of course, the lion's share of the training, although State Department through anti-terrorism training is doing, uh, uh, a good deal as well, is that the Yemenis are, uh, improving their capacities, that they are making good progress towards, uh, being, able to deal with the threats within their border. But it is important to recognize that, uh, uh, our engagement in Yemen was interrupted for many years. Uh, Yemen, uh, did not have the kind of mentoring programs, the kind of training programs that many of our other counter-terrorism partners had. Um, it was really when the Obama administration came into office that a review was done, uh, in, in March of, uh, beginning in March of 2009, it was recognized that Yemen was a major challenge in the world of counter terrorism. And it was not until, uh, December after many conversations with the Yemenis that we really felt that they were on-board with the project and in fact took their first actions against AQAP. This, as you may recall, was just shortly before the attempted, uh, December 25th bombing of the northwest flight. So this is a military and a set of, uh, Ministry of Interior that is civilian, uh, units that are making good progress, but obviously have a lot to learn. So, uh, again, vitally important that we get back to the work of training these units so that they can, uh, take on the missions they need to. Press Conference: Yemen Conference, C-SPAN, January 27, 2010. Speakers: David Miliband - British Foreign Secretary Hillary Clinton - Secretary of State Abu Bakr al-Kurbi - Yemeni Foreign Minister Sound Clips: 3:30 David Miliband: And working closely with the government of Yemen, we decided that our agenda needed to cover agreement on the nature of the problem and then address the, uh, solutions across the economic, social, and political terrain. Five key items were agreed at the meeting for the way in which the international community can support progress in Yemen. First, confirmation by the government of Yemen, that it will continue to pursue its reform agenda and agreement to start discussion of an IMF program. The director of the IMF represented at the meeting made a compelling case for the way in which economic reform could be supported by the IMF. This is important because it will provide welcome support and help the government of Yemen confront its immediate challenges. 11:45 Hillary Clinton: The United States just signed a three year umbrella assistance agreement with the government of Yemen that will augment Yemen's capacity to make progress. This package includes initiatives that will cover a range of programs, but the overarching goal of our work is to increase the capacity and governance of Yemen and give the people of Yemen the opportunity to better make choices in their own lives. President Saleh has outlined a 10 point plan for economic reform along with the country's national reform agenda. Those are encouraging signs of progress. Neither, however, will mean much if they are not implemented. So we expect Yemen to enact reforms, continue to combat corruption, and improve the country's investment in business climate. 15:45 Abu Bakr al-Kurbi: This commitment also stems from our belief that the challenges we are facing now cannot be remedied unless we implement this agenda of reforms and the 10 points that her exellency alluded to because this is now a priority number of issues that we have to start with, and I hope this is what will be one of the outcomes of this meeting. 16:30 Hillary Clinton: One of the factors that's new is the IMF's involvement and commitment. the IMF has come forward with a reform agenda that the government of Yemen has agreed to work on. 24:30 Hillary Clinton: We were pleased by the announcement of a cease fire, um, between the Saudis and the Houthis. That should lead, we hope, to broader negotiations and a political dialogue that might lead to a permanent, uh, end to the conflict in the north. It's too soon to tell. The Daily Show with John Stewart: Terror 2.0 by Yemen - Sad Libs, CC.com, January 6, 2010. The Daily Show with John Stewart: Terror 2.0 by Yemen, CC.com, January 4, 2010. Community Suggestions See Community Suggestions HERE. Cover Art Design by Only Child Imaginations Music Presented in This Episode Intro & Exit: Tired of Being Lied To by David Ippolito (found on Music Alley by mevio)

Which country has suffered the worst ever outbreak of cholera, with more than a million cases and over 2000 deaths recorded in the past year? You’d be forgiven for not knowing the answer is Yemen. Described by Amnesty International as the “forgotten war”, Yemen is in the fourth year of a conflict which has left over 10 000 people dead, and more than 8 million at risk of starvation. The war has entered a vicious new phase, with Saudi-led coalition forces launching an assault on the port city of Hodeida. Alex Whisson had the opportunity to speak to Helen Lackner, a research associate at the London Middle East Institute in the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, and author of the recently published, Yemen in Crisis: Autocracy, Neo-Liberalism and the Disintegration of a State. Lackner began by outlining the 2011 protests in Yemen, which brought down the long term ruler of the country, Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Moderate Rebels episode 16 - Max Blumenthal and Ben Norton are joined by Yemeni-American scholar and activist Shireen al-Adeimi to discuss the joint US-Saudi war on Yemen, which marked its third anniversary on March 26, 2018. This war has unleashed the largest humanitarian catastrophe in the world. We discuss the historical context and long history of Saudi intervention in Yemen; the various political actors on the ground, including the Houthis (Ansar Allah), Ali Abdullah Saleh, and Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi; the extreme depth of the humanitarian crisis; and the crucial role of the West in facilitating the Saudi bombing campaign and blockade. TOPICS 0:00 Intro 3:44 Foreign involvement in Yemen 4:51 Historical context 8:46 Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi and the "internationally recognized government" in the south 11:19 The Houthi movement (Ansar Allah), the capture of Sana'a, and Ali Abdullah Saleh 18:49 Iran's exaggerated role in Yemen 24:52 Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and his visit to the US 32:17 Yemen solidarity activism and diplomacy 36:25 Western support, and public opposition 40:58 The humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen and the never-ending "10,000" death toll 46:08 Al-Qaeda and ISIS 48:38 Yemen's geopolitical importance and the Mandab Strait 51:59 The north-south divide in Yemen 58:28 The personal impact on Yemenis 1:02:17 Outro

We’re playing catch-up this week on Off the Hookah, discussing President Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, the recent death of Yemen’s former president Ali Abdullah Saleh and what Saleh's legacy bodes for the future of the country. 03:19 - Arab leaders plan major response to Trump's Jerusalem move (Daoud Kuttab) 03:19 - Will Trump recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital? (Shlomi Eldar) 03:19 - Jerusalem recognition serves mainly Trump, Netanyahu (Ben Caspit) 11:53 - Yemen’s new, dangerous post-Saleh power vacuum (Giorgio Cafiero) 11:53 - Saudis fail at their own conspiracy (Bruce Riedel) Music: DAM - Street Poetry (iTunes | Spotify)

Listen to the Sat. Dec. 9, 2017 edition of the Pan-African Journal: Worldwide Radio Broadcast hosted by Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of the Pan-African News Wire. The program features our regular PANW report with dispatches on the ongoing demonstrations in Palestine and around the world condemning the declaration of United States President Donald Trump moving the embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem; bombing attacks by the Gulf Cooperation Council against the Middle Eastern state of Yemen are continuing in the aftermath of the assassination of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh; the ruling ZANU-PF party in Zimbabwe is making preparations for the upcoming special congress to chart the course for the next year; and 15 United Nations Peacekeepers have been killed in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In the second hour of the program we look back at the 50th anniversary of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Massey Lectures featuring Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in December 1967. Then we pay tribute to the 50th anniversary of the death of African American rhythm and blues artist Otis Redding.

The death of Yemen’s ex-president Ali Abdullah Saleh who was killed by his former Houthi allies last Monday after he betrayed them and switched sides in the bloody conflict was a turning point in the country’s history, said Thomas Juneau, assistant professor at the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Ottawa.

The week ahead: South Africa's road from ruin?In the coming week, the African National Congress, South Africa's ruling party, chooses its next leader. It is a chance for the country to recover from the dysfunctional rule of Jacob Zuma or slide further into the mire. Plus, how Ukraine has descended into political turmoil - again. And what will happen now that Yemen's former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, has been assassinated? Robert Guest hosts. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Yemen's former president was gunned down by his former allies the Houthis. They say it was payback for betraying them. Ali Abdullah Saleh's relationship with the rebels was a complicated one. While he was in power, they were sworn enemies. But after he was forced to step down in 2012, they soon forged an unlikely alliance. That relationship ended after Saleh dramatically switched sides by reaching out to Saudi Arabia. It's a decision that has plunged the country into more unrest. But the impact of his death could have even greater consequences. Could this be a turning point in Yemen's war?

The long-running war in Yemen has caused the world's worst humanitarian crisis and the killing of Ali Abdullah Saleh, the influential former president, this week curtailed a fledgling effort to reach a negotiated solution. Gideon Rachman discusses why the conflict has proved so protracted with the FT's Simeon Kerr and Andrew England. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Listen to the Sun. Dec. 3, 2017 special edition of the Pan-African Journal: Worldwide Radio Broadcast hosted by Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of the Pan-African News Wire. The program features our regular PANW report with dispatches on the retirement package under negotiation by the Zimbabwe Government and President Robert Mugabe; the Lusaka Times has announced that President Edgar Lungu has agreed to host the first ever Israel-Africa Summit; Egypt President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi has held discussion with Palestine Authority President Mahmoud Abbas over the prospect of recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel; and the fighting has intensified in the Middle Eastern state of Yemen between forces loyal to former President Ali Abdullah Saleh and Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi. In the second hour we rebroadcast an interview with Abayomi Azikiwe over Moving Forward with Rob Seimetz. Finally we continue our tribute to Cuban President Fidel Castro on the first anniversary of his transition.

Ali Abdullah Saleh says he may "turn the page" if coalition forces lift a blockade and stop attacks. More >> http://ift.tt/2ABHdFz

Listen to the Sat. Dec. 2, 2017 edition of the Pan-African Journal: Worldwide Radio Broadcast hosted by Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of the Pan-African News Wire. This program features our regular PANW report with dispatches on the recent fighting in the Yemeni capital of Sanaa between forces loyal to the Ansurallah and those following former President Ali Abdullah Saleh; the Syrian military has intercepted missiles fired from the Israeli Defense Forces; the European Union-Africa Summit has concluded in the West African state of Ivory Coast with the establishment of a task force to deal with the evacuation of migrants from the North African state of Libya; and a report has been issued that is highly critical of the authorities in the handling of the clashes in Charlottesville on August 12 between racist and anti-racist groups. In the second hour we rebroadcast the Nov. 6 edition of Moving Forward with an interview with host Abayomi Azikiwe on the history and political economy of Detroit. Finally we pay tribute to the first anniversary of the death of Cuban President Fidel Castro Ruz.

Marc Lynch speaks with Susanne Dahlgren about Yemen. Dahlgren is the author of Contesting Realities: The Public Sphere and Morality in Southern Yemen, and is a Visiting Research Associate Professor at National University of Singapore as well as a Academy Research Fellow at the University of Helsinki. Dahlgren speaks about the history of southern Yemen and its union to become present-day Yemen in 1990. "In the beginning it was a happy union, but very soon it turned out to be very ugly politics from the perspective of the Southerners. Things went really bad in 1993– or the three years after the unity— and that led to the first inter-Yemeni war. The current war, which started in 2015 is considered by southern Yemenis as the inter-Yemeni war." "They think that the the Houthi's movement—together with the former president Ali Abdullah Saleh— want to conquer South Yemen militarily. They have taken up arms in order to resist and they are working in cooperation with with the Saudi war coalition" said Dahlgren. "In Yemen, you have two very contradictory ideas about the Saudi involvement in this war. In the south, they consider that the Saudis are they allies. While in the North, it's considered an aggression."

Speaker: Michael Stephens, RUSI Chair: Courtney Freer, LSE Kuwait Programme As the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen moves into its eighth month, the country shows little sign of returning to stability. GCC operations in the country have swung the tide against the Houthi militias and their backer Ali Abdullah Saleh, however there appears little ability to connect military action to political reconciliation. The talk will focus on the ability of the GCC coalition to forge a political consensus in Yemen, on the back of a highly controversial military operation. Recorded on 17 November 2015. This is an LSE Kuwait Programme event.

Om svältkrisen som riskerar bli den värsta humanitära katastrofen sedan andra världskriget. Men är det också en av vår tids värsta krigsbrott? Nyligen gick FN ut och varnade för vad man kallade den största humanitära krisen sedan organisationen skapades, en hungersnöd där 20 miljoner människor hotas av svält i fyra länder: norra Nigeria, Somalia, Sydsudan och, vilket är det värst drabbade landet, Jemen. För att få en bättre bild av vad som händer finns få ställen som är bättre att besöka än ett kontorsområde precis vid en motorväg i utkanten av Italiens huvudstad Rom, där FN-organisationen World Food Programme har sitt högkvarter. Konflikts Ivar Ekman åkte dit, och fick höra att matkriserna i stor utsträckning är skapta av människor. En av de intervjuade på WFP var Mahadevan Ramachandran, planeringschef för försörjningsflödesdivisionen på WFP, som oroade sig för en attack mot hamnstaden Hudeidah, som skulle hota WFP:s förmåga att rädda livet på de sju miljoner jemeniter som befinner sig på gränsen till regelrätt svält. Vilka är det då som skulle attackera? Vad är det för krig som pågår i Jemen? Konflikts Maja Lagercrantz tittade närmare på det, och började i det hopp som fanns i Jemen under demonstrationerna mot den dåvarande presidenten Ali Abdullah Saleh, under den arabiska våren 2011. En av dem hon pratade var aktivisten Baraa Shiban, som sa att det inte finns några militära lösningar på Konflikten. Men hur ter sig kriget från marken, för dem som står där när bomberna faller och granaterna slår ner? Anna Roxvall sökte svar på den frågan, och pratade bland andra med Alvhild Strömme vid Norwegian Refugee Council, som sa att mat kommit att bli ett vapen i kriget i Jemen. Om kriget och svälten i Jemen är människoskapta uppstår frågan om det är någons fel? Om tusentals, miljontals människor svälter eller är på gränsen till svält kan inte någon ställas till svars, och det hela hindras genom att nån ingriper? Med i studion för att svara är Pål Wrange, som är professor i folkrätt vid Stockholms Universitet. Kriget i Jemen drivs framförallt av en koalition ledd av Saudiarabien, ett krig som enligt många bedömare inte varit möjligt om inte andra länder hade stöttat det på olika sätt. Ett land som gett mycket operativt och materiellt stöd är Saudiarabiens nära allierade USA, och ett som sålt enorma mängder vapen till Saudiarabien är Storbritannien. Konflikts Stephanie Zakrisson tittade närmare på deras inblandning, och pratade bland annat med Christopher Sherwood, talesman på försvarshögkvarteret Pentagon. Programledare: Ivar Ekman ivar.ekman@sverigesradio.se Producent: Stephanie Zakrisson stephanie.zakrisson@sverigesradio.se

Speakers: Ginny Hill, LSE Middle East Centre; Baraa Shiban, Reprieve Chair: Robert Lowe, LSE Middle East Centre Yemen is embroiled in multiple civil wars, triggered by a long-term decline in oil production, the failure of state-building, strong sub-national identities and internal competition between rival elite networks that comprised the regime of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh. Ginny Hill and Baraa Shiban present their paper for the Remote Control Project, examining the use of special forces, mercenaries and armed drones. They highlight the moral and political risks for Western governments training and arming regional protagonists, such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, to fight in Yemen. They argue that the implications of the Saudi-led intervention may extend far beyond Yemen’s borders to influence the conduct of future wars. Recorded on 9 November 2016. Image credit: Richard Messenger, Flickr. Sanaa, Yemen.

Om drönarkriget där gränsen mellan civila och stridande suddats ut. Vem är skyldig och vem är oskyldig när dödsdomen kommer från ett obemannat flygplan? Hör om Al-Qaidaflaggor och bilvrak, om 16-åringen som blev ett misstag, och om journalisten som USA vill hålla kvar i fängelset. Usas president Barak Obama fick mycket internationell uppskattning när han förbjöd tortyr och förbjöds de CIAs hemliga fängelser som använts kampen mot terrorismen. Men på en punkt har han inte bara fortsatt utan också kraftigt trappat upp en mycket kontroversiell del av terrorbekämpningen. Antalet drönarattacker mångdubblades under Obamas första mandatperiod och fortsätter att öka. Ett av de länder som drabbats av flest drönarattacker är Jemen. Landet hamnade i världens blickfång 2009 då flera terrorattacker spårades dit - ett exempel var den så kallade kalsongbombaren som nästan lyckades spränga ett amerikanskt passagerarplan i luften med hjälp av en bomb i underkläderna efter att ha blivit tränad av Al-Qaida i Jemen. För att handskas med vad den amerikanska administrationen såg som Al Qaidas nya fäste träffade Barak Obamas dåvarande säkerhetsrådgivare John Brennan och Jemens president Ali Abdullah Saleh samma år en hemlig överenskommelse. Enligt protokoll som läckt ut via Wikilieaks lämnade Jemens president helt över eller, som det står - outsourcade - ansvaret för terrorkriget i Jemen till USA. USA fick bland annat obegränsat tillträde till Jemens luftrum. Sedan dess har Obama-administrationen utfört ett stort antal drönarattacker mot Jemen, attacker som på hemmaplan ofta hyllats som framgångsrikt oskadliggörande av Al-Qaidaledare. Men i Jemen växer missnöjet i takt med att också civila dödas - och ibland också regimmotståndare. Kan det vara så att den jemenitiska regeringen ibland samarbetar med USA för att göra sig av med misshagliga medborgare? Och vem bär ansvar när civila dödas i det som på amerikanskt militärspråk kallas collateral damage - icke avsedd skada? Sveriges Radios reportrar Lotten Collin och Daniel Öhman gav sig ut på en resa mellan missilhål i jeminitiska bergsbyar där invånarna kräver svar på sina frågor om varför deras anhöriga fallit offer för drönardöden. Tidigare Konflikt-sändningar om USA:s drönarkrig:

"Crisis Yemen: Going Where?" Featuring: Ambassador Barbara Bodine, Mr. Gregory Johnsen, Dr. Charles Schmitz, Mr. Robert Sharp, and Dr. John Duke Anthony. Recorded June 26, 2012 in Washington, DC. Visit www.ncusar.org for more information.

Om islamismen som den arabiska vårens stora segrare. I Tunisien bildar de regering. I Egypten talar sekulära politiker om en kamp på liv och död mot politisk islam. Men har den demokratiska vågen också demokratiserat det vi kallar islamism? Intervjuer med Muslimska brödraskapet, Hamas och ett unikt reportage inifrån Jemen där regimen använder islamistspöket som slagträ. Hör president Ali Abdullah Salehs närmaste män och ledaren för en islamistisk opposition på frammarsch. Islamistiska Ennadha blev nyligen det största partiet i valet i Tunisien, de fick över 40 procent av rösterna och 90 av drygt 200 platser i den konstitutionella församlingen. Därmed kommer Ennadha vara dominerande och tongivande i utformandet av ett nytt demokratiskt politiskt system i Tunisien, det första i landets historia. Konflikts Mikael Olsson ringde upp en av partiets frontfigurer, Souad Abdel Ibrahim, som väckt uppmärksamhet både i Tunisien och utomlands. Det land där den arabiska våren har varat längst är Jemen. Demonstrationerna mot president Ali Abdullah Saleh har pågått i 10 månader nu, i flera städer i landet protesterar hundratusentals människor. Upproret har lett till framgångar för det islamistiska partiet al-Islah, i dagsläget den viktigaste oppositionella aktören i landet. Men om de är moderata eller konservativa vill ingen, inte heller partiets ledare, svara på när Lotten Collin ställer frågan. Hon intervjuade också president Ali Abdullah Salehs närmaste rådgivare, som varnade för att Jemen kommer bli ett nytt Afghanistan om al-Islah kommer till makten. Att islam som kommer att dominera politiken i de postrevolutionära arabiska länderna råder det knappast någon tvekan om - vägen till demokrati kommer inte att ta en omväg runt moskén utan måste gå igenom, som det brukar heta. I Libyen blir islamister alltmer tongivande i övergångsfasen och det tunisiska Ennahda-partiets har vunnit stora framgångar i valet i Tunisien nyligen. Det kommer troligen följas av en seger för det Muslimska Brödraskapet vid valet i Egypten senare i november. Men exakt i vilken rikting politisk islam utvecklas beror på många olika faktorer: Medan det egyptiska brödraskapet är pressat av radikala bokstavstrogna salafister, utkristalliserar sig samtidigt traditionell höger/vänsterpolitik inom rörelsen. En av politisk islams skarpaste unga tänkare, Ibrahim El Houdaiby, hoppas på en framtid då just sakpolitik blir viktigare än frågor om religiösa identitet. Vår korrespondent Cecilia Uddén har träffade El Houdaiby i Kairo. En av de återkommande rösterna under den arabiska våren i Konflikt har varit chefredaktören för Yemen Times, Nadia al-Sakkaf. Hon vittnade på telefon i mars om hur krypskyttar, antagligen från regeringsstyrkorna, skjutit ihjäl 52 civila demonstranter ute vid universitet i Jemens huvudstad Sanaa. Då var Nadia övertygad om att det bara var en tidsfråga innan president Ali Abdullah Saleh skulle tvingas avgå. När Lotten Collin nu träffar henne i Sanaa är hon inte längre lika säker.

I Konflikt den 16 mars i år pratade vi med Nadia al-Sakkaf, chefredaktör på Yemen Times i Jemens huvudstad Sanaa. Då, den där blodiga fredagen när Konflikts Lotten Collin ringde var hon skärrad efter att krypskyttar helt plötsligt börjat skjuta mot fredliga demonstranter som slagit upp tältläger i en stor gatukorsning i huvudstan. Sen dess har mycket hänt: Jemens president Ali Abdullah Saleh flydde landet efter ett mordförsök och får nu vård i Saudiarabien. Det kommer bli omöjligt för honom att återvända, säger Nadia al-Sakkaf när Lotten ringer upp henen igen. Intervjun är på engelska och gjordes den 22 juni.

For months Yemen has been the scene of widespread unrest and anti-government protests. President Ali Abdullah Saleh has warned that if he stands down the country risks falling into the hands of extremists groups like al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. For Assignment, Natalia Antelava reports from the capital Sana'a, on how warnings like these feed into the very fear that shapes US counter-terrorism policy in Yemen.