Podcasts about hammarskj

In this episode, we delve into one of the most enduring and controversial mysteries of United Nations and African history: the death of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second UN secretary general, who died in a plane crash in 1961 while on a mission to prevent civil war in Congo. Was it an accident, or a cold-blooded assassination? Who was behind it, and why? What evidence is there to support the various theories and claims? Join us as we examine the facts, the clues, and the conspiracies surrounding this tragic event that changed the course of history.We will look at:The background and context of Hammarskjöld's mission to Congo, and why he faced opposition from powerful interests in the region and beyond.The official investigations and inquiries into the crash, and why they failed to provide a conclusive answer.The eyewitness accounts, documents, and testimonies that suggest foul play, such as bullet holes in the plane, sparks in the sky, radio intercepts, and secret agents.The possible suspects and motives, ranging from mining companies, colonial powers, mercenaries, rebel groups, to intelligence agencies.The recent developments and revelations that have renewed interest and hope in solving this case, such as a UN panel report, a Swedish inquiry, and a documentary film.Don't miss this thrilling and informative episode of Journey to the Fringe, where we uncover the truth behind the death of Dag Hammarskjöld.We do apologize for the potato quality audio, it's just this week and back to normal next week (promise!)Hammarskjold Inquiry

*Podporte podcast Vertigo v aplikácii Toldo a získajte prístup k extra obsahu na sme.sk/extravertigo Vo svete filmu sa opäť udialo veľa vecí a konečne sa objavili nominácie na udeľovanie Oscarov a s tým aj svieža ponuka z našich kín. Zameriame sa na Brutalistu, ktorý sa teší desiatim nomináciám na ceny Akadémie, ale podrobne rozoberieme aj odvážny film Babygirl, britského Paddingtona, ale aj dôležitý švédsky titul z prehliadky Scandy - Hammarskjöld: Boj za mier. Zo streamov sa vrhneme na akčnú novinku Netflixu Back in Action, vynikajúci návrat seriálu Severance a československú trilerovú drámu Studňa. V extra obsahu pre predplatiteľov si podrobne prelistujeme nominácie 97. ročníka cien Akadémie – Oscar. Kapitoly: (kapitoly v epizóde môžu byť v niektorých prípadoch o pár sekúnd posunuté) 00:00 Úvod 01:03 Brutalista / Brutalist 11:30 Babygirl 17:05 Paddington v džungli / Paddington in Peru 21:21 Vlčí muž / Wolf Man 26:10 Hammarskjöld: Boj za mier / Hammarskjöld 31:19 Červený ostrov / L'île rouge 35:48 Studna (Voyo) 41:09 Severance (Apple TV+) 45:11 Back in Action (Netflix) 49:22 Záver _ Ak nám chcete napísať, ozvite sa na vertigo@sme.sk _ Ďakujeme, že počúvate podcast Vertigo a zaujímate sa o filmový svetSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Den längsta resan. Ett boksamtal med KG Hammar om FN:s generalsekreterare Dag Hammarskjölds sista resa. Här finns viktiga nycklar till dig som vill få hjälp in i Hammarskjölds Vägmärken.

Årets litterära gudstjänst baserades på boken "Den längsta resan" av KG Hammar. Hammar samtalar om hur han levt med Dag Hammarskjöld och Hammarskjölds "Vägmärken" hela sitt liv.  Medverkande: KG Hammar och Britta Hermansson Samtalet var en del av Bokmässan i BK 2024, en serie samtalskvällar under Bokmässan i Göteborg, läs mer på: https://betlehemskyrkan.se/blog/2024/06/13/bokmassan-i-bk-2024/ Detta är en klippt version av kvällen, hela evenemanget finns att se på https://www.youtube.com/@BetlehemskyrkanGoteborg Gudstjänsten arrangerades tillsammans med Studieförbundet Bilda och Kultursamverkan Svenska Kyrkan.

Under sin sista ödesdigra flygresa översatte Dag Hammarskjöld filosofen Martin Bubers Jag och du. KG Hammar lever sig in i Hammarskjölds tankar under hans sista timmar i livet. KG Hammar i samtal med Johanna Gustafsson Lundberg, docent i tros- och livsåskådningsvetenskap Lunds universitet. Medarrangör Polaris

Den artonde september 1961 störtar ett plan med FN:s generalsekreterare Dag Hammarskjöld ombord. KG Hammars roman Den längsta resan skildrar Hammarskjölds sista timmar i livet. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Säsongspremiär för Lundströms Bokradio! Bokhösten är här. Olästa böcker flockas likt förväntansfulla elever på en skoldans. En som blivit uppbjuden är romanen Den längsta resan, skriven av KG Hammar. En gång i tiden Sveriges ärkebiskop, nu också skönlitterär författare.I nästan 50 år har KG Hammar slagit följe med Dag Hammarskjöld och boken Vägmärken, de efterlämnade texter som hittades och publicerades efter hans död. I Hammars roman får du som läsare kliva ombord på planet på väg mot det som ska bli Hammarskjölds sista FN-uppdrag, och följa hans tankar, iakttagelser och känslor.Skriv till oss! bokradio@sverigesradio.seProgramledare: Marie LundströmTf Producent: Ulph Nyström Ljuddesign: Märta Myrstener och Olle Sjöström

Detta är ett smakprov. Hela programmet är en timme och trettio minuter långt. Testa livet som stödprenumerant sju dagar gratis på https://www.friasvenskar.se/checkout/svegot--Dan Eriksson och Magnus Söderman är tillbaka efter semestern med nya insikter, spännande framtidsplaner och djupa reflektioner. I dagens avsnitt tar de med lyssnarna på en resa genom Sverige, diskuterar litteratur och filosofi, och avslöjar kommande projekt som lovar att utveckla deras medieplattform och engagemang.Sommarens äventyr står i centrum när Dan och Magnus delar med sig av sina vitt skilda semesterupplevelser. Magnus berättar om sin resa längs Vildmarksvägen i norra Sverige, där han introducerade sin son till fjällvärldens storslagenhet. Dan å sin sida utforskade Österlens charm, med besök till både sandstränder och kulturella landmärken som Dag Hammarskjölds Backåkra.Samtalet tar en djupare vändning när de diskuterar litteratur. Dan delar sina intryck av Andrev Waldens augustprisvinnande bok "Jävla karlar", en humoristisk men tankeväckande skildring av uppväxten i skuggan av 68-vänstern och fri kärlek. Detta leder in på en utförlig diskussion om Dag Hammarskjölds liv och tankar, med utgångspunkt i hans bok "Vägmärken". De reflekterar över plikt, ansvar och vikten av att leva för något större än sig själv, samtidigt som de kritiskt granskar moderna tolkningar av Hammarskjölds liv.Duon betonar vikten av att utforska Sverige och hur det kan stärka den nationella identiteten, särskilt för yngre generationer. De argumenterar för värdet av att upptäcka sitt hemland framför konstant utlandsresande.Avslutningsvis avslöjar de spännande planer för framtiden. De diskuterar utvecklingen av sin medieplattform, med ambitioner att förbättra produktionskvaliteten på deras livesända program genom fler kameror och potentiellt en permanent studio. De berättar också om en kommande resa till Polen i november, där de ska delta i den stora självständighetsmarschen och möta europeiska politiker och aktivister.Ämnen som avhandlas:Magnus resa längs Vildmarksvägen och Dans utforskning av ÖsterlenReflektioner kring Andrev Waldens bok "Jävla karlar"Dag Hammarskjölds liv, gärning och filosofiska tankar från "Vägmärken"Vikten av att semestra i Sverige och stärka den nationella identitetenPlaner för att utveckla och förbättra deras livesända programEn kommande resa till Polen i november för självständighetsmarschen och viktiga mötenFramtidsvisioner för Det fria Sverige och dess digitala plattformMissa inte detta innehållsrika avsnitt som blandar personliga berättelser med djupa reflektioner, litterära diskussioner och spännande framtidsutsikter för Dan, Magnus och Det fria Sverige!Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/dagens-svegot--4339034/support.

On a visit to Los Angeles, which he called home for one year, Copenhagen-based Danish actor CASPAR PHILLIPSON recalls visiting LA for the first time for the Oscars for Jackie (2016), in which he portrayed John F. Kennedy. He talks about two other instances playing JFK, in Blonde (2022), and in his newest film, Hammarskjöld (2023). And he teases about his Danish tv series The Orchestra, and his very funny late night show on the piano singing Tom Lehrer songs.Caspar selects a work by P.S. Krøyer from the SMK collection.https://open.smk.dk/en/artwork/image/KMS1658(Photographer: Yannick Wolff)----------We invite you to subscribe to Danish Originals for weekly episodes. You can also find us at:website: https://danishoriginals.com/email: info@danishoriginals.com----------And we invite you to donate to the American Friends of Statens Museum for Kunst and become a patron: https://donorbox.org/american-friends-of-statens-museum-for-kunst

Henning Melber is Director Emeritus of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation and former research director of the Nordic Africa Institute. Melber is the author of "Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nations and the Decolonisation of Africa" in which he explores the years of African decolonization during which Hammarskjöld was in office, investigating the scope and limits of his influence within the context of global governance. He paints a picture of a man with strong guiding principles, but limited room for maneuver, colliding with the essential interests of the big powers as the 'wind of change' blew over the African continent. --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/out-of-the-blank/support

Gesprek met Beatrijs Corveleyn. Zij schreef samen met Kees G.Zwart het boek "De weg naar binnen, de spiritualiteit van Dag Hammarskjöld". Een uitgave van uitgeverij Halewijn in Antwerpen i.s.m. uitgeverij Adveniat in Leeuwarden.(https://halewijn.info/catalogus/de_weg_naar_binnen) Van hun site: Dag Hammarskjöld (1905 –1961) was een Zweeds diplomaat. Als secretaris-generaal van de Verenigde Naties (1953 tot 1961) verwierf hij bekendheid, vooral door zijn grote inzet voor de vrede. Na zijn dood, door een vliegtuigongeluk tijdens zijn vredesmissie in Congo, stootte men op dagboeknotities die een kijk boden op een intens innerlijk leven. In 1961 kreeg Hammarskjöld postuum de Nobelprijs voor de Vrede. Vanuit haar jarenlang leven met en bestuderen van de teksten van Dag Hammarskjöld, belicht Beatrijs Corveleyn in samenwerking met Kees G. Zwart een aantal belangrijke spirituele thema's die Hammarskjölds denken en leven karakteriseren. Deze thema's zijn vandaag de dag nog steeds actueel: vrede, leiderschap, natuur, mystiek, roeping, zinvol leven .... Hammarskjölds geschriften, vooral zijn beroemde Merkstenen, zijn hierbij hun leidraad.

Today I talked to Stuart Reid about his new book The Lumumba Plot: The Secret History of the CIA and a Cold War Assassination (Knopf, 2023). It was supposed to be a moment of great optimism, a cause for jubilation. The Congo was at last being set free from Belgium—one of seventeen countries to gain independence in 1960 from ruling European powers. At the helm as prime minister was charismatic nationalist Patrice Lumumba. Just days after the handover, however, the Congo's new army mutinied, Belgian forces intervened, and Lumumba turned to the United Nations for help in saving his newborn nation from what the press was already calling “the Congo crisis.” Dag Hammarskjöld, the tidy Swede serving as UN secretary-general, quickly arranged the organization's biggest peacekeeping mission in history. But chaos was still spreading. Frustrated with the fecklessness of the UN and spurned by the United States, Lumumba then approached the Soviets for help—an appeal that set off alarm bells at the CIA. To forestall the spread of Communism in Africa, the CIA sent word to its station chief in the Congo, Larry Devlin: Lumumba had to go. Within a year, everything would unravel. The CIA plot to murder Lumumba would fizzle out, but he would be deposed in a CIA-backed coup, transferred to enemy territory in a CIA-approved operation, and shot dead by Congolese assassins. Hammarskjöld, too, would die, in a mysterious plane crash en route to negotiate a cease-fire with the Congo's rebellious southeast. And a young, ambitious military officer named Joseph Mobutu, who had once sworn fealty to Lumumba, would seize power with U.S. help and misrule the country for more than three decades. For the Congolese people, the events of 1960–61 represented the opening chapter of a long horror story. For the U.S. government, however, they provided a playbook for future interventions. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Today I talked to Stuart Reid about his new book The Lumumba Plot: The Secret History of the CIA and a Cold War Assassination (Knopf, 2023). It was supposed to be a moment of great optimism, a cause for jubilation. The Congo was at last being set free from Belgium—one of seventeen countries to gain independence in 1960 from ruling European powers. At the helm as prime minister was charismatic nationalist Patrice Lumumba. Just days after the handover, however, the Congo's new army mutinied, Belgian forces intervened, and Lumumba turned to the United Nations for help in saving his newborn nation from what the press was already calling “the Congo crisis.” Dag Hammarskjöld, the tidy Swede serving as UN secretary-general, quickly arranged the organization's biggest peacekeeping mission in history. But chaos was still spreading. Frustrated with the fecklessness of the UN and spurned by the United States, Lumumba then approached the Soviets for help—an appeal that set off alarm bells at the CIA. To forestall the spread of Communism in Africa, the CIA sent word to its station chief in the Congo, Larry Devlin: Lumumba had to go. Within a year, everything would unravel. The CIA plot to murder Lumumba would fizzle out, but he would be deposed in a CIA-backed coup, transferred to enemy territory in a CIA-approved operation, and shot dead by Congolese assassins. Hammarskjöld, too, would die, in a mysterious plane crash en route to negotiate a cease-fire with the Congo's rebellious southeast. And a young, ambitious military officer named Joseph Mobutu, who had once sworn fealty to Lumumba, would seize power with U.S. help and misrule the country for more than three decades. For the Congolese people, the events of 1960–61 represented the opening chapter of a long horror story. For the U.S. government, however, they provided a playbook for future interventions. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

Today I talked to Stuart Reid about his new book The Lumumba Plot: The Secret History of the CIA and a Cold War Assassination (Knopf, 2023). It was supposed to be a moment of great optimism, a cause for jubilation. The Congo was at last being set free from Belgium—one of seventeen countries to gain independence in 1960 from ruling European powers. At the helm as prime minister was charismatic nationalist Patrice Lumumba. Just days after the handover, however, the Congo's new army mutinied, Belgian forces intervened, and Lumumba turned to the United Nations for help in saving his newborn nation from what the press was already calling “the Congo crisis.” Dag Hammarskjöld, the tidy Swede serving as UN secretary-general, quickly arranged the organization's biggest peacekeeping mission in history. But chaos was still spreading. Frustrated with the fecklessness of the UN and spurned by the United States, Lumumba then approached the Soviets for help—an appeal that set off alarm bells at the CIA. To forestall the spread of Communism in Africa, the CIA sent word to its station chief in the Congo, Larry Devlin: Lumumba had to go. Within a year, everything would unravel. The CIA plot to murder Lumumba would fizzle out, but he would be deposed in a CIA-backed coup, transferred to enemy territory in a CIA-approved operation, and shot dead by Congolese assassins. Hammarskjöld, too, would die, in a mysterious plane crash en route to negotiate a cease-fire with the Congo's rebellious southeast. And a young, ambitious military officer named Joseph Mobutu, who had once sworn fealty to Lumumba, would seize power with U.S. help and misrule the country for more than three decades. For the Congolese people, the events of 1960–61 represented the opening chapter of a long horror story. For the U.S. government, however, they provided a playbook for future interventions. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies

Today I talked to Stuart Reid about his new book The Lumumba Plot: The Secret History of the CIA and a Cold War Assassination (Knopf, 2023). It was supposed to be a moment of great optimism, a cause for jubilation. The Congo was at last being set free from Belgium—one of seventeen countries to gain independence in 1960 from ruling European powers. At the helm as prime minister was charismatic nationalist Patrice Lumumba. Just days after the handover, however, the Congo's new army mutinied, Belgian forces intervened, and Lumumba turned to the United Nations for help in saving his newborn nation from what the press was already calling “the Congo crisis.” Dag Hammarskjöld, the tidy Swede serving as UN secretary-general, quickly arranged the organization's biggest peacekeeping mission in history. But chaos was still spreading. Frustrated with the fecklessness of the UN and spurned by the United States, Lumumba then approached the Soviets for help—an appeal that set off alarm bells at the CIA. To forestall the spread of Communism in Africa, the CIA sent word to its station chief in the Congo, Larry Devlin: Lumumba had to go. Within a year, everything would unravel. The CIA plot to murder Lumumba would fizzle out, but he would be deposed in a CIA-backed coup, transferred to enemy territory in a CIA-approved operation, and shot dead by Congolese assassins. Hammarskjöld, too, would die, in a mysterious plane crash en route to negotiate a cease-fire with the Congo's rebellious southeast. And a young, ambitious military officer named Joseph Mobutu, who had once sworn fealty to Lumumba, would seize power with U.S. help and misrule the country for more than three decades. For the Congolese people, the events of 1960–61 represented the opening chapter of a long horror story. For the U.S. government, however, they provided a playbook for future interventions. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

Today I talked to Stuart Reid about his new book The Lumumba Plot: The Secret History of the CIA and a Cold War Assassination (Knopf, 2023). It was supposed to be a moment of great optimism, a cause for jubilation. The Congo was at last being set free from Belgium—one of seventeen countries to gain independence in 1960 from ruling European powers. At the helm as prime minister was charismatic nationalist Patrice Lumumba. Just days after the handover, however, the Congo's new army mutinied, Belgian forces intervened, and Lumumba turned to the United Nations for help in saving his newborn nation from what the press was already calling “the Congo crisis.” Dag Hammarskjöld, the tidy Swede serving as UN secretary-general, quickly arranged the organization's biggest peacekeeping mission in history. But chaos was still spreading. Frustrated with the fecklessness of the UN and spurned by the United States, Lumumba then approached the Soviets for help—an appeal that set off alarm bells at the CIA. To forestall the spread of Communism in Africa, the CIA sent word to its station chief in the Congo, Larry Devlin: Lumumba had to go. Within a year, everything would unravel. The CIA plot to murder Lumumba would fizzle out, but he would be deposed in a CIA-backed coup, transferred to enemy territory in a CIA-approved operation, and shot dead by Congolese assassins. Hammarskjöld, too, would die, in a mysterious plane crash en route to negotiate a cease-fire with the Congo's rebellious southeast. And a young, ambitious military officer named Joseph Mobutu, who had once sworn fealty to Lumumba, would seize power with U.S. help and misrule the country for more than three decades. For the Congolese people, the events of 1960–61 represented the opening chapter of a long horror story. For the U.S. government, however, they provided a playbook for future interventions. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/national-security

Today I talked to Stuart Reid about his new book The Lumumba Plot: The Secret History of the CIA and a Cold War Assassination (Knopf, 2023). It was supposed to be a moment of great optimism, a cause for jubilation. The Congo was at last being set free from Belgium—one of seventeen countries to gain independence in 1960 from ruling European powers. At the helm as prime minister was charismatic nationalist Patrice Lumumba. Just days after the handover, however, the Congo's new army mutinied, Belgian forces intervened, and Lumumba turned to the United Nations for help in saving his newborn nation from what the press was already calling “the Congo crisis.” Dag Hammarskjöld, the tidy Swede serving as UN secretary-general, quickly arranged the organization's biggest peacekeeping mission in history. But chaos was still spreading. Frustrated with the fecklessness of the UN and spurned by the United States, Lumumba then approached the Soviets for help—an appeal that set off alarm bells at the CIA. To forestall the spread of Communism in Africa, the CIA sent word to its station chief in the Congo, Larry Devlin: Lumumba had to go. Within a year, everything would unravel. The CIA plot to murder Lumumba would fizzle out, but he would be deposed in a CIA-backed coup, transferred to enemy territory in a CIA-approved operation, and shot dead by Congolese assassins. Hammarskjöld, too, would die, in a mysterious plane crash en route to negotiate a cease-fire with the Congo's rebellious southeast. And a young, ambitious military officer named Joseph Mobutu, who had once sworn fealty to Lumumba, would seize power with U.S. help and misrule the country for more than three decades. For the Congolese people, the events of 1960–61 represented the opening chapter of a long horror story. For the U.S. government, however, they provided a playbook for future interventions. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Johan och Nadia har besök av deras chef och kyrkoherde Carl Dahlbäck. Vi djupdyker i Dag Hammarskjölds liv och upptäcker både det enda och det andra. Även lyssnarnas frågor till en kyrkoherde tar plats! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Arconada y Sergio Pérez hablan de estrenos como El especialista, Rivales, The Palace, Rabos: El Musical, Hammarskjöld: Lucha por la paz...

Gäster: Isidor Olsbjörk, Jonathan Tengwall, Simon Gärdenfors, Kim W. Andersson … AMK Morgons lyssnare har 30% rabatt på samtliga rumskategorier. Patreons har 40% rabatt på samtliga rumskategorier För att boka, gå in på hyatt.com och ange koden 165414 under "Corporate or Group Code" (viktigt att inte välja annan typ av rabattkod). … Relevanta länkar: …Brök! https://img.tradera.net/images/336/552380336_a91cec02-31e6-44a8-a994-130eb3c7bda0.jpg …Kellerman https://www.instagram.com/martinkellerman/ …stadsministerlöner https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/kontakt-och-besok/riksdagens-myndigheter-och-namnder/statsradsarvodesnamnden/ …Fredrik X https://www.svt.se/nyheter/utrikes/folkfest-i-byen-sa-foljer-du-danska-tronskiftet …Drottningens röka https://www.aftonbladet.se/kungligt/a/eJROXl/drottning-margrethe-har-slutat-roka …Kristian X https://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kristian_X_av_Danmark …Kongen av Danmark https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kongen_af_Danmark_(confectionery) …Gröna Kulor https://se.fazer.com/products/grona-kulor-500g?variant=13947570815018¤cy=SEK&utm_medium=product_sync&utm_source=google&utm_content=sag_organic&utm_campaign=sag_organic&gad_source=1&gclid=CjwKCAiAqY6tBhAtEiwAHeRopRMvmMTOF7c1YxXMAlrAZKijUCCSWdmRuz6b3t6jUJW4NeVzANbptRoCT3YQAvD_BwE …Stockholm Bloodbath https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LeKDWNt5ApU https://www.imdb.com/title/tt18163814/ https://www.imdb.com/name/nm0405632/?ref_=tt_cl_dr_1 …100 Årstider https://www.imdb.com/title/tt23729790/mediaviewer/rm204291585/?ref_=tt_ov_i …K Foundation Burn a Million Quid https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K_Foundation_Burn_a_Million_Quid …Anna Odells blick https://www.svt.se/kultur/anna-odell-blev-gravid-med-sin-skotare-under-tvangsvard-skildras-i-nytt-verk https://pbs.twimg.com/media/D6xGZCnWkAAitJx.jpg …Hammarskjöld https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DCtjeTmJhYs …Lasse Hallströms Söndagsintervju https://sverigesradio.se/avsnitt/lasse-hallstrom-fimpar-den-javla-odmjukheten-sondagsintervjun …Två killar och en tjej https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0086488/ …det smaklösa inlägget från TV4 https://www.expressen.se/noje/tv4s-inlagg-borttaget-efter-kritik-inget-bra-inlagg/ …Legoland https://www.expressen.se/kvallsposten/vuxna-utan-barn-portas-pa-legoland/ Låtarna som spelades var: BAYRAKTAR is Life - Taras Borovko Mondo Loops - Essence Of The Forest Taxman - The Beatles Hot Blooded - Foreigner Alla låtar finns i AMK Morgons spellista här: https://open.spotify.com/user/amk.morgon/playlist/6V9bgWnHJMh9c4iVHncF9j?si=so0WKn7sSpyufjg3olHYmg Stötta oss gärna på Swish, varje litet bidrag uppskattas enormt! 123 646 2006

Bali varnar om risk för krig, Brontén bubbelhoppar och Jonas står har sett Hammarskjöld.Mejla in dina frågor till: inaktuellt@podplay.seLyssna på Inaktuellt Live VARJE torsdag från kl 09:30 på Podplay.se eller i Podplay-appen för att lyssna och ställa frågor direkt till Jonas, Hasse Brontén, Linnéa Bali och producenten Dawwa.

I mellandagarna var det biopremiär för storfilmen Hammarskjöld med Mikael Persbrandt, som redan blivit Guldbaggenominerad för rollen. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Med sin åttonde nominering i kategorin ”Bästa manliga huvudroll” slår Mikael Persbrandt rekord. Han nomineras nu för rollen som Dag Hammarskjöld i filmen”Hammarskjöld”.Vinner han en Guldbagge på galan den 15 januari tangerar Mikael Persbrandt dessutom Stellan Skarsgårds rekord.P1 Kulturs Björn Jansson har träffat Persbrandt.

På nyårsdagen sätter sig Emil Arvas och filmkritikern Olga Ruin ner för att tala om julens stora filmhändelse Hammarskjöld. Länk till Olgas anmälan: https://www.svd.se/a/KnVRR4/recension-persbrandt-lyckas-inte-radda-hammarskjold

Ring P1 från Luleå om bland annat domen mot Hamid Noury, porträttet av Dag Hammarskjöld i filmen om honom och om nedläggningen av P1-programmet Public Service. Programledare: Pekka Kenttälä. Ansvarig utgivare: Karin Grönberg Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play.

Gäster: Agnes Matsdotter, Isak Jansson, Isak Wahlberg … Relevanta länkar: …Baijiu https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baijiu …Leave the world behind https://www.netflix.com/title/81314956 …Zombieland https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1156398/ …Rush Hour https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0120812/ …Aki Kaurismäki https://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aki_Kaurism%C3%A4ki …Hallmark https://www.hallmarkchannel.com/?glbnav=hc …Hammarskjöld https://www.imdb.com/title/tt26676104/ …Silent Night https://www.filmtopp.se/lista/alla-nya-julfilmer-2023-tips-och-hojdpunkter …John Woo https://www.imdb.com/name/nm0000247/ …Hard Target https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0107076/?ref_=tt_mv_close …Van Damme-scenen https://youtu.be/vu_B17Gg5u8?t=284 …O.G. Road House https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0098206/ …nya Road House https://www.imdb.com/title/tt3359350/ Låtarna som spelades var: BAYRAKTAR is Life - Taras Borovko Razor Tongue - DJ Mendez Dance Hall Days - Wang Chung Alla låtar finns i AMK Morgons spellista här: https://open.spotify.com/user/amk.morgon/playlist/6V9bgWnHJMh9c4iVHncF9j?si=so0WKn7sSpyufjg3olHYmg Stötta oss gärna på Swish, varje litet bidrag uppskattas enormt! 123 646 2006

Mikael Persbrandt har fått sin åttonde Guldbaggenominering för bioaktuella Hammarskjöld där han spelar den legendariska diplomaten. P1 Kulturs Björn Jansson har träffat honom. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play.

På Juldagen är det biopremiär för storfilmen Hammarskjöld med Mikael Persbrandt, som redan blivit Guldbaggenominerad för rollen. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Med sin åttonde nominering i kategorin ”Bästa manliga huvudroll” slår Mikael Persbrandt rekord. Han nomineras nu för rollen som Dag Hammarskjöld i filmen”Hammarskjöld”.Vinner han en Guldbagge på galan den 15 januari tangerar Mikael Persbrandt dessutom Stellan Skarsgårds rekord.P1 Kulturs Björn Jansson har träffat Persbrandt.

Gäster: Clara Kristiansen, Jack Moy … Relevanta länkar: …FN-cheferna https://www.svt.se/nyheter/snabbkollen/fn-chefer-kraver-omedelbar-vapenvila--aghu6g …Hammarskjöld https://www.imdb.com/title/tt26676104/ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DCtjeTmJhYs …Silvanas Hamlet https://www.expressen.se/kultur/scen/silvana-imams-hamlet-ar-ett-totalt-haveri/ https://kulturhusetstadsteatern.se/teater/hamlet#EventTicketsBlock …Prometheus https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1446714/ …Ondskan på TV4 Play https://www.tv4play.se/program/cd6851902bb0ffb85d21/ondskan …accentbytarkillen https://www.instagram.com/p/Cy7YOdOrfsZ/ https://www.instagram.com/p/CzLFxnvOHUR/ https://www.instagram.com/lclightbox/ …Banksy-utställningen https://www.stadsgardsterminalen.com/events/the-mystery-of-banksy-a-genius-mind Låtarna som spelades var: BAYRAKTAR is Life - Taras Borovko Tom Doolie ft. DAO - Sincere Ta Av Dig - Silvana Imam Rocks - Primal Scream Alla låtar finns i AMK Morgons spellista här: https://open.spotify.com/user/amk.morgon/playlist/6V9bgWnHJMh9c4iVHncF9j?si=so0WKn7sSpyufjg3olHYmg Stötta oss gärna på Swish, varje litet bidrag uppskattas enormt! 123 646 2006

In this episode, we delve into one of the most enduring and controversial mysteries of United Nations and African history: the death of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second UN secretary general, who died in a plane crash in 1961 while on a mission to prevent civil war in Congo. Was it an accident, or a cold-blooded assassination? Who was behind it, and why? What evidence is there to support the various theories and claims? Join us as we examine the facts, the clues, and the conspiracies surrounding this tragic event that changed the course of history.We will look at:The background and context of Hammarskjöld's mission to Congo, and why he faced opposition from powerful interests in the region and beyond.The official investigations and inquiries into the crash, and why they failed to provide a conclusive answer.The eyewitness accounts, documents, and testimonies that suggest foul play, such as bullet holes in the plane, sparks in the sky, radio intercepts, and secret agents.The possible suspects and motives, ranging from mining companies, colonial powers, mercenaries, rebel groups, to intelligence agencies.The recent developments and revelations that have renewed interest and hope in solving this case, such as a UN panel report, a Swedish inquiry, and a documentary film.Don't miss this thrilling and informative episode of Journey to the Fringe, where we uncover the truth behind the death of Dag Hammarskjöld.We do apologize for the potato quality audio, it's just this week and back to normal next week (promise!)Hammarskjold Inquirymusic credit:Nostalgic Synthwave Playlist - Back In Time // Royalty Free Copyright Safe MusicWhite Bat AudioSource: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xSOl1M4L5BI&t=203s

Fd diplomaten Staffan Carlsson har skrivit en bok om Dag Hammarskjöld. Han var viktig som politiker och generalsekreterare i FN. Men det fanns också en maktspelare i Hammarskjöld. Enligt Staffan Carlsson så var Dag Hammarskjöld en av flera som påverkade Sveriges europapolitik efter andra världskriget, och hur vi definierade vår neutralitetspolitik.

Greg Poulgrain is a historian and lecturer on Southeast Asian history and author of JFK vs. Allen Dulles: Battleground Indonesia. Greg joins me once again to discuss Allen Dulles and also Dag Hammarskjöld who remains well regarded internationally as a capable diplomat and administrator, and his efforts to resolve various global crises led to him being the only posthumous recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. He is considered one of the two best UN secretaries-general, along with his successor U Thant, and his appointment has been hailed as one of the most notable successes for the organization. U.S. President John F. Kennedy called Hammarskjöld "the greatest statesman of our century." --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/out-of-the-blank-podcast/support

On today's show we discuss Pelle's upcoming documentary on the Hammarskjöld murder. (Dag Hammarskjöld was the second General Secretary of the UN. Hammarskjöld was killed in an aircraft accident in 1961 but there is evidence he was "accidental" in an intelligence operation. The evidence points to Belgian, British, South African, Rhodesian and US intelligence. Recently the UN Commission investigating the Hammarskjöld murder protested against the unwillingness of the western intelligence services and foreign politician to share the documents and information). GUEST OVERVIEW: Pelle Neroth is a British-Swedish journalist producing a documentary revealing new information about Hammarskjöld and the murder.

On today's show we discuss Pelle's upcoming documentary on the Hammarskjöld murder. (Dag Hammarskjöld was the second General Secretary of the UN. Hammarskjöld was killed in an aircraft accident in 1961 but there is evidence he was "accidental" in an intelligence operation. The evidence points to Belgian, British, South African, Rhodesian and US intelligence. Recently the UN Commission investigating the Hammarskjöld murder protested against the unwillingness of the western intelligence services and foreign politician to share the documents and information). GUEST OVERVIEW: Pelle Neroth is a British-Swedish journalist producing a documentary revealing new information about Hammarskjöld and the murder.

Peder Mikaelsson Hammarskjöld föddes troligen i början av 1560-talet och levde fram till 1642. Han var militär under fyra svenska kungar och anfader för ätten Hammarskjöld som fostrade fyra ministrar och en generalsekreterare för FN bland mycket annat.   Avsnittet är önskat av Mats Källqvist som är en av våra patroner. Vill du lyssna på hela så får du gå in på patreon.com/kungarochkrig

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Dag Hammarskjöld served as secretary-general of the United Nations from 1953 until his tragic death in a suspicious plane crash in 1961. During those years he saw the fledgling international organization through numerous crises with skill that made him a star on the international stage. As readers of his now-classic diary, Markings, are aware, Hammarskjöld understood political leadership as an honor calling for resourcefulness, humility, moral clarity, and spiritual reflection.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Guido Dotti" Hammarskjöld: etica e politica"Vita interiore e impegno pubblicoRoger LipseyEdizioni QiqajonComunità di Bosehttps://www.monasterodibose.it/… cosciente della realtà del male, della tragedia della vita individuale e dell'esigenza di “dignità”nel plasmare la vita.Dag Hammarskjöld, Tracce di cammino(8 febbraio 1959)Dag Hammarskjöld, premio Nobel per la pace noto per il suo impegno internazionale, era un uomo animato da una profonda vita interiore. Le parole che ci ha lasciato indicano nell'interiorità la via maestra per affrontare le sfide di ogni giorno con lucidità e decisione, maturità e lungimiranza. “In un'epoca in cui l'ideale della politica come servizio pubblico è ignorato o disprezzato, è importante sapere dove cercare segni di speranza e di impegno. Hammarskjöld è un esempio straordinario di politica astuta, umile, coraggiosa, paziente e rischiosa allo stesso tempo: un esempio necessario per noi oggi come l'acqua nel deserto. Questo libro espone con chiarezza e passione esemplare ciò che potremmo imparare da Hammarskjöld, il tesoro che potremmo scoprirvi” (Rowan Williams).Dag Hammarskjöld (Jönköping 1905 − Ndola 1961), diplomatico svedese, è stato per due mandati segretario generale dell'Onu, dall'aprile 1953 alla sua morte in un oscuro incidente aereo nel pieno della crisi congolese. Premio Nobel per la pace alla memoria nel 1961, “in segno di gratitudine per tutto quello che ha fatto, per tutto quello che ha ottenuto, per l'ideale per il quale ha combattuto: creare pace e magnanimità tra le nazioni e gli uomini”.Roger Lipsey (1942), biografo, storico dell'arte e curatore editoriale, interviene regolarmente a seminari delle Nazioni Unite sulla vita e sull'eredità di Dag Hammarskjöld. Il suo libro Hammarskjöld. A Life (2013)è stato salutato come la biografia definitiva del secondo segretario generale dell'Onu."Le Nazioni Unite non sono una nuova idea, esistono grazie a una lotta che dura da secoli. Sono lo sviluppo logico e naturale di linee di pensiero e di aspirazioni che ci riportano molto indietro nel tempo e in ogni angolo della terra, fin dal giorno in cui pochi uomini iniziarono a preoccuparsi della decenza e della dignità degli altri uomini."IL POSTO DELLE PAROLEascoltare fa pensarehttps://ilpostodelleparole.it/

Travis L. Adkins, deputy assistant administrator for Africa at USAID and lecturer of African and security studies at the Walsh School of Foreign Service and in the Prisons and Justice Initiative at Georgetown University, and Brenda Gayle Plummer, professor of history at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, led a conversation on race in America and international relations. FASKIANOS: Welcome to the first session of the CFR Fall 2021 Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Today's meeting is on the record, and the video and transcript will be available on our website CFR.org/academic if you would like to share it with your colleagues or classmates. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We're delighted to have Travis Adkins and Brenda Gayle Plummer with us to discuss race in America and international relations. Travis Adkins is deputy assistant administrator in the Bureau of Africa at USAID, and lecturer of African and security studies at the Walsh School of Foreign Service, and in the Prisons and Justice Initiative at Georgetown University. As an international development leader, he has two decades of experience working in governance, civil society, and refugee and migration affairs in over fifty nations throughout Africa and the Middle East. Mr. Adkins was a CFR international affairs fellow and is a CFR member. Dr. Brenda Gayle Plummer is a professor of history at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. Her research includes race and gender, international relations, and civil rights. Dr. Plummer has taught Afro-American history throughout her twenty years of experience in higher education. Previously she taught at Fisk University, the University of California, Santa Barbara, and the University of Minnesota. And from 2001 to 2005, Dr. Plummer served on the Historical Advisory Committee of the U.S. Department of State. So, thank you both for being with us today. We appreciate you taking the time to share your thoughts with us. Travis, I thought we could begin with you to talk about the ways in which you've seen race relations in America influence U.S. foreign policy. ADKINS: Sure. Thank you so much, Irina. And welcome to everyone. Thank you for joining. The first thing I would say is that America's long history of violence, exclusion, and barbarism towards Black people and indigenous people and Asian communities and immigrant communities in the United States have worked to give the lie to the notion of who we say we are in terms of freedom, in terms of democracy, in terms of the respect for human rights. And these are the core messages that we seek to project in our foreign policy. And we've not been able to resolve those contradictions because we have refused to face this history, right? And we can't countenance a historical narrative in which we are not the heroes, not the good guys, not on the right side of history. And the challenge that we've had is that we've seen that play out in so many ugly ways domestically. But it also has resonance and relevance in our foreign policy, because what it ends up doing is essentially producing a foreign policy of platitudes and contradictory posturing on the issues of human rights, on the issues of racial justice, on the issues of democratic governance when the world can see not only this history but this present reality of racial discrimination, of police brutality, of efforts to suppress the political participation of specific groups of people inside of America. They can see children in cages at the Southern border. They can see anti-Asian hate taking place in our nation, and they can hear those messages resounding, sometimes from our White House, sometimes from our Senate, sometimes from our Congress and other halls of power throughout the United States. And that works against the message of who we say we are, which is really who we want to be. But the thing that we, I think, lose out on is pretending that where we want to be is actually where we are. And I think back a couple weeks ago Secretary Blinken came out saying to diplomats in the State Department that it was okay for them to admit America's flaws and failings in their diplomatic engagements with other countries. But I would—I do applaud that. But I also think that saying that we would admit it to the rest of the world—the rest of the world already knows. And who we would have to need to focus on admitting it to is ourselves, because we have not faced this national shame of ours as it relates to the historical and the present reality of White supremacy, of racialized violence and hatred and exclusion in our immigration policy, in our education policy, in our law and customs and cultural mores that have helped to produce ongoing violence and hatred of this nature in which our history is steeped. I think the other part of that is that we lose the opportunity to then share that message with the rest of the world. And so, what I like to say is that our real history is better than the story that we tell. So instead of us framing ourselves and our foreign policy as a nation who fell from the heavens to the top of a mountain, it's a more powerful story to say that we climbed up out of a valley and are still climbing up out of a valley of trying to create and produce and cultivate a multiracial, multiethnic democracy with respect for all, and that that is and has been a struggle. And I think that that message is much more powerful. And what it does is it creates healing for us at home, but it also begins to take away this kind of Achilles' heel that many of our adversaries have used historically—the Soviet Union, now Russia, China, Iran—this notion that democracy and freedom and the moral posturing of America is all for naught if you just look at what they do at home. Who are they to preach to you about these things when they themselves have the same challenges? And so I think that we would strengthen ourselves if we could look at this in that way. And I would just close by saying that we often speak of the civil rights movement and the movement for decolonization in the world, and specifically in Africa where I mostly work, speak of them in the past tense. But I would argue that both of them are movements and histories that are continuously unfolding, that are not resolved, and that haven't brought themselves to peaceful kinds of conclusions. And this is why when George Floyd is killed on camera, choked for nine minutes and loses his life, that you see reverberations all over the world, people pushing back because they are suffering from the same in their countries, and they are following after anti-Asian hate protestors and advocates, Black Lives Matter advocates and protestors, people who are saying to the world this is unacceptable. And so even in that way, you see the linked fates that people share. And so I think that the more we begin to face who we are at home, the more we begin to heal these wounds and relate better in the foreign policy arena, because I think that it is a long held fallacy that these things are separate, right? A nation's foreign policy is only an extension of its beliefs, its policies and its aspirations and its desires from home going out into the world. So I will stop there. And thank you for the question. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. Dr. Plummer, over to you. PLUMMER: Well, your question is a very good one. It is also a very book-length question. I'll try to address that. First of all, I would like to say that I find Mr. Adkins' statement quite eloquent and can't think of anything I disagree with in what he has said. There are a couple of things that we might consider as well. I think there are several issues embedded in this question of the relationship between race relations in the United States and it's policies toward other countries. One of them is, I think there's a difference between what policymakers intend and how American policy is perceived. There is also the question of precisely who is making and carrying out U.S. foreign policy. Now there was a time when that question I think could be very readily answered. But we're now in an age where we have enhanced roles for the military and the intelligence community. We have private contractors executing American objectives overseas. And this really places a different spin on things, somewhat different from what we observe when we look at this only through a strictly historical lens. I think we also need to spend some time thinking about the precise relationship between race and racism and what we might call colonial, more of imperialist practices. You might look, for example, at what is the relationship between the essentially colonial status of places like Puerto Rico and the Marianas and the—how those particular people from those places are perceived and treated within both the insular context and the domestic context. Clearly, everybody on the planet is shaped to a large degree by the culture and the society that they live in, that they grew up in, right? And so it is probably no mystery from the standpoint of attitudes that certain kinds of people domestically may translate into similar views of people overseas. But I think one of the things we might want to think about is how our institutions, as well as prejudices, influence what takes place. People like to talk, for example, about the similarities between the evacuation of Saigon and the evacuation of Kabul and wonder what is it called when you do the same thing over and over again and expect different results? We might want to think about what is it, institutionally, which creates these kinds of repetitions, creates situations in which diplomats are forced to apologize and explain continually about race and other conflictual issues in American society. We might also think about what you perhaps could call a racialization process. Do we create categories of pariahs in response to national emergencies? Do we create immigrants from countries south of the United States as enemies because we don't have a comprehensive and logical way of dealing with immigration? Do we create enemies out of Muslims because of our roles in the Middle East and, you know, the activities and actions of other states? There's some historical presence for this—the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, for example. So it seems to me that in addressing I think, you know, some of this very rich question, there are a number of ways and facets that we might want to look at and discuss more fully. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you very much. And now we're going to go to all of you for questions and comments. So you can either ask your question by raising your hand, click on the raised hand icon and I will call on you, or else you can write your question in the Q&A box. And if you choose to write your question—although we'd prefer to hear your voice—please include your affiliation. And when I call on you, please let us know who you are and your institution. So the first question, the first raised hand I see is from Stanley Gacek. Q: Yes, thank you very much. Thank you very much, Professor Plummer and Mr. Adkins, for a very, very compelling presentation. My name is Stanley Gacek. I'm the senior advisor for global strategies at the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, representing 1.3 million working women and men in the United States and Canada in the retail, wholesale, food production, healthcare, and services industries. Practically all of our members are on the frontlines of the pandemic. I also served as deputy director and interim director of the ILO mission in Brazil in 2011 to 2016. And my question is this. I wonder if the speakers would also acknowledge that an issue for the United States in terms of its credibility with regard to racial justice, human rights, and of course labor rights, is a rather paltry record of the United States in terms of ratifying international instruments and adhering to international fora with regard to all of these issues. One example which comes to mind in my area is ILO Convention 111 against discrimination in employment and profession, which could—actually has gone through a certain due diligence process in former administrations and was agreed to by business and labor in the United States but still the United States has failed to ratify. I just wondered if you might comment more generally about how that affects our credibility in terms of advocating for racial justice, human rights, and labor rights throughout the world. Thank you very much. FASKIANOS: Who can address that, would like to address that? PLUMMER: Well, I have very little immediate knowledge of this, and I have to say that labor issues and labor rights have been kind of a missing element in terms of being heavily publicized and addressed. I think it has something to do with the fact that over the course of the decades the United States has been less responsive to the United Nations, to international organizations in general. But in terms of the specifics, you know, precisely what has fallen by the wayside, I, you know, personally don't have, you know, knowledge about that. ADKINS: And I would just say more generally, not to speak specifically in terms of labor, where I'm also not an expert, but there is, of course, a long history of the U.S. seeking to avoid these kinds of issues in the international arena writ large as Dr. Plummer was just referring to. I just finished a book by Carol Anderson called Eyes Off the Prize, which is a whole study of this and the ways in which the U.S. government worked through the United Nations to prevent the internationalization of the civil rights movement which many—Malcom X and Martin Luther King, Fannie Lou Hamer, and others—sought to frame it in the context of human rights and raise it into an international specter, and that was something that the U.S. government did not want to happen. And of course, we know that part of the genius of the civil rights movement writ large was this tactic of civil disobedience, not just to push against a law that we didn't like to see in effect but actually to create a scene that would create international media attention which would show to the world what these various communities were suffering inside of America, to try to create pressure outside of our borders for the cause of freedom and justice and democracy. And so there is that long history there which you've touched on with your question. Thank you for that. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Mojubaolu Olufunke Okome. Q: Good afternoon and thank you for your presentation. I just wonder about U.S. foreign policy, how it lines up with the domestic politics, you know, in terms of race relations, because if one was to believe U.S. propaganda, you know, this country is doing good in the world, it's the country to emulate. But you know, the events of—well, I guess the George Floyd case brought into graphic relief what most astute observers of the U.S. know, that race relations of the U.S. do not line up very well with the constitutional aspirations of the U.S. So what's going to change now, you know? And then there's also this pandemic and the way which race and class is showing us about the real serious inequalities in the U.S. So what's going to change in terms of lessons learned? And then moving forward, is also multilateralism going to come back into U.S. foreign policy in some way? That's it. PLUMMER: I think—I'm getting kind of an echo here. I don't know if other people are. I don't think anyone is—you know, who is thinking about this seriously doubts that the United States is in a crisis at the moment—a crisis of legitimacy not only abroad but also domestically. We have a situation in which an ostensibly developed country has large pockets, geographic pockets where there are, you know, 30, 40, 50 percent poverty rates. We have people who are essentially mired in superstition, you know, with regard to, you know, matters of health and science. And you know, I don't think anyone is, you know—is, you know—who is, you know, thinking about this with any degree of gravity is not concerned about the situation. Once again, I think we're talking here about institutions, about how we can avoid this sort of repetitive and cyclical behavior. But one thing I want to say about George Floyd is that this is a phenomenon that is not only unique to the United States. One of the reasons why George Floyd became an international cause célèbre is because people in other countries also were experiencing racism. There—other countries had issues with regard to immigration. And so really looking at a situation in which I think is—you know, transcends the domestic, but it also transcends, you know, simply looking at the United States as, you know, the sort of target of criticism. FASKIANOS: Do you want to add anything, Travis, or do you want to—should we go to the next question? ADKINS: Go on to the next question. Thank you. FASKIANOS: OK, thank you. Let's go to Shaarik Zafar with Georgetown, and our prior questioner was with Brooklyn—teachers at Brooklyn College. Q: Hey, there. This is Shaarik Zafar. I was formerly the special counsel for post-9/11 national origin discrimination in the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division—sorry, that's a mouthful—and then most recently during the Obama years I was a special representative to Muslim communities. So this—I first applaud the presentation. These issues are very near and dear to me. I think it's clear, you know, we have to own up and acknowledge our shortcomings. And I think, you know, I was really sad to hear that we actually worked against highlighting what I think is really an example of American exceptionalism, which is our civil rights movement and our civil rights community. When I was at State during the Obama years, we had a very modest program where we brought together U.S. civil rights leaders and connected them with European civil rights leaders. And the idea wasn't that we had it all figured out but rather that, you know, in some respects the United States has made some advances when it comes to civil rights organizing and civil society development in that respect—and perhaps more so than other countries. I was just thinking, I would love to get the panelists' thoughts on ways that we can continue to collaborate and—you know, on a civil society level between civil rights organizations in the United States and abroad and the way the U.S. government should actually support that—even if it means highlighting our shortcomings—but as a way to, you know, invest in these types of linkages and partnerships to not only highlight our shortcomings but look for ways that we could, you know, actually come to solutions that need to be, I think, fostered globally. Thanks so much. ADKINS: You know, the first thing I would say, Shaarik—thanks for your question—I thought it was interesting, this idea of framing the civil rights movement as a kind of example of American exceptionalism. And I think there's a way in which I would relate to that in the sense that folks did, at least nominally or notionally, have certain kinds of freedom of speech, certain kinds of rights to assembly. But even those were challenged, of course, when we see the violence and the assassinations and all of the machinations of the government against those who were leaders or participants in that movement. And so in that sense, perhaps I would agree. I might push back, though, in terms of American exceptionalism as it relates to civil rights, because these people were actually advocating against the U.S. government, who actually did not want them to have the rights that they were promised under the Constitution. Of course, many of us would not be free or able to speak up without the 13th and 14th and 15th Amendments. And so there's a sense in which we celebrate them, but there's also a sense in which they are actually indictments of the original Constitution which did not consider any of those things to be necessary elements of our society. In terms of civil society and where the U.S. government is engaged, I think that, you know, sometimes when we deal with these problems that are foreign policy related, you know, sometimes the answer is at home. Sometimes the answer is not, you know, a white paper from some high-level think tank. It's not something that starts ten thousand miles away from where we are, because I don't think that we would have the kind of standing and credibility that we would need to say that we believe in and support and give voice and our backing to civil society movements abroad if we don't do the same thing at home. And so everything that we want to do somewhere else, we ought to ask ourselves the question of whether or not we've thought about doing it at home. And I don't mean to suggest—because certainly no nation is perfect, and every nation has its flaws. But certainly, we would be called to the mat for the ways in which we are either acknowledging or refusing to acknowledge that we have, you know, these same—these same challenges. And so I think there still remains a lot of work to be done there in terms of how we engage on this. And you have seen the State Department come out and be more outspoken. You've seen the Biden administration putting these issues more out front. You have now seen the Black Lives Matter flag flying over U.S. embassies in different parts of the world. And some people might view that as co-optation of a movement that is actually advocating against the government for those rights and those respects and that safety and security that people believe that they are not receiving. And others might see it as a way to say, look, our nation is embracing civil society and civic protests in our nation as an example that the countries in which those embassies are in should be more open to doing the same kinds of things. And so it's a great question. I think it remains to be seen how we move forward on that—on that score. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Molly Cole. Q: Hi. My name is Molly Cole. I am a grad student of global affairs at New York University. I was just curious sort of what y'all thought about what the consequences of foreign policy on punishment systems and institutions as it pertains to race relations in the United States would be, also in tandem with sort of this strive for global inclusivity and equity and just sort of, I guess, hitting those two ideas against each other. ADKINS: Can you clarify the ideals for us, Molly? So one sounded like it was about maybe mass incarceration or the death penalty or things of that nature? You're talking about punitive systems of justice? And then the other seemed to be more about diversity, equity, and inclusion in the foreign policy space? But I don't want to put words in your mouth. I just want to make sure I understand the question. Q: You hit the nail on the head. ADKINS: OK. Do you want to go ahead, Dr. Plummer? PLUMMER: Oh. Well, again, a great question but, you know, one of, you know, it's—could write a book to answer. (Laughs.) Well, if you're talking about the sort of international regime of incarceration—is that what you were referring to? Q: Yes, essentially. So when we're—when we're considering, you know, these punitive systems, I'm thinking in terms of, you know, the death penalty, mass incarceration, private prisons, sort of this culmination of us trying to come up with these ideals, but doing it sort of on our own, while also combatting, you know, what the nation is calling for, what the globe is calling for. PLUMMER: Yeah. I think this sort of pertains to what I had mentioned earlier about just, you know, who is making and carrying out U.S. foreign policy, or domestic policy for that matter. There's a whole question of the state and, you know, what parts of the state are involved in this whole question of incarceration and are involved in the whole question of the death penalty. One of the things that we are aware of is that prisons have—some of the prisons are actually not being operated by civil authorities. They're operated by private entities. We saw this again in—you know, particularly in Afghanistan, where a lot of functions which normally, you know, are carried out by civil authorities are carried out by private authorities. And so this really puts a whole different perspective on the question or the relationship of citizens to the state and, you know, to any other particular group of citizens to the state. So I think that, you know, one of the problem areas then is to tease out what in fact are the obligations and privileges of government, and how do they differ from and how are they distinguished from the private sector. Q: Thank you. ADKINS: And I would just add quickly on this notion of hypocrisy and saying one thing and doing another, there was an interesting anecdote around this when President Obama visited Senegal. And he was delivering a fairly tough message about the treatment of members of the LGBT+ community in Senegal. And President Macky Sall got up essentially after President Obama and was essentially saying that, you know, we kind of appreciate this tough love lecture, but I would remind you, you know, that Senegal doesn't have the death penalty, right? And so on one hand we're actually saying something that has a grounding. Of course, people of all human stripes can have dignity, and have respect and be protected. But he is then hitting back and saying, hey, wait a minute, you kill people who break laws in your own country. And we don't have the death penalty. So who should actually be the arbiter of how is the correct way – or, what is the correct way to be? On the second part of your question, quickly, Molly, especially as it relates to the kind of diversity, equity, and inclusion piece, this is why also there has been a big push to look in our State Department, to look at USAID, to look at the face that America presents to the world. And all too often that face has been male, that face has been White. And that gives a certain perception of America, but it also means that we lose the tremendous treasure and talent of people who have language skills, who come from communities in which their own perspective on the world actually is a talent that they have. Specifically, because many of those communities—whether they've immigrated or come to America by different means—are also from groups who've been marginalized, who've been oppressed, who have a certain frame and a lens with which to engage with other nations in the world, either in terms of partnership, either in terms of deterrence. And so we lose out in many ways because we haven't done a great job in that—in that matter. FASKIANOS: I'm going to take a written question from Morton Holbrook, who's at Kentucky Wesleyan College. His question is: How should the United States respond to international criticism to the U.S.'s racial discrimination? And how will that affect the relationship between the U.S. and the international community? PLUMMER: Well, the United States, I think, has—(laughs)—no choice but to acknowledge this. Historically this has been a problem that when pressed on this issue in the past the response was always, well, you know, we know this is a problem and we're working on it. And the most egregious examples of racism are the responsibility of people who are either at the margins of society or who represent some sort of relic past that is rapidly disappearing, right? That was the message about the South, right? OK, the South is, you know, rapidly developing and so soon these vestiges of violent racism will be over. Well, again, the reason why that doesn't work anymore—(laughs)—is because we're always projecting this future, right, that—you know, it's always being projected further and further into the future. And we're never there yet. And it seems to me, again, that this is a problem of institutions. This is a problem of the embeddedness of racism in American life, and a refusal on the part of so many Americans to acknowledge that racism is real, and that it exists. And you know, I think we see many examples of this. I'm thinking of one instance where a George Floyd commemorative mural was painted on a sidewalk and some folks came along with some paint and painted over it, because they said it wasn't a racism corner, you know, while engaged in a racist act. So, you know, there really needs to be, I think, on a very fundamental level, some education—(laughs)—you know, in this country on the issue of race and racism. The question is, you know, who is—who will be leaders, right? Who will undertake this kind of mission? ADKINS: One thing I would say, quickly, on that, Irina, just an anecdote as well that also relates to really in some ways the last question about who our representatives are and what perspective they bring. Several years ago, I was on a trip—a congressional delegation to Egypt. And I was with several members of the CBC. And we met with President Sisi. And they were giving him a fairly rough go of it over his treatment of protesters who were protesting at that time in Tahrir Square, many of whom had been killed, maimed, abused, jailed. And he listened to them kind of haranguing him. And at the end of that speech that they were giving to him he said basically: I understand your points. And I hear your perspective. But he said, can I ask you a question? They said, sure, Mr. President. We welcome you to ask questions. And he said, what about Ferguson? And the day that he said that Ferguson was on fire with surplus military equipment in the streets of America, with, you know, tear gas and armed military-appearing soldiers in the streets of America who were seen, at least optically, to be doing the same thing, right? Not as many people were killed, certainly, but the point is you have this same problem. However, if that had been a different delegation, he might have scored a point in their verbal jousting. But President Sisi had the misfortune of saying this to two-dozen 70-plus-year-old Black people. And no one in America would know better than they what that is like. And so what they ended up replying to him by saying, exactly. No one knows this better than we do. And this is exactly why we're telling you that you shouldn't do it. Not because our country doesn't have that history, but because we do have that history and it has damaged us, and it will damage you. Which takes on a completely different tone in our foreign relations than if it was simply a lecture, and that we were placing ourselves above the nations of the world rather than among them. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go to Ashantee Smith. Q: Hello. Can you guys hear me? ADKINS: We can. FASKIANOS: Yes. Q: OK, perfect. Hi. My name is Ashantee Smith. I am a grad student at Winston-Salem State University. In regards to some of the responses that you guys gave earlier, it gave me a question. And I wanted to know how you guys were putting the correlation between racism and immigration. PLUMMER: Well, yeah. The United States has a history of racialized responses to immigrants, including historically to White immigrants. Back in the day the Irish, for example, were considered to be, you know, something less than White. We know, however, that society—American society has since, you know, incorporated Europeans into the category of Whiteness, and not done so for immigrants from Latin America, Asia, and Africa, who remain racialized, who are perceived as being, in some respects by some people, unassimilable. We also have a phenomenon of the racialization of Muslims, the creation of outcast groups that are subjected to, you know, extremes of surveillance or exclusion or discrimination. So immigration is very much embedded in this, is a question of an original vision of the United States, you know, and you can see this in the writings of many of the founding fathers, as essentially a White country in which others, you know, are in varying degrees of second-class citizens or not citizens at all. So this is, I think, an example of something that we have inherited historically that continues to, you know, be an issue for us in the present. Yeah. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Pearl Robinson. Q: Hello. I am just so thrilled to see the two panelists here. I want—I actually raised my hand when you were talking about the labor rights issue. And I'm at Tufts University. And I'm currently working on an intellectual biography about Ralph Bunche. And I actually ran over here from the U.N. archives where I was actually reading about these issues. (Laughs.) And I wanted to just say that the discussion we're having now, it's sort of disjointed because we're dealing with lots of erasures, things that are overlooked, and they are not enough Carol Andersons and Brenda Gayle Plummer professors out there putting these things in press. But even more importantly, they are not sufficiently in our curriculum. So people who study international relations and people who do international relations don't know most of these things. So my quick point I just wanted to say was during World War II when Ralph Bunche was working for the OSS military intelligence, his archives are full of it, he went and he was interviewing our allies at their missions and embassies in the U.S.—the French, the British—asking them: What are your labor relations policies in your colonial territories? And this was considered important military information for the United States, as we were going to be—as Africa was an important field of operation. When you get to actually setting up the U.N., I was struck in a way I hadn't, because I hadn't read archives this way. (Laughs.) But I'm looking at conversations between Bunche and Hammarskjöld, and they're restructuring the organization of the United States—of the United Nations. And there are two big issues that are determining their response to the restructuring—the Cold War as well as decolonization. And I actually think that those two issues remain—they're structuring that conversation we're having right now. And they—we say the Cold War is over, but I love this phrase, of the racialization of the current enemies or people we think of as enemies. So I actually do think that this is a really good program we're having where we're trying to have the conversation. But the dis-junctures, and the silences, and the difficulties of responding I think speak volumes. The last thing I will say, very quickly, that incident about the discussion with President Sisi that Mr. Adkins—that needs to be canned. That needs to be somehow made available as an example that can be replicated and expanded and broadened for people to use in teaching. ADKINS: Well, I always listen when my teacher is talking to me, Dr. Robinson. Thank you for sharing that. And I'm working on it, I promise you. (Laughter.) FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to—we have lots of questions and raised hands, and we're not going to get to all of you. So I apologize right now. (Laughs.) We'll do the best we can. Jill Humphries. Q: Hello. My name is Jill Humphries. And I'm an adjunct assistant professor in the Africa Studies Program at the University of Toledo, and have been doing Africa-based work, I'm proud to say, for about thirty-three years, starting at the age twenty-two, and have used Dr. Plummer's work in my dissertation. And hello, fellow ICAPer (sp). So my question is this: There's an assumption that I believe we're operating in. And that is race and racism is somehow aberrant to the founding of this country, right? So we know that Saidiya Hartman and Frank Wilderson, the Afropessimist, make the argument that it is clearly key that it is fundamental to the development of our institutions. And so my question is this: You know, the—in the domestic scene the sort of abolitions clearly state that unless we fundamentally transform our norms and values, which impact, of course, our institutions, then we will continue to have the exact outcomes that are expected. The killing of George Floyd and the continuing, I think, need to kill Black bodies is essential to this country. And so my question is, in the context of foreign relations, international relations, are we also looking at the way in which, number one, it is not aberrant that racism is a constituent element in the development of our foreign policy and our institutions? And that unless we fundamentally first state it, acknowledge it, and then perhaps explore the way in which we dismantle, right—dismantle those norms and values that then impact these institutions, that we're going to continue to have the same outcomes, right? So for example, when Samantha Powers visited Ethiopia, if you've been following that whole narrative, there was a major backlash by the Ethiopian diaspora—major. My colleagues and friends, like, I've had intense conversations, right, around that. Same thing about the belief about Susan, former—Susan Rice's role, right, in continuing to influence our foreign policy, particularly towards the Horn of Africa. So my question is: What does that look like, both theoretically, conceptually? But more importantly for me, because I'm a practitioner on the ground, what does that look like in practice? And that's where I think Professor Adkins, working for USAID, could really kind of talk about. Thank you. ADKINS: Thank you. Yeah, you know, I think it goes back to Dr. Robinson's question a moment ago. And that is the first the acknowledgement and the calling out and the putting into relief and contrast the context in which we're operating, especially when we think about not even USAID specifically, but the industry of development—aid and development assistance kind of writ large. Because essentially what we have is a historical continuum that starts with the colonial masters and the colonial subjects. And then that because what is called, or framed, as the first world and the third world, right? And then that becomes the developing world and the developed world. Then that becomes the global north and the global south. All of which suggests that one is above, and one is below. That one is a kind of earthly heaven, the other kind of earthly hell. That one possessed the knowledge and enlightenment to lead people into civilization, and the other needs redemption, needs to be saved, needs to be taught the way to govern themselves, right? That this kind of Western notion of remaking yourself in the world, that your language, that your system of government, that your way of thinking and religious and belief and economics should be the predominant one in the world. And so I think, to me, what you're saying suggests the ways in which we should question that. And this is where you start to hear conversations about decolonizing aid, about questioning how we presume to be leaders in the world in various aspects, of which we may not actually be producing sound results ourselves. And thinking again about this notion of placing ourselves among nations rather than above nations in the ways in which we relate and engage. And I think that it's one of the reasons that we continue to have challenges in the realm of development assistance, in the realm of our diplomacy and foreign policy. Because, again, there is a pushback against that kind of thinking, which is rooted in a deep history that contains much violence and many types of economic and diplomatic pressures to create and sustain the set of power relations which keeps one group of people in one condition and one in another. And so it's a huge question. And how to bring that kind of lofty thinking down to the granular level I think is something that we will have to continue to work on every day. I certainly don't have the answer, but I'm certainly answering—asking, I should say—the questions. PLUMMER: I think I might also think about how is in charge. And this is—you know, it goes back to something we talked about before, when U.S. foreign policy is no longer exclusively rooted in the State Department? So in terms of, you know, who represents the United States abroad and in what ways, and how is that representation perceived, we're really looking at, you know, a lot of different actors. And we're also looking at, you know, changes in the way that the U.S. government itself is perceiving its role, both at home and abroad. And one of the questions was previously asked about the system of incarceration speaks to that, because we have to ask ourselves what are—what are—what are the proper roles and responsibilities and burdens of the state, the government and, you know, what is leased out—(laughs)—in some ways, for profit to private concerns? So I think that, you know, some of this is about, you know, a sense of mission that I don't see out there, that I think will in some respects have to be restored and reinvented. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Erez Manela. Q: Thank you very much for this really terrific and important panel. My name is Erez Manela. I teach the history of U.S. foreign relations at Harvard. And my question actually—I don't know if Irina planned this—but it follows on directly from the previous question. Because I kept on wondering during this panel what—I mean, the focus that we've had here, the topic that's been defined, is the way in which domestic race relations, domestic racism, have shaped U.S. foreign policy. But of course, U.S. foreign policy has been shaped—as the previous questioner noted—has been shaped directly by racism and perceptions of racial hierarchy for—well, since the very beginning. And Professor Adkins spoke very eloquently about it. And of course, Professor Plummer has written eloquently about that, including in her books on Haiti and international relations. But I guess I'm wondering if you could speak more about the specifics about the history that needs to be recognized in that realm, and then—and this is maybe self-interested—whether you have any recommendations, in the way that you recommended Carol Anderson's really terrific book—for reading that we can read ourselves or give our students to read, that would really drive that point home, the influence of racism, race perceptions, race hierarchies themselves on—directly on the conduct of U.S. foreign relations historically. PLUMMER: Well, Professor Manela, I appreciate your own work on Wilson. And you know, that in some respects—that would be a book that I'd recommend. (Laughs.) Might also think about Mary Dudziak's work on Cold War civil rights, and her law review article, Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative, which, you know, directly addresses these questions. Again, what I would like to see is some work that will—perhaps not necessarily a historical perspective—but will address this whole question of the sort of growing, I don't know what you'd call it, multiplicity or multivariant character of American policymaking, you know, as we—as we go forward, you know, past the Cold War era. There's an interesting item by a man named Andrew Friedman, who wrote a book called Covert Capital. I think the subtitle is something like Landscapes of Power, in which we discussed the rise of Northern Virginia as what he sees as the true capital of, you know, parts of the U.S. government, in being a center for the military and for intelligence community. And their shaping of that environment at home, as well as their influence in shaping U.S. policy abroad. So, you know, there's a lot of room for work on these—on these issues. ADKINS: And I would also just follow up—and thank you for the question—and add another book that I just finished. Daniel Immerwahr, from Northwestern University, How to Hide an Empire, which deals in many ways with U.S. foreign policy and the way in which it is explicitly racialized and ways in which that goes understudied in our—in our policy circles, and certainly in the world of education. FASKIANOS: I'm going to try to squeeze in one last question. And I apologize again for not getting to everybody's question. We'll go to Garvey Goulbourne as our final question. Q: Yes. Hi. Can you hear me? FASKIANOS: We can. Q: Yeah. My name's Garvey Goulbourne. I'm a student at the University of Virginia, actually studying abroad this semester in Rabat, Morocco. And my question to you both is: What mechanisms do we have to orient the narratives that our foreign policy leaders are brought up with? Thinking particularly of American exceptionalism and how we kind of place ourselves on a pedestal, whether they be foreign affairs schools or various institutions at different levels of American education, what tools do we have to address the foundations of American perspectives of themselves and our nation in relation to the rest of the world, particularly the global south? FASKIANOS: Who wants to go first? An easy question, of course, to close with. PLUMMER: Go ahead, Mr. Adkins. ADKINS: Sure, sure. Thank you for your question, Garvey. And congratulations on the move out to Morocco. Great to see you there. I think the first thing I would say, of course, is our tools, as far as I am concerned, relate certainly to education. And it's one of the reasons that I am in the classroom. But I know what that fight is like, because even education is taken over by these notions of White supremacy, by these notions of singular historical narratives. And this is why there's been such a push against the 1619 Project of the New York Times, why there is this kind of silly season around the misunderstood origins and contexts of critical race theory. There is this battle over who gets to tell the story of what America is, because it is more than—but it is more than one thing, obviously, to a multiplicity of people. And so I am kind of remiss—or, not remiss. There's no way for me to elucidate for you now a series of tools that will resolve these problems, because these are challenges that people have been wrestling with before our mothers' mothers were born. And so we only are continuing that fight from where we sit. And certainly, in the classrooms that I am in, whether they are in prisons or on campuses, we are always digging into the origin of these themes. And the main frame through which I teach is not just for students to understand this history for their health, but for them to understand this history as a lens through which to view the current world and all of the events and challenges that we find ourselves facing, to see if we can come up with new ways to address them. PLUMMER: Well, one of the things that Mr. Goulbourne could do, since he is in Morocco, is to make use of his own insights in his conversations with Moroccans. So, you know, there is still a role, you know, for individual actors to play some part in attempting to make some changes. FASKIANOS: Well, with that we unfortunately have to close this conversation. It was very rich. Thank you, Travis Adkins and Brenda Gayle Plummer or sharing your insights and analysis with us. We really appreciate it. To all of you, for your questions and comments. Again, I'm sorry we couldn't get to all of you. You can follow Travis Adkins @travisladkins, and that's on Twitter. And our next Academic Webinar will be on Wednesday September 29, at 1:00 p.m. (ET) with Thomas Graham, who is a fellow at CFR. And we'll talk about Putin's Russia. So in the meantime, I encourage you to follow us at @CFR_Academic, visit CFR.org, Thinkglobalhealth.org, and ForeignAffairs.com for new research and analysis on global issues. So thank you all again and we look forward to continuing the conversation. ADKINS: Take care, everyone. Thank you. (END)

Shortly after midnight, on September 18, 1961, UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld died in a plane crash just outside the Congo. Hammarskjöld was on his way to broker a peace settlement for the Congo Crisis, a conflict that pitted the UN against the proponents of white minority rule in central and southern Africa. It could have been what got him killed. SOURCES: Who Killed Hammarskjöld? The UN, the Cold War and White Supremacy in Africa by Susan Williams https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/12657762-who-killed-hammarskj-ld-the-un-the-cold-war-and-white-supremacy-in-afr Cold Case Hammarskjöld by Mads Brügger and Göran Björkdahl https://www.imdb.com/title/tt9352780/ The Assassination of Lumumba by Ludo de Witte https://www.versobooks.com/books/792-the-assassination-of-lumumba U.N. Report Bolsters Theory That Hammarskjold Plane Was Downed https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/08/world/africa/dag-hammarskjold.html

Caroline är släkt med Dag Hammarskjöld, som var FN:s generalsekreterare och dog i en flygolycka år 1961. Genom sitt företag Hammarskjöld Inversio vill Caroline förmedla Dags budskap om samarbete, hållbarhet, öppenhet, om att lyssna inåt, hitta sin egen väg - och på så sätt bidra till världen. Budskap mer aktuella än någonsin, enligt Caroline. För det är Caroline som förvaltar arvet efter Dag och sköter rättigheterna till hans privata fotografier och texter, inklusive diktsamlingen ”Vägmärken”. Ett möte om sökande, tvivel, arv och om vilken roll intuition kan spela. Johanna Fellenius från Evigheten Begravningsbyrå i Uppsala leder samtalet. 

In 1961, Dag Hammarskjöld, the second-ever UN Secretary General, died in a plane crash. Immediate findings point to pilot error, but over the next 50 years, clues begin to surface that point to more sinister intentions. Join Shelly as she shares the incredible, real-life mystery of what brought down the plane that killed one of the most important men in the world.

Dag Hammarskjöld served as secretary-general of the United Nations from 1953 until his tragic death in a suspicious plane crash in 1961. During those years he saw the fledgling international organization through numerous crises with skill that made him a star on the international stage. As readers of his now-classic diary, Markings, are aware, Hammarskjöld understood political leadership as an honor calling for resourcefulness, humility, moral clarity, and spiritual reflection. Buy Roger Lipsey's books here: https://www.shambhala.com/authors/g-n/roger-lipsey.html  

»Die Menschheit vor der Hölle zu bewahren«, sagt Prof. Dr. Johannes Varwick in Anlehnung an den ehemaligen UN-Generalsekretär Hammarskjöld, das wäre doch schon viel, denn die Menschheit in den Himmel zu führen, das sei nicht die Aufgabe der UN. Der Präsident der Gesellschaft für Sicherheitspolitik e.V. adressiert diese Botschaft auch an die Bundesregierung. Sie – so kritisiert er – setze auch in ihrer derzeitigen Vorsitzfunktion im Sicherheitsrat zu viele »Wohlfühlthemen«, orientiere sich zu sehr am »Schönen und Guten«, statt ihre Politik pragmatisch an den politischen Realitäten auszurichten. So müsse etwa Russland stärker eingebunden werden, wenn es um eine Lösung der Syrienkrise geht und um die Überwindung des Vetos im Sicherheitsrat gegen umfassende Hilfslieferungen für Millionen notleidender Menschen in Syrien. Das Vetorecht hält der Professor für Internationale Politik dennoch für richtig. Es sei alles andere als ein Unfall, sondern bilde trotz vieler Grausamkeiten und permanenter Widersprüche einen Kern für das Funktionieren, den Sinn und den Zweck der Vereinten Nationen. Es gehe darum, täglich neu Lösungen zu suchen, die sich niemals gegen eine der Großmächte richten dürfen, sondern nur im Einverständnis aller ständigen Sicherheitsratsmitglieder entwickelt und dann auch durchgesetzt werden. Wie – ob im Rahmen eines UN-geführten, eines UN-mandatierten oder eines gar nicht UN-legitimierten friedenssichernden Einsatzes –, das gehört zu den schwierigsten Fragen im Raum der aktuellen militärischen Konflikte weltweit.

The death of UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld remains one of the biggest mysteries of the twentieth century. Journalist and author Michela Wrong talks to author Susan Williams about ‘Who Killed Hammarskjöld?’, Susan’s thrilling book which investigated this suspicious death and sparked an ongoing UN investigation.

Vi är tillbaka igen efter litet upphåll med jul och nyår. Dagens avsnitt välkomnar vi Therese Kodjo till gänget. Vi touchar lite allt möjligt 2020 förhoppningsvis kommer erbjuda! Peace

Átta fyrirtæki bjóða ferðamönnum að kafa í Silfru og allt að 300 manns kafa þar daglega. Þetta segir Einar Á. E. Sæmundsen, þjóðgarðsvörður á Þingvöllum, en hann var gestur Morgunvaktarinnar. Heimsminjanefnd UNESCO hefur óskað skýringa íslenskra stjórnvalda á starfsemi köfunarfyrirtækja í Silfru á Þingvöllum. Íslenskur lögmaður sendi kvörtunina til UNESCO og segir að umsvifin skapi sjónmengun fyrir aðra gesti þjóðgarðsins og auki álag á lífríki Silfru. Tyrkir hafa ráðist inn í Sýrland. Óttast er að þeir gangi milli bols og höfuðs á Kúrdum í Sýrlandi og að staða hryðjuverkasamtakanna Íslamska ríkisins kunni að styrkjast að nýju. Reiði Repúblikana í Bandaríkjunum vex í garð Trumps forseta fyrir að koma Kúrdum ekki til varnar, en hann ver aðgerðarleysi Bandaríkjahers með þeim rökum að Kúrdar hafi ekki liðsinnt Bandaríkjamönnum í síðari heimsstyrjöldinni. Bogi Ágústsson rýndi út um Heimsgluggann með hlustendum. Áður óþekktar ljósmyndir benda til þess að skotið hafi verið á flugvél Dags Hammarskjölds, aðalritara Sameinuðu þjóðanna, með þeim afleiðingum að hún fórst á flugi yfir Sambíu 1961. Það er meðal þess sem kemur fram í nýrri rannsóknarskýrslu Sameinuðu þjóðanna um afdrif Hammarskjölds - en enn er mörgum spurningum ósvarað. Vera Illugadóttir hefur blaðað í þessari nýju skýrslu. Tónlist: Bye-ay - Monk og Coltrane Veronica - Cornelis Vreeswijk

Átta fyrirtæki bjóða ferðamönnum að kafa í Silfru og allt að 300 manns kafa þar daglega. Þetta segir Einar Á. E. Sæmundsen, þjóðgarðsvörður á Þingvöllum, en hann var gestur Morgunvaktarinnar. Heimsminjanefnd UNESCO hefur óskað skýringa íslenskra stjórnvalda á starfsemi köfunarfyrirtækja í Silfru á Þingvöllum. Íslenskur lögmaður sendi kvörtunina til UNESCO og segir að umsvifin skapi sjónmengun fyrir aðra gesti þjóðgarðsins og auki álag á lífríki Silfru. Tyrkir hafa ráðist inn í Sýrland. Óttast er að þeir gangi milli bols og höfuðs á Kúrdum í Sýrlandi og að staða hryðjuverkasamtakanna Íslamska ríkisins kunni að styrkjast að nýju. Reiði Repúblikana í Bandaríkjunum vex í garð Trumps forseta fyrir að koma Kúrdum ekki til varnar, en hann ver aðgerðarleysi Bandaríkjahers með þeim rökum að Kúrdar hafi ekki liðsinnt Bandaríkjamönnum í síðari heimsstyrjöldinni. Bogi Ágústsson rýndi út um Heimsgluggann með hlustendum. Áður óþekktar ljósmyndir benda til þess að skotið hafi verið á flugvél Dags Hammarskjölds, aðalritara Sameinuðu þjóðanna, með þeim afleiðingum að hún fórst á flugi yfir Sambíu 1961. Það er meðal þess sem kemur fram í nýrri rannsóknarskýrslu Sameinuðu þjóðanna um afdrif Hammarskjölds - en enn er mörgum spurningum ósvarað. Vera Illugadóttir hefur blaðað í þessari nýju skýrslu. Tónlist: Bye-ay - Monk og Coltrane Veronica - Cornelis Vreeswijk

In 1961, United Nations secretary-general Dag Hammarskjöld’s plane mysteriously crashed, leaving no known survivors. It’s understood that because Hammarskjöld was advocating for Congo’s independence (against the wishes of European mining companies and other powerful entities), the “crash” was an assassination. With the case still unsolved 50-plus years later, Danish journalist, filmmaker, and provocateur Mads Brügger (The Red Chapel, The Ambassador) leads us down an investigative rabbit hole to unearth the truth. Brugger, his Swedish private-investigator sidekick, Goran Bjorkdahl, and a host of co-conspirators tirelessly pursue a winding trail of clues, but they turn up more mysteries than revelations. Scores of false starts, dead ends, and elusive interviews later, they begin to sniff out something more monumental than anything they’d initially imagined. In his signature agitprop style, Brügger becomes both filmmaker and subject, challenging the very nature of truth by “performing” the role of truth-seeker. As Brügger uncovers a critical secret that could send shockwaves around the world, we realize that sometimes absurdity and irony are the emboldening ingredients needed to confront what’s truly sinister. Director Mads Brugger joins us for a spirited conversation on his fantastic and fantastical, hell-raising cinematic shot across the colonialist bow. For news, screenings and updates go to: coldcasehammarskjold.com

Podcast: This week on the show we converse by telephone with Roger Lipsey, a biographer, art historian, editor, and translator. Roger Lipsey earned both his MA (1966) and Ph.D. (1974) from New York University. His Ph.D. was in the history of art at the Institute of Fine Arts at NYU. Dr. Lipsey has served as the director of the Society for Myth and Tradition, the publisher of Parabola magazine. He is also the author of Coomaraswamy: His Life and Work; An Art of Our Own: The Spiritual in Twentieth-Century Art; Angelic Mistakes: The Art of Thomas Merton; Make Peace Before the Sun Goes Down: The Long Encounter of Thomas Merton and His Abbott, James Fox; and Hammarskjöld: A Life, which has been hailed as the definitive biography of Dag Hammarskjöld. For many decades, he has been a participant in the Gurdjieff teaching. His newly released Shambhala book, Gurdjieff Reconsidered - The Life, the Teachings, the Legacy is the subject of this episode's discussion. More information about Roger Lipsey's work can be found at: Gurdjieff Reconsidered at Shambhala: www.shambhala.com Roger Lipsey at Parabola: parabola.org Roger Lipsey's Dag Hammarskjöld website: www.dag-hammarskjold.net

Werd Dag Hammarskjöld, de secretaris-generaal van de Verenigde Naties van 1953 tot 1961, vermoord door een Belgische piloot, tijdens een vredesmissie in Congo? Joris Vergeyle kreeg een uniek interview in handen met die Belgische piloot: Jan van Risseghem. Dit is zijn verhaal.

Johannes Nyholm intervjuas om Koko-di Koko-da, Phoebe Boswell gör konst om rotlöshet och Röjar-Ralf är tillbaka. Göteborgs filmfestival är inne på upploppet. Roger Wilson och Emma Engström rapporterar och sammanfattar veckan. Det blir intervju med Johannes Nyholm som har haft premiär på sin film "Koko-di Koko-da", en av festivalens mer skrämmande upplevelser. Lina Brounéus som är ansvarig för att beställa och ta fram Netflixs egna produktioner i bland annat Skandinavien, Tyskland och Östeuropa. Vad har hon för strategi? Vi tar en svängom med det danska komikerparet bakom "Ditte och Louise" och pratar om vad den uppblossade debatten om filmen "Cold case Hammarskjöld" handlar om. Filmen har premiär på festivalen fredag kväll. Disneys spelskurk, tillika filmhjälte, Röjar-Ralf är tillbaka i uppföljaren "Röjar-Ralf kraschar Internet". Den här gången har han och Vanilja von Sockertopp begett sig ut på internet där de träffar andra kända karaktärer. Sebastian Folcker har träffat en av regissörerna, Rich Moore, och producenten Clark Spencer, för ett samtal om världsbyggen och sammanslagningar av olika filmserier. Mia Benaissa har träffat den brittiska konstnären Phoebe Boswell vars utställning "Here" öppnar på Göteborgs Konsthall i helgen. Och i Klassikern handlar det om dansverket "Rosa danst Rosas" av den belgiska koreografen Anne Teresa de Keersmaekers. Programledare: Gunnar Bolin Producent: Anna Tullberg

Umsjón: Pálmi Jónasson Viðræðum verður líklega slitið og byrjað að huga að aðgerðum ef enginn árangur verður á fundi hjá sáttasemjara á miðvikudaginn með atvinnurekendum. Þetta segir Ragnar Þór Ingólfsson, formaður VR. Lýstar kröfu í þrotabú Primera Air á Ísland nema tíu milljörðum. Engin ákvörðun hefur verið tekin um riftunarmál en það er til skoðunar. Arion banki er einn þeirra sem hafa lýst kröfu í búið. Borgarstjóri Gdansk í Póllandi var stunginn með hnífi á góðgerðarsamkomu í borginni í gærkvöld. Hann lést af sárum sínum á sjúkrahúsi í dag. Orrustuflugmaður viðurkenndi að hafa drepið Dag Hammarskjöld, framkvæmdastjóra Sameinuðu þjóðanna árið 1961, ef marka má nýja heimildarmynd. Lengri umfjöllun: Formaður VR segir að ef ekki verði einhver árangur í viðræðum við Samtök atvinnulífsins hjá sáttasemjara á miðvikudaginn sé ekki ólíklegt að viðræðunum verði slitið og byrjað verði að huga að leiðum til að ná kröfunum fram. Hugsanlega verðið lagt fram ákveðið aðgerðarplan. Arnar Páll ræðir við Ragnar Þór Ingólfssson, formann VR. Orrustuflugmaður viðurkenndi að hafa drepið Dag Hammarskjöld, framkvæmdastjóra Sameinuðu þjóðanna, ef marka má nýja heimildarmynd sem verður frumsýnd á Sundance kvikmyndahátíðinni eftir hálfan mánuð. Hammarskjöld lést í dularfullu flugslysi í Afríku 1961 en hið hörmulega flugslys eða tilræði hefur aldrei verið upplýst að fullu. Pálmi Jónasson segir frá. Það orð sem fer af aldamótakynslóðinni er neikvætt. Hún er talin sjálfhverf, löt til vinnu, viðkvæm og ýmist of upptekin við að spila tölvuleiki eða taka sjálfsmyndir á símann. Almannatenglar breska hersins virðast allavega draga þessa ályktun og vilja með nýrri herferð fullvissa ungt fólk á aldrinum 16 - 25 ára um að herinn líti á meinta veikleika þess, svo sem bullandi sjálfsöryggi og úthald við tölvuskjáinn sem styrkleika. Þetta endurspeglar ný og umdeild auglýsingaherferð sem miðar að því að fá fleiri í her sem talin er of fáliðaður. Arnhildur Hálfdánardóttir segir frá.

Dag Hammarskjöld (1905-1961), som var generalsekreterare för FN under åren 1953 tills sin död 1961, är Sveriges främsta ämbetsman genom tiderna på den internationella scenen. Hans död i en flygolycka i Rhodesia när han medlade under Kongokriget är fortfarande höjd i dunkel. Mytbildningen kring adelsmannen och ämbetsmannen Dag Hammarskjöld blev inte mindre efter att hans religiösa präglade skrift Vägmärken publicerades efter hans död. Även det faktum att han aldrig gifte sig bidrog till ryktesspridning.Adelsmannen Dag Hammarskjöld var son till den tidigare statsministern Hjalmar Hammarskjöld som gick till historien som Hungerskjöld eftersom hans strikta neutralitetspolitik under första världskriget ledde till matbrist i Sverige. Efter framgångsrika studier valde Dag Hammarskjöld att gå i faderns fotspår och blev en plikttrogen ämbetsman som trots sin bakgrund kom väl överens med socialdemokratiska dignitärer.Hammarskjöld valdes i april 1953 till FN:s generalsekreterare efter Trygve Lie. Med sin intellektuella briljans och stora arbetskapacitet lyckades Dag Hammarskjöld stärka generalsekreterarens roll och han spelade en stor personlig roll vid flera farliga konflikter under det kalla kriget. ”Leave it to Dag”, blev ett begrepp inom den internationella politiken. I podcasten Historia Nu avsnitt 26 samtalar programledare Urban Lindstedt med Henrik Berggren, historiker och författare som bland annat skrivit boken Dag Hammarskjöld – Att bära världen.See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Hammarskjöld's biographer, Roger Lipsey, takes a closer look at who Hammarskjöld was as a UN's Secretary-General. The lecture is followed by a conversation between Roger Lipsey and Professor Bernt Hagtvet.

16. Property multi manager investing - part 2 (Niklas Hammarskjöld - Fund Manager) by Aberdeen Standard Investments

15. Property multi manager investing (Niklas Hammarskjöld - Fund Manager) by Aberdeen Standard Investments

Vi fördjupar oss i Dag Hammarskjölds tankar och i den dröm som ska kosta honom livet. I början av 1950-talet har Hammarskjöld nått höjden av sin karriär på UD. Men i sin dagbok beskriver han en känsla av äckel. Var detta verkligen meningen med livet? Han ber om ett uppdrag värt att dö för. Och så den första april 1953 får han oväntat frågan om han vill bli FN:s generalsekreterare. Plötsligt får Hammarskjölds liv en mening som det inte har haft tidigare.

Vi fördjupar oss i Dag Hammarskjölds tankar och i den dröm som ska kosta honom livet. I början av 1950-talet har Hammarskjöld nått höjden av sin karriär på UD. Men i sin dagbok beskriver han en känsla av äckel. Var detta verkligen meningen med livet? Han ber om ett uppdrag värt att dö för. Och så den första april 1953 får han oväntat frågan om han vill bli FN:s generalsekreterare. Plötsligt får Hammarskjölds liv en mening som det inte har haft tidigare.

 Nancy Pearl tells Steve Scher she has become intrigued by a few new memoirs. Sometimes she finds the writing in memoirs swinging a little too close to wince-worthiness.   But of course, the genre is also capable of producing truly memorable stories.  Nancy enjoyed a new work by Roger Cohen of the New York Times,  "The Girl From Human Street: Ghosts Of Memory In A Jewish Family."  It never descends into pathos. Also, Kate Moses, “Cakewalk: A Memoir.” She says it’s a lovely book where each chapter ends with a recipe. Just a few of the other books we discuss.Daniel Mendelsohn “The Lost: A Search For 6 among Six MillionBlaine Harden’s “Escape from Camp 14”Will Schwalbe “The End of Your Life Bookclub.”Haven Kimmel  “ A Girl Named Zippy: Growing Up Small in Moreland Indiana”Wes Moore, "The Other Wes Moore” Ann Hood, “The Obituary Writer”Roger Lipsey, “Hammarskjöld: A Life”John Marzluff, “Subirdia “Charles Emmerson, "1913: In Search of the World Before the Great War”‪Our sponsor this week is another podcast Steve is producing. If you like in-depth conversations with scholars visiting the university of Washington check out “At Length with Steve Scher.” You can find it on itunes  or at The House of Podcasts. The podcast is supported by University of Washington Alumni Association and you can hear them all here. 

In 1960 the Congo was in turmoil, facing instability, civil war and secession after its newly won independence.  It asked, not for the last time, for the help of the United Nations and UN troops were sent. A year later, a Swedish aircraft on a peace mission carrying 16 people, one of them the UN Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjöld, circled over the rain forest of Central Africa.  As it came into land it crashed, killing all on board. There has never been a satisfactory explanation of that plane crash, despite three inquiries. Unsurprisingly, conspiracy theories and speculation are legion. Now, more than 50 years later, a Commission of distinguished jurists, has re-opened the case and they have come up with some startling new leads. The Hammarskjöld Commission is a voluntary body of four international jurists who were invited by an international Enabling Committee to report whether in their view the evidence now available would justify the United Nations in reopening its inquiry pursuant to General Assembly resolution 1759 (XVII) of 26 October 1962. The Panel of jurists, who make up the Commission are: The Rt Hon Sir Stephen Sedley (Chair) Swedish Ambassador Hans Corell South African Justice Richard Goldstone Justice Wilhelmina Thomassen (European Court of Human Rights) You can download a copy of the Commission Report here. Tess Woodcraft went along to Stephen Sedley's chambers in central London to discuss the Commission's findings. She began by asking him to describe the background to the events of that fateful night in 1961 SS:  Dag Hammarskjöld was the second Secretary General of the UN, a Swede, very highly regarded, who was on a mission at the time of his death, to try to stop the break away of the province of Katanga from the newly independent Congo from escalating into a full scale civil war.  he was flying on the night of 17th September 1961, a Sunday, from Leopoldville in the Congo to Ndola in what was then Northern Rhodesia (and is now Zambia)to meet with the president of the breakaway state of Katanga, Moise Tshombe, to try to negotiate a ceasefire between his forces, which included a large number of European mercenaries, and the UN forces that were trying to pacify Congo. The geo-political situation was complicated - it always is - but essentially it was a world we'd no longer recognise.  The US and the Soviet Union both supported the efforts of the UN to support de-colonisation, in particularl in Africa, and it was the colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal) who were opposing this in one form or another. Britain, however, had a very interesting and ambivalent role.  On one hand, it was the parent country of Northern Rhodesia, which was then the Federation of Rhodesia. But it was also a loyal member of the UN, and regarded itself as bound to try to support the efforts of the UN to bring peace to the Congo and reunite it as a political entity - not withstanding that the government of N. Rhodesia were bitterly opposed to everything the UN was doing.  That ambivalence shows up in places in our report. Tess Woodcraft: The UN was very new at that point, Dag Hammarskjöld was only the second Secretary General.  Do you think there is any significance in that? SS: Yes.  Secretary General was a relatively new role, which Dag Hammarskjöld had done an astonishing amount to forge into a world diplomatic job, and had succeeded in securing the respect of most of the world political community.  There was nothing in his terms of employment that said he had to fly to combat zones to sort things out - he did it because it seemed to him the best way to carry out his mandate. TW: That's interesting given the UN's continuing role in in Congo even now. So what was the remit of the Hammarskjöld Commission? SS:  The idea for the Commission was sparked off by a book published on the 50th Anniversary of the crash in 2011 by London Universtiy scholar, Susan Williams,

Den kallas för den förlorade kolonin, engelsmännens första försök att bosätta sig på den amerikanska kontinenten. I mitten av 1580-talet byggde ett hundratal engelsmän ett fort på Roanoke-ön utanför dagens North Carolina, i hopp om att etablera en permanent bas i den Nya Världen. Kolonisatörerna förväntades klara sig utan hjälp från moderlandet, men när engelska skepp återvände 1590 fanns inget spår kvar av Roanokefortets invånare. Vetenskapsradion Historia besöker platsen för att träffa de arkeologer om nu arbetar med att försöka hitta svaret på den förlorade kolonins öde. - Det handlar om att hitta svar på ett 400 år gammalt mysterium, berättar Mark Horton och Andy Powell, som leder utgrävningarna på Roanoke. Men det handlar också, säger de, om att skriva om USA:s historia. Vetenskapsradion Historia uppmärksammar också att det gått femtio år sedan FN:s generalsekreterare Dag Hammarskjöld omkom i en flygolycka i dåvarande Nordrhodesia. Flygkraschen och Hammarskjölds död har varit föremål för mängder av spekulationer och konspirationsteorier och nu ställer flera forskare och journalister krav på att händelsen borde utredas igen. - Det viktigaste är att begära fram alla relevanta dokument, menar Rolf Rembe, en av författarna till den aktuella boken Midnatt i Kongo, som behandlar Dag Hammarskjölds sista tid. Programledare är Tobias Svanelid.