Podcasts about Hubert Harrison

Hubert Harrison war einer der ersten schwarzen Sozialisten in den USA. Sein Lebenswerk zeigt, wie sich der Kapitalismus systematisch des Rassismus bedient, um die arbeitende Klasse zu spalten — und wie wir ihn überwinden können. Artikel vom 23. Juni 2020: https://jacobin.de/artikel/antirassismus-sozialismus-hubert-harrison-web-dubois-malcolm-x Seit 2011 veröffentlicht JACOBIN täglich Kommentare und Analysen zu Politik und Gesellschaft, seit 2020 auch in deutscher Sprache. Ab sofort gibt es die besten Beiträge als Audioformat zum Nachhören. Nur dank der Unterstützung von Magazin-Abonnentinnen und Abonnenten können wir unsere Arbeit machen, mehr Menschen erreichen und kostenlose Audio-Inhalte wie diesen produzieren. Und wenn Du schon ein Abo hast und mehr tun möchtest, kannst Du gerne auch etwas regelmäßig an uns spenden via www.jacobin.de/podcast. Zu unseren anderen Kanälen: Instagram: www.instagram.com/jacobinmag_de X: www.twitter.com/jacobinmag_de YouTube: www.youtube.com/c/JacobinMagazin Webseite: www.jacobin.de

Audible Autism is back with a very special episode for Black History Month. Odai decided to go solo and dedicate an entire episode to a figure from the past who he felt deserved more recognition, St Croix's own Hubert Henry Harrison. This episode was both a passion project but also a way of introducing a figure who alot of people might not know of which is interesting especially considering his connection to Marcus Garvey and we hope that you find this insightful and exciting.

As an added bonus for for the episode, Odai decided to read a few essays from Hubert Harrison. Who better to hear from than the man himself who i'm sure you will find that his words were clear, direct and DEEPLY incisive. We advise that you listen to the main episode first before you listen to this extra audio otherwise enjoy listening.

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/caribbean-studies

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literary-studies

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies.

One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay's life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik. In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay's political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay's time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay's life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him. Articles referenced in the show: Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293. Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045. @amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This is the continuation of our conversation with Winston James about his latest work Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik. In part 1 we talked about McKay's origins in Jamaica up through the Red Summer of 1919 when he would pen his famous poem “If We Must Die.” In this conversation we talk about McKay's time in Harlem, his relationship with Hubert Harrison, his support of - and political differences with - the Garvey movement or the UNIA. In that vein we also talk about McKay's theorization of the relationship between class struggle, anticolonial struggle, and anticapitalist revolution. And relatedly his support of movements for Irish nationalism, Indian independence, and Black Nationalism.  James also shares McKay's experiences as a worker, as a member of the Wobblies or the IWW, and as a member of Sylvia Pankhurst's Workers Socialist Federation in the UK and some associated discussion of syndicalism and leftwing communism. We close with some reflections on McKay's attitudes towards Bolshevism over time, especially after Lenin. We really enjoyed Winston James book and highly recommend it to people who are interested in McKay's life or just in history including debates of the Black left - and communist left - in the early 20th century. You can pick up Winston James' Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik which is currently on sale from our friends at Massive Bookshop. A final reminder as this is likely to be our final episode of this month. October is the 5 year anniversary of Millennials Are Killing Capitalism. We had set a goal of adding 50 patrons this month. And with 2 days left is attainable. We need just 4 more patrons to hit that goal. You can help us hit that goal for as little as $1 a month or $10.80 per year at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism. A new post will be up on patreon about it this week, but our Black Marxism study group will start up in November, and our 5 year anniversary episode is still on its way.

On this week's show: First Segment: Alexa Avilés, democratic socialist City Councilmember whose South Brooklyn district encompasses Red Hook, Sunset Park, Greenwood and parts of Windsor Terrace, Dyker Heights and Borough Park. We catch up with her on the latest from Puerto rico, the city's response to the influx of migrants from border states and the latest disturbing news from the New York City Housing Authority which she oversees as the Chair of the City Council's Committee on NYCHA. Second Segment: In our second segment, we talk about the life and legacy of Dr. Jeffrey Perry, who died over the weekend. Perry was an independent, working-class scholar whose work focused on the role of white supremacy as a retardant to progressive social change and on the centrality of struggle against white supremacy to progressive social change efforts. Perry wrote and spoke in particular on two of the most important thinkers on race and class in the twentieth century: Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen, both of whom we will hear more about shortly. Perry's friend of 50 years, Sean Ahern, joins us to commemorate Perry. Ahern is a retired public-school teacher and member of the NYC Coalition to Finally End Mayoral Control. Third Segment: Labor and culture. The 11th annual Worker Unite Film Festival begins on Friday, Oct. 7 at Cinema Village Theater. It will be WUFF's first in-person festival since the pandemic. The festival comes at a time when we're seeing an upsurge in labor organizing and strikes and labor unions are more popular in public opinion polls than any time in the past five decades. We are joined by WUFF Executive Director Andrew Tilson and two special guests, avant-garde jazz luminary William Hooker, whose 2021 film The Lost Generation: Outside the Mainstream will be a part of the festival and Sean Claffy, who directed Americonned, a film that examines "the long overdue uprising of American workers.”

On this week's Indypendent News Hour, we talk about the life and legacy of Dr. Jeffrey Perry, who died over the weekend. Perry was an independent, working-class scholar whose work focused on the role of white supremacy as a retardant to progressive social change and on the centrality of struggle against white supremacy to progressive social change efforts. Perry wrote and spoke in particular on two of the most important thinkers on race and class in the twentieth century: Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen, both of whom we will hear more about shortly. Perry's friend of 50 years, Sean Ahern, joins us to commemorate Perry. Ahern is a retired public-school teacher and member of the NYC Coalition to Finally End Mayoral Control.

What's on my mind: There is no reason to listen to ignorant liars:https://eari.uv.es/index.php/Metode/article/view/10005/11896News:Jan 6th committee's public hearings:https://www.cbsnews.com/news/jan-6-committee-hearings-day-3-pence-trump-eastman-luttig/He's Back a racists' grand return:https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/paul-lepage-maine-governor/Herschel Walker is a lying piece of shit, duh!https://www.cnn.com/2022/06/15/politics/herschel-walker-son-georgia-republican/index.htmlRepublicans building an ‘army' to fight made up voter fraud:https://onlysky.media/aherrold/combat-voter-fraud-republicans-destabilize-democracy/MAGA Pastor Makes Triumphant Return Home, Gets Arrested Immediately:https://www.thedailybeast.com/canadas-maga-pastor-artur-pawlowski-arrested-at-calgary-airport-after-us-misinformation-tourThis shit is for us: A history lesson, what we can learn from the life of Hubert Harrison:https://www.thenation.com/article/society/hubert-harrison-jeffrey-perry/Bible Study with Atheist Mike: Did politics ruin religion or did religion ruin politics:https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2022/06/evangelical-church-pastors-political-radicalization/629631/Closing: Carl Bean, singer of gay pride hit ‘I Was Born This Way', dies at 77: 

Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry brings us together with this ultimate appearance in our Legacy series on WWH. He has been active in the working class movementfor 50 years studying, writing and speaking on two of the most important thinkers on race and class in the twentieth century --Theodore W. Allen and Cruzan-American Black atheist, activist and scholar, Hubert Harrison.  Called “A brilliant masterpiece” by the American Historical Review, Perry is the author of two biographies on Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism 1883-1918 and The Struggle for Equality 1918-1927 for which he nominated a Pulitzer Prize. In this episode we pick up where we left off previously. Jeffrey discusses Harrison's his money woes and ultimate clash with the burgeoning socialist movement, differences with W.E.B, Dubois and his valid critiques of Marcus Garvey; all in ways that reverberate to this very day.   _____________________________   (Ep. 16)    Show Notes    Host: Rogiérs    Writing & Narration: Rogiérs    Production & Editing: Fibby Music Group, LLC   Opening performed by Rogiérs, Reginald & Alesandra Ndu   Recorded at: FMG Studios, Washington, DC   Cover Artwork: Emily Wilson   Music Licensing/Episode Musical Credits courtesy of: Fibby Music Recordings, Storyblocks    Resources & Mentions   Jeffrey B. Perry, Official Website   "Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism", Jeffrey B. Perry (Columbia University Press)    Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality. 1918-1927, Jeffrey B. Perry (Columbia University Press)   *For discount on online bookstore, use “CUP20” at checkout.   _____________________________   For Contact, Inquiry, Voicemail & Feedback:    E: BNDCPodcast@gmail.com   Twitter: @WWHPodcasting   _____________________________   Additional Content:   Find the entire LEGACY catalogue of programs online at the Black Nonbelievers YouTube Channel!   Find Black Nonbelievers of DC online on Facebook and also on Meetup.    Support  Black Nonbelievers follow on Twitter and find a local affiliate new you!   Special thanks to the American Humanist Association and the DC Commission on the Arts & Humanities for their support.   (c) 2022 Fibby Music Group, LLC www.FibbyMusic.net   

A giant of both Afro-Caribbean and African-American history, we rejoin Jeffrey B. Perry in his second Legacy appearance covering Volume II of his autobiography and treatment of the one and only Hubert Harrison. Called “The Black Socrates” by Joel A. Rogers, Harrison practically mentored Marcus Garvey, rubbed shoulders with A. Phillip Randolph and Arturo Schomburg and wrote the book on “militant” Negro politics for generations to come.   Harrison is a name Every Black History program should cover and that every Black freethinker should become critically aware of. But whether you know these names or not,  do stick around. We're digging in for a rich history lesson on this auto-didactic, radical Black atheist and Pan-African, socialist thought leader.  _____________________________  (Ep. 15)   Show Notes   Host: Rogiérs   Writing & Narration: Rogiérs   Production & Editing: Fibby Music Group, LLC  Opening performed by Rogiérs, Reginald & Alesandra Ndu  Recorded at: FMG Studios, Washington, DC  Cover Artwork: Emily Wilson  Music Licensing/Episode Musical Credits courtesy of: Fibby Music Recordings, Storyblocks   Resources & Mentions  Jeffrey B. Perry, Official Website  "Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism", Jeffrey B. Perry (Columbia University Press)   Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality. 1918-1927, Jeffrey B. Perry (Columbia University Press)  *For discount on online bookstore, use “CUP20” at checkout.  Sarah Haider, Ex-Muslims of North America (on Twitter)  _____________________________  For Contact, Inquiry, Voicemail & Feedback:   E: BNDCPodcast@gmail.com  Twitter: @WWHPodcasting  _____________________________  Additional Content:  Find the entire LEGACY catalogue of programs online at the Black Nonbelievers YouTube Channel!  Find Black Nonbelievers of DC online on Facebook and also on Meetup.   Support  Black Nonbelievers follow on Twitter and find a local affiliate new you!  Special thanks to the American Humanist Association and the DC Commission on the Arts & Humanities for their support.  (c) 2022 Fibby Music Group, LLC www.FibbyMusic.net 

More than 100 years ago a Black skeptic/atheist/agnostic/freethinker from the Danish West Indies framed a conversation on Pan-Africanism, modeled Socialist Black political organizing, advocated for labor rights and progressive Black entertainment in a vaudeville era of American life wreathed in poverty, White Supremacy, World Wars and European Imperialism. This episode continues Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry's presentation on Hubert Harrison-a bridge between Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King, The Black Panthers, Occupy Wallstreet and BLM.  Perry reveals all of these connections on with his account of the life of Harrison known as the "Black Socrates,” a freethinking orator, writer and contemporary in the then Harlem Renaissance. Pitifully unsung, all roads to Arturo Schomburg, A. Phillip Randolph, Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, Martin Luter King, James Brown, James Baldwin, Nikki Giovanni, The Black Panthers, Sista Soulja (and so many more) therefore, lead directly through Hubert Harrison.  _____________________________ (Ep. 12)  Show Notes Host: Rogiérs  Writing & Narration: Rogiérs  Production & Editing: Fibby Music Group, LLC Assistant Producer, Research: Drai Salmon Opening performed by Rogiérs, Reginald & Alesandra Ndu Recorded at: FMG Studios, Washington, DC Cover Artwork: Emily Wilson Music Licensing/Episode Musical Credits courtesy of: Fibby Music Recordings, Storyblocks and V.Rich/"Ocean of Love" (Out Now!) Resources & Mentions Jeffrey B. Perry, Official Website "Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism", Jeffrey B. Perry (Columbia University Press) *For discount on online bookstore, use “CUP20” at checkout. David Hilliard describes Black Panther Party origins & Ideological Struggles of Class-Coalition Politics (2006) _____________________________ For Contact, Inquiry, Voicemail & Feedback:  E: BNDCPodcast@gmail.com Twitter: @WWHPodcasting _____________________________ Additional Content: Find the entire LEGACY catalogue of programs online at the Black Nonbelievers YouTube Channel! Find Black Nonbelievers of DC online on Facebook and also on Meetup.  Support  Black Nonbelievers follow on Twitter and find a local affiliate new you! Special thanks to the American Humanist Association and the DC Commission on the Arts & Humanities for their support. (c) 2022 Fibby Music Group, LLC www.FibbyMusic.net   

Who is one of the greatest icons of movement history that you've likely never heard of? Someone who 100+ years ago conceptualized Pan-Africanism, modeled new Black political organization, labor rights advocacy, religious dissent and championed (and scrutinized) Black actors, playwrights and entertainers in ways few others would? Who literally stands as a bridge between Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King and BLM? And who both created language for subsequent Black leaders and mercilessly scrutinized icons like Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Dubois and others in their blind spots? It is Hubert Harrison.   The lifelong work of this intellectual Black giant -and his biographer, renowned scholar and author, Jeffrey B. Perry- reveals all of these connections on today's episode with his account of the life of Harrison. In fact, it may be said that not only is this "Black Socrates” pitifully unsung, but all roads to Arturo Schomburg, A. Phillip Randolph, Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, Martin Luter King, James Brown, James Baldwin, Nikki Giovanni, The Black Panthers, Sista Soulja (and so many more) therefore, lead directly through Hubert Harrison.  This episode is Part I of Jeffrey B. Perry's interview on Harrison from the 2021 Legacy series covering his migration from the Caribbean (now USVI) to the US and his early work as a freethinking orator, writer and contemporary in the then Harlem Renaissance.  _____________________________ (Ep. 11)  Show Notes Host: Rogiérs  Writing & Narration: Rogiérs  Production & Editing: Fibby Music Group, LLC Assistant Producer, Research: Drai Salmon Opening performed by Rogiérs, Reginald & Alesandra Ndu Recorded at: FMG Studios, Washington, DC Cover Artwork: Emily Wilson Music Licensing/Episode Musical Credits courtesy of: Fibby Music Recordings, Storyblocks and V.Rich/"Ocean of Love" (Out Now!) Resources & Mentions Jeffrey B. Perry, Official Website "Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism", Jeffrey B. Perry (Columbia University Press) *For discount on online bookstore, use “CUP20” at checkout. Jamaican poet and LGBTQ activist Stacy Ann Chin reads the account of Bartolomé de Las Casas at Voice of a People's History of the United States. History of the Indies by Bartolome De Las Casas Explained", APUSH Simplified _____________________________ For Contact, Inquiry, Voicemail & Feedback:  E: BNDCPodcast@gmail.com Twitter: @WWHPodcasting _____________________________ Additional Content: Find the entire LEGACY catalogue of programs online at the Black Nonbelievers YouTube Channel! Find Black Nonbelievers of DC online on Facebook and also on Meetup.  Support  Black Nonbelievers follow on Twitter and find a local affiliate new you! Special thanks to the American Humanist Association and the DC Commission on the Arts & Humanities for their support. (c) 2022 Fibby Music Group, LLC www.FibbyMusic.net       

Often time the names of Black historical figures are relegated to the same usual suspects: Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcom X, W.E.B Dubois, or Marcus Garvey. This myopic narrative of Black history leaves out figures who often had radical political agendas that challenged institutions traditional figures did not pick up on until later in their lives. One of those neglected figures is Hubert Harrison, who was deemed, "The Father of Harlem Radicalism." On this episode we will ask Jeffry Perry, author of a two volume series on Harrison's life, what distinguished Hubert Harrison from his contemporaries and made him one of the most important Black figures in American history no one knows about.    About Jeffrey B. Perry Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry (Jeff Perry) is an independent, working-class scholar formally educated at Princeton, Harvard, Rutgers, and Columbia. The recently published, second volume of his Hubert Harrison biography entitled "Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927" (Columbia University Press, December 2020) was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize. Dr. Perry's work focuses on the role of white supremacy as a retardant to progressive social change and on the centrality of struggle against white supremacy to progressive social change efforts. Get Perry's books and more here: https://www.jeffreybperry.net/   About TIR Thank you, guys, again for taking the time to check this out. We appreciate each and every one of you. If you have the means, and you feel so inclined, BECOME A PATRON! We're creating patron-only programming, you'll get bonus content from many of the episodes, and you get MERCH!   Become a patron now: https://www.patreon.com/join/BitterLakePresents   Please also like, subscribe, and follow us on these platforms as well, especially YouTube!   THANKS Y'ALL   YouTube: www.youtube.com/thisisrevolutionpodcast   Twitch: www.twitch.tv/thisisrevolutionpodcast & www.twitch.tv/leftflankvets   Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Thisisrevolutionpodcast/   Twitter: @TIRShowOakland Instagram: @thisisrevolutionoakland   Pascal Robert in Black Agenda Report: https://www.blackagendareport.com/author/PascalRobert Read Pascal's Piece in Newsweek Here: https://www.newsweek.com/black-political-elite-serving-corporate-interests-misrepresenting-our-community-opinion-1652384   Get THIS IS REVOLUTION Merch here: www.thisisrevolutionpodcast.com   Get the music from the show here: https://bitterlakeoakland.bandcamp.com/   Follow Djene Bajalan @djenebajalan   Follow Kuba Wrzesniewski @DrKuba2

India facing COVID crisis as the US, Europe refuse to waive vaccine laws; Israeli Settlers 'terrorize' Arabs; Hubert Harrison’s legacy lives on

In this episode of By Any Means Necessary, hosts Sean Blackmon and Jacquie Luqman are joined by Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar, archivist, author of “Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883–1918,” and editor of “A Hubert Harrison Reader,” to discuss the legacy of radical Black scholar-activist Hubert Henry Harrison 138 years after his birth, why his radical Black internationalist perspective was so ahead of its time, and how his groundbreaking criticisms of US capitalism and white supremacy led to his socialist organizing efforts.

Around the time of World War One, Hubert Harrison, A. Philip Randolph, and other black socialists argue that racial oppression is caused by capitalism.

Within two weeks we'll be completing Black History Month, but for my fellow-US Virgin Islanders we'll be initiating Virgin Islands History Month. And to kick off our celebration and education of a founding father, Professor Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry will be serving as our guest educating and enlightening us about Mr. Hubert Harrison, a native son from St. Croix, US Virgin Islands. “The two-volume biography of Hubert Harrison is extremely important,” statesDr. Perrywho believes this two-volume biography is the first, full-life, multi-volume biography of an Afro-Caribbean and the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes.” VisitHubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927at Columbia University Press and Dr. Perry’s site and get Volume I and/or Volume 2 at 20% discount via Code “CUP20”. Airing Times in the USA: 8:00 pm AST, 7:00 pm EST, 6:00 pm CST, 5:00 pm MST, 4:00 pm PST. For our international listeners, copy and paste www [dot] timeanddate [dot] com/time/zones/  for your time. Looking forward to seeing and hearing you there! 

Born to a Barbadian mother & Crucian father in St. Croix, Harlem-based Hubert Harrison (1883-1927) was a brilliant writer, orator, editor, educator, critic, & activist. He combined class consciousness & anti-white-supremacist race consciousness, internationalism, & struggle for equality into a potent political radicalism. Harrison's ideas profoundly influenced "New Negro" militants, including A. Philip Randolph & Marcus Garvey, & his work is a key link in the 2 great strands of the Civil Rights/Black Liberation struggle: the labor-&-civil-rights movement associated with Randolph & Martin Luther King Jr. & the race and nationalist movement associated with Garvey & Malcolm X.  "Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927" (Columbia University Press) follows "Hubert Harrison: The Voice of HarlemRadicalism, 1883-1918". This 2-volume biography by Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry is based on extensive use of the Hubert H. Harrison Papers &  Diary at Columbia's Rare Book & Manuscript Library. Visit Dr. Perry on Facebook. Also this CUP20 coupon gets you 20% off. Airing Times in the USA: 8:00 pm AST, 7:00 pm EST, 6:00 pm CST, 5:00 pm MST, 4:00 pm PST. Click here for your International Time Zone. 

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry's volume on Harrison's life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry's initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey's UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison's extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison's work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison's role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison's work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry's painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry’s volume on Harrison’s life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry’s initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey’s UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison’s extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison’s work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison’s role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison’s work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry’s painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry’s volume on Harrison’s life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry’s initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey’s UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison’s extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison’s work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison’s role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison’s work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry’s painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry’s volume on Harrison’s life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry’s initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey’s UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison’s extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison’s work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison’s role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison’s work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry’s painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry’s volume on Harrison’s life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry’s initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey’s UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison’s extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison’s work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison’s role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison’s work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry’s painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry’s volume on Harrison’s life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry’s initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey’s UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison’s extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison’s work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison’s role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison’s work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry’s painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry's volume on Harrison's life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry's initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey's UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison's extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison's work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison's role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison's work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry's painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history.

Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927 (Columbia University 2020) by Jeffrey B. Perry, independent scholar and archivist, is an extensive intellectual history of the life and work of Black radical and autodidact Hubert Harrison. Perry is also editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan, 2001) and author of Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia, 2008). He is the chief biographer of Hubert Harrison and Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality is a follow up to his aforementioned text on Harrison. (these two volumes can be ordered from Columbia University Press at 20% discount by using Code CUP20). Perry’s volume on Harrison’s life from 1883 to 1918 is considered to be the first volume of an Afro-Caribbean “and only the fourth of an African American after those of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes” (1). This current text is a continuation of the argument advanced in Perry’s initial text on Harrison. Harrison is often left out of major surveys of the Harlem Renaissance and New Negro Era, as Perry notes, and this is likely because the Renaissance is often viewed as a movement of Black intellectual elites with formal higher education. That said, Harrison was a working-class self-taught man who wrote reviews, essays, orations and was recognized by intellectual elites of his day and a member of the Socialist Party of America. Harrison was born in Saint Croix, U.S. Virgin Islands in 1883 but relocated to the Harlem section of New York City in 1900, at age seventeen, where he eventually became a recognized writer, cultural critic, orator, editor and political activist including working with Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Perry defines Harrison as “the voice” of Harlem radicalism and also a “radical internationalist.” This is a challenge to standard views of the New Negro Era that tend to place intellectuals such as Alain Locke and W.E.B. Du Bois at the helm of Black thought and culture during the Harlem Renaissance moment in African American history. That said, Harrison was also involved with Garvey’s UNIA as editor of the Negro World and in labor activism. Harrison formed the Liberty League in 1917 and The Voice that helped to lay the foundation of the Garvey Movement and the Rise of the UNIA. He was involved in the major debates of his day including discussions about class consciousness, Black nationalism, internationalism, freethought and trade unionism. This second volume by Perry is very necessary given Harrison’s extensive engagement with the ideas and the production of knowledge as a self-taught organic intellectual with deep concerns about human liberation across class and race. Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Black Equality is organized into four major sections divided by twenty chapters including an “Epilogue.” It is a far-reaching text of more than 700 pages. Part I focuses on Harrison’s work with The Voice and his political activities in places such as Washington, D.C. and Virginia, In Part II, Harrison’s role as editor of the Negro World is assessed with a discussion of his debates and writings. Part III concerns Harrison’s work as a “freelance educator” and his work as a writer and speaker, while the final part of the text Part IV covers his role as a Black radical internationalist. This is a critically important text. Scholars of the Harlem Renaissance will find it difficult to dismiss Hubert Harrison as a major voice of the New Negro Era with the publication of this text. Perry’s painstaking coverage of Harrison gives him his rightful place in history as “the voice of Harlem radicalism.” Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry (Jeff Perry) is an independant, working class scholar. formally educated at Princeton, Harvard, Rutgers, and Columbia. Volume 2 of his Hubert Harrison biography entitled "Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927" (Columbia University Press) was recently published in November 2020. Dr. Perry, an archivist, bibliophile, and historian, preserved and inventoried the "Hubert H. Harrison Papers" and helped to place them at the Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University and to develop the "Hubert H. Harrison Papers, 1893-1927: Finding Aid." These efforts, contributed to making writings of Hubert Harrison freely-accessible worldwide via the Hubert Harrison Papers Digital Collection on the Columbia University Rare Book and Manuscript Library website.

Dr. Perry will join us to discuss his work on Hubert Henry Harrison. Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry (Jeff Perry) is an independent, working-class scholar formally educated at Princeton, Harvard, Rutgers, and Columbia. Volume 2 of his Hubert Harrison biography entitled "Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927" (Columbia University Press) was published in November 2020.Support The Jericho Movementhttps://thejerichomovement.comDr. Jeffrey Perryhttps://www.jeffreybperry.net/Subscribe to iMWiL!https://imixwhatilike.orgSHOW LESS ★ Support this podcast on Patreon ★

Welcome to the radio magazine that brings you news, commentary and analysis from a Black Left perspective. I'm , along with my co-host Nellie Bailey. Coming up: Both the AIDS epidemic and Covid-19 inflicted disproportionate deaths in the Black community. We'll explore the reasons why. And, the second volume on a biography of the most important Black activist and intellectual that you may never have heard of, is about to published. Stay tuned to learn why you MUST know the name and works of Hubert Harrison.   But first – U.S. politicians have for generations gained power by scaring white people with threatening images Black males. President Trump is running on a platform that essentially mimics the old newspaper headline, “Black Buck Runs Amuk.” Douglas Flow is professor of History at Washington University, in St. Louis. He's written a book, titled, “Uncontrollable Blackness: African American Men and Criminality in Jim Crow New York.” “Uncontrollable Blackness” is a provocative title. Was it planned that way?   There's nothing new about the high death toll Blacks are suffering from the Covid-19 contagion. Thirty years ago, the HIV-AIDS epidemic killed disproportionate numbers of Blacks. J.T. Roane is a Research Fellow at the Schomburg Research Center in Black Culture, in New York City. He wrote an article about AIDS and Black Philadelphia.   In the first quarter of the 20th century, an immigrant from the Virgin Islands named Hubert Harrison influenced a whole generation of Black activists, including Marcus Garvey, A. Phillip Randolph and the entire so-called “New Negro” movement. Activist and scholar Jeff Perry has spent more than a decade chronicling the life and works of Hubert Harrison, and will soon release the second volume of his biography, titled “Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality.”  

Welcome to the radio magazine that brings you news, commentary and analysis from a Black Left perspective. I’m , along with my co-host Nellie Bailey. Coming up: Both the AIDS epidemic and Covid-19 inflicted disproportionate deaths in the Black community. We’ll explore the reasons why. And, the second volume on a biography of the most important Black activist and intellectual that you may never have heard of, is about to published. Stay tuned to learn why you MUST know the name and works of Hubert Harrison.   But first – U.S. politicians have for generations gained power by scaring white people with threatening images Black males. President Trump is running on a platform that essentially mimics the old newspaper headline, “Black Buck Runs Amuk.” Douglas Flow is professor of History at Washington University, in St. Louis. He’s written a book, titled, “Uncontrollable Blackness: African American Men and Criminality in Jim Crow New York.” “Uncontrollable Blackness” is a provocative title. Was it planned that way?   There’s nothing new about the high death toll Blacks are suffering from the Covid-19 contagion. Thirty years ago, the HIV-AIDS epidemic killed disproportionate numbers of Blacks. J.T. Roane is a Research Fellow at the Schomburg Research Center in Black Culture, in New York City. He wrote an article about AIDS and Black Philadelphia.   In the first quarter of the 20th century, an immigrant from the Virgin Islands named Hubert Harrison influenced a whole generation of Black activists, including Marcus Garvey, A. Phillip Randolph and the entire so-called “New Negro” movement. Activist and scholar Jeff Perry has spent more than a decade chronicling the life and works of Hubert Harrison, and will soon release the second volume of his biography, titled “Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality.”  

In this episode,we speak w/returning guest Professor Charisse Burden-Stelly about W.E.B. Du Bois, radical blackness,& black internationalism --- Readings & Resources Charisse Burden-Stelly & Gerald Horne - W.E.B. Du Bois:A Life in American History https://www.amazon.com/W-B-Du-Bois-American/dp/1440864969/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=dubois+charisse+burden-stelly&qid=1577219962&sr=8-1 Charisse Burden-Stelly “W.E.B. Du Bois in the Tradition of Radical Blackness:Radicalism, Repression, & Mutual Comradeship, 1930–1960” https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08854300.2018.1575070 “In Battle for Peace during ‘Scoundrel Time’: W.E.B. Du Bois & United States Repression of Radical Black Peace Activism" https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/du-bois-review-social-science-research-on-race/article/in-battle-for-peace-during-scoundrel-time/F81265698C05F13CE8B852BF54014461/share/cc938e6f2392f29081d80e1178b9fb664f66e9d4?fbclid=IwAR3px-OtNOrURUApKIwFWeePtfBR0Kia6pyBSSYio1Qp6NQUrqWaqOir0iM (preview) “Left,Black,& Badass” -Interview w/LeftPOC https://soundcloud.com/leftpoc/left-pocket-project-episode-5-left-black-badass-interview-wcharisse-burden-stelly “McCarthy Era Laid Groundwork for 60s Repression” -Interview w/Black Agenda Report https://www.blackagendareport.com/mccarthy-era-laid-groundwork-sixties-repression?fbclid=IwAR2gVBJU6sbF0PX9YORLMrB7qb90JtwRN-wIVzxvsxtoQxOT1VwygWT54Io Academia.edu: https://carleton.academia.edu/CharisseBurdenStellyPhD Instagram: @blackleftaf Black Internationalism,Black Radicalism,& Pan-Africanism LeftPOC Thread on Harry Haywood: https://twitter.com/LeftPOC/status/976898822961090561?s=20 Black Belt Thesis: https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/black-belt-republic-1928-1934/ Hubert Harrison: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hubert_Harrison Hubert Harrison - The Negro & the Nation https://www.amazon.com/Negro-Nation-Hubert-Harrison-ebook/dp/B00KVUW47G/ref=sr_1_5?keywords=hubert+harrison&qid=1577238386&sr=8-5 Cedric J. Robinson Black Communism:The Making of the Black Radical Tradition https://www.amazon.com/Black-Marxism-Making-Radical-Tradition/dp/0807848298/ref=sr_1_1?crid=LM3UHICDNYAO&keywords=cedric+robinson+black+marxism&qid=1577238772&sprefix=cedric+robinson%2Caps%2C141&sr=8-1 On Racial Capitalism,Black Internationalism,& Cultures of Resistance https://www.amazon.com/Cedric-Robinson-Capitalism-Internationalism-Resistance/dp/0745340032/ref=sr_1_2?crid=LM3UHICDNYAO&keywords=cedric+robinson+black+marxism&qid=1577238811&sprefix=cedric+robinson%2Caps%2C141&sr=8-2 Hakim Adi Pan-Africanism & Communism:The Communist International,Africa & the Diaspora,1919-39 https://www.amazon.com/Pan-Africanism-Communism-Communist-International-1919-1939/dp/1592219160/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=hakim+adi&qid=1577240823&s=books&sr=1-1 Pan-Africanism:A History https://www.amazon.com/Pan-Africanism-History-Hakim-Adi/dp/1474254276/ref=sr_1_2?keywords=hakim+adi&qid=1577239435&s=books&sr=1-2 West Africans in Britain 1900-60:Nationalism,Pan-Africanism & Communism https://www.amazon.com/West-Africans-Britain-1900-1960-Pan-Africanism-ebook/dp/B07YPTK2MG/ref=sr_1_3?keywords=hakim+adi&qid=1577240823&s=books&sr=1-3 Mikah Makalani - In the Cause of Freedom:Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-39 https://www.amazon.com/Cause-Freedom-Radical-Internationalism-1917-1939/dp/1469617528/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=minkah+makalani&qid=1577239253&sr=8-1 Erik McDuffie - Sojourning for Freedom:Black Women,American Communism,& the Making of Black Left Feminism https://www.amazon.com/Sojourning-Freedom-American-Communism-Feminism/dp/0822350505/ref=pd_sbs_14_3/147-1591993-2094153?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_i=0822350505&pd_rd_r=7e115c5d-d261-45d9-bb65-777c83082139&pd_rd_w=nTcw6&pd_rd_wg=i8jfB&pf_rd_p=5873ae95-9063-4a23-9b7e-eafa738c2269&pf_rd_r=M57RMEXS9D4907VSKDMX&psc=1&refRID=M57RMEXS9D4907VSKDMX --- Music: "My Life as a Video Game" by Michael Salamone

Show Notes Moe Factz with Adam Curry for November 18th 2019, Episode number 15 N.B.A. Shownotes 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America - The New York Times Mon, 18 Nov 2019 12:50 In Hollywood, Harriet Tubman is played in a new movie by a black British woman, much to the annoyance of some black Americans. On the United States census, an ultrawealthy Nigerian immigrant and a struggling African-American woman from the South are expected to check the same box. When many American universities tout their diversity numbers, black students who were born in the Bronx and the Bahamas are counted as the same. A spirited debate is playing out in black communities across America over the degree to which identity ought to be defined by African heritage '-- or whether ancestral links to slavery are what should count most of all. Tensions between black Americans who descended from slavery and black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean are not new, but a group of online agitators is trying to turn those disagreements into a political movement. They want colleges, employers and the federal government to prioritize black Americans whose ancestors toiled in bondage, and they argue that affirmative action policies originally designed to help the descendants of slavery in America have largely been used to benefit other groups, including immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean. The American descendants of slavery, they say, should have their own racial category on census forms and college applications, and not be lumped in with others with similar skin color but vastly different lived experiences. The group, which calls itself ADOS, for the American Descendants of Slavery, is small in number, with active supporters estimated to be in the thousands. But the discussion they are provoking is coursing through conversations far and wide. Those who embrace its philosophy point to disparities between black people who immigrated to the United States voluntarily, and others whose ancestors were brought in chains. Roughly 10 percent of the 40 million black people living in the United States were born abroad, according to the Pew Research Center, up from 3 percent in 1980. African immigrants are more likely to have college degrees than blacks and whites who were born in the United States. A 2007 study published in the American Journal of Education found that 41 percent of black freshmen at Ivy League colleges were immigrants or the children of immigrants, even though those groups represent 13 percent of the black population in the United States. In 2017, black students at Cornell University protested for the admission of more ''underrepresented black students,'' who they defined as black Americans with several generations in the United States. ''There is a lack of investment in black students whose families were affected directly by the African Holocaust in America,'' the students wrote to the president of the university. University administrators say that black students from other countries contribute to increased diversity on campus, even if their admittance does not mitigate the injustices of American slavery. Many black immigrant groups are also descended from slavery in other countries. The film producer Tariq Nasheed is among the outspoken defenders of the idea that the American descendants of slavery should have their own ethnic identity. ''Every other group when they get here goes out of their way to say, 'I'm Jamaican. I'm Nigerian. I'm from Somalia,''' he said. ''But when we decide to say, 'O.K. We are a distinct ethnic group,' people look at that as negative.'' This year, responding to requests for ''more detailed, disaggregated data for our diverse American experience,'' the Census Bureau announced that African-Americans will be able to list their origins on census forms for the first time, instead of simply checking ''Black.'' The goal of ADOS's two founders '-- Antonio Moore, a Los Angeles defense attorney, and Yvette Carnell, a former aide to Democratic lawmakers in Washington '-- is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics. Embracing their role as insurgents, Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell held their first national conference in October, and have made reparations for the brutal system of slavery upon which the United States was built a key tenet of their platform. Their movement has also become a lightning rod for criticism on the left. Its skepticism of immigration sometimes strikes a tone similar to that of President Trump. And the group has fiercely attacked the Democratic Party, urging black voters to abstain from voting for the next Democratic presidential nominee unless he or she produces a specific economic plan for the nation's ADOS population. Such tactics have led some to accuse the group of sowing division among African-Americans and engaging in a form of voter suppression not unlike the voter purges and gerrymandering efforts pushed by some Republicans. ''Not voting will result in another term of Donald Trump,'' said Brandon Gassaway, national press secretary of the Democratic National Committee. Shireen Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, has been embroiled in an online battle with ADOS activists for months. Ms. Mitchell contends that the group's leaders are ''using reparations as a weapon'' to make Mr. Trump more palatable to black voters. Others have pointed out that Ms. Carnell once appeared on her YouTube channel in a ''Make America Great Again'' hat. Image Attendees take selfies with ADOS founder Yvette Carnell at the group's inaugural conference in Louisville, Ky. in October. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The goal of the group's two founders is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The founders of ADOS have described the group as nonpartisan, but the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image Marianne Williamson, who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a presidential candidate, attended the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Over a thousand people attended the group's first national conference, hosted by Simmons College of Kentucky. Guest speakers included Marianne Williamson, a white self-help author who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a minor Democratic presidential candidate, as well as Cornel West, a black Harvard professor who said ADOS is giving a voice to working-class black people. [Read more about how Farah Stockman reported on the American Descendants of Slavery.] Tara Perry, a 35-year-old paralegal, was among the attendees. A former employee of the Los Angeles Black Worker Center, which used to count the number of black laborers at construction sites, Ms. Perry said she believed that the influx of Mexican immigrants had made it more difficult for black men to find construction jobs in the city. ''People call us divisive. We're not divisive. We're self-interested,'' said Ms. Perry, adding that she was prepared to see Mr. Trump re-elected. Critics consider the movement a Trojan horse meant to infiltrate the black community with a right-wing agenda, and question why the group would target Democrats, who have been far more open to discussions of reparations. ''You are willing to let Donald Trump win, who clearly says he doesn't see reparations happening?'' asked Talib Kweli Greene, a rapper and activist who has become a vocal opponent of the group. ''Get out of here!'' Recently, Hollywood has become the source of much of the frustration around the dividing line between United States-born African-Americans and black immigrants. When the black British actress Cynthia Erivo was hired to play the abolitionist Harriet Tubman, the casting received immediate backlash. Similarly, the filmmaker Jordan Peele has been criticized for hiring Lupita Nyong'o, who is Kenyan, and Daniel Kaluuya, who is British, to play African-American characters in his movies. But Mr. Moore, 39, and Ms. Carnell, 44, say they are not scapegoating black immigrants or trying to lead black voters astray. They say they are merely demanding something tangible from Democrats in exchange for votes and trying to raise awareness around the economic struggles of many black Americans. Ms. Carnell said she learned of the huge disparities in inherited wealth that left black Americans with a tiny share of the economic pie by reading reports, including an Institute for Policy Studies report that predicted the median wealth of black families would drop to zero by 2053. Mr. Moore had been talking about some of the same studies on his own YouTube channel. The two joined forces in 2016 and coined the term ADOS, which spread as a hashtag on social media. Image From front left to back left, Ms. Carnell, Cornel West and Antonio Moore before the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times ''What they have done is taken the racial wealth divide field out of academia and packaged it under a populist hashtag,'' said Dedrick Asante-Muhammad, of the Institute for Policy Studies. Mr. Asante-Muhammad lamented that the rhetoric of the movement comes off as anti-immigrant and said that Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell ''over-dramatize'' the impact of African immigrants on the wealth and opportunities available to black Americans. William Darity Jr., a professor at Duke University, has written a series of reports about wealth inequality cited by Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell. In one report, Dr. Darity found that the median net worth of white households in Los Angeles was $355,000, compared with $4,000 for black Americans. African immigrants in the city had a median net worth of $72,000. Dr. Darity's research also shows that not all immigrant groups are wealthy. Dr. Darity did not attend the recent conference in Kentucky, but he said he saw ADOS as a social justice movement on behalf of a segment of the black population that is being left behind. But not everyone agrees with Dr. Darity's view that empowering disadvantaged African-Americans is the extent of the group's message. Some who have used the hashtag have used racist, violent language when going after their detractors. Ms. Carnell once defended the term ''blood and soil,'' a Nazi slogan, on Twitter. Ms. Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, said she was harassed online by the group's supporters after she mentioned ADOS on Joy Reid's MSNBC show in a segment about Russian disinformation campaigns. During the segment, Ms. Mitchell implied that ADOS was made up of Russian bots impersonating real black people online. After the segment aired, the group's supporters harassed Ms. Mitchell as well as Ms. Reid, who they noted was born to immigrants. ''If you do not agree with them, or acknowledge their existence, they go after you,'' Ms. Mitchell said. Ms. Carnell has also been criticized for her past service on the board of Progressives for Immigration Reform, an anti-immigration group that has received funding from a foundation linked to John Tanton, who was referred to as ''the puppeteer'' of the nation's nativist movement by the Southern Poverty Law Center. A September newsletter from Progressives for Immigration Reform touted the growing political clout of ADOS and praised it as ''a movement that understands the impact unbridled immigration has had on our country's most vulnerable workers.'' This summer, ADOS ignited a flurry of criticism after Ms. Carnell complained that Senator Kamala Harris, Democrat of California, was running for president as an African-American candidate but had failed to put forth an agenda for black people. She noted that Ms. Harris is the daughter of an Indian mother and a Jamaican father. Critics quickly accused Ms. Carnell of ''birtherism'' and xenophobia. And although Ms. Carnell and Mr. Moore say ADOS is a nonpartisan movement, the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump. ''I like #ADOS,'' Ann Coulter, a white conservative commentator, wrote on Twitter. ''But I think it should be #DOAS '-- Descendants of American slaves. Not Haitian slaves, not Moroccan slaves.'' At the conference in Kentucky, supporters pushed back against the idea that they were anti-immigrant or surrogates of the president's agenda. ''We're not xenophobes,'' said Mark Stevenson, a director of talent acquisition in the Navy who said he founded an ADOS chapter in Columbus, Ohio, this summer. ''If you ask somebody who is Latino what is their heritage, they'll tell you they are Puerto Rican or Dominican or Cuban.'' ''This is our heritage,'' he added. ''I don't see the issue.'' Farah Stockman Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:06 Latest Search Search Latest Articles Times Insider Deciphering ADOS: A New Social Movement or Online Trolls? I spent weeks trying to figure out what was true '-- and not true '-- about American Descendants of Slavery, a group aiming to create a new racial designation. By Farah Stockman 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America Why a movement that claims to support the American descendants of slavery is being promoted by conservatives and attacked on the left. By Farah Stockman Three Leaders of Women's March Group Step Down After Controversies The departures come after years of discord and charges of anti-Semitism and at a time the group is gearing up for political engagement in the 2020 elections. By Farah Stockman El negocio de vender ensayos universitarios Estudiantes en Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Australia estn contratando para que les redacten sus trabajos a personas de otros pa­ses que lo hacen por necesidad financiera. By Farah Stockman and Carlos Mureithi Here Are the Nine People Killed in Seconds in Dayton The gunman's victims ranged from a graduate student to a grandfather, a young mother to longtime friends. By Farah Stockman and Adeel Hassan Gunman's Own Sister Was Among Dayton Shooting Victims The nine people who were killed outside a popular Dayton bar also included the mother of a newborn and a fitness and nutrition trainer. By Farah Stockman and Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs Back-to-Back Outbreaks of Gun Violence in El Paso and Dayton Stun Country In a country that has become nearly numb to men with guns opening fire in schools, at concerts and in churches, shooting in Texas and Ohio left the public shaken. Gunman Kills 9 in Dayton Entertainment District Nine people were killed and 27 others were wounded, the police said. It was the second American mass shooting in 24 hours, and the third in a week. By Timothy Williams and Farah Stockman Heat Wave to Hit Two-Thirds of the U.S. Here's What to Expect. Dangerously hot temperatures are predicted from Oklahoma to New England. Here's the forecast, with some tips on staying safe. By Farah Stockman Child Neglect Reports Sat Unread for 4 Years Because of an Email Mix-up A small change to an email address led to reports to a Colorado hotline for child abuse and neglect cases sitting unread for years, officials said. By Dave Philipps and Farah Stockman 7 Died in a Motorcycle Crash. How Their Club of Former Marines Is Mourning Them. A motorcycle club of ex-Marines struggles to pick up the pieces after a horrific crash killed its leader and six other members and supporters. By Farah Stockman A Man Licked a Carton of Ice Cream for a Viral Internet Challenge. Now He's in Jail. Law officials and store owners across the country are wrestling with how to stop a flurry of copycat videos made by people committing the same crime. By Farah Stockman Manslaughter Charge Dropped Against Alabama Woman Who Was Shot While Pregnant The case of Marshae Jones, who was indicted over the death of the fetus she was carrying when she was shot, had stirred outrage across the country. By Farah Stockman Alabamians Defend Arrest of Woman Whose Fetus Died in Shooting The indictment of a woman in the shooting death of her fetus has sparked outrage across the country. But in Alabama, many people consider it just. By Farah Stockman People Are Taking Emotional Support Animals Everywhere. States Are Cracking Down. More Americans are saying they need a variety of animals '-- dogs, ducks, even insects '-- for their mental health. But critics say many are really just pets that do not merit special status. By Farah Stockman Birthright Trips, a Rite of Passage for Many Jews, Are Now a Target of Protests For nearly 20 years, Birthright has bolstered Jewish identity with free trips to Israel. But now some young Jewish activists are protesting the trips. By Farah Stockman 'The Time Is Now': States Are Rushing to Restrict Abortion, or to Protect It States across the country are passing some of the most restrictive abortion laws in decades, including in Alabama, where Gov. Kay Ivey signed a bill effectively banning the procedure. By Sabrina Tavernise Harvard Harassment Case Brings Calls for External Review and Cultural Change A Harvard government department committee issued a report criticizing a culture that let a professor stay employed despite a history of complaints. By Farah Stockman Baltimore's Mayor, Catherine Pugh, Resigns Amid Children's Book Scandal The resignation came days after the City Council proposed amending the charter to make it possible to remove Ms. Pugh and amid a widening scandal involving a book deal worth $500,000. By Farah Stockman U.N.C. Charlotte Student Couldn't Run, So He Tackled the Gunman Riley Howell was one of two students killed and four injured when a gunman opened fire in a classroom. The police charged a 22-year-old student with murder. By David Perlmutt and Julie Turkewitz Skip to Navigation Search Articles 114 results for sorted by Times Insider Deciphering ADOS: A New Social Movement or Online Trolls? I spent weeks trying to figure out what was true '-- and not true '-- about American Descendants of Slavery, a group aiming to create a new racial designation. By Farah Stockman 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America Why a movement that claims to support the American descendants of slavery is being promoted by conservatives and attacked on the left. By Farah Stockman Three Leaders of Women's March Group Step Down After Controversies The departures come after years of discord and charges of anti-Semitism and at a time the group is gearing up for political engagement in the 2020 elections. By Farah Stockman El negocio de vender ensayos universitarios Estudiantes en Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Australia estn contratando para que les redacten sus trabajos a personas de otros pa­ses que lo hacen por necesidad financiera. By Farah Stockman and Carlos Mureithi Here Are the Nine People Killed in Seconds in Dayton The gunman's victims ranged from a graduate student to a grandfather, a young mother to longtime friends. By Farah Stockman and Adeel Hassan Gunman's Own Sister Was Among Dayton Shooting Victims The nine people who were killed outside a popular Dayton bar also included the mother of a newborn and a fitness and nutrition trainer. By Farah Stockman and Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs Back-to-Back Outbreaks of Gun Violence in El Paso and Dayton Stun Country In a country that has become nearly numb to men with guns opening fire in schools, at concerts and in churches, shooting in Texas and Ohio left the public shaken. Gunman Kills 9 in Dayton Entertainment District Nine people were killed and 27 others were wounded, the police said. It was the second American mass shooting in 24 hours, and the third in a week. By Timothy Williams and Farah Stockman Heat Wave to Hit Two-Thirds of the U.S. Here's What to Expect. Dangerously hot temperatures are predicted from Oklahoma to New England. Here's the forecast, with some tips on staying safe. By Farah Stockman Child Neglect Reports Sat Unread for 4 Years Because of an Email Mix-up A small change to an email address led to reports to a Colorado hotline for child abuse and neglect cases sitting unread for years, officials said. By Dave Philipps and Farah Stockman 7 Died in a Motorcycle Crash. How Their Club of Former Marines Is Mourning Them. A motorcycle club of ex-Marines struggles to pick up the pieces after a horrific crash killed its leader and six other members and supporters. By Farah Stockman A Man Licked a Carton of Ice Cream for a Viral Internet Challenge. Now He's in Jail. Law officials and store owners across the country are wrestling with how to stop a flurry of copycat videos made by people committing the same crime. By Farah Stockman Manslaughter Charge Dropped Against Alabama Woman Who Was Shot While Pregnant The case of Marshae Jones, who was indicted over the death of the fetus she was carrying when she was shot, had stirred outrage across the country. By Farah Stockman Alabamians Defend Arrest of Woman Whose Fetus Died in Shooting The indictment of a woman in the shooting death of her fetus has sparked outrage across the country. But in Alabama, many people consider it just. By Farah Stockman People Are Taking Emotional Support Animals Everywhere. States Are Cracking Down. More Americans are saying they need a variety of animals '-- dogs, ducks, even insects '-- for their mental health. But critics say many are really just pets that do not merit special status. By Farah Stockman Birthright Trips, a Rite of Passage for Many Jews, Are Now a Target of Protests For nearly 20 years, Birthright has bolstered Jewish identity with free trips to Israel. But now some young Jewish activists are protesting the trips. By Farah Stockman 'The Time Is Now': States Are Rushing to Restrict Abortion, or to Protect It States across the country are passing some of the most restrictive abortion laws in decades, including in Alabama, where Gov. Kay Ivey signed a bill effectively banning the procedure. By Sabrina Tavernise Harvard Harassment Case Brings Calls for External Review and Cultural Change A Harvard government department committee issued a report criticizing a culture that let a professor stay employed despite a history of complaints. By Farah Stockman Baltimore's Mayor, Catherine Pugh, Resigns Amid Children's Book Scandal The resignation came days after the City Council proposed amending the charter to make it possible to remove Ms. Pugh and amid a widening scandal involving a book deal worth $500,000. By Farah Stockman U.N.C. Charlotte Student Couldn't Run, So He Tackled the Gunman Riley Howell was one of two students killed and four injured when a gunman opened fire in a classroom. The police charged a 22-year-old student with murder. By David Perlmutt and Julie Turkewitz Skip to Navigation Shireen Mitchell - Wikipedia Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:05 Shireen Mitchell is an American entrepreneur, author, technology analyst and diversity strategist. She founded Digital Sisters/Sistas, Inc.,[1] the first organization dedicated to bringing women and girls of color online and Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW),[2] a project that addresses laws and policies to provide protections for women while online. Career [ edit ] Shireen Mitchell began designing bulletin board systems and gopher (protocol) sites prior to the advent of websites. She was the webmaster for PoliticallyBlack.com, a site that was sold to Netivation (NTVN)[3] a large media company as one of the web transactions in the late 1990s that later went public.[4] Mitchell formed the first woman of color web management firm in 1997, the Mitchell Holden Group (MHG). She then founded Digital Sisters/Sistas in 1999, first as a website and then an advocacy and training organization that focuses on technology, new media and diversity. Digital Sisters was the first organization created specifically to help women and girls of color get into the STEM field and use technology in their daily lives. In 2010, she formed Tech Media Swirl LLC, a digital social strategy company focused integrated media strategies for outreach to diverse communities. In 2013, she founded Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW). The project highlights diverse voices of women, and in particular, women of color. Honors and awards [ edit ] Eelan Media, Top 100 Most Influential Black People on digital/social media,[5] 2014DC Inno, Top Ten Influencers in Social Media,[6] 2012Fast Company Most Influential Women in Tech,[7] 2010Washingtonian's Tech Titans,[8] 2009The Root, 100 African-American Leaders of Excellence,[9] 2009Published works [ edit ] Gaining Daily Access to Science and Technology, 50 Ways to Improve Women's Lives . Inner Ocean Publishing. 21 June 2007. ISBN 978-1-930722-45-3. References [ edit ] External links [ edit ] Digital SistersStop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW) Comcast Shouldn't Challenge the Civil Rights Act of 1866 | Fortune Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:05 Sign Up for Our Newsletters Sign up now to receive FORTUNE's best content, special offers, and much more. Subscribe Marcus Garvey - Wikipedia Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:04 Jamaica-born British political activist, Pan-Africanist, orator, and entrepreneur Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr. ONH (17 August 1887 '' 10 June 1940) was a Jamaican political activist, publisher, journalist, entrepreneur, and orator. He was the founder and first President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL, commonly known as UNIA), through which he declared himself Provisional President of Africa. Ideologically a black nationalist and Pan-Africanist, his ideas came to be known as Garveyism. Garvey was born to a moderately prosperous Afro-Jamaican family in Saint Ann's Bay, Colony of Jamaica and apprenticed into the print trade as a teenager. Working in Kingston, he became involved in trade unionism before living briefly in Costa Rica, Panama, and England. Returning to Jamaica, he founded UNIA in 1914. In 1916, he moved to the United States and established a UNIA branch in New York City's Harlem district. Emphasising unity between Africans and the African diaspora, he campaigned for an end to European colonial rule across Africa and the political unification of the continent. He envisioned a unified Africa as a one-party state, governed by himself, that would enact laws to ensure black racial purity. Although he never visited the continent, he was committed to the Back-to-Africa movement, arguing that many African-Americans should migrate there. Garveyist ideas became increasingly popular and UNIA grew in membership. However, his black separatist views'--and his collaboration with white racist groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) to advance their shared interest in racial separatism'--divided Garvey from other prominent African-American civil rights activists such as W. E. B. Du Bois who promoted racial integration. Committed to the belief that African-Americans needed to secure financial independence from white-dominant society, Garvey launched various businesses in the U.S., including the Negro Factories Corporation and Negro World newspaper. In 1919, he became President of the Black Star Line shipping and passenger company, designed to forge a link between North America and Africa and facilitate African-American migration to Liberia. In 1923 Garvey was convicted of mail fraud for selling its stock and imprisoned in the Atlanta State Penitentiary. Many commentators have argued that the trial was politically motivated; Garvey blamed Jewish people, claiming that they were prejudiced against him because of his links to the KKK. Deported to Jamaica in 1927, where he settled in Kingston with his wife Amy Jacques, Garvey continued his activism and established the People's Political Party in 1929, briefly serving as a city councillor. With UNIA in increasing financial difficulty, in 1935 he relocated to London, where his anti-socialist stance distanced him from many of the city's black activists. He died there in 1940, although in 1964 his body was returned to Jamaica for reburial in Kingston's National Heroes Park. Garvey was a controversial figure. Many in the African diasporic community regarded him as a pretentious demagogue and were highly critical of his collaboration with white supremacists, his violent rhetoric, and his prejudice against mixed-race people and Jews. He nevertheless received praise for encouraging a sense of pride and self-worth among Africans and the African diaspora amid widespread poverty, discrimination, and colonialism. He is seen as a national hero in Jamaica, and his ideas exerted a considerable influence on movements like Rastafari, the Nation of Islam, and the Black Power Movement. Early life [ edit ] Childhood: 1887''1904 [ edit ] A statue of Garvey now stands in Saint Ann's Bay, the town where he was born Marcus Mosiah Garvey was born on 17 August 1887 in Saint Ann's Bay, a town in the Colony of Jamaica. In the context of colonial Jamaican society, which had a colourist social hierarchy, Garvey was considered at the lowest end, being a black child who believed he was of full African ancestry; later genetic research nevertheless revealed that he had some Iberian ancestors.[3] Garvey's paternal great-grandfather had been born into slavery prior to its abolition in the British Empire. His surname, which was of Irish origin, had been inherited from his family's former owners. His father, Malchus Garvey, was a stonemason; his mother, Sarah Richards, was a domestic servant and the daughter of peasant farmers. Malchus had had two previous partners before Sarah, siring six children between them. Sarah bore him four additional children, of whom Marcus was the youngest, although two died in infancy. Because of his profession, Malchus' family were wealthier than many of their peasant neighbours; they were petty bourgeoise. Malchus was however reckless with his money and over the course of his life lost most of the land he owned to meet payments. Malchus had a book collection and was self-educated; he also served as an occasional layman at a local Wesleyan church. Malchus was an intolerant and punitive father and husband; he never had a close relationship with his son. Up to the age of 14, Garvey attended a local church school; further education was unaffordable for the family. When not in school, Garvey worked on his maternal uncle's tenant farm. He had friends, with whom he once broke the windows of a church, resulting in his arrest. Some of his friends were white, although he found that as they grew older they distanced themselves from him; he later recalled that a close childhood friend was a white girl: "We were two innocent fools who never dreamed of a race feeling and problem." In 1901, Marcus was apprenticed to his godfather, a local printer. In 1904, the printer opened another branch at Port Maria, where Garvey began to work, traveling from Saint Ann's Bay each morning. Early career in Kingston: 1905''1909 [ edit ] In 1905 he moved to Kingston, where he boarded in Smith Village, a working class neighbourhood. In the city, he secured work with the printing division of the P.A. Benjamin Manufacturing Company. He rose quickly through the company ranks, becoming their first Afro-Jamaican foreman. His sister and mother, by this point estranged from his father, moved to join him in the city. In January 1907, Kingston was hit by an earthquake that reduced much of the city to rubble. He, his mother, and his sister were left to sleep in the open for several months. In March 1908, his mother died. While in Kingston, Garvey converted to Roman Catholicism. Garvey became a trade unionist and took a leading role in the November 1908 print workers' strike. The strike was broken several weeks later and Garvey was sacked. Henceforth branded a troublemaker, Garvey was unable to find work in the private sector. He then found temporary employment with a government printer. As a result of these experiences, Garvey became increasingly angry at the inequalities present in Jamaican society. Garvey involved himself with the National Club, Jamaica's first nationalist organisation, becoming its first assistant secretary in April 1910. The group campaigned to remove the British Governor of Jamaica, Sydney Olivier, from office, and to end the migration of Indian "coolies", or indentured workers, to Jamaica, as they were seen as a source of economic competition by the established population. With fellow Club member Wilfred Domingo he published a pamphlet expressing the group's ideas, The Struggling Mass. In early 1910, Garvey began publishing a magazine, Garvey's Watchman'--its name a reference to George William Gordon's The Watchman'--although it only lasted three issues. He claimed it had a circulation of 3000, although this was likely an exaggeration. Garvey also enrolled in elocution lessons with the radical journalist Robert J. Love, whom Garvey came to regard as a mentor. With his enhanced skill at speaking in a Standard English manner, he entered several public speaking competitions. Travels abroad: 1910''1914 [ edit ] Economic hardship in Jamaica led to growing emigration from the island. In mid-1910, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where an uncle had secured him employment as a timekeeper on a large banana plantation in the Lim"n Province owned by the United Fruit Company (UFC). Shortly after his arrival, the area experienced strikes and unrest in opposition to the UFC's attempts to cut its workers' wages. Although as a timekeeper he was responsible for overseeing the manual workers, he became increasingly angered at how they were treated. In the spring of 1911 be launched a bilingual newspaper, Nation/La Naci"n, which criticised the actions of the UFC and upset many of the dominant strata of Costa Rican society in Lim"n. His coverage of a local fire, in which he questioned the motives of the fire brigade, resulted in him being brought in for police questioning. After his printing press broke, he was unable to replace the faulty part and terminated the newspaper. In London, Garvey spent time in the Reading Room of the British Museum Garvey then travelled through Central America, undertaking casual work as he made his way through Honduras, Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela. While in the port of Col"n in Panama, he set up a new newspaper, La Prensa ("The Press"). In 1911, he became seriously ill with a bacterial infection and decided to return to Kingston. He then decided to travel to London, the administrative centre of the British Empire, in the hope of advancing his informal education. In the spring of 1912 he sailed to England. Renting a room along Borough High Street in South London, he visited the House of Commons, where he was impressed by the politician David Lloyd George. He also visited Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park and began speaking there. There were only a few thousand black people in London at the time, and they were often viewed as exotic; most worked as labourers. Garvey initially gained piecemeal work labouring in the city's dockyards. In August 1912, his sister Indiana joined him in London, where she worked as a domestic servant. In early 1913 he was employed as a messenger and handyman for the African Times and Orient Review, a magazine based in Fleet Street that was edited by Dus(C) Mohamed Ali. The magazine advocated Ethiopianism and home rule for British-occupied Egypt. In 1914, Mohamed Ali began employing Garvey's services as a writer for the magazine. He also took several evening classes in law at Birkbeck College in Bloomsbury. Garvey planned a tour of Europe, spending time in Glasgow, Paris, Monte Carlo, Boulogne, and Madrid. During the trip, he was briefly engaged to a Spanish-Irish heiress. Back in London, he wrote an article on Jamaica for the Tourist magazine, and spent time reading in the library of the British Museum. There he discovered Up from Slavery, a book by the African-American entrepreneur and activist Booker T. Washington. Washington's book heavily influenced him. Now almost financially destitute and deciding to return to Jamaica, he unsuccessfully asked both the Colonial Office and the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines' Protection Society to pay for his journey. After managing to save the funds for a fare, he boarded the SS Trent in June 1914 for a three-week journey across the Atlantic. En route home, Garvey talked with an Afro-Caribbean missionary who had spent time in Basutoland and taken a Basuto wife. Discovering more about colonial Africa from this man, Garvey began to envision a movement that would politically unify black people of African descent across the world. Organization of UNIA [ edit ] Forming UNIA: 1914''1916 [ edit ] To the cultured mind the bulk of our [i.e. black] people are contemptible['...] Go into the country parts of Jamaica and you will see there villainy and vice of the worst kind, immorality, obeah and all kinds of dirty things['...] Kingston and its environs are so infested with the uncouth and vulgar of our people that we of the cultured class feel positively ashamed to move about. Well, this society [UNIA] has set itself the task to go among the people['...] and raise them to the standard of civilised approval. '-- Garvey, from a 1915 Collegiate Hall speech published in the Daily Chronicle Garvey arrived back in Jamaica in July 1914. There, he saw his article for Tourist republished in The Gleaner. He began earning money selling greeting and condolence cards which he had imported from Britain, before later switching to selling tombstones. Also in July 1914, Garvey launched the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, commonly abbreviated as UNIA. Adopting the motto of "One Aim. One God. One Destiny", it declared its commitment to "establish a brotherhood among the black race, to promote a spirit of race pride, to reclaim the fallen and to assist in civilising the backward tribes of Africa." Initially, it had only few members. Many Jamaicans were critical of the group's prominent use of the term "Negro", a term which was often employed as an insult: Garvey, however, embraced the term in reference to black people of African descent. Garvey became UNIA's president and travelling commissioner; it was initially based out of his hotel room in Orange Street, Kingston. It portrayed itself not as a political organisation but as a charitable club, focused on work to help the poor and to ultimately establish a vocational training college modelled on Washington's Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. Garvey wrote to Washington and received a brief, if encouraging reply; Washington died shortly after. UNIA officially expressed its loyalty to the British Empire, King George V, and the British effort in the ongoing First World War. In April 1915 Brigadier General L. S. Blackden lectured to the group on the war effort; Garvey endorsed Blackden's calls for more Jamaicans to sign up to fight for the Empire on the Western Front. The group also sponsored musical and literary evenings as well as a February 1915 elocution contest, at which Garvey took first prize. In August 1914, Garvey attended a meeting of the Queen Street Baptist Literary and Debating Society, where he met Amy Ashwood, recently graduated from the Westwood Training College for Women. She joined UNIA and rented a better premises for them to use as their headquarters, secured using her father's credit. She and Garvey embarked on a relationship, which was opposed by her parents. In 1915 they secretly became engaged. When she suspended the engagement, he threatened to commit suicide, at which she resumed it. I was openly hated and persecuted by some of these colored men of the island who did not want to be classified as Negroes but as white. '-- Garvey, on how he was received in Jamaica Garvey attracted financial contributions from many prominent patrons, including the Mayor of Kingston and the Governor of Jamaica, William Manning. By appealing directly to Jamaica's white elite, Garvey had skipped the brown middle-classes, comprising those who were classified as mulattos, quadroons, and octoroons. They were generally hostile to Garvey, regarding him as a pretentious social climber and being annoyed at his claim to be part of the "cultured class" of Jamaican society. Many also felt that he was unnecessarily derogatory when describing black Jamaicans, with letters of complaint being sent into the Daily Chronicle after it published one of Garvey's speeches in which he referred to many of his people as "uncouth and vulgar". One complainant, a Dr Leo Pink, related that "the Jamaican Negro can not be reformed by abuse". After unsubstantiated allegations began circling that Garvey was diverting UNIA funds to pay for his own personal expenses, the group's support began to decline. He became increasingly aware of how UNIA had failed to thrive in Jamaica and decided to migrate to the United States, sailing there aboard the SS Tallac in March 1916. To the United States: 1916''1918 [ edit ] The UNIA flag, a tricolour of red, black, and green. According to Garvey, the red symbolises the blood of martyrs, the black symbolises the skin of Africans, and the green represents the vegetation of the land. Arriving in the United States, Garvey began lodging with a Jamaican expatriate family living in Harlem, a largely black area of New York City. He began lecturing in the city, hoping to make a career as a public speaker, although at his first public speech was heckled and fell off the stage. From New York City, he embarked on a U.S. speaking tour, crossing 38 states. At stopovers on his journey he listened to preachers from the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Black Baptist churches. While in Alabama, he visited the Tuskegee Institute and met with its new leader, Robert Russa Moton. After six months traveling across the U.S. lecturing, he returned to New York City. In May 1917, Garvey launched a New York branch of UNIA. He declared membership open to anyone "of Negro blood and African ancestry" who could pay the 25 cents a month membership fee. He joined many other speakers who spoke on the street, standing on step-ladders; he often did so on Speakers' Corner in 135th Street. In his speeches, he sought to reach across to both black West Indian migrants like himself and native African-Americans. Through this, he began to associate with Hubert Harrison, who was promoting ideas of black self-reliance and racial separatism. In June, Garvey shared a stage with Harrison at the inaugural meeting of the latter's Liberty League of Negro-Americans. Through his appearance here and at other events organised by Harrison, Garvey attracted growing public attention. After the U.S. entered the First World War in April 1917, Garvey initially signed up to fight but was ruled physically unfit to do so. He later became an opponent of African-American involvement in the conflict, following Harrison in accusing it of being a "white man's war". In the wake of the East St. Louis Race Riots in May to July 1917, in which white mobs targeted black people, Garvey began calling for armed self-defense. He produced a pamphlet, "The Conspiracy of the East St Louis Riots", which was widely distributed; proceeds from its sale went to victims of the riots. The Bureau of Investigation began monitoring him, noting that in speeches he employed more militant language than that used in print; it for instance reported him expressing the view that "for every Negro lynched by whites in the South, Negroes should lynch a white in the North." By the end of 1917, Garvey had attracted many of Harrison's key associates in his Liberty League to UNIA. He also secured the support of the journalist John Edward Bruce, agreeing to step down from the group's presidency in favor of Bruce. Bruce then wrote to Dus(C) Mohamed Ali to learn more about Garvey's past. Mohamed Ali responded with a negative assessment of Garvey, suggesting that he simply used UNIA as a money-making scheme. Bruce read this letter to a UNIA meeting and put pressure on Garvey's position. Garvey then resigned from UNIA, establishing a rival group that met at Old Fellows Temple. He also launched legal proceedings against Bruce and other senior UNIA members, with the court ruling that the group's name and membership'--now estimated at around 600'--belonged to Garvey, who resumed control over it. The growth of UNIA: 1918''1921 [ edit ] In 1918, UNIA membership grew rapidly. In June that year it was incorporated, and in July a commercial arm, the African Communities' League, filed for incorporation. Garvey envisioned UNIA establishing an import-and-export business, a restaurant, and a launderette. He also proposed raising the funds to secure a permanent building as a base for the group. In April 1918, Garvey launched a weekly newspaper, the Negro World, which Cronon later noted remained "the personal propaganda organ of its founder". Financially, it was backed by philanthropists like Madam C. J. Walker, but six months after its launch was pursuing a special appeal for donations to keep it afloat. Various journalists took Garvey to court for his failure to pay them for their contributions, a fact much publicised by rival publications; at the time, there were over 400 black-run newspapers and magazines in the U.S. Unlike may of these, Garvey refused to feature adverts for skin-lightening and hair-straightening products, urging black people to "take the kinks out of your mind, instead of out of your hair". By the end of its first year, the circulation of Negro World was nearing 10,000; copies circulated not only in the US, but also in the Caribbean, Central, and South America. In April 1918, Garvey's UNIA began publishing the Negro World newspaper Garvey appointed his old friend Domingo, who had also arrived in New York City, as the newspaper's editor. However, Domingo's socialist views alarmed Garvey who feared that they would imperil UNIA. Garvey had Domingo brought before UNIA's nine-person executive committee, where he was accused of writing editorials professing ideas at odds with UNIA's message. Domingo resigned several months later; he and Garvey henceforth became enemies. In September 1918, Ashwood sailed from Panama to be with Garvey, arriving in New York City in October. In November, she became General Secretary of UNIA. At UNIA gatherings, she was responsible for reciting black-authored poetry, as was the actor Henrietta Vinton Davis, who had also joined the movement. After the First World War ended, President Woodrow Wilson declared his intention to present a 14-point plan for world peace at the forthcoming Paris Peace Conference. Garvey was among the African-Americans who formed the International League of Darker Peoples which sought to lobby Wilson and the conference to give greater respect to the wishes of people of colour; their delegates nevertheless were unable to secure the travel documentation. At Garvey's prompting, UNIA sent a young Haitian, Elizier Cadet, as its delegate to the conference. The world leaders who met at the conference nevertheless largely ignored such perspectives, instead reaffirming their support for European colonialism. In the U.S., many African-Americans who had served in the military refused to return to their more subservient role in society and throughout 1919 there were various racial clashes throughout the country. The government feared that black people would be encouraged to revolutionary behavior following the October Revolution in Russia, and in this context, military intelligence ordered Major Walter Loving to investigate Garvey. Loving's report concluded that Garvey was a "very able young man" who was disseminating "clever propaganda". The BOI's J. Edgar Hoover decided that Garvey was worthy of deportation and decided to include him in their Palmer Raids launched to deport subversive non-citizens. The BOI presented Garvey's name to the Labor Department under Louis F. Post to ratify the deportation but Post's department refused to do so, stating that the case against Garvey was not proven. Success and obstacles [ edit ] Garvey speaking at Liberty Hall in 1920 UNIA grew rapidly and in just over 18 months it had branches in 25 U.S. states, as well as divisions in the West Indies, Central America, and West Africa. The exact membership is not known, although Garvey'--who often exaggerated numbers'--claimed that by June 1919 it had two million members. It remained smaller than the better established National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), although there was some crossover in membership of the two groups. The NAACP and UNIA differed in their approach; while the NAACP was a multi-racial organisation which promoted racial integration, UNIA was a black-only group. The NAACP focused its attention on what it termed the "talented tenth" of the African-American population, such as doctors, lawyers, and teachers, whereas UNIA emphasized the image of a mass organisation and included many poorer people and West Indian migrants in its ranks. NAACP supporters accused Garvey of stymieing their efforts at bringing about racial integration in the U.S. Garvey was dismissive of the NAACP leader W. E. B. Du Bois, and in one issue of the Negro World called him a "reactionary under [the] pay of white men". Du Bois generally tried to ignore Garvey, regarding him as a demagogue, but at the same time wanted to learn all he could about Garvey's movement. In 1921, Garvey twice reached out to DuBois, asking him to contribute to UNIA publications, but the offer was rebuffed. Their relationship became acrimonious; in 1923, DuBois described Garvey as "a little fat black man, ugly but with intelligent eyes and big head". By 1924, Grant suggested, the two hated each other. To promote his views to a wide audience, Garvey took to shouting slogans from a megaphone as he was driven through Harlem in a Cadillac. UNIA established a restaurant and ice cream parlour at 56 West 135th Street, and also launched a millinery store selling hats. With an increased income coming in through UNIA, Garvey moved to a new residence at 238 West 131st Street; in 1919, a young middle-class Jamaican migrant, Amy Jacques, became his personal secretary. UNIA also obtained a partially-constructed church building in Harlem, which Garvey named "Liberty Hall" after its namesake in Dublin, Ireland, which had been established during the Easter Rising of 1916. The adoption of this name reflected Garvey's fascination for the Irish independence movement. Liberty Hall's dedication ceremony was held in July 1919. Garvey also organised the African Legion, a group of uniformed men who would attend UNIA parades; a secret service was formed from Legion members, providing Garvey with intelligence about group members. The formation of the Legion further concerned the BOI, who sent their first full-time black agent, James Wormley Jones, to infiltrate UNIA.In January 1920, Garvey incorporated the Negro Factories League.According to Grant, a personality cult had grown up around Garvey within the UNIA movement; life-size portraits of him hung in the UNIA HQ and phonographs of his speeches were sold to the membership. In August, UNIA organized the First International Conference of the Negro Peoples in Harlem. This parade was attended by Gabriel Johnson, the Mayor of Monrovia in Liberia. As part of it, an estimated 25,000 people assembled in Madison Square Gardens. At the conference, UNIA delegates declared him the Provisional President of Africa, charged with heading a government-in-exile. Some of the West Africans attending the event were angered by this, believing it wrong that an Afro-Jamaican, rather than an African, was taking on this role. Many outside the movement ridiculed Garvey for giving himself this title. The conference then elected other members of the African government-in-exile, and resulted in the production of a Bill of Rights which condemned colonial rule across Africa. In August 1921, UNIA held a banquet in Liberty Hall, at which Garvey gave out honors to various supporters, including such titles as Order of the Nile and the Order of Ethiopia. UNIA established growing links with the Liberian government, hoping to secure land in the West African nation where various African-Americans could move to. Liberia was in heavy debt, with UNIA launching a fundraising campaign to raise $2 million towards a Liberian Construction Loan. In 1921, Garvey sent a UNIA team to assess the prospects in Liberia.Internally, UNIA experienced various feuds. Garvey pushed out Cyril Briggs and other members of the African Blood Brotherhood from UNIA, wanting to place growing distance between himself and black socialist groups. In the Negro World, Garvey then accused Briggs'--who was of mixed heritage'--of being a white man posing as a black man. Briggs then successfully sued Garvey for criminal libel. Assassination attempts, marriage, and divorce [ edit ] In July 1919, Garvey was arrested and charged with criminal libel for claims made about Edwin Kilroe in the Negro World. When this eventually came to court, he was ordered to provide a printed retraction. In October 1919, George Tyler, a part-time vendor of the Negro World, entered the UNIA office and tried to assassinate Garvey. The latter received two bullets in his legs but survived. Tyler was soon apprehended but died in an escape attempt from jail; it was thus never revealed why he tried to kill Garvey. Garvey soon recovered from the incident; five days later he gave a public speech in Philadelphia. After the assassination attempt, Garvey hired a bodyguard, Marcellus Strong. Shortly after the incident, Garvey proposed marriage to Amy Ashwood and she accepted. On Christmas Day, they had a private Roman Catholic church wedding, followed by a major ceremonial celebration in Liberty Hall, attended by 3000 UNIA members. Jacques was her maid of honour. After the marriage, he moved into Ashwood's apartment. The newlyweds embarked on a two-week honeymoon in Canada, accompanied by a small UNIA retinue, including Jacques. There, Garvey spoke at two mass meetings in Montreal and three in Toronto. Returning to Harlem, the couple's marriage was soon strained. Ashwood complained of Garvey's growing closeness with Jacques. Garvey was upset by his inability to control his wife, particularly her drinking and her socialising with other men. She was pregnant, although the child was possibly not his; she did not inform him of this, and the pregnancy ended in miscarriage. Three months into the marriage, Garvey sought an annulment, on the basis of Ashwood's alleged adultery and the claim that she had used "fraud and concealment" to induce the marriage. She launched a counter-claim for desertion, requesting $75 a week alimony. The court rejected this sum, but ordered Garvey to pay her $12 a week, but also refused to grant him the divorce. The court proceedings continued for two years. Now separated, Garvey moved into a 129th Street apartment with Jacques and Henrietta Vinton Davis, an arrangement that at the time could have caused some social controversy. He was later joined there by his sister Indiana and her husband, Alfred Peart. Ashwood, meanwhile, went on to become a lyricist and musical director for musicals amid the Harlem Renaissance. The Black Star Line [ edit ] From 56 West 135th, UNIA also began selling shares for a new business, the Black Star Line.The Black Star Line based its name on the White Star Line. Garvey envisioned a shipping and passenger line travelling between Africa and the Americas, which would be black-owned, black-staffed, and utilised by black patrons. He thought that the project could be launched by raising $2 million from African-American donors, publicly declaring that any black person who did not buy stock in the company "will be worse than a traitor to the cause of struggling Ethiopia". He incorporated the company and then sought about trying to purchase a ship. Many African-Americans took great pride in buying company stock, seeing it as an investment in their community's future; Garvey also promised that when the company began turning a profit they would receive significant financial returns on their investment. To advertise this stock, he travelled to Virginia, and then in September 1919 to Chicago, where he was accompanied by seven other UNIA members. In Chicago, he was arrested and fined for violating the Blue Sky Laws which banned the sale of stock in the city without a license. A certificate for stock of the Black Star Line With growing quantities of money coming in, a three-man auditing committee was established, with found that UNIA's funds were poorly recorded and that the company's books were not balanced. This was followed by a breakdown in trust between the directors of the Black Star Line, with Garvey discharging two of them, Richard E. Warner and Edgar M. Grey, and publicly humiliating them as the next UNIA meeting. People continued buying stock regardless and by September 1919, the Black Star Line company had accumulated $50,000 by selling stock. It could thus afford a thirty-year old tramp ship, the SS Yarmouth. The ship was formally launched in a ceremony on the Hudson River on 31 October. The company had been unable to find enough trained black seamen to staff the ship, so its initial chief engineer and chief officer were white. The ship's first assignment was to sale to Cuba and then to Jamaica, before returning to New York. After that first voyage, the Yarmouth was found to contain many problems and the Black Star Line had to pay $11,000 for repairs. On its second voyage, again to the Caribbean, it hit bad weather shortly after departure and had to be towed back to New York by the coastguard for further repairs.Garvey planned to obtain and launch a second ship by February 1920, with the Black Star Line putting down a $10,000 down payment on a paddle ship called the SS Shadyside. In July 1920, Garvey sacked both the Black Star Line's secretary, Edward D. Smith-Green, and its captain, Cockburn; the latter was accused of corruption. In early 1922, the Yarmouth was sold for scrap metal. In 1921, Garvey travelled to the Caribbean aboard a new BSL ship, the Antonio Maceo, which they had renamed the Kanawha. While in Jamaica, he criticised its inhabitants as being backward and claimed that "Negroes are the most lazy, the most careless and indifferent people in the world". His comments in Jamaica earned many enemies who criticised him on multiple fronts, including the fact he had left his destitute father to die in an almshouse. Attacks back-and-forth between Garvey and his critics appeared in the letters published by The Gleaner. From Jamaica, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where the United Fruit Company assisted his transportation around the country, hoping to gain his favour. There, he met with President Julio Acosta. Arriving in Panama, at one of his first speeches, in Almirante, he was booed after doubling the advertised entry price; his response was to call the crowd "a bunch of ignorant and impertinent Negroes. No wonder you are where you are and for my part you can stay where you are." He received a far warmer reception at Panama City, after which he sailed to Kingston. From there he sought a return to the U.S., but was repeatedly denied an entry visa. This was only granted after he wrote directly to the State Department. Criminal charges: 1922''1923 [ edit ] In January 1922, Garvey was arrested and charged with mail fraud for having advertised the sale of stocks in a ship, the Orion, which the Black Star Line did not yet own. He was bailed for $2,500. Hoover and the BOI were committed to securing a conviction; they had also received complaints from a small number of the Black Star Line's stock owners, who wanted them to pursue the matter further. Garvey spoke out against the charges he faced, but focused on blaming not the state, but rival African-American groups, for them. As well as accusing disgruntled former members of UNIA, in a Liberty Hall speech, he implied that the NAACP were behind the conspiracy to imprison him. The mainstream press picked up on the charge, largely presenting Garvey as a con artist who had swindled African-American people. After the arrest, he made plans for a tour of the western and southern states. This included a parade in Los Angeles, partly to woo back member

Chicago not only has a new mayor but new politics, including grassroots initiatives such as the Kola Nut Collaborative, a hybrid of timebanking and community organizing. Pete and I get a read on all these things from Mike Strode, the founder of the KNC, about his path to the cooperative movement and four of his creative inspirations: Steve Biko, Ralph Ellison, Hoyt Fuller, and Hubert Harrison.

Black American history is on tap Back by the Woodpile this episode! Helping us is Kalonji McClellan who talks Hubert Harrison, Booker T Washington W.E.B. Dubois, Birth of a Nation, pseudo history and much more.  

"Hubert Harrison was an immensely skilled writer, orator, educator, critic, and political activist who, more than any other political leader of his era, combined class consciousness and anti-white-supremacist race consciousness into a coherent political radicalism. Harrison's ideas profoundly influenced "New Negro" militants, including A. Philip Randolph and Marcus Garvey, and his synthesis of class and race issues is a key unifying link between the two great trends of the Black Liberation Movement: the labor- and civil-rights-based work of Martin Luther King Jr. and the race and nationalist platform associated with Malcolm X." "The foremost Black organizer, agitator, and theoretician of the Socialist Party of New York, Harrison was also the founder of the "New Negro" movement, the editor of Negro World, and the principal radical influence on the Garvey movement. He was a highly praised journalist and critic (reportedly the first regular Black book reviewer), a freethinker and early proponent of birth control, a supporter of Black writers and artists, a leading public intellectual, and a bibliophile who helped transform the 135th Street Public Library into an international center for research in Black culture. His biography offers profound insights on race, class, religion, immigration, war, democracy, and social change in America."--BOOK JACKET. Dr. Jeffrey B. Perry, an independent archivist, bibliophile, historian & working-class scholar formally educated at Princeton, Harvard, Rutgers, & Columbia. For 40+ years he's been active in the working class movement as a worker & as a union shop steward, officer, editor, & retiree. Dr. Perry, preserved & inventoried the "Hubert H. Harrison Papers".  Visit him at: www.JeffreyBPerry.net/

In February we celebrated Black History Month. In March we will have celebrated Virgin Islands History Month, the biography and works of Crucian-born Hubert Harrison in the forms of a book and a play, Virgin Islands Literary Festival and Book Fair, Danish-to-American Transfer Day, and International Working Women's Day. As you can see, we have a lot to cover. Therfore, we are having a special and extended show.  Because I will be on our sister island of St. Croix attending the Virgin Islands Literary Festival and Book Fair durng our next show on March 28th, we are postponing and extending that show. Come prepared for surprises and comments!  

The Virgin Islands Literary Festival and Book Fair will feature several events highlighting the historic Crucian writer and  activist, Hubert Harrison, the weekend of March 26-29. Saturday evening, March 28th, there will be a performance of David Edgecombe’s play Hubert Harrison.  Today we meet two gentlemen who diligently worked to bring the biography of a forgotten Virgin Islander to the forefront. One, an author, the other, a playwright, but they both wrote about Crucian-born Hubert Harrison, Dr. David Edgecombe, writer, director, instructor, and playwright has worked at the University of the Virgin Islands from 1990 to present. In 1992, he became director of the Reichhold Center for the Arts. He's "internationally known for several plays, including Strong Currents and Coming Home to Roost. Upon returning to the Islands, David joined the faculty at the University of the Virgin Islands and became their artist-in-residence, premièring his play, Heaven. Dr. Jeffrey Perry, formally educated at Princeton, Harvard, Rutgers, and Columbia,  preserved and inventoried the Hubert H. Harrison Papers and helped to place them at the Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Columbia University and to develop the Hubert H. Harrison Papers, 1893-1927: Finding Aid. He is the editor of A Hubert Harrison Reader (Wesleyan University Press, 2001) and the forthcoming Writings of Hubert Harrison. Dr. Perry will deliver a keynote address and a presentation discussing his work uncovering Harrison’s writings and documenting his story and work in Perry’s book, Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918 (Columbia University Press). Follow Dr. David Edgecombe and Dr. Jeffrey Perry on their Facebook page.

Please join us Sunday, May 25, 2014 as we welcome Dr. Jeffery B. Perry to Black FreeThinkers. We will discuss Hubert Henry Harrison who is considered the Black Socrates.  Harrison is also know for his radical humanism, oratorical skills, and influence. "The Invention of the White Race" by Theodore W. Allen, especially Vol. II: "The Origin of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America"."When the first Africans arrived in Virginia in 1619, there were no 'white' people there; nor, according to the colonial records, would there be for another sixty years." Theodore W. Allen Theodore W. Allen's "The Invention of the White Race," with its focus on racial oppression and social control, is one of the twentieth-century's major contributions to historical understanding. This two-volume classic (Vol. 1: "Racial Oppression and Social Control" and Vol. 2: "The Origin of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America") details how the "white race" was invented as a ruling-class social control formation and a system of racial oppression was imposed in response to labor solidarity in the wake of Bacon's Rebellion (1676-77), how the "white race" was created and maintained through "white race" privileges conferred on laboring class European-Americans relative to African-Americans, how these privileges were not in the interest of African-Americans or laboring class European-Americans, and how the "white race" has been the principal historic guarantor of ruling-class domination in America.

Please join us as we welcome Dr. Chris Cameron as we discuss African American freethought history.   Christopher Cameron is an Assistant Professor of Colonial/Revolutionary American History at the University of North Carolina Charlotte.  Christopher's research and teaching interests include early American history, the history of slavery and abolition, and American religious and intellectual history. Cameron’s first book, entitled "To Plead Our Own Cause: African Americans in Massachusetts and the Making of the Antislavery Movement," has been accepted for publication by Kent State University Press, and he is currently working on two monographs: one exploring liberal theology in early America, and the other examining African American freethinkers from the 19 century to the present. Time: 10AM PST/NOON CST/1PM EST.

Working While Black LIVE and CALL-IN - A Six- part weekly LIVE radio discussion on employment discrimination specifically in the Black community. A Six-Week LIVE radio discussion of the special elements of employment discrimination faced by Black people in the workforce. Understanding our special problems and sharing organizational and legal remedies to address them. The Host, Ricardo Jones, a former EEOC Sr. Investigator and Whistleblower and Jimmy Pratt, the NC Justice Activist will engage with other expert guests. Guests THIS WEEK Dr. Jahi Issa Former Assistant Professor of History & Africana Studies at Delaware State Univeristy a HBCU. Arrested and terminated for supporting student protest. Author,"How Black Colleges are Turning White" in the Black Agenda Report view http://blackagendareport.com/content/ethnic-cleansing-historically-black-colleges-universities-age-obama-part-1-3 Dr. Jeffrey Perry, Guest An independent working class scholar/activist focusing on white supremacy as the principal retardant to progressive social change efforts and on the centrality of struggle against white supremacy to progressive social change efforts. Writing on Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen, two of the most important thinkers and writers on race and class in the twentieth century. http://vimeo.com/10124419