Podcasts about slobodan milo

What can we learn from artists who survived the chaos of 1980s prisons—and how can their lessons help us resist authoritarianism today?From the Center for the Study of Art & Community, this is Change the Story / Change the World: A chronicle of art and social change, where artivists share and learn the skills and strategies they need to thrive as creative community leaders. My name is Bill Cleveland. As censorship and threats escalate for activist artists and community leaders, navigating today's polarized world demands more than passion. This episode draws powerful insights from prison arts programs to help creatives and organizers thrive amid rising societal conflict and control.Discover 11 practical rules for building credibility, resilience, and respect in high-stakes, divided environments.Learn why sustained relationships and long-term commitment are the foundation for real, transformative change.Gain essential strategies for navigating us-versus-them traps, telling bold yet responsible stories, and protecting mental health in toxic climates.Listen now to unlock time-tested survival strategies that can empower your activism, deepen your community work, and sustain your creative mission.Notable Mentions1. PeopleBill Cleveland: Host of Change the Story, Change the World. Director of the Center for the Study of Art and Community, he draws on decades of experience working with artists in prisons and conflict zones.Jim Reeves: Author featured in previous episodes, discussed teaching and writing inside prisons.Noel Raymond: Theater director and cultural leader, spoke about operating arts organizations under political duress.Vern McKee: Incarcerated artist, president of Vacaville Prison's Art and Musicians Guilds, who developed the core “Verne's Rules” that guide arts engagement in high-stakes environments .2. EventsCalifornia's Arts-in-Corrections Program (1980-90's): A transformative initiative bringing arts education into state prisons during the 1980s, led by Bill Cleveland. A current program under the same name is being operated by the California Arts Council and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is carrying on the program The Troubles (Northern Ireland): A period of political and sectarian conflict (late 1960s–1998) cited for comparison with the U.S. authoritarian climate.Khmer Rouge Regime (Cambodia): Post-genocide rebuilding efforts included cultural recovery, referenced here as a parallel to U.S. challenges.Serbia under Slobodan Milošević: Cited as a reference...

Our guest: Ivanka Popović Democracy in Question? is brought to you by:• Central European University: CEU• The Albert Hirschman Centre on Democracy in Geneva: AHCD• The Podcast Company: scopeaudio Follow us on social media!• Central European University: @weareceu.bsky.social• Albert Hirschman Centre on Democracy in Geneva: @ahcdemocracy.bsky.social Subscribe to the show. If you enjoyed what you listened to, you can support us by leaving a review and sharing our podcast in your networks!   GLOSSARYMilošević regime (p. 5 in the transcript, 17:28)Slobodan Milošević was a central figure in the breakup of Yugoslavia and a key instigator of the ethnic conflicts that plagued the Balkans in the 1990s. Rising through the ranks of the Communist Party, he became Serbia's president in 1989 and quickly moved to consolidate power by revoking the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina. His leadership fueled a wave of Serbian nationalism and played a major role in the wars in Croatia, Bosnia, and later Kosovo, supporting Serbian forces involved in ethnic violence and atrocities.Milošević's regime was marked by authoritarian control, suppression of opposition, and state-controlled media. Though he maintained popular support in the early years by presenting himself as a defender of Serbs, his policies led to international isolation, UN sanctions, and ultimately NATO intervention. In 1999, following a brutal crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, NATO launched a bombing campaign against Serbia.Domestically, economic hardship and political repression led to growing dissatisfaction. After a disputed election in 2000, massive protests forced Milošević to resign. He was arrested in 2001 and extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague, where he faced charges of war crimes, including genocide. He died in 2006 during the trial.source 

Even before its rebirth as a nation in the 1990s, Serbia had acquired a reputation abroad as Russia's stalwart Slavic ally in the Western Balkans. Yet, as Vuk Vuksanović argues in Serbia's Balancing Act: Between Russia and the West (Bloomsbury, 2025), two centuries of history and the 25 years since the fall of Slobodan Milošević tell a more nuanced story. "When it comes to Russia's interests,” he writes, “there are no sacred cows in Serbia-Russia relations". Governments in Belgrade will be courted and then discarded depending on Moscow's needs, and they know it. For their part, the Serbs depend on Russian political support in their campaign for a face-saving settlement of the long-running Kosovo dispute but know their economic success hinges on their ties to the EU and the US. Belgrade must "manipulate the superpower rivalry to secure economic resources from both superpowers and its political strategic autonomy". Vuk Vuksanović is a foreign policy expert at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, an associate of the Central and South-East Europe Programme at LSE IDEAS, and a prominent media commentator on strategy in the Balkans. *His book recommendations were Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe by Dimitar Bechev (Yale University Press, 2017) and Why War? by Christopher Coker (Hurst, 2021). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts on Substack at 242.news. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

Ein Kommentar von Uwe Froschauer.Die Protestwellen in Serbien reißen nicht ab. Auslöser hierfür war der Einsturz eines Bahnhofsvordachs in der Stadt Novi Sad am 1. November 2024, bei dem 15 Menschen den Tod fanden. Die Demonstranten werfen der Regierung vor – mit Rücksicht auf China – Schlamperei und Korruption vertuschen zu wollen. Chinesische Firmen renovierten den Bahnhof, der einen wichtigen Brückenkopf in der chinesischen Initiative „Neue Seidenstraße“ bildet.Die Behörden griffen am Anfang der Protestwelle hart durch und inhaftierten unter anderem prominente Demonstranten wie den früheren Vizepräsidenten der Region Vojvodina. Am 22. November wendeten mutmaßlich regierungsnahe Schlägertrupps körperliche Gewalt gegen Studierende an, die sich vor der Fakultät für darstellende Künste an der Universität Belgrad versammelt hatten, um der Opfer der Bahnhofskatastrophe zu gedenken. Dieser Vorfall löste eine flächendeckende Welle von Studentenprotesten in Serbien aus. Viele Fakultäten und Schulen wurden blockiert, immer mehr Studierende und Schüler sowie Lehrkräfte schlossen sich dem Protest an.Am 22. Dezember 2024 demonstrierten Zigtausende Serben in der Hauptstadt Belgrad friedlich gegen die Regierung. Angeblich waren mehr Menschen auf der Straße als seinerzeit bei den Protesten im Oktober 2000, die zum Ende der Herrschaft des jugoslawischen Präsidenten Slobodan Milošević führten. Der derzeitige serbische Präsident Aleksandar Vučić erklärte sich „jederzeit bereit“, sich die Meinungen der Protestierenden anzuhören. Bildungsministerin Slavica Đukić Dejanović explizierte am 24. Dezember 2024, sich mit Vertretern der Studierenden zu Gesprächen treffen zu wollen, und erklärte überdies, die Proteste seien „Teil eines geplanten Programms politischer Gruppierungen“, die einen „Regierungswechsel“ anstrebten. Und ganz danach sieht es auch aus. Die Ereignisse in Serbien erinnern doch sehr an die sogenannten Farbrevolutionen seit 2000 und den Euromaidan 2014.Am 24. Dezember 2024 versuchten oppositionelle Demonstranten ins Belgrader Rathaus einzudringen, wurden jedoch von der Polizei mithilfe von Pfefferspray daran gehindert. Unter dem Druck der seit Monaten anhaltenden Proteste trat der serbische Premierminister Milos Vucevic, Mitglied der regierenden Serbischen Fortschrittspartei (SNS) und enger Vertrauter von Präsident Aleksander Vučić, am 28.01.2025 zurück. Auf einer Pressekonferenz in Belgrad sagte Vucevic:"Ich denke, dass wir damit unsere Verantwortung zum Ausdruck bringen als diejenigen, die in Positionen gewählt wurden, um Verantwortung dafür zu übernehmen, dass die Situation nicht auf die Straße übergreift und zu Streitigkeiten zwischen den Bürgern und zu Spaltungen in der Gesellschaft führt."Solche Aktionen und Worte hätte ich auch gerne von den Entscheidern in Deutschland gesehen und gehört, die Demonstranten in Coronazeiten, die das Grundgesetz in ihren Händen hochhielten, zu Boden reißen ließen. Die machtbesessenen Nieten in Deutschland kleben alle noch auf ihren Stühlen, und sehen keine Veranlassung, Verantwortung für ihre Fehltritte zu übernehmen!Die Massendemonstrationen weiter Teile der Bevölkerung gegen Aleksandar Vučić reißen nicht ab. Letztes Wochenende (15./16. März 2025) versammelten sich Hunderttausende Demonstranten zu Protesten gegen den serbischen Präsidenten. Die bei den bisherigen Demonstrationen meist friedlich verlaufende Auseinandersetzung zwischen Demonstranten und Ordnungsorganen verlief diesmal anders. Am 15. März kam es laut Teilnehmern zum Einsatz von Pfefferspray und Steinwürfen sowie durch den von der Regierung dementierten Einsatz einer Schallkanone, um Demonstranten auseinanderzutreiben.hier weiterlesen: https://apolut.net/der-sanfte-putsch-versuch-in-serbien-von-uwe-froschauer/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Even before its rebirth as a nation in the 1990s, Serbia had acquired a reputation abroad as Russia's stalwart Slavic ally in the Western Balkans. Yet, as Vuk Vuksanović argues in Serbia's Balancing Act: Between Russia and the West (Bloomsbury, 2025), two centuries of history and the 25 years since the fall of Slobodan Milošević tell a more nuanced story. "When it comes to Russia's interests,” he writes, “there are no sacred cows in Serbia-Russia relations". Governments in Belgrade will be courted and then discarded depending on Moscow's needs, and they know it. For their part, the Serbs depend on Russian political support in their campaign for a face-saving settlement of the long-running Kosovo dispute but know their economic success hinges on their ties to the EU and the US. Belgrade must "manipulate the superpower rivalry to secure economic resources from both superpowers and its political strategic autonomy". Vuk Vuksanović is a foreign policy expert at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, an associate of the Central and South-East Europe Programme at LSE IDEAS, and a prominent media commentator on strategy in the Balkans. *His book recommendations were Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe by Dimitar Bechev (Yale University Press, 2017) and Why War? by Christopher Coker (Hurst, 2021). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts on Substack at 242.news. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Even before its rebirth as a nation in the 1990s, Serbia had acquired a reputation abroad as Russia's stalwart Slavic ally in the Western Balkans. Yet, as Vuk Vuksanović argues in Serbia's Balancing Act: Between Russia and the West (Bloomsbury, 2025), two centuries of history and the 25 years since the fall of Slobodan Milošević tell a more nuanced story. "When it comes to Russia's interests,” he writes, “there are no sacred cows in Serbia-Russia relations". Governments in Belgrade will be courted and then discarded depending on Moscow's needs, and they know it. For their part, the Serbs depend on Russian political support in their campaign for a face-saving settlement of the long-running Kosovo dispute but know their economic success hinges on their ties to the EU and the US. Belgrade must "manipulate the superpower rivalry to secure economic resources from both superpowers and its political strategic autonomy". Vuk Vuksanović is a foreign policy expert at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, an associate of the Central and South-East Europe Programme at LSE IDEAS, and a prominent media commentator on strategy in the Balkans. *His book recommendations were Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe by Dimitar Bechev (Yale University Press, 2017) and Why War? by Christopher Coker (Hurst, 2021). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts on Substack at 242.news. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

Even before its rebirth as a nation in the 1990s, Serbia had acquired a reputation abroad as Russia's stalwart Slavic ally in the Western Balkans. Yet, as Vuk Vuksanović argues in Serbia's Balancing Act: Between Russia and the West (Bloomsbury, 2025), two centuries of history and the 25 years since the fall of Slobodan Milošević tell a more nuanced story. "When it comes to Russia's interests,” he writes, “there are no sacred cows in Serbia-Russia relations". Governments in Belgrade will be courted and then discarded depending on Moscow's needs, and they know it. For their part, the Serbs depend on Russian political support in their campaign for a face-saving settlement of the long-running Kosovo dispute but know their economic success hinges on their ties to the EU and the US. Belgrade must "manipulate the superpower rivalry to secure economic resources from both superpowers and its political strategic autonomy". Vuk Vuksanović is a foreign policy expert at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, an associate of the Central and South-East Europe Programme at LSE IDEAS, and a prominent media commentator on strategy in the Balkans. *His book recommendations were Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe by Dimitar Bechev (Yale University Press, 2017) and Why War? by Christopher Coker (Hurst, 2021). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts on Substack at 242.news. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/russian-studies

Even before its rebirth as a nation in the 1990s, Serbia had acquired a reputation abroad as Russia's stalwart Slavic ally in the Western Balkans. Yet, as Vuk Vuksanović argues in Serbia's Balancing Act: Between Russia and the West (Bloomsbury, 2025), two centuries of history and the 25 years since the fall of Slobodan Milošević tell a more nuanced story. "When it comes to Russia's interests,” he writes, “there are no sacred cows in Serbia-Russia relations". Governments in Belgrade will be courted and then discarded depending on Moscow's needs, and they know it. For their part, the Serbs depend on Russian political support in their campaign for a face-saving settlement of the long-running Kosovo dispute but know their economic success hinges on their ties to the EU and the US. Belgrade must "manipulate the superpower rivalry to secure economic resources from both superpowers and its political strategic autonomy". Vuk Vuksanović is a foreign policy expert at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, an associate of the Central and South-East Europe Programme at LSE IDEAS, and a prominent media commentator on strategy in the Balkans. *His book recommendations were Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe by Dimitar Bechev (Yale University Press, 2017) and Why War? by Christopher Coker (Hurst, 2021). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts on Substack at 242.news. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

Even before its rebirth as a nation in the 1990s, Serbia had acquired a reputation abroad as Russia's stalwart Slavic ally in the Western Balkans. Yet, as Vuk Vuksanović argues in Serbia's Balancing Act: Between Russia and the West (Bloomsbury, 2025), two centuries of history and the 25 years since the fall of Slobodan Milošević tell a more nuanced story. "When it comes to Russia's interests,” he writes, “there are no sacred cows in Serbia-Russia relations". Governments in Belgrade will be courted and then discarded depending on Moscow's needs, and they know it. For their part, the Serbs depend on Russian political support in their campaign for a face-saving settlement of the long-running Kosovo dispute but know their economic success hinges on their ties to the EU and the US. Belgrade must "manipulate the superpower rivalry to secure economic resources from both superpowers and its political strategic autonomy". Vuk Vuksanović is a foreign policy expert at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, an associate of the Central and South-East Europe Programme at LSE IDEAS, and a prominent media commentator on strategy in the Balkans. *His book recommendations were Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe by Dimitar Bechev (Yale University Press, 2017) and Why War? by Christopher Coker (Hurst, 2021). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts on Substack at 242.news. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Even before its rebirth as a nation in the 1990s, Serbia had acquired a reputation abroad as Russia's stalwart Slavic ally in the Western Balkans. Yet, as Vuk Vuksanović argues in Serbia's Balancing Act: Between Russia and the West (Bloomsbury, 2025), two centuries of history and the 25 years since the fall of Slobodan Milošević tell a more nuanced story. "When it comes to Russia's interests,” he writes, “there are no sacred cows in Serbia-Russia relations". Governments in Belgrade will be courted and then discarded depending on Moscow's needs, and they know it. For their part, the Serbs depend on Russian political support in their campaign for a face-saving settlement of the long-running Kosovo dispute but know their economic success hinges on their ties to the EU and the US. Belgrade must "manipulate the superpower rivalry to secure economic resources from both superpowers and its political strategic autonomy". Vuk Vuksanović is a foreign policy expert at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, an associate of the Central and South-East Europe Programme at LSE IDEAS, and a prominent media commentator on strategy in the Balkans. *His book recommendations were Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe by Dimitar Bechev (Yale University Press, 2017) and Why War? by Christopher Coker (Hurst, 2021). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts on Substack at 242.news. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Es sind die größten Proteste die Serbien seit langem erlebt. Am vergangenen Wochenende gingen in Belgrad Hunderttausende auf die Straße. Angeführt werden die Demonstrationen von Studierenden. Präsident Aleksandar Vučić soll nervös sein, heißt es, allerdings hat er es bislang immer verstanden Kritik und Proteste versanden zu lassen. Der frühere Gefolgsmann von Slobodan Milošević gilt als Stabilisator in der Region. Aber: Vučić hat die Pressefreiheit stark eingeschränkt. Die Korruption blüht. Können die andauernden Proteste ihm und seinem System gefährlich werden? Andrea Beer diskutiert mit Aleksandra Tomanić – European Fund for the Balkans, Belgrad; Florian Bieber – Professor für Südosteuropäische Geschichte, Universität Graz; Krsto Lazarevic – Journalist

In this episode, we discuss the changing transatlantic relationship, amid US tariff threats and the EU's white paper on defence. We then cover the biggest protests in Serbia since the regime of Slobodan Milošević.

Is our rules-based world finished?This week, Nick Cohen discusses the current & disturbing breakdown in international law - in the week indicted alleged war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu was the first overseas guest of convicted felon President Donald Trump with author & campaigner Steve Crawshaw, the author of the just published Prosecuting the powerful: War crimes & the pursuit of justice.A world run by bad men was never going to improve the international rule of LawDonald Trump, Vladamir Putin & Xi Jinping - let alone their 'mini mes' in Hungary, Israel & elsewhere - are proving a toxic combo' for the maintenance of a new world order that came into being in the wake of the Nuremberg trials. Slobodan Milošević, Ratko Mladić and 19 other individuals have been jailed by the International Criminal Court at The Hague for crimes ranging from genocide to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Bringing powerful political crooks seemed to usher in a new age of international justice. Yet now indicted personalities such as Putin remain at large, while Benjamin Netanyahu is feted by Donald Trump, himself the first convicted felon to occupy the White House.Trump has just issued sanction against the ICC and its senior officials, partly in retaliation for their indictment of Netanyahu!What can we do to stop our world reversing into a new international disorder? Steve Crawshaw argues this is not the time to "hide under the duvet" but to fight back against a tide of authoritarianism and contempt for the international rule of law.Read all about it!Steve Crawshaw @stevecrawshaw reported extensively for decades from Europe. He was in Poland during the rise of Solidarity in Poland, a pivotal event in the fall of the Berlin Wall, and covered the wars in the early 1990s in the former Yugoslavia. Steve has worked subsequently for NGOs, including Amnesty International and Freedom From Torture. He is now a freelance journalist and writer. His latest book, Prosecuting the powerful: War crimes & the pursuit of justice, has published by Little, Brown Book Group.Nick Cohen's @NickCohen4 latest Substack column Writing from London on politics and culture from the UK and beyond. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

It's been one year since the only hostage and ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas led to the release of over 100 captives taken on October 7th. Around 100 hostages are still believed to be held inside Gaza today. Aviva Siegel was released as part of that deal last November, but her husband Keith, an American-Israeli citizen, remains in captivity. Aviva Siegel joins the show from Israel.  Also on today's show: Sir Geoffrey Nice, lead prosecutor at the trial of Slobodan Milošević; Joni Levin and Keith Clarke, producer and writer/director, respectively, of the new Ted Turner documentary "Call Me Ted"; author John Vaillant ("Fire Weather"    Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Diego Zandel"Un affare balcanico"Voland Edizioniwww.voland.itFine aprile 1997. Dopo una lunga trattativa Telecom Italia (con la greca OTE) acquisisce il 49 per cento delle azioni di Telekom Serbia. L'affare, in cui sono coinvolti anche i servizi segreti dei due paesi, viene favorito da strani personaggi, i cosiddetti “facilitatori”, legati al presidente serbo Slobodan Milošević. L'azienda italiana paga una somma enorme: 1.500 milioni di marchi tedeschi che Milošević pretende in contanti e che, in parte, gli vengono recapitati con un jet privato in diciotto sacchi di juta delle Poste serbe. Un affare balcanico si ispira a quell'inquietante transazione e l'autore, all'epoca dei fatti responsabile della Stampa Aziendale di Telecom Italia, mescola nel romanzo verità storica e finzione con l'abituale maestria, districandosi tra donne misteriose, orsi ballerini, cantanti folk serbe e raffiche di kalashnikov per regalare al lettore pagine avvincenti.Diego Zandel, figlio di esuli fiumani, è nato nel campo profughi di Servigliano nel 1948. Ha all'attivo una ventina di romanzi, tra i quali Massacro per un presidente (Mondadori 1981), Una storia istriana (Rusconi 1987), I confini dell'odio (Aragno 2002, Gammarò 2022), Il fratello greco (Hacca 2010), I testimoni muti (Mursia 2011). Esperto di Balcani, è anche uno degli autori del docufilm Hotel Sarajevo, prodotto da Clipper Media e Rai Cinema (2022).IL POSTO DELLE PAROLEascoltare fa pensarewww.ilpostodelleparole.itDiventa un supporter di questo podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/il-posto-delle-parole--1487855/support.

Šta je doneo veliki protest u Beogradu? Tim, i nizom protesta širom Srbije građani jasno daju glas protiv rudarenja litijuma. Da li je to bio najmasovniji skup nakon 5. oktobra 2000. kada je sa vlasti srušen Slobodan Milošević? Kakve su reakcije vlasti? Misli li odustati od projekta „litijum“? Može li se ikako pretpostavit kako će priča o litijumu u Srbiji da se završi? O svemu tome Boris Rabrenović razgovara sa kolegom Aleksandrom Timofejevim i Nikolom Krstićem iz pokreta Tvrđava iz Smedereva. Von Boris Rabrenovic.

Xinjiang Province, China. Uyghur student, Nur, is able to 'pass' as Han Chinese, and exploits this as much as possible in a society where Uyghur people live under constant surveillance.Nur and her mother, Meryem, want to avoid being sent to one of the re-education prison camps, where it is thought a million people - mostly Uyghur - have been detained without trial. But then they are assigned a live-in Chinese 'relative' by the authorities - Auntie Wang Shu - who comes to stay in their apartment as part of a Family Week initiative to ensure lifestyle conformity: "Cook together, eat together, study together, travel together, sleep together!"But Wang Shu has other motives, which involve marrying her son to a Uyghur woman. And she has Nur in her sights as a prime candidate. Any missteps by Nur or Meryem could result in their being sent into re-education. But will Nur play by the rules?A fictional story inspired by real accounts. Writer Avin Shah has drawn on testimonies from the 2021 independent Uyghur Tribunal (chaired by Sir Geoffrey Nice, chief prosecutor on the trial of Slobodan Milošević) and on research by Raminder Kaur, Professor of Anthropology and Cultural Studies at the University of Sussex, who served on the tribunal, as well on interviews with other Uyghur and Chinese cultural and political consultants.Nur......Aruhan GalievaMeryem.....Camilla AnvarGuard and various other roles.....Daniel York LohOther members of the cast have chosen to remain anonymous.It was a BBC Audio Wales production, directed by Emma Harding.

Giugno '94: il rischio di guerra tra Macedonia e Serbia | L'interesse di Slobodan Milošević per il fronte meridionale | L'avvertimento della Forza di Protezione delle Nazioni Unite

Today, the International Criminal Court's Chief Prosecutor Karim Khan told Christiane he is seeking warrants for three Hamas leaders for crimes committed during the October 7th attacks on Israel. The ICC is also seeking arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, citing the subsequent war in Gaza. Karim Khan explains his decision to Christiane in an exclusive interview.  Also on today's show: Geoffrey Nice, lead prosecutor at the trial of Slobodan Milošević; Michael Oren, former Israeli Ambassador to the US  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Chủ tịch Trung Quốc Tập Cận Bình đang có chuyến công du Hungary 3 ngày, từ ngày 08-10/05/2024, được đôi bên gọi là"chuyến thăm lịch sử". Chương trình nghị sự và các thông tin về chuyến công du được giữ kín đến phút cuối, an ninh Budapest được thắt chặt cao độ, xuất hiện một lực lượng người Hoa đông đảo trên đường phố thủ đô... là những nét có thể quan sát được. Bắc Kinh tính gì khi chọn quốc gia Đông Trung Âu là điểm đến trong chuyến công du châu Âu đầu tiên từ năm 2019, đặc biệt trong bối cảnh quan hệ giữa Trung Quốc với Hoa Kỳ và Liên Hiệp Châu Âu đang trở nên căng thẳng trong nhiều lĩnh vực thương mại, công nghệ cũng như là trong nhiều hồ sơ quốc tế lớn?Về phần Budapest, mối quan hệ giữa chính quyền Hungary với Liên Hiệp Châu Âu cũng đã trở nên lạnh nhạt. Chính phủ thủ tướng Orban Viktor bị cáo buộc vi phạm các nguyên tắc nhà nước pháp quyền, dẫn đến việc Liên Âu phong tỏa nguồn trợ cấp tài chính. Thái độ thân Nga và thân Trung Quốc của chính phủ thủ tướng Orban gây chia rẽ khối 27 nước trong nhiều hồ sơ lớn, nhất là trong việc hỗ trợ cho Ukraina chống quân xâm lược Nga. Thủ tướng Viktor Orban được gì khi trải thảm đỏ đón ông Tập Cận Bình ?RFI Tiếng Việt mời quý vị theo dõi phần giải thích từ thông tín viên Hoàng Nguyễn từ Budapest.---------- ********** ----------RFI Tiếng Việt : Phải chăng Trung Quốc cũng muốn trông cậy vào Hungary để tránh bị áp thuế nhập khẩu các mặt hàng năng lượng sạch trong bối cảnh Liên Âu mở điều tra về chính sách trợ giá của Trung Quốc?TTV Hoàng Nguyễn : Nhằm tới thị trường Liên Âu là mục tiêu của Bắc Kinh, và Hungary, quốc gia đang gặp khó khăn về kinh tế do nguồn tài chính của EU bị chặn, có thể là bàn đạp cho việc này. Một chuyên gia về Trung Quốc là ông Matura Tamás, trả lời phỏng vấn với hãng AP, cho rằng "chính phủ Hungary là người bạn thực sự cuối cùng của Trung Quốc trong toàn bộ EU".Theo vị phó giáo sư tại Đại học Kinh tế Corvinus (Budapest), tình thế của Trung Quốc ở Liên Âu là rất khó khăn và do đó, Bắc Kinh cần một quốc gia thuộc lãnh thổ EU và thân thiện với hệ thống chính trị Trung Quốc, để có thể thiết lập "căn cứ" của mình, với mục tiêu hàng đầu là tránh mức thuế cao mà Liên Âu có thể áp dụng với các mặt hàng năng lượng sạch.Trước mắt, Bắc Kinh đang phải đối đầu với nhiều thử thách ở Liên Âu, bên cạnh việc Ủy ban Châu Âu mở điều tra vào năm 2023 để khảo sát tác động bóp méo thị trường của việc nhà nước Trung Quốc hỗ trợ sản xuất ô tô điện. Điều tra có thể kết thúc bằng việc áp dụng thuế bảo hộ vào mùa hè này. Một số biện pháp đã được EU đề xuất tiến hành nhằm:- Chống lại việc các nhà sản xuất tấm pin năng lượng mặt trời và tua-bin gió của Trung Quốc khởi đầu với mức giá thấp đáng ngờ trong các cuộc đấu thầu ở châu Âu,- Chống lại các nhà sản xuất thiết bị y tế, các công ty đường sắt có liên quan trong việc xây dựng tuyến đường sắt Budapest-Beograd, "công trình thế kỷ" đầy bê bối tại Hungary và Serbia,Ủy Ban Châu Âu đang xem xét tăng thuế đối với xe điện nhập khẩu từ Trung Quốc từ mức 10% hiện tại để bảo vệ thị trường sản xuất ô tô châu Âu mà Đức, nền kinh tế lớn nhất trong khối 27 thành viên, là trụ cột. Tháng 12/2023, Hungary đã thông báo Trung Quốc sẽ mở nhà máy sản xuất ô tô điện châu Âu đầu tiên ở miền Nam nước này.Theo tuyên bố, đó sẽ là dự án của một trong những nhà sản xuất xe điện lớn nhất thế giới của Trung Quốc, có thể làm đảo lộn khả năng cạnh tranh về ô tô của Lục Địa Già. Sự trỗi dậy của ngành công nghiệp xe hơi Trung Quốc ở Hungary cũng có thể góp phần làm gia tăng những chỉ trích chính trị của Berlin đối với Budapest trong thời gian gần đây.Khi chọn Hungary và Serbia để đến thăm, hai nước này có những lợi điểm gì cho chiến lược đối phó Liên Âu của Trung Quốc?TTV Hoàng Nguyễn : Trước hết, dễ thấy Serbia là quốc gia châu Âu thân Trung Quốc nhất, và Hungary là thành viên Liên Âu gần gũi nhất với Trung Quốc về nhiều mặt với chính sách "Hướng Đông" được nội các cánh hữu của thủ tướng Orbán Viktor theo đuổi gần 15 năm nay. Cả hai nước đều là địa điểm của nhiều dự án của Trung Quốc, được thực hiện bằng nguồn tín dụng Trung Quốc.Xét về tỷ trọng tương đối của các khoản đầu tư của Trung Quốc, Serbia và Hungary đã trở thành những quốc gia nổi bật ở châu Âu, đặc biệt là ở Serbia, vai trò của Trung Quốc ngày càng quan trọng trong lĩnh vực đầu tư cơ sở hạ tầng. Hai nước đồng minh này còn mang tính chiến lược trong nỗ lực đối phó Liên Âu của Trung Nam Hải.Chuyến công du của ông Tập Cận Bình tới Serbia nhằm đúng kỷ niệm 25 năm cuộc chiến do khối NATO phát động đối với Nam Tư (cũ) để ngăn chặn cuộc chiến tranh Kosovo của chế độ Slobodan Milošević và sự tiêu diệt người Albania ở Kosovo. Còn nhớ, trong khuôn khổ đó, vào ngày 7/5/1999, đại sứ quán Trung Quốc cũng bị đánh bom khiến 3 người tử vong.Chủ tịch Trung Quốc đã tham gia lễ kỷ niệm 25 năm vụ đánh bom này cùng tổng thống Serbia Aleksandar Vučić ở Beograd, với phát biểu rằng đây là một sự kiện mà Bắc Kinh "không bao giờ quên". Đây cũng là sự kiện khiến Trung Quốc và Serbia "xích lại gần nhau" hơn bao giờ hết, và tới giờ, Trung Quốc trở thành nhà đầu tư nước ngoài (FDI) lớn nhất của Serbia.Bên cạnh đó, vai trò của Hungary gần như không cần phải giải thích. Do cơ sở công nghiệp và công nghệ tại Hungary ở mức khá thấp, đối với chính phủ Hungary, vốn của Trung Quốc hay Đức đều được, miễn là có lợi và nước này không mấy quan tâm đến cái gọi là "đoàn kết chính trị của Liên Âu", thậm chí có lúc còn phản đối dữ dội.Với quan điểm "một Châu Âu của các quốc gia dân tộc", nội các Orbán Viktor rất có lợi cho những lợi ích của Trung Quốc. Chưa nói đến chuyện hiện tại các nguồn tài trợ của EU cho Hungary bị đình chỉ bởi những cáo buộc về tình trạng tham nhũng và vi phạm nhà nước pháp quyền, Trung Quốc sẵn sàng lấp đầy những khoảng trống trong ngân sách Hungary.Thủ tướng Orbán Viktor không giấu giếm lý do khiến ông ưu tiên đầu tư Trung Quốc: ông tin rằng kinh tế phương Tây đang suy thoái, trong khi Trung Quốc đang trên đà phát triển. Trong phát biểu gần đây tại một hội nghị ở Budapest, ông đã vạch ra tầm nhìn về một "nền kinh tế toàn cầu tổ chức trên cơ sở nguyên tắc cùng có lợi, không mang màu sắc ý thức hệ".Đổi lại, thủ tướng Orbán Viktor có ý đồ gì và được gì khi trải thảm đỏ đón Tập Cận Bình? Ông muốn thách thức Liên Âu và NATO vào lúc Budapest căng thẳng quan hệ với hai định chế này?TTV Hoàng Nguyễn : Cho dù sau 20 năm mới có một vị nguyên thủ quốc gia Trung Quốc công du Hungary, nhưng đây là gần gặp gỡ thứ 7 của ông Orbán Viktor với lãnh đạo họ Tập. Những biểu hiện phản đối Trung Quốc trong các hồ sơ nhân quyền bị bóp nghẹt từ trứng nước, sự hiện diện đông đảo của các tình nguyện viên tòa đại sứ Trung Quốc cho thấy ảnh hưởng của nước này tại Hungary.Truyền thông và các nhà bình luận Hungary cho rằng, nếu trước nay đã có nhiều ý kiến phàn nàn về sự hiện diện "quá mức" của Trung Quốc tại Hungary, thì thực ra mọi thứ mới là khởi đầu, và bây giờ mới là thực sự! "Chúng ta đã ngồi lên toa tàu hỏa Trung Quốc", theo cách nói của truyền thông Hungary về mối quan hệ mật thiết nhiều mặt của hai đồng minh này.Trước hết là về kinh tế và thương mại, dễ thấy là thủ tướng Orbán Viktor chờ đợi gì khi "trải thảm đỏ" đón lãnh đạo họ Tập. Trong nỗ lực tái cấu trúc nền kinh tế vài năm gần đây, Hungary đã tập trung chính sách vào việc hỗ trợ sản xuất ô tô điện và công nghệ bình điện, trên thực tế là đặt hy vọng vào các nhà máy xe hơi và pin điện chủ yếu của Trung Quốc, Đức và Hàn Quốc.Theo nội các Orbán Viktor, đây là điều tốt cho Hungary, vì nước này giữ được những việc làm trong lĩnh vực ô tô khi chuyển đổi sang điện, và có thể đóng vai trò là cầu nối giữa phương Tây và phương Đông, và cũng tốt cho Trung Quốc khi một quốc gia EU cởi mở đón nhận đầu tư Trung Quốc, khi quan hệ thương mại của nước này với Mỹ và EU ngày càng trở nên băng giá.Mặt khác, nếu các doanh nghiệp xuất khẩu lớn của Trung Quốc có nhà máy ở EU, thì việc ngăn chặn sự mở rộng của các sản phẩm Trung Quốc sang Châu Âu trong bối cảnh cuộc chiến thuế quan sẽ khó khăn hơn nhiều, vì chúng đã được sản xuất "trong nội địa". Thị trường Châu Âu sẽ rộng mở với Trung Quốc, ít nhất là trong lĩnh vực phát triển xe điện và bình điện.Đó là chưa kể đến việc Trung Quốc sẵn sàng phát triển hệ thống cơ sở hạ tầng của Hungary bằng nguồn tín dụng của mình trong khuôn khổ chương trình "Nhất đới - Nhất lộ" ("Một vành đai - Một con đường"). Cần nhắc đến "dự án thế kỷ" - tuyến đường sắt Budapest - Beograd được quyết định từ 2015 - mà phải mất vài trăm năm Hungary mới có thể hoàn vốn.Viễn cảnh những nhà máy được thực hiện với vốn đầu tư Trung Quốc lớn chưa từng có tại Hungary đang được vạch ra, và dường như chính quyền Budapest không lo ngại sự lệ thuộc, trở thành "thuộc địa" của Trung Quốc. Ngoại trưởng Szijjártó Péter không ngần ngại tuyên bố, "hợp tác với Trung Quốc về cơ bản quyết định nền kinh tế của các nước Châu Âu”.Chiến lược này của thủ tướng Orbán Viktor có làm hại gì đến chính sách "giảm rủi ro" của Liên Âu đối với Trung Quốc?TTV Hoàng Nguyễn : Không có những quan hệ mật thiết này đi nữa, thì từ nhiều năm nay Hungary vốn dĩ đã bị coi là "con ngựa gỗ thành Troy" với chính sách thân Trung Quốc và Nga. Trong hầu hết các hồ sơ, dường như nội các Orbán Viktor đều tìm được cách đi ngược lại với số đông các thành viên Liên Âu. Nước này có vẻ không ngần ngại những khi "còn lại một mình" ở EU.Tuy nhiên, Liên Âu có thể làm gì trước hiểm họa Trung Quốc, trước hết là trên địa hạt thương mại, là nơi mà dù có những xung khắc, đôi bên vẫn "không thể thiếu nhau"? Cùng lắm, nếu chiến tranh thương mại trở nên tồi tệ hoặc nếu EU coi chúng là một rủi ro an ninh, Liên Âu có thể đưa ra một số biện pháp trừng phạt đối với các nhà máy Trung Quốc và sản phẩm tại đó.Tất nhiên về lâu dài không thể loại trừ những điều này, nhưng ở thời điểm hiệ nay, có vẻ như EU và Trung Quốc đang quá phụ thuộc vào nhau (cả hai đều là thị trường xuất khẩu và là nguồn nhập khẩu rất lớn của bên kia), nên khó đi vào cuộc chiến kinh tế kiểu "ăn miếng trả miếng". Quan hệ Hung - Trung có lẽ không gặp phải mạo hiểm đáng kể từ Liên Âu xét từ góc độ này.Mặc cho những quan ngại về rủi ro trong mối quan hệ với Trung Quốc, ngay trước khi đặt chân tới Budapest, lãnh đạo họ Tập đã tuyên bố gia hạn việc miễn thị thực nhập cảnh cho công dân 10 nước Liên Âu - trong đó có Hungary - cho đến cuối năm 2025. Đổi lại, Hungary xét đơn xin visa kinh doanh của Trung Quốc vào nước này trong vòng 48h, thay vì 15 ngày theo thông lệ.Những động thái trên diễn ra "trên tinh thần hợp tác tốt đẹp, trên cơ sở tôn trọng lẫn nhau" theo cách diễn đạt của đôi bên. Ông Tập Cận Bình, trong bài viết đăng trên nhật báo thân chính phủ "Dân tộc Hungary" (Magyar Nemzet),  ví tình hữu nghị Hung - Trung giống như loại rượu Tokaj "vương tửu, tửu vương" nổi tiếng của Hungary: thơm, ngọt, đậm đà và để lâu.Hãy chờ xem tương lai sẽ đi đến đâu trong ván bài này, mà cả đôi bên đều biết rõ điều mình muốn, và dường như tự tin vào khả năng không thể sai lầm của mình!RFI Tiếng Việt xin cảm ơn thông tín viên Hoàng Nguyễn từ Budapest !

During the 1990s, the government of Slobodan Milošević led Serbia into another Balkan war. His allies in Bosnia were responsible for a litany of war crimes, including the massacre at Srebrenica. The war left Serbia itself isolated and impoverished. A protest movement drove Milošević from power in 2000.Two decades later, Serbia has a president who served under Milošević and supported the wars in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. Where is Serbia going under the rule of Aleksandar Vučić?Lily Lynch, an American journalist who's been reporting from Belgrade over the last decade, joins to discuss. She's the editor of Balkanist magazine and she's written for publications such as New Left Review and the New Statesman.This week only, Jacobin is offering a special May Day rate on subscriptions. Get a year of the print magazine for just $10! Use code MAYDAY2024: https://jacobin.com/subscribe/?code=MAYDAY2024Long Reads is a Jacobin podcast looking in-depth at political topics and thinkers, both contemporary and historical, with the magazine's longform writers. Hosted by features editor Daniel Finn. Produced by Conor Gillies, music by Knxwledge. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

April '94: the 26 days of Goražde | The Iranian arms intrigue involving Sarajevo, Zagreb and Washington | The pressure on Slobodan Milošević | The birth of the Contact Group

March '94: the Washington Agreement | The new Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina | The pressure on Slobodan Milošević | The siege of Goražde

Marzo '94: l'Accordo di Washington | La nuova Federazione di Bosnia ed Erzegovina | Le pressioni su Slobodan Milošević | L'assedio di Goražde

“Serbia is a country that has inspired exceptional intellectual interest,” writes Marko Marko Attila Hoare in Serbia: A Modern History (Hurst/Oxford UP, 2024). “It was centrally involved in the crises marking both the start and end of Europe's 20th century: the outbreak of World War I in 1914 and the Wars of Yugoslav Succession beginning in 1991. Yet this interest has not translated into a large English-language historiography of the country”. This exhaustive political history of Serbia from the first uprising against the Ottomans in 1804 until the collapse and occupation by the Axis powers in 1941 (and its planned sequel) is intended to help fill that gap. Marko Attila Hoare is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Sarajevo's School of Science and Technology. He has specialised in the former Yugoslavia for 30 years, which has included hands-on work with a Bosnian relief convoy and as part of the team prosecuting Serbia's former president Slobodan Milošević in The Hague. He has taught at Cambridge and Kingston and is the author of four books on Bosnia. *The author's book recommendations are The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics by Ivo Banac (Cornell University Press, 1984) and Stillborn Republic: Social Coalitions and Party Strategies In Greece, 1922– 1936 by George Mavrogordatos (University of California Press, 1992). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack and hosts the In The Room podcast series. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

“Serbia is a country that has inspired exceptional intellectual interest,” writes Marko Marko Attila Hoare in Serbia: A Modern History (Hurst/Oxford UP, 2024). “It was centrally involved in the crises marking both the start and end of Europe's 20th century: the outbreak of World War I in 1914 and the Wars of Yugoslav Succession beginning in 1991. Yet this interest has not translated into a large English-language historiography of the country”. This exhaustive political history of Serbia from the first uprising against the Ottomans in 1804 until the collapse and occupation by the Axis powers in 1941 (and its planned sequel) is intended to help fill that gap. Marko Attila Hoare is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Sarajevo's School of Science and Technology. He has specialised in the former Yugoslavia for 30 years, which has included hands-on work with a Bosnian relief convoy and as part of the team prosecuting Serbia's former president Slobodan Milošević in The Hague. He has taught at Cambridge and Kingston and is the author of four books on Bosnia. *The author's book recommendations are The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics by Ivo Banac (Cornell University Press, 1984) and Stillborn Republic: Social Coalitions and Party Strategies In Greece, 1922– 1936 by George Mavrogordatos (University of California Press, 1992). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack and hosts the In The Room podcast series. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

“Serbia is a country that has inspired exceptional intellectual interest,” writes Marko Marko Attila Hoare in Serbia: A Modern History (Hurst/Oxford UP, 2024). “It was centrally involved in the crises marking both the start and end of Europe's 20th century: the outbreak of World War I in 1914 and the Wars of Yugoslav Succession beginning in 1991. Yet this interest has not translated into a large English-language historiography of the country”. This exhaustive political history of Serbia from the first uprising against the Ottomans in 1804 until the collapse and occupation by the Axis powers in 1941 (and its planned sequel) is intended to help fill that gap. Marko Attila Hoare is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Sarajevo's School of Science and Technology. He has specialised in the former Yugoslavia for 30 years, which has included hands-on work with a Bosnian relief convoy and as part of the team prosecuting Serbia's former president Slobodan Milošević in The Hague. He has taught at Cambridge and Kingston and is the author of four books on Bosnia. *The author's book recommendations are The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics by Ivo Banac (Cornell University Press, 1984) and Stillborn Republic: Social Coalitions and Party Strategies In Greece, 1922– 1936 by George Mavrogordatos (University of California Press, 1992). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack and hosts the In The Room podcast series. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

“Serbia is a country that has inspired exceptional intellectual interest,” writes Marko Marko Attila Hoare in Serbia: A Modern History (Hurst/Oxford UP, 2024). “It was centrally involved in the crises marking both the start and end of Europe's 20th century: the outbreak of World War I in 1914 and the Wars of Yugoslav Succession beginning in 1991. Yet this interest has not translated into a large English-language historiography of the country”. This exhaustive political history of Serbia from the first uprising against the Ottomans in 1804 until the collapse and occupation by the Axis powers in 1941 (and its planned sequel) is intended to help fill that gap. Marko Attila Hoare is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Sarajevo's School of Science and Technology. He has specialised in the former Yugoslavia for 30 years, which has included hands-on work with a Bosnian relief convoy and as part of the team prosecuting Serbia's former president Slobodan Milošević in The Hague. He has taught at Cambridge and Kingston and is the author of four books on Bosnia. *The author's book recommendations are The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics by Ivo Banac (Cornell University Press, 1984) and Stillborn Republic: Social Coalitions and Party Strategies In Greece, 1922– 1936 by George Mavrogordatos (University of California Press, 1992). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack and hosts the In The Room podcast series.

“Serbia is a country that has inspired exceptional intellectual interest,” writes Marko Marko Attila Hoare in Serbia: A Modern History (Hurst/Oxford UP, 2024). “It was centrally involved in the crises marking both the start and end of Europe's 20th century: the outbreak of World War I in 1914 and the Wars of Yugoslav Succession beginning in 1991. Yet this interest has not translated into a large English-language historiography of the country”. This exhaustive political history of Serbia from the first uprising against the Ottomans in 1804 until the collapse and occupation by the Axis powers in 1941 (and its planned sequel) is intended to help fill that gap. Marko Attila Hoare is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Sarajevo's School of Science and Technology. He has specialised in the former Yugoslavia for 30 years, which has included hands-on work with a Bosnian relief convoy and as part of the team prosecuting Serbia's former president Slobodan Milošević in The Hague. He has taught at Cambridge and Kingston and is the author of four books on Bosnia. *The author's book recommendations are The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics by Ivo Banac (Cornell University Press, 1984) and Stillborn Republic: Social Coalitions and Party Strategies In Greece, 1922– 1936 by George Mavrogordatos (University of California Press, 1992). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack and hosts the In The Room podcast series. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

60 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas joins Pete to continue a short series on the 1990s Balkan Wars. Thomas talks about the hostilities, Slobodan Milošević, Franjo Tuđman, and others.Thomas' SubstackThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Get AutonomySupport Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

Im März 1999 startete die NATO die Operation Allied Force. Ziel der als „humanitärer Intervention“ konzipierten Mission war es, die jugoslawischen Streitkräfte im Kosovo zurückzudrängen und die Regierung von Slobodan Milošević zu neuen Verhandlungen über den Status des Kosovo zu zwingen. Vorausgegangen war eine Radikalisierung der kosovarischen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung. Unter der Führung von Ibrahim Rugova hatte die Demokratische Liga des Kosovo (LDK) lange versucht, die Unabhängigkeit auf friedlichem Wege zu erreichen. Als der Kosovo jedoch im Dayton-Abkommen 1995 keine Beachtung fand, wuchs die Kritik am Kurs Rugovas. Nur wenig später machten erste Gerüchte über die Gründung einer neuen, radikalen Untergrundbewegung die Runde: Mit der UÇK erschien ein neuer Akteur auf der Bildfläche, der die bisherige, trügerische Ruhe in der Region erschütterte. Link zur Rede Joschka Fischers auf dem Sonderparteitag der Grünen in Bielefeld: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7jsKCOTM4Ms Unsere Literaturtipps zur Folge: - David L. Phillips: Liberating Kosovo. Coercive Diplomacy and U.S. Intervention, Cambridge/London 2012. - Dag Henriksen: Nato's Gamble. Combining Diplomacy and Airpower in the Kosovo Crisis 98-99, Annapolis 2007.

Download the Volley.FM app for more short daily shows!

Hej, w tym odcinku serii Powojnie zaglądam na Bałkany i historii regionu, który od wieków doświadczają wojny oraz lokalne konflikty. Jednym z najpoważniejszych sporów jest ten między Albańczykami, a Serbami o Kosowo. Ci pierwsi stanowią tam większość mieszkańców natomiast dla drugich jest to niezwykle ważny region historyczny, gdzie miały miejsce niezwykle ważne wydarzenia dla serbskiej państwowości. W najnowszym epizodzie mojej serii staram się przedstawić ten konflikt na przestrzeni dziejów, a ich finałem jest wojna w 1999 roku i interwencja NATO. W marcu nad jugosłowiańskim niebem pojawiły się setki samolotów zrzucających bomby również na obiekty cywilne. Jednak przywódca kraju Slobodan Milošević wspierany przez swoich rodaków nie zamierzał rezygnować z walki o Kosowo, które w opinii państw zachodnich powinno być niepodległe. Więcej na ten temat już za chwilę. W związku z bardzo dużym zainteresowaniem moją pierwszą książką zdecydowałem się wydać ją w formie ebooka. Jednocześnie nie zamierzam w nadchodzących tygodniach dodruku wersji papierowej. Nie wykluczone, że pojawi się ona ponownie wiosną. Bardzo dziękuję za wszystkie słowa wsparcia i pozytywne recenzje! https://powojnie.sklep.pl Moje książki dostępne są wyłącznie pod tym adresem.

Het is het einde van een tijdperk. Na ruim 30 jaar is het Joegoslaviëtribunaaltot een eind gekomen. Dat was opgericht om misdaden te vervolgen die begaan werden tijdens de Joegoslavië-oorlog, tussen 1992 en 1995. Het was het tribunaal waar de Servische leider Slobodan Milošević in het beklaagdenbankje verscheen en het tribunaal waar Ratko Mladić, die bekend stond als de Slager van Srebrenica, tot levenslang werd veroordeeld.  Maar het Tribunaal en waar het voor stond mag niet vergeten worden. Dat vinden nazaten van slachtoffers van de oorlog. Srebrenica-overlevende Alma Mustafić pleit er daarom namens de Bosnische gemeenschap voor om van het gebouw waarin het Tribunaal gevestigd was een museum te maken. Ze is te gast.

In May 1980, Josip Tito died after ruling Yugoslavia for more than three decades. In his absence, the Yugoslav League of Communists put in place a collective, power-sharing model. A politician from each of the country's national units would take their turn as the head of state. But by the early 90s, Yugoslavia was on the brink of collapse. The rise of two nationalist leaders, Slobodan Milošević of Serbia and Croatia's Franjo Tuđman, was followed by the outbreak of civil war.Catherine Samary, historian of the Balkans and author of several books including Yugoslavia Dismembered, joins Long Reads to discuss this history. This is the second part of a two-part interview. You can find the first part here: https://shows.acast.com/jacobin-radio/episodes/long-reads-life-death-yugoslavia-samary-part-1Read her piece for New Left Review, "A Utopian in the Balkans," here: https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii114/articles/catherine-samary-a-utopian-in-the-balkansLong Reads is a Jacobin podcast looking in-depth at political topics and thinkers, both contemporary and historical, with the magazine's longform writers. Hosted by features editor Daniel Finn. Produced by Conor Gillies, music by Knxwledge. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ruský prezident Vladimir Putin zrejme prvýkrát od začiatku invázie vstúpil na okupované ukrajinské územia - cez víkend navštívil Mariupoľ aj polostrov Krym. Aj tento krok má podľa analytikov ukázať prezidenta ako silného vojnového lídra. Návšteva na juhu Ukrajiny sa pritom udiala len chvíľu po tom, čo Medzinárodný trestný súd vydal na Putina zatykač, ktorý mu skomplikuje cesty do viacerých oblastí vo svete a ktorý ho zaradil medzi ľudí ako bol srbský vodca Slobodan Miloševič či nacisti súdení počas norimberských procesov. Naopak, partnerstvo chce Rusko prehlbovať viac na východe – aj keď trojdňová návšteva čínskeho prezidenta v Kremli nemusí priniesť želaný efekt. Vypočujte si Ukrajinský spravodaj, súhrn toho najpodstatnejšieho, čo sa za uplynulý týždeň udialo vo vojne na Ukrajine. Správy pripravil Lukáš Onderčanin, načítala ich Ľubica Melcerová. _ Podporte podcasty denníka SME kúpou prémiového predplatného a užívajte si podcasty bez reklamy na webe SME.sk alebo v mobilnej aplikácii SME.sk. Prémiové predplatné si kúpite na ⁠predplatne.sme.sk/podcast⁠ – Ak máte pre nás spätnú väzbu, odkaz alebo nápad, napíšte nám na⁠ dobrerano@sme.sk⁠ – Všetky podcasty denníka SME nájdete na⁠ sme.sk/podcasty⁠ – Odoberajte aj denný newsletter⁠ SME.sk⁠ s najdôležitejšími správami na⁠ sme.sk/brifing⁠ – Ďakujeme, že počúvate podcast Ukrajinský spravodaj a Dobré ráno.

Válka na Ukrajině je prvním ozbrojeným konfliktem, ve kterém Západ systematicky shromažďuje důkazy o válečných zločinech. „Oproti tomu, o čem vyprávíme my v Jugoslávii, je to úplný game changer. Tam přijížděli vyšetřovatelé po letech, hrabali se ve stozích papíru nějakých výpovědí nabraných lidmi, kteří neměli ani zkušenost, ani možnost dělat relevantně rozhovory s poškozenými,“ říká Viktor Portel, režisér dokumentu o českém vyšetřovateli Vladimíru Dzurovi, který v roce 1997 dopadl prvního válečného zločince z bývalé Jugoslávie, postavil ho před haagský tribunál a rozpoutal tím sérii dosud nemyslitelných stíhání politických a vojenských představitelů. Fakt, že se tehdy před soudem ocitl i srbský prezident Slobodan Miloševič, by měl ruskou garnituru děsit.

Download the Volley.FM app for more short daily shows!

Peter Handke war ein Rock'n'Roll-Star der Literaturszene. Dann kamen seine Aussagen über Serbien und seine Nähe zu Slobodan Milošević. Seitdem werden die Debatten mehr über ihn als über seine Werke geführt. Nun wird der Schriftsteller 80 Jahre alt.Jörg Magenau im Gespräch mit Ute WeltyDirekter Link zur Audiodatei

Válku na Ukrajině provází řada válečných zločinů. Jejich pachatelé ale iniciátoři však mohou být potrestání, protože jsou nepromlčitelné a před Mezinárodním tribunálem pro bývalou Jugoslávii nakonec stanul i srbský prezident Slobodan Miloševič. Vůbec prvního válečného zločince z Balkánu dopadl nynější šéf kanceláře pro vnitřní záležitosti Vladimír Dzuro, což odstartovalo jejich souzení a vedlo i k ustavení Mezinárodního trestního soudu (ICC).

Please enjoy the second part of our series where we host comrade Dr. Barry Lituchy from Brooklyn College for lectures on fascism in Europe. It is vitally important for us as Communists today to understand the significant role that fascism is playing in the current US/EU/NATO conflict with Russia. Comrade Georgi Dimitrov put it correctly when he said that "Fascism acts in the interests of the extreme imperialists, but it presents itself to the masses in the guise of champion of an ill-treated nation, and appeals to outraged national sentiments..." This lecture was recorded on March 17th, 2022. Long live the anti-fascist struggle! Down with fascism in Ukraine! Connect with PSMLS: linktr.ee/PSMLS Join the PCUSA: linktr.ee/partyofcommunists Literature Used: N/A Recommended Literature: Ukrainian leftist criticizes Western war drive with Russia: US is using Ukraine as ‘cannon fodder' by Yuliy Dubovyk (2022) multipolarista.com/2022/03/14/ukrainian-leftist-wa… The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International by Georgi Dimitrov (1938) www.lulu.com/shop/georgi-dimitrov/the-fascist-offe… PCUSA Women's Commission Selected Writings (2022) www.lulu.com/shop/pcusa-womens-commission/pcusa-wo… History of the Three Internationals by William Z. Foster (1955) www.marxists.org/archive/browder/way-out/index.htm The Communist Party A Manual on Organization by J. Peters (1935) www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/j-peters/the-communist-par… Foundations of Leninism by J.V. Stalin (1924) www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/jv-stalin/foundations-of-l… 0:00 Introduction 0:16 Opening lecture 5:48 Buying into propaganda? (Q&A) 8:41 Imperialists' end goal? (Q&A) 10:51 Stand with Russia 15:15 Slobodan Milošević? (Q&A) 16:33 Euro-American diaspora? (Q&A) 19:42 Putin & economics? (Q&A) 22:38 A plague on both your houses 23:56 Dubovyk's article 26:25 Western imperialism 28:56 US funding fascists? (Q&A) 29:39 Role of China? (Q&A) 32:07 Role of the National Question 32:45 Closing remarks

DAH SAYS: "In today's world, we can oppose destruction and violence with the creation of meaning ... we create bold dramatic art to provoke, inspire, and incite personal and social transformation." Be sure to check out our https://www.artandcommunity.com/copy-of-podcast (CHANGE THE STORY COLLECTION OF ARCHIVED EPISODES) on: Justice Arts, Art & Healing, Cultural Organizing, Arts Ed./Children & Youth, Community Arts Training, Music for Change, Theater for Change, Change Making Media. BIODijana Milošević is an award-winning theater director, writer and lecturer. She co-founded the DAH Theater Research Center in Belgrade, and has been its lead director for over 25 years. Dijana has served as the artistic director of theater festivals, the president of the Association of Independent Theaters, the president of the board of BITEF Theater, and a member of the board of directors of the national International Theater Institute (ITI). She has been involved with several peacebuilding initiatives and collaborates with feminist-activist groups. DAH Theater has performed nationally and internationally under Dijana's directing. She has also directed plays by other theater companies around the world. She is a well-known lecturer, who has taught at world-famous universities. She writes articles and essays about theater as well as society. She has won prestigious scholarships such as Fulbright and Arts Link. She is a professor at the Institute for Artistic Play in Belgrade. Notable Mentionshttps://en.dahteatarcentar.com/eu-projects/ (Dah Teatar Research Center for Culture and Social Change): DAH Theatre is an independent, professional, contemporary theatre troupe and artistic collective that uses modern theatre techniques to create engaging art and initiate positive social change, both locally and globally.  Mission: In today's world, we can oppose destruction and violence with the creation of meaning.” Through dedicated teamwork, we create bold dramatic art to provoke, inspire, and incite personal and social transformation. https://nyupress.org/9780976605461/art-and-upheaval/ (Art and Upheaval - Artists on the World's Frontlines:) Author William Cleveland shares r emarkable stories from Northern Ireland, Cambodia, South Africa, United States (Watts, Los Angeles), aboriginal Australia, and Serbia, about artists who resolve conflict, heal unspeakable trauma, give voice to the forgotten and disappeared, and restitch the cultural fabric of their communities. This Babylonian Confusion: The Dah Teatar project “This Babylonian Confusion” is a result of a montage of the actors' materials and the songs of Bertold Brecht. This performance was created from the need of the artists to place themselves in their duty- as artists in “dark times.” Four actors using the characters of Angels say their share against war, nationalism and destruction. [1992] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slobodan_Milo%C5%A1evi%C4%87 (Slobodan Milošivić): was a https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Republic_of_Yugoslavia (Yugoslav) and https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbia (Serbian) politician who served as the https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/President_of_Serbia (president) of https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republic_of_Serbia_(1992%E2%80%932006) (Serbia) within https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yugoslavia (Yugoslavia) from 1989 to 1997. Formerly a high-ranking member of the https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/League_of_Communists_of_Serbia (League of Communists of Serbia) (SKS) during the 1980s, he led the https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Party_of_Serbia (Socialist Party of Serbia) from its foundation in 1990 until 2003. After Milošević's death, the ICTY and the https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Residual_Mechanism_for_Criminal_Tribunals (International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals) found that he was a part of...

Slobodan Miloševic starb 2006 in einer Zelle in Den Haag. Nicht aber seine Ideen, die Jugoslawien in den Krieg stürzten. Miloševics großserbischer Nationalismus hat Elend und Tod über den Balkan gebracht.

Episode 165 - Evelyn Anoya was born in Baghdad, Iraq. Her parents immigrated to the United States in early 1980. She graduated from DePaul College of Law in 2001 with a Juris Doctor and Certificate in International Law. Since graduating from law school, Evelyn spent 20 years as an international civil servant employed with international tribunals in The Hague, Netherlands. She is specialized in international justice with a focus on judicial administration, capacity strengthening and governance of international organizations.  From 2017 to 2021, she led the Division of Judicial Services at the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (“STL”). Ms. Anoya initially joined the STL in 2009 to serve as the Registry's Senior Legal Adviser. Ms. Anoya worked at the United Nation's International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (“ICTY”) since September 2001, holding various positions within the Registry. She was the Registry Court Officer at the ICTY on the Prosecutor v. Slobodan Milošević case and during the defense phase of the case was assigned as the Registry Pro se Legal Liaison Officer, acting as a conduit between the Court and the self-represented Accused. She is currently an international consultant with Axiom International Limited supporting a counter-terrorism justice project in Iraq. Due to the nature of Evelyn's work and sensitive information, you may notice some fade outs and fade ins between her recollections. Thank you for your patience.  This episode is sponsored by @theoushanapartners -- a husband and wife real estate team. Are you considering purchasing or selling a home in Arizona or California? John and Reata are available to help make your next real estate decision into a seamless transaction. Contact the Oushana's at 209-968-9519. Get to know them a bit more by checking out their website TheOushanaPartners.com

President Biden recently says he thinks Russian president Putin is a war criminal. It's not the first time he's called a foreign leader was a war criminal. In the latest episode of C-SPAN's podcast "The Weekly," we return to the mid-90s -- and the war in Bosnia. Then-Senator Biden met with Slobodan Milošević. Out of that meeting came a story Biden would repeatedly tell -- how, to his face, he called the Serb leader a "damn war criminal."   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Alwaleed Program team speaks with András Riedlmayer, former Aga Khan Bibliographer of Islamic Art and Architecture at Harvard's Fine Arts Library, about his career as a librarian, the development of the field of the history of Islamic art and architecture, and how his passion for cultural heritage preservation took him from working in Harvard's libraries to conducting field research in the war-torn streets of Kosovo and Bosnia and testifying as an expert witness for the UN war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague and the International Court of Justice (ICJ), even being interrogated by the former Serbian President, Slobodan Milošević, himself.András Riedlmayer, scholar of Ottoman studies, writer, and editor, served as the Aga Khan Bibliographer of Islamic Art and Architecture at Harvard's Fine Arts Library from 1985 until his retirement in 2020. In that time, András built up the Fine Arts Library's collection, which has become North America's largest collection of materials on the art and architecture of the Islamic world. He has served as an invaluable resource for Islamic studies researchers at Harvard and beyond and a collaborator in the production of Muqarnas: An Annual on the Visual cultures of the Islamic World, published by the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Art and Architecture at Harvard. In addition to his work at Harvard, András distinguished himself as a cultural heritage historian on the Ottoman-era Balkans, documenting the destruction of cultural monuments, libraries, and archives in the wars and ethnic cleansing that took place in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s. In 2018, the Middle East Librarians Association granted András the David H. Partington award for his “contributions to the field of Middle East librarianship, librarianship in general, and the world of scholarship.”Credits, transcript, and resources: islamicstudies.harvard.edu/ep-11-preserving-islamicate-cultural-heritage

In this episode, Alex starts by going over an article from The Atlantic called “TRUMP'S NEXT COUP HAS ALREADY BEGUN” by Barton Gellman. The main point of the first half of the article is that “January 6 was practice. Donald Trump's GOP is much better positioned to subvert the next election.”  Alex then focuses on the more disturbing parts of the article. Gellman interviews a man who is furious about the 2020 election and still believes it was stolen. The man says “There ain't no f***** way we are letting go of 3 November 2020." When people think their livelihoods have been taken from them, whether it is perceived or real, it seems like people may be willing to do the unthinkable.  Alex turns to Robert Pape, who is at the University of Chicago. He focuses on national and international security affairs. He said that when he saw the storming of the capital, he immediately thought of Slobodan Milošević, the former president of Serbia. Pape says that “Milošević compared Muslims in the former Yugoslavia to Ottomans who had enslaved the Serbs six centuries before. He fomented years of genocidal war that destroyed the hope for a multiethnic democracy.” Basically, Milošević stoked grievance and anger for a changing, multiethnic country, and it led to a brutal genocide that killed close to 100,000 people, mainly Bosnian Muslims. This happened slowly because society and the institutions slowly became corrupted and radicalized against other groups. Alex goes into how this could have happened, and how leaders like Trump, Tucker Carlson, and some congressmen, are stoking the same ideas of replacement, historical grievances towards “the other”, and this idea of opposing a changing, multiethnic world. Alex sees the current escalation of real-world violence and hatred towards others as a disturbing escalation of affairs in the United States.  Later on, Alex talks about Interpol and its flaws. Interpol has a new president and his name is Ahmed Naser al-Raisi. He was previously the inspector general for the interior ministry in the United Arab Emirates and recently was elected to be the president. The head of ALQST for Human Rights, said: “Raisi's election sends a chilling message that Interpol has abandoned its human rights commitments.” There are numerous reports that al-Raisi was involved in torture and other brutal acts during his time in the UAE. Alex worries that al-Raisi may end up just helping autocrats abuse Interpol's “red notice” system. Over the last two decades, autocratic regimes have found that the red notices, or international warrants, can be used to persecute exiled dissidents. Alex then goes into a deeper look at Interpol, why it has become useful for autocrats, why it has lost credibility, and why these international organizations keep electing flawed individuals. 

Romance scams are on the rise, as more people than ever look to the internet for love. From an ex-military hottie who is allergic to video chat, to a small conglomerate of professional defrauders that you can call bae, comedian Olga Koch and journalist Hussein Kesvani run through the red flags that might let you know he's *just not that into (refunding) you*. This episode features Catfish UK's Oobah Butler on what to do if you think you're being romance scammed, a surprisingly saucy choose-your-own-adventure written by Hussein, and a stunning confession about Slobodan Milošević. Human Error is a Daddy's SuperYacht Production for BBC Sounds.

In the 1990s, countries like Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia saw some of the worst violence in Europe since the Second World War. So why did war break out in the former Yugoslavia, how did the conflict play out, and how far back does the story go?  In this week's episode we were joined by Deborah Frances-White, host of The Guilty Feminist podcast. Please be aware this episode includes descriptions of sexual violence that some listeners may find distressing. If you are affected by any of the issues raised, please vist Women for Women International for more information and advice. https://womenforwomen.org.uk/    ----------------- CREDITS:  - Oj Alija Aljo - song by Koridor - The Fall of Žepa (Zenica) - video clip from United Nations Television (UNTV) Zagreb Collection, Yugoslavia (UNT 765 ©United Nations) - Excerpt from the Initial Appearance of Slobodan Milošević on 3 July 2001 - video clip from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) LINK: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A5AnfAglPbI&t=31s&ab_channel=InternationalCriminalTribunalfortheformerYugoslavia%28ICTY%29 - Excerpt from ‘Gazimestan, 600th anniversary of the Kosovo polje battle' LINK: https://archive.org/details/Gazimestan600thAnniversaryOfTheKosovoPoljeBattle

Often called “Europe's last dictator”, Alexander Lukashenka has ruled Belarus – a land-locked European country of close to 10 million people bordered by Russia, Ukraine, Poland and two Baltic states - since 1994. For more than a quarter-century, his regime has consistently rigged votes but blatant election fraud in 2020 triggered rolling protests that spread beyond the usual suspects and beyond Minsk and appear, for the first time, to threaten Lukashenka's hold on power. Will he survive? Who is this former border guard and collective-farm manager, and how did he hang on to power while the likes of Slobodan Milošević and Viktor Yanukovych fell? Using the framework of “adaptive authoritarianism”, Belarus under Lukashenka: Adaptive Authoritarianism (Routledge, 2020) explains how and hints at what may happen next. Matthew Frear is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of History at Leiden University. He researches Russian and Eurasian politics, and comparative authoritarianism with a special focus on Belarus. He holds a PhD from the University of Birmingham and previously taught there and at Aston University before joining Leiden in 2013. *The author's own book recommendation is In Europe: Travels Through the Twentieth Century by Geert Mak, translated by Sam Garrett (Vintage, 2008). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Global Advisors. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices